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Written by Rabbi Dr. Marc Rosenstein The following curriculum was written by Rabbi Dr. Marc Rosenstein in a joint development project of the Federation of Greater Pittsburgh and the Jewish Agency's NACIE/Makom unit. The project in its entirety was written by and prepared by him. Initially, this material was taught by Rabbi Dr. Rosenstein remotely for classes in Pittsburgh, Palm Beach, and Philadelphia. In its second round, the material was taught by three local scholars and educators: Sue Linzer, Michael Fisher, and Esti MoskovitzKalman. The motivation behind this curriculum was to create an all-encompassing learning experience which fully addressed the place of Israel across all areas of Jewish life: from Israel in the bible, to Jewish holidays, Jewish history, liturgy, life cycle events, contemporary issues, and beyond. In light of the reality that today more than ever, as Jews are distancing themselves from Israel, it is ever more pressing for teachers, rabbis, and other community leaders to have comprehensive tools and resources for teaching Israel to adults. The finished product represents an in-depth yet broad encounter with Israel throughout all aspects of Jewish text and Jewish life. Enjoy! The Makom Education Team

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Roots in the Text, Roots in the Soil:

The Land and the Book in Education for Jewish Identity Intensive Teachers Seminar: Pittsburgh Karmiel/Misgav

Introduction: the context:

In the traditional Jewish community, long before there was a Zionist movement or a state of Israel, the connection to Israel was built in to everyday life. The entire calendar of holidays, the words of the daily prayers, the everyday detail of the stories of the Bible and the laws of the Mishnah all were permeated with Israel: its landscape, its climate, its agriculture, its geography. Even if a Jew lived in Australia, where Pesach comes in the fall, Pesach was for him/her a spring festival for when we celebrate Pesach we experience vicariously the spring of Eretz Yisrael. Connectedness to Israel, in the traditional community, is simply an organic part of Jewish identity. That certainly helps to explain why Zionism became such a powerful movement: Zionism integrated this organic identity connection to Israel with messianic longing, modern nationalism, and secular humanism. Zionism offered us the opportunity to make our vicarious experience of Israel actual; to live out the messianic hope in real time and real space. This success of Zionism has led to the crisis of Israel education. Now that Israel is a modern state, now that we have returned to history with all the unpleasantness and difficult dilemmas that that entails and now that in our modernization we have lost much of the substrate of tradition in which our Israel connection was rooted we are left trying to create a new connection to Israel, based on the assumption of the Zionist revolution: that Judaism is a nationality, not a religion. And so, we seek ways to make the modern state of Israel meaningful to our students. We try making it a topic in social studies, in history, in current events; we teach modern Israeli songs, weep for the suffering and death of Israelis in battle, in terror attacks, even in outer space. But in fact, most of our students and their families are not Zionists in any classical sense. They are American Jews affiliated with Jewish religious institutions. Israel is for them a symbol, an instrument, a geopolitical reality that often makes them uncomfortable. Most of us are operating in a religious educational context, in supplementary schools operated by synagogues, in day schools affiliated with religious movements. Much of our work revolves around a religious definition of Jewish identity. We talk about peoplehood, but we teach Bible and prayer and holidays. The problem is that in the dilution of the traditional community, our teaching focuses mainly on just maintaining some minimum level of commitment to practice and competence; on the way to this point, we have lost the consciousness of all of our religious observance being on some level a form of connection to Israel. There is Jewish text and Jewish observance and then, on the television, there is Israel.

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We must work to restore Israel to the center of Jewish identity. But Israel studies, Israel curriculum, etc. are not the way to go. Of course, in our teaching of Jewish history, sociology, personalities, value dilemmas, demography, etc., Israel must be included in appropriate proportions and with proper emphasis. However, Israel social studies or even singing Israeli songs or corresponding with Israeli children do not represent a serious solution to the problem of Israel connectedness. Israel is not a discipline in the curriculum. It is a root value of the curriculum in the religious school, like God and Torah. The Bible is a book about Israel, as is the Mishnah. Many of our holidays lose much of their meaning if they are not understood as festivals relating to the cycle of the seasons of Eretz Yisrael. We must work to restore the organic integration of Israel into every element of Jewish identity of Jewish religious identity. Its not Israel curricula that we need, but Bible and rabbinics and prayer and holiday curricula that are permeated with Israel. If the land of Israel and our relationship to it are fundamental pillars of Jewish identity, then all of the curriculum must be permeated by Israel the land not merely as homeland, but as the ever-present setting of our deepest collective memories, as the environment that provides the roots and the color of all of our formative history, of our religious observance, and of our messianic hope. The successes, trials, and tribulations of the modern state of Israel are important, and must be part of any curriculum; however, they are not the core of Israel education. The core is the land and our relationship to it, the land and the various states we have built or dreamed of building in it, seen through a variety of historical and theological lenses. How do we do this? The first thing we need to do is help our teachers feel empowered to teach Israel throughout the curriculum. We need teachers who are comfortable in their knowledge of Israel ancient and modern, who know the map, know the seasons, know the language, know the landscape. We need teachers who can see in their minds eye Saul and Jonathan on the Gilboa, Elijah on the Carmel, Rabbi Judah Hanasi in Zippori, the Ramban in Acco, the settlers at Kinneret, the soldiers at the Western Wall. We need teachers with mastery of the texts that link us to the land, from the wanderings of the patriarchs to the laws of the sabbatical year to the warnings and promises of the prophets; from the agricultural technicalities of the Mishnah to the agricultural images of Rachels poetry. We need teachers who have struggled themselves with the religious and ideological issues of the meaning of the land and state of Israel for the individual Jew and for the Jewish people. We need teachers who have experienced both the land and the state up close and personal. The preparation of teachers to engage in Israel education is not a simple process of pumping up their knowledge of the history of the modern state and of the Arab-Israel conflict, nor is it just to equip them with videos, games, and textbooks on life in Israel today, on heroes of the state, on Israels successes in high tech, etc. Maybe we need to

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do those things, but they are not even close to sufficient, and indeed, are secondary to the kind of preparation implied in the preceding paragraph: we need to provide for them the opportunity to experience our texts in the context of their rootedness in the land and to experience the land as reflected in and explained by our texts. Our goal is not just teachers who possess lots of knowledge about Israel, or even who model solidarity with Israel; our goal is teachers for whom Israel is a seamless part of their own Jewish identity, informing every aspect of their Jewishness and flowing naturally in everything they do as Jews and teach as Jewish teachers. Parker Palmer has written: If students and subjects accounted for all the complexities of teaching, our standard ways of coping would do: keep up with our fields as best we can, and learn enough techniques to stay ahead of the student psyche. But there is another reason for these complexities: we teach who we are. Teaching, like any truly human activity, emerges from one's inwardness, for better or worse. As I teach, I project the condition of my soul onto my students, my subject, and our way of being together. The entanglements I experience in the classroom are often no more or less than the convolutions of my inner life. Viewed from this angle, teaching holds a mirror to the soul. If I am willing to look in that mirror, and not run from what I see, I have a chance to gain self-knowledge - and knowing myself is as crucial to good teaching as knowing my students and my subject. In fact, knowing my students and my subject depends heavily on self-knowledge. When I do not know myself, I cannot know who my students are. I will see them through a glass darkly, in the shadows of my unexamined life - and when I cannot see them clearly I cannot teach them well. When I do not know myself, I cannot know my subject - not at the deepest levels of embodied, personal meaning. I will know it only abstractly, from a distance, a congeries of concepts as far removed from the world as I am from personal truth. So what we need to do is help teachers articulate their own relationship to Israel, to clarify its place in their Jewish identities, to bring out in the open the dilemmas with which they struggle (or which they suppress) with regard to Israel.

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General description: To accomplish the above, the course includes: Exposure to and serious deliberation about different approaches to the significance of Israel, definitions of the Jewish people, etc. Study of the meanings of Israel according to the texts expressing the Jewish experience, throughout Jewish history Acquisition of solid factual knowledge about the land and the state: history, geography, sociology, etc. Study of the pedagogical implications of different approaches to the meaning of Israel, in the context of the various Jewish studies disciplines Study and experience of relevant pedagogical methodologies First-hand experience of study in Israel Experience of serious educational conversation with Israeli educators Basically, we are establishing a college level course in Israel education not just a workshop on how to teach Israel in your classroom. This implies the following requirements: intellectually serious practically relevant for teaching stimulates grappling with issues of personal and professional identity integrates Israel with various Judaica disciplines fosters development of personal and professional ties among participants Course description and mechanics: The course will be taught in approximately 60 weekly two-hour lessons over two years, in addition to various special seminars and a study tour to Israel. The structure of the course is basically historical-chronological, with the first year devoted to the biblical and rabbinic periods, and the second year mostly to the modern period. The flow of units of study will be as follows: 1. historical/geographical introduction 2. exile and Israel in the patriarchal narratives 3. the Land in biblical law: ownership, stewardship, covenant 4. conquest, sovereignty, historical geography from Joshua to Shivat Zion 5. Jerusalem and the Temple: priests, kings, prophets 6. the Tannaim and their understanding of the meaning of Israel 7. Israel in the liturgy and the calendar 8. Israel and Babylonia in the Talmud 9. the rise of the Diaspora 10. Zionism and anti-Zionism 11. 20th century history 12. Israel in 20th century Jewish thought

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 The first third of the course deals with the biblical period, based on the assumption that the Bible represents the primary historical, religious, and textual anchor of our connection to Israel, and is an area of instruction that is important to the participants. Each lesson should include (more or less) the following elements: 1. Group study and discussion of primary text 2. Background information, provided orally and through references to reading 3. Personal processing: how do I as a Jew and as a teacher relate to the issues and dilemmas in the material? 4. Questions of practice: how might this material be relevant to the classroom? 5. Resources for further study, and for materials for use in teaching In addition, it is important that each lesson or at least each unit provide opportunities for making the three-way connection among: Classical text/historical experience Modern Diaspora Jewish life Modern Israeli culture

Standard format for lesson plans: 1. Skeletal outline: heading and main subtopics 2. General description 3. Goals 4. Suggested outline, with pedagogical suggestions, texts for group study 5. (Alternative suggestions) 6. Materials for use in class 7. Readings and further resources

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L e s s o n 1: The Meaning of Israel

1. Outline
a. What is Israel engagement and why is it an issue? b. What are some possible meanings of Israel for us and our students? c. Overview of the course and its goals

2. Introduction
In the traditional Jewish community, long before there was a Zionist movement or a state of Israel, the connection to Israel was built in to everyday life. The entire calendar of holidays, the words of the daily prayers, the everyday detail of the stories of the Bible and the laws of the Mishnah all were permeated with Israel: its landscape, its climate, its agriculture, its geography. The success of Zionism has led to the crisis of Israel education. Now that Israel is a modern state, now that we have returned to history with all the unpleasantness and difficult dilemmas that that entails and now that in our modernization we have lost much of the substrate of tradition in which our Israel connection was rooted we are left trying to create a new connection to Israel, based on the assumption of the Zionist revolution: that Judaism is a nationality, not a religion. The difficulty that the modern or post-modern North American Jew has in defining his/her Jewish identity (religious? ethnic? national? universalistic?) creates a parallel difficulty in defining his/her relationship to Israel and this in turn leaves educators without clearly defined goals and outcomes. This whole course is designed to help teachers grapple with this situation and formulate their own responses. This first lesson is meant to articulate the problem, and start the deliberation process that will, hopefully, run throughout the course.

3. Lesson goals

a. Awareness of the problem of Israel engagement b. Beginning the process of self-examination regarding our relationship to Israel c. Awareness of the outlook and goals of the course

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4. Expanded outline

a. Awareness of the problem of Israel engagement i. Suggestion: begin with a discussion among the participants, as to what they see as the problem: 1. is there a problem? 2. why? 3. is it generational? 4. how does it manifest itself in their classrooms? In their communities at large? 5. is it ideological? 6. have they tried to respond to it? How? 7. what is needed? ii. Discuss Shaul Kellners brief analysis (source 1); to what extent is our problem the demythification of Israel? To what extent is it the fundamentally non-Zionist nature of North American Jewish identity? Another, newer look at the problem of disengagement: see Source 2 See these two summaries of a recent survey by sociologist Steven Cohen, measuring various indicators of North American Jews connectedness or lack thereof to Israel: http://www.forward.com/articles/2770 http://www.forward.com/issues/2003/03.01.24/news2.html What are the educational implications of these results? What can/should be done?

iii.

b. Beginning the process of self-examination regarding our relationship to Israel i. The NACIE Why Israel unit contains sufficient material for a couple of lessons focused around the question of what place does the land/state of Israel have in our Jewish identity? The first part of the unit, based on passages in Judah Halevis Kuzari, could serve as a lesson by itself, focusing on the traditional conception of exile; the second part, with its collection of modern texts, offers participants an opportunity to seek a thinker whose articulation of the meaning of the modern state comes closest to their own views. ii. Alternatively, participants can be divided into groups, each group receiving one of the texts given below in Source 3 (and/or other texts, as for example from the Why Israel set), and being asked to study it together and the present their reaction to it to the entire group leading to a discussion of the various meanings Israel can have to different Jews, and of what it means to us.

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1. Is it the land that is special, or the state? 2. What happens to our connection to the land if we reject the belief in God? In the historicity of the Bible? 3. Is our relationship to Israel any different from, say, a Hungarians relationship to the land of Hungary? 4. Is our relationship conditional or unconditional? Can we imagine a situation in which we would not feel attached to the state? iii. And in Source 6, a few texts relating to the meaning of landscape in general: does land have inherent values, or do we project values onto the landscape?

c. Awareness of the outlook and goals of the course i. So, what is the connection between our own personal take on the meaning of Israel and how and what we teach our students? See this authors view, in Source 4 below. Do we all agree? ii. Suggestion: as a kick-off for this course, and the first iteration of a discussion to which we should probably return now and then, have participants prioritize ideal outcomes of their own teaching of Israel to the classes they really teach, and compare notes. Do we agree on our goals? Do the other stakeholders (kids, parents, community) agree with us? iii. This course is built of three roughly equally parts: 1. Israel in the Bible - on the assumption that the main Jewish text we all teach, in some form or other, is the Bible. The setting for most of the Bible is Israel, it can be seen as a users manual for the land, and one of its dominant themes is the movement of the Jewish people into and out of the land. 2. Israel in the rabbinic tradition on the assumption that another pillar of our curriculum comprises the calendar and the mitzvot both areas in which Israel is a central motif. 3. Zionism and the rise of the Jewish state, and various aspects and issues in the modern state. iv. See the master list of suggested lessons for a 60-session course, in Source 5.

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Sources 1. From an Interview with Shaul Kelner, published by NACIE, 2004

Shaul Kelner is a Senior Research Associate at the Cohen Center for Modern Jewish Studies at Brandeis University. He holds a Ph.D. in Sociology from the City University of New York. a. What in your opinion is the ideological context for the crisis of the "Israel Experience" (youth and student educational short and long term programs to Israel)? What are the implications of this new reality for Israel-Diaspora relations? Sadly, the behavior of the youth and their parents is rational, given the context. Unlike previous wars, where the homefront and the front line were clearly distinguished, in this one the front line is in the centers of civilian life that tourists would normally frequent. As I see it, the basic ideological context is a Diaspora amcha and leadership that has replaced an ethnic allegiance to mythic Israel with a personalized, religioncentered Judaism in which Israel is largely irrelevant. There has been an ideological shift in the purpose of Israel Experience Programs since the short term programs were first established 50 years ago. Originally, these programs were targeted only to the elite of Diaspora Jewish youth movements, and their purpose was more explicitly Zionist rather than Judaic. In many cases, the trips were hachsharah tools to prepare the kids for ailyah and kibbutz life. Over the years, the programs have moved away from this shlilat hagolah orientation to see themselves as a means of preserving Jewish life in the Diaspora. Reconceived as Jewish education and identity-building programs, Israel became a means to an end rather than the end in itself. This allowed for a huge expansion of the programs to appeal to a mass market. But it also set the stage for what we are seeing now. Outside of Modern Orthodoxy, American Jewish leadership, while firmly pro-Israel, is largely non-Zionist. This trend is on the rise. The more dynamic elements of the Jewish community here are framing Jewishness in religious terms, not ethnic ones. For example, Tu B'shvat, once the quintessential Zionist holiday celebrated with the blue JNF pushke , is now increasingly celebrated with neo-Hasidic environmentalist seders. American Jewish cultural leaders are focused on adapting Jewish religion to make it meaningful in the American context. In a society that has made religion a thoroughly personal aftair, making Judaism meaningful and relevant is the sine qua non of Jewish existence, and hence the major American Jewish project of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. My sense is that a good

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portion of American Jewish leadership would say, "If Israel contributes to this, great. If not, so be it, we'll find other ways." But if Israel is on the leaders' radar screen at all, it is because of what Israel can do for American Jewry, rather than what American Jews can do for Israel b. What are the ramifications in the North American Jewish community of the fact that young people are being deprived of a direct encounter with Israel? This will perpetuate the trend I described above. The drift from Israel is not just among the amcha ,but among the American Jewish leadership as well. This is not for lack of exposure. In fact, the university programs and seminaries that have allowed a good portion of American Jewish leaders to spend significant time in Israel may have been a double-edged sword. Much of Israel's importance to American Jews in the past rested on its mythic proportions. The intimate knowledge many of our leaders have gained by living in Israel (but on largely Diaspora Jewish programs and Diaspora communities) may have demystified Israel. This makes it easier for American Jewish leaders to claim that their ways of being Jewish are just as good if not better than Israeli ways. The short-term programs do a much better job than the long-term ones of conveying the mythic Israel, which is a crucial basis of American Jewish solidarity with Israel. Don't denigrate the importance of myth. It serves a valuable purpose.

2. Crisis and Engagement

For American Jews, current crisis is test of their connection to Israel By Steven Windmueller OP-ED on Jewish Telegraphic Agency website, July 19, 2006 LOS ANGELES, July 18 (JTA) Israels military operations in Lebanon may represent a greater test of American Jewrys resolve and engagement with the Jewish state than of Israels military capacity. For more than two decades, observers of the Jewish scene have commented on the decline of American Jewish support for Israel. Studies in part confirm this shift away from the special attachment and commitment American Jews once felt for Israels cause. The 1982 Peace for Galilee Campaign waged in Lebanon, the first Palestinian intifada that began in 1987 and subsequent events over the past 20 years were seen as dividing American Jews and undermining their support for the Jewish state. Some in the ranks of Jewish leadership countered this notion, arguing that engagement with Israel represented a cyclical phenomenon and that our communal apparatus would ratchet up its advocacy and fund-raising infrastructures whenever there was a pressing need for American Jewish participation. Others suggested that due to controversial Israeli policy decisions in the human-rights sphere and concerning territorial concessions, support for the Jewish state had evaporated in many liberal circles. More directly, many Jews dispirited by Israeli actions had stepped away, while younger Jews seemed uninterested and uneducated in the realities of Middle Eastern politics, specifically the dramatic and complex story of Israels creation.

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Correspondingly, much of the debate over Jewish identity has centered on the measure of support that Israel enjoys today among American Jews. An American Jewish Committee study released in April 2006 included a number of interesting observations. One of the most interesting was the across-the-board, high level of resonance of the Holocaust in shaping Jewish identification. For most American Jews born before 1965, the major Jewish shaping experiences were the Holocaust and the birth of the State of Israel. Many scholars have argued that the impact of these events should decrease with time, yet there appears to be a divergent response: The Holocaust continues to be profoundly important to a broad spectrum of young Jews, while Israel appears much less important in positively affecting Jewish identity. In no small measure, birthright israel was designed and introduced as a countermeasure to these identity trends. Similarly, a broad array of Israel advocacy programs on college campuses have appeared, driven by the concern to engage younger Jews in promoting the case for Israel. If Jewish connections to Israel had weakened over time, that most likely would be reflected in general American public opinion. On the contrary, however, recent polls show that, by a four-to-one ratio, Israel is seen both as a special friend to the United States and as representing anti-terrorism policies that align with Americas interests. Similarly, as one peruses the letters-to-the-editor pages of U.S. newspapers, its hard not to be struck by the voices of American Jews anguishing over Israels right to defend itself or calling on the U.S. government to pressure Israel to make concessions as a way to leverage peace at this moment. Many younger American Jews face an absence of information and rootedness regarding Israel and its story. In part, this disconnect is tied to the politics of disregard that seemed to define American Jewish institutional disengagement from Israel during the first intifada and beyond. Many in the community seemed to remove themselves from conscious involvement with Israel. The price of this political and cultural disconnect is a generation of younger Jews less equipped to reflect on the dimensions of Israels historic struggle for normalcy or on its geopolitical environment. This may be the single greatest tragedy of American Jewish indifference. As media reports and Web postings about Israeli military operations grab our attention, one of the primary questions we may need to ask is, where will American Jews be in this latest challenge facing Israel? Will we witness something like the period after the 1967 Six-Day War, a renaissance of Jewish commitment? Or far more troubling, will there be silence during these critical hours and days, an absence of American Jewish voices in offering statements of support or engaging in solidarity events? Steven Windmueller is dean of Hebrew Union Colleges Los Angeles campus.

3. Texts for opening discussion on meaning of Israel

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a. Israel is a holy land, Gods property lent to us Leviticus 25:14-15, 23 You shall count off seven weeks of years seven times seven years so that the period of seven weeks of years gives you a total of forty-nine years. Then you shall sound the horn loud; in the seventh month, on the tenth day of the month the Day of Atonement you shall have the horn sounded throughout your land and you shall hallow the fiftieth year. You shall proclaim release throughout the land for all its inhabitants. It shall be a jubilee for you: each of you shall return to his holding and each of you shall return to his family. That fiftieth year shall be a jubilee for you: you shall not sow, neither shall you reap the after growth or harvest the untrimmed vines, for it is a jubilee. It shall be holy to you: you may eat only the growth direct from the field. In this year of jubilee, each of you shall return to his holding. When you sell property to your neighbor, or buy any from your neighbor, you shall not wrong one another. In buying from your neighbor, you shall deduct only for the number of years since the jubilee; and in selling to you, he shall charge you only for the remaining crop years... But the land must not be sold beyond reclaim, for the land is Mine; you are but strangers resident with Me. b. The physical land has deep spiritual significance our tie to it is mystical Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook, Eretz Yisrael Eretz Yisrael is not something apart from the soul of the Jewish people; it is no mere national possession, serving as a means of unifying our people and buttressing its material, or even its spiritual survival. Eretz Yisrael is part of the very essence of our nationhood; it is bound organically to its very life and inner being. Human reason, even at its most sublime, cannot begin to understand the unique holiness of Eretz Yisrael; it cannot stir the depths of love for the land that are dormant within our people. What Eretz Yisrael means to the Jew can be felt only through the Spirit of the Lord which is in our people as a whole, through the spiritual cast of the Jewish soul, which radiates its characteristic influence to every healthy emotion. This higher light shines forth to the degree that the spirit of divine holiness fills the hearts of the saints and scholars of Israel with heavenly life and bliss. ...The hope for the return to the Holy Land is the continuing source of the distinctive nature of Judaism. The hope for the Redemption is the force that sustains Judaism in the Diaspora; the Judaism of Eretz Yisrael is the very Redemption. c. We wish to be organically rooted in the nature of our homeland and thus to be regenerated

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A. D. Gordon, Our Tasks Ahead It is life we want, no more and no less than that, our own life feeding on our own vital sources, in the fields and under the skies of our Homeland, a life based on our own physical and mental labors; we want vital energy and spiritual richness from this living source. We come to our Homeland in order to be planted in our natural soil from which we have been uprooted, to strike our roots deep into its life-giving substances, and to stretch out our branches in the sustaining and creating air and sunlight of the Homeland. Other peoples can manage to live in any fashion, in the homelands from which they have never been uprooted, but we must first learn to know the soil and ready it for our transplantation. We must study the climate in which we are to grow and produce. We, who have been torn away from nature, who have lost the savor of natural living if we desire life, we must establish a new relationship with nature; we must open a new account with it. d. Our culture is rooted in the land, our historical roots are there Zalman Shazar, Morning Stars Suddenly Rachel climbed up and stretched out on the trunk of a carob up on the top of a hill. From there, golden in the sunlight her white dress glistening, she raised her voice high in song toward us, the group down in the wadi. We heard every note as if she were nearby, and we heard not only her voice but a powerful echo responding: the whole landscape sang in ancient Sephardi Hebrew, which seemed to have been preserved here in its purity. It was as if our far-off ancestors, shepherds and maidens of Israel, who went out into these mountains on some day of joy or mourning, had hidden those beautifully authentic, precisely articulated Hebrew sounds in the crevices of the rocks to be preserved there till the day of deliverance came. And the day was now beginning to come. Rachel called from the summit and the sounds came flying to her out of their stony hiding places, pure as on the day they were concealed, joyful as in the childhood of our people. e. Is the land inherently holy, or is its holiness our perception/ascription/creation? Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav Rabbi Nachman related that when he was in the land of Israel, the important people there, who had come from these countries to make their homes in the land of Israel, as is widely known these people told him that before they came they could not imagine that the land of Israel is of this world; they had felt that the land of Israel was an entirely different world, as would befit its great holiness as described in the sacred texts and in conformity to the degree of sanctity ascribed to it in our holy Torah but when they got there, they saw that the land of Israel really is of this world, for it is just like any other country, and its soil looks just like that of our own countries For there is no visible difference between the land of Israel and any other land, though this is not to say that it is the same as any other, and even so the land of Israel is very, very holy, and happy is he who is able to tread even four cubits upon its soil and the land of Israel is truly different and utterly distinct from every other land in every respect Yet, even so, in the material sense the eye of man can distinguish no difference between the land of Israel and any other land; only he who has achieved faith in its holiness can discern a slight difference

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4. Preparation for Teaching Israel Marc Rosenstein for NACIE

The first thing we need to do is help our teachers feel empowered to teach Israel throughout the curriculum. We need teachers who are comfortable in their knowledge of Israel ancient and modern, who know the map, know the seasons, know the language, know the landscape. We need teachers who can see in their minds eye Saul and Jonathan on the Gilboa, Elijah on the Carmel, Rabbi Judah Hanasi in Zippori, the Ramban in Acco, the settlers at Kinneret, the soldiers at the Western Wall. We need teachers with mastery of the texts that link us to the land, from the wanderings of the patriarchs to the laws of the sabbatical year to the warnings and promises of the prophets; from the agricultural technicalities of the Mishnah to the agricultural images of Rachels poetry. We need teachers who have struggled themselves with the religious and ideological issues of the meaning of the land and state of Israel for the individual Jew and for the Jewish people. We need teachers who have experienced both the land and the state up close and personal. The preparation of teachers to engage in Israel education is not a simple process of pumping up their knowledge of the history of the modern state and of the Arab-Israel conflict, nor is it just to equip them with videos, games, and textbooks on life in Israel today, on heroes of the state, on Israels successes in high tech, etc. Maybe we need to do those things, but they are not even close to sufficient, and I believe that they are secondary to the kind of preparation implied in the preceding paragraph: we need to provide for them the opportunity to experience our texts in the context of their rootedness in the land and to experience the land as reflected in and explained by our texts. Our goal is not just teachers who possess lots of knowledge about Israel, or even who model solidarity with Israel; our goal is teachers for whom Israel is a seamless part of their own Jewish identity, informing every aspect of their Jewishness and flowing naturally in everything they do as Jews and teach as Jewish teachers.

Parker Palmer:
If students and subjects accounted for all the complexities of teaching, our standard ways of coping would do: keep up with our fields as best we can, and learn enough techniques to stay ahead of the student psyche. But there is another reason for these complexities: we teach who we are. Teaching, like any truly human activity, emerges from one's inwardness, for better or worse. As I teach, I project the condition of my soul onto my students, my subject, and our way of being together. The entanglements I experience in the classroom are often no more or less than the convolutions of my inner life. Viewed from this angle, teaching holds a mirror to the soul. If I am willing to look in that mirror, and not run from what I see, I have a chance to gain self-knowledge - and knowing myself is as crucial to good teaching as knowing my students and my subject.

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In fact, knowing my students and my subject depends heavily on self-knowledge. When I do not know myself, I cannot know who my students are. I will see them through a glass darkly, in the shadows of my unexamined life - and when I cannot see them clearly I cannot teach them well. When I do not know myself, I cannot know my subject - not at the deepest levels of embodied, personal meaning. I will know it only abstractly, from a distance, a congeries of concepts as far removed from the world as I am from personal truth. So what we need to do is help teachers articulate their own relationship to Israel, to clarify its place in their Jewish identities, to bring out in the open the dilemmas with which they struggle (or which they suppress) with regard to Israel.

5. Master Syllabus Lesson

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

Topic

Meaning of Israel, course overview Geography of Israel intro. Historical introduction Early ties I: Abraham in and out of the land Early ties II: Isaac and Jacob in and out of the land Joseph archetype of the exile experience Exodus and Sinai formative events outside Israel The spies, the desert wandering Torah as users manual for the land Covenant, Torah law and modern Israel Man and landscape in Eretz Yisrael Joshua and Judges: conquest or coexistence Creating a kingdom Saul and David The monarchy: heyday, division, and decline The destruction (and the prophets warnings) The messiah prophetic visions of redemption and later interpretations Shivat tziyon

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18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54

Review and reflection: teaching Bible and Israel Hellenistic period and Chanukah Roman period Great Revolt Mishnah and tannaim Israel and Babylonia The calendar The High Holy Days Sukkot Tu beshvat Purim Pesach Yom Hashoah Yom Haatzmaut Omer and Shavuot Shabbat Daily liturgy Birth, bar mitzvah Coming of age in Israel Marriage Women in Israel Death and mourning Life in Israel in middle ages Crisis of modernity; birth of Zionism Development of Zionism and streams within it Jews in Eretz Yisrael before WWI Mandate period Partition, independence Ingathering of the exiles: immigration The vision of socialist Zionism; the kibbutz 1967 and the aftermath From Camp David to 9/11 Understanding the present: current issues and directions (geopolitical) The New Jew education and identity in Israel Archaeology and civil religion Religion and state: perpetual dilemma Religion, spirit, and

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55 56 57 58 59 60

politics: since the Rabin assassination Israeli politics and how it works (if it does) The Arab citizens of Israel Environmental issues Israel-Diaspora relations: case studies Review and reflection: the meaning of Israel revisited Planning a trip to Israel: a pedagogical exercise

6. The Meaning of Landscape

a. Yi-Fu Tuan, Topophilia The small farmer or peasants attachment to land is deep. Nature is known through the need to gain a living... For the laboring farmer, nature has entered - and beauty insofar as the substance and processes of nature can be said to embody it. The entry of nature is no mere metaphor. Muscles and scars bear witness to the physical intimacy of the contact. The farmers topophilia is compounded of this physical intimacy, of material dependence and the fact that the land is a repository of memory and sustains hope. Aesthetic appreciation is present but seldom articulated. b. Chief Seattle [Washington Territory, 1877] Every part of this country is sacred to my people. Every hillside, every valley, every plain and grove has been hallowed by some fond memory or some sad experience of my tribe. Even the rocks, which seem to lie dumb as they swelter in the sun along the silent seashore in solemn grandeur, thrill with memories of past events connected with the lives of my people. The very dust under your feet responds more lovingly to our footsteps than to yours, because it is the ashes of our ancestors, and our bare feet are conscious of the sympathetic touch, for the soil is rich with the life of our kindred. c. Jacob Klatzkin, Tehumim In longing for our land we do not desire to create there a base for the spiritual values of Judaism. To regain our land is for us an end in itself - the attaining of a free national life. The content of our life will be national when its forms become national. Indeed, let it not be said that the land is a precondition for a national life; living on the land is ipso facto the national life. d. Yossi Gamzu, The Western Wall ...There are people with hearts of stone; There are stones with human hearts.

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e. Niels Bohr to Werner Heisenberg, Kronberg Castle, Denmark: Isnt it strange how this castle changes as soon as one imagines that Hamlet lived here? As scientists we believe that a castle consists only of stones, and admire the way the architect put them together. The stones, the green roof with its patina, the wood carvings in the church, constitute the whole castle. None of these should be changed by the fact that Hamlet lived here, and yet it is changed completely. Suddenly the walls and the ramparts speak quite a different language. The courtyard becomes an entire world, a dark corner reminds us of the darkness in the human soul, we hear Hamlets To be or not to be Yet all we really know about Hamlet is that his name appears in a 13th century chronicle. No one can prove that he really lived, let alone that he lived here. But everyone knows the questions Shakespeare had him ask, the human depth he was made to reveal, and so he, too, had to be found a place on earth, here in Kronberg. And once we know that, Kronberg becomes quite a different castle for us. [Bohr and Heisenberg were two of the leading physicists of the first half of the 20th century]

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L e s s o n 2:
Geography getting to know the land
1. Outline
a. Getting to know the land: the physical and human geography of Israel b. Images of Israel and the reality behind them c. The Bible as guidebook: to what extent does the text reflect the land?

2. Introduction

Israel is of course a lot of different things a state, a vision, a symbol, the scenery of history but most basically, it is a geographical entity, a place, with distinct characteristics of topography, climate, flora and fauna, and natural resources. Obviously, traveling in Israel (or living there) is necessary for one to get a feel for the place, to know it. On the other hand, sometimes even traveling or living in a place runs into the problem of not being able to see the forest for the trees. Through satellite and aerial photos, of course maps, and written descriptions, we can get a sense of the big picture, of the lay of the land. This lesson will present some activities and resources to help accomplish this; however, we hope it will be just the initial experience of an ongoing practice of turning to the map to locate and imagine every historical event and personality connected with Israel.

3. Lesson goals

a. Basic mastery of the map of Israel b. Attachment to / affection for the map c. Consciousness of its significance in Jewish history

4. Expanded outline

a. Getting to know the land i. Card game: pooling knowledge to creating the map from scratch, comparing to the real map 1. Participants, working in teams or pairs, are dealt a hand of 5 cards containing names of places in Israel. Remaining cards are piled to one side. (The three charts of place names appended to this lesson may be cut up for this purpose). Teams sit around a large blank space (table or floor). Teams in turn place a card in what they think is its proper location on the space. If they dont know the location of any of their cards, they may place one under the deck and draw a new one. If they cant place it, then they pass. The first team to have placed all its cards wins. Correctness of placement is judged by the facilitator or by a judge or team of judges from the group. ii. Filling in this outline map with geographical features: rocks or paper cups for mountains, rope or yarn or paper strips for shorelines, boundaries, valleys iii. Checking results against professional maps, aerial photos

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http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/middle_east_and_asia/israel.gif - relief map http://www.jafi.org.il/geo/map3.htm - general map http://goasia.about.com/gi/dynamic/offsite.htm?site=http%3A%2F%2F www.lib.utexas.edu%2Fmaps%2Fatlas_middle_east%2Fisrael_pop.j pg population density map http://geography.about.com/gi/dynamic/offsite.htm?site=http://www. m%2Dw.com/cgi%2Dbin/nytmaps.pl%3Fisrael general map http://geography.about.com/library/blank/blxisrael.htm - blank outline map http://www.mapot.com/ - Hebrew site, links to many map sites http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/maplinks.htm - links to many map sites Note: an excellent on-line biblical atlas may be found at http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/ iv. Lecture/discussion on key features of landscape: watershed, fault line, coasts, desert, water sources. The classic source in English on the physical geography of Israel is Geography of Israel by Ephraim Orni. A very concentrated but complete summary of information about geography and climate can be found on the Library of Congress Country Studies site: http://countrystudies.us/israel/34.htm v. Personal connections to the map: participants identify sites they feel a connection to from personal experience, family/friends, history vi. Teams are assigned to plan a Jewish educational day-trip for a group, based in Haifa, Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, or Beersheba; account for goal and content, timing, potential problems. b. Image and reality Reading Mark Twain: In 1867 Mark Twain joined an expedition through Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa (see map: http://etext.virginia.edu/railton/innocent/webmap.htm ) and sent back travel dispatches that were later published in a very popular book, The Innocents Abroad. His descriptions of Palestine are fascinating, as is his awareness of the tension between our mythical view of Israel based on our religious traditions and texts, and the reality on the ground. For example, in Chapter 48 (http://etext.virginia.edu/railton/innocent/text/chap48.htm ) he makes fun of the contrast between the ugliness of the Kinneret as he experiences it and the high-flown descriptions of previous pilgrims and yet, at the end of the chapter, he too, after all his cynicism, manages to find spiritual significance and even beauty in the place. This text can serve as a trigger for a discussion of our own mythical views of Israel, and of how we navigate between myth and reality.

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5. Thoughts on practical applications in the classroom, materials Its interesting to think about the ideology behind maps for example the Australians or New Yorkers map of the world; the concept of Jerusalem as center of the world The Israel section of the Country Studies website of the Library of Congress is a wealth of highly concentrated factual information about Israel, including not only geography, but economics, demography, history, etc.: http://countrystudies.us/israel/ Satellite images of Israel and the area: http://www.intute.ac.uk/sciences/worldguide/html/919_satellite.html 6. Connections to previous and future lessons This lesson is intended to set a pattern for all future study in the course and set a tone which we hope will become part of the teaching style of the teachers: to keep the map of Israel in constant view, and always to seek to ground learnings in any discipline in the ground: always to be conscious of the map locations of events and personalities

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KATZRIN HAIFA ROSH HANIKRA LAKE KINNERET AFULA METULA KINNERET NETANYA MEVASERET ZION DEAD SEA OFAKIM YOTVATA NITZANA MAALOT YERUHAM LOD JEZREEL KORAZIM GIVAT BRENNER TABA AMIRIM PORIYAH SHAAR HAAMAKIM KOCHAV YAIR

BEERSHEBA ASHDOD KIRIAT SHEMONA NAZERETH BET SHEMESH MT. HERMON JENIN ARIEL MAALEH ADUMIM ARAD SDEROT YAHEL KADESH BARNEA SHELOMI TIVON RAMLE LOHAMEI HAGETAOT NAHALAL REVIVIM TZEMACH KIRIAT GAT MT. TABOR BET ALFA MIGDAL HAEMEK

JERUSALEM ASHKELON MITZPEH RAMON HEBRON TIBERIAS ROSH PINA BINYAMINA RAANANA BETHLEHEM MASADA SODOM KETURA EIN GEDI TEFEN RISHON LETZION KIRIAT BIALIK YAD MORDECAI ATLIT TUL KAREM ZIPPORI DAN BNAI BRAK HATZERIM TEL HAI

TEL AVIV ACCO KIRIAT ARBA JERICHO SAFED HULA VALLEY ZICHRON YAAKOV MODIIN BETAR ILLIT GAZA KEREM SHALOM SDE BOKER HAMAT GADER SACHNIN REHOVOT GIVATAYIM HERZLIYA SHFARAM SHECHEM AVDAT MEHOLA KFAR HASIDIM SDOT YAM MAMSHIT

BET SHEAN NAHARIA KIRIAT MALACHI KARMIEL GAMLA DEGANIA HADERA RAMALLAH EFRAT RAHAT EILAT PARAN EIN GEV DIMONA YAVNEH HOLON YOKNEAM BET SHEARIM RAFIAH MEIRON GINNOSAR LAVI EIN HOD CAESARIA

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L e s s o n 3: Locating ourselves on the map of history

1. Outline
a. Getting acquainted with the timeline b. Looking for structures and meanings in history c. On leaving and returning to history: the significance of Israel

2. Introduction

Just as this course assumes that a fully realized Jewish identity should include feeling at home in the geography of Israel even if one has never set foot there, so too, we feel it is important to be oriented in the map of Jewish history: to have a sense of the flow of Jewish chronology in the context of world history, to be aware of major turning points and personalities. Moreover, we believe it is important for a teacher to be involved in the conversation about the historical significance of Israel: did the Jews leave history when they lost their national independence? Did we return to history in 1948? Are we living in messianic times? How we relate to Israel and how we teach Israel are inseparable from these philosophical questions.

3. Lesson goals
a. b. c. d.

Basic familiarity with the time line of Jewish history Basic knowledge of the world historical context of Jewish history Awareness of different approaches to the structure and meaning of Jewish history Reflection on the historical significance of Israel

4. Expanded outline

a. Getting acquainted with the timeline i. Chronology game: in teams, participants attempt to place in chronological order a deck of cards of famous personalities, Jewish and non-Jewish (See Source 1 below). Group then compares results and a master time line is constructed on the board ii. Filling in any major missing events, periods, persons, and agreement on major periods and turning points of Jewish history. Note: it would be good if this time line, like a map of Israel, were always present in the classroom for reference. iii. Highlighting the presence or absence of/from Israel in the different periods and events. iv. References to extra readings b. Looking for structures and meanings in history: Does our history have a structure, a shape? Etc. i. Discussion of text excerpts (Source 2) on the meaning of Jewish history (a couple can be chosen, or chevrutot can be assigned to present different passages, or a general discussion can be held on why teach history with reference to selected passages).

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

ii.

a: Deuteronomy history is national reward and punishment keep the commandments or perish from the land c: II Samuel Davids dynasty will rule forever e: Daniel there is a divine schedule, a master plan f: Haggadah memory is us; we all live out our peoples history vicariously(?) g: Kaufman God is revealed in history k: Krochmal nations have life cycles like people except for Israel For more, see: Michael Meyer, Ideas of Jewish History, New York 1974

c. On leaving and returning to history: the significance of Israel; Our intention here is to stimulate thinking on the significance of Israel in Jewish history, and to open up different questions e.g., Was/is our connection to the land conditioned on our behavior? What does it mean to talk about history when you are landless and powerless? What is the meaning of the present moment Is the state of Israel a fulfillment of prophecy? i. Discussion of texts as above 1. 2. 3. b: Yom Kippur Musaf God exiled us for our sins d: Jeremiah God will bring us back h: Dinur a. is there history without land?

d. Israel was always alive in our consciousness and not just as memory 4. i: Prayer for the state do we live in messianic times? and see Source 3, after the Gaza disengagement 5. j: Eisenstadt did we leave history? 5. Thoughts on practical applications in the classroom, materials The issue that will come up in the classroom is the relationship between the real, modern state of Israel and the messianic dynamics of Jewish history: were the victories of 1948 and 1967 miracles? Is Israel the fulfillment of biblical prophecies? Is it subject to the prophets threats? How do we present Israel to our students? It is important for teachers to be aware of the implications of different positions, and to have discussed and reflected upon the place Israel in their own understanding of Jewish history. 6. Connections to previous and future lessons We hope that this lesson will serve as a foundation and initiation of two ongoing processes: a. always putting events and persons in historical context as we move through different periods and issues in examining the role of Israel; and b. continuing the discussion and reflection on the place of Israel in Jewish history

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Sources
1. Suggested names for chronology game, with dates (generally dates of death for individuals):

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2. Some ideas about Jewish history

a. Deuteronomy 30:15-18 See, I set before you this day life and prosperity, death and adversity. For I command you this day to love the Lord your God, to walk in His ways, and to keep His commandments, His laws, and His rules, that you may thrive and increase, and that the Lord your God may bless you in the land that you are about to enter and possess. But if your heart turns away and you give no heed, and are lured into the worship and service of other gods, I declare to you this day that you shall certainly perish; you shall not long endure on the soil that you are crossing the Jordan to enter and possess. b. Yom Kippur Musaf Service Because of our sins were we exiled from our land, far from our soil. May it be Your will, Lord our God and God of our fathers who restores His children to their land, to have compassion for us and for Your sanctuary; enhance its glory. Our Father, our King, manifest the glory of Your sovereignty, reveal to all mankind that You are our King. Unite our scattered people, gather our dispersed from the ends of the earth. c. II Samuel 7:11-16 The Lord declares to you that He, the Lord, will establish a house for you. When your days are done and you lie with your fathers, I will raise up your offspring after you, one of your own issue, and I will establish his kingship. He shall build a house for My name, and I will establish his royal throne forever. I will be a father to him, and he shall be a son to Me. When he does wrong, I will chastise him with the rod of men and the affliction of mortals; but I will never withdraw My favor from him as I withdrew it from Saul, whom I removed to make room for you. Your house and your kingship shall ever be secure before you; your throne shall be established forever. d. Jeremiah 31:10-12 Hear the word of the Lord, O nations, and tell it in the isles afar. Say: He who scattered Israel will gather them, and will guard them as a shepherd his flock. For the Lord will ransom Jacob, redeem him from one too strong for him. They shall come and shout on the heights of Zion, radiant over the bounty of the Lord Over new grain and wine and oil, and over sheep and cattle. They shall fare like a watered garden; they shall never languish again. e. Daniel 9:24 Seventy weeks have been decreed for your people and your holy city until the measure of transgression is filled and that of sin complete, until iniquity is expiated, and eternal righteousness ushered in; and prophetic vision ratified, and the holy of Holies anointed. 12:7 Then I heard the man dressed in linen, who was above the water of the river, swear by the Ever-Living One as he lifted his right hand and his left hand to heaven: For a time, times, and half a time; and when the breaking of the power of the holy people comes to an end, then shall all these things be fulfilled.

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f. Passover Haggadah In every generation, every person should see himself as if he had been personally redeemed from Egypt, as it is said: You shall tell your children on that day, saying, It is because of what the Lord did for me when I went free out of Egypt. For the Holy One redeemed not only our ancestors; He redeemed us with them. g. Yehezkel Kaufman, The Religion of Israel The religion of the Bible is not set forth philosophically. It is urged on Israel on the basis of history; the basic attributes of Israels God are historical. The first of the Ten Commandments grounds YHWHs claim to be recognized as sole God on the fact that he brought Israel out of the land of Egypt. Israel believed in YHWH and Moses after the miracle of the Red Sea (Ex. 14:31). Israel will have lasting faith in YHWH and Moses because of the Sinaitic theophany (19:9). Knowledge of God derives from historical experience h. Ben Zion Dinur, Israel in the Diaspora Is it at all possible to regard Jewish history in the Diaspora as the history of a nation? Is it not rather the record of the vicissitudes of separate Jewish communities living in different historical frameworks? Have we any right to speak of the history of the nation in exile when it was, in fact, deprived of all power of independent political action? Should we not, therefore, consider it perfectly natural that the nations power of independent action in exile was limited to the spiritual spheres of religious thought and practice, the only spheres of life in which the persecuted and homeless Jews were still their own masters? i. Prayer for the State of Israel Our Father in heaven, Rock and Redeemer of Israel, bless the state of Israel, the first flowering of our redemption j. S. N. Eisenstadt, Zionism and the Return to History, Jerusalem 1999 According to the accepted definition or conception, as expressed by Gershom Scholem, there is no doubt that Zionism, and especially the establishment of the State of Israel, returned the Jewish collective to history. In public especially but not only Zionist discourse, the accepted assumption has dominated, that since the Second Temple period the Jews, as a collective, have been politically passive. They existed, they fought for their existence and for their collective religious-cultural identity but politically they were passive. Only with the rise of Zionism and especially the establishment of the State did the Jews begin for the first time since the Second Temple (except perhaps for the Khazar kingdom) to act in world history as a collective with independent political power, like other collectives in the historical arena and especially like other national states.

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k. Nachman Krochmal, Guide for the Perplexed of the Time, 1851 [from M. Meyer, Ideas of Jewish History] According to the workings of the natural order there are three periods through which each primordial nation passes from the time it comes into being until it passes from the scene and perishes: 1. The period of first growth, during which the spirit is born This spirit transforms the material parts of the nation into organic units, integrated through all manner of ordered relationships, and it holds them together as a single entity, ready to receive every excellence and perfection. This period is called: the stage of the nation's germination and growth. 2. Thereafter, the spirit becomes fully actualized, all those beneficial institutions and spiritual attributes to which we have alluded reach their apogee, and after a longer or shorter lapse of time, the nation moves forward in all of them, gaining fame and glory. This period will be called: the stage of power and achievement. 3. However, in the case of every living thing, the cause of its withering and death is already contained within it. Thus, even during the course of the second stage, the seeds of corruption and degeneration begin to appear in the nation. Thereafter, they sprout, proliferate, and grow, dissolving all bonds and corrupting every beneficial usage, until gradually the nation's glory dwindles away, the nation declines and diminishes to the point of nonexistence. We shall call this period: the stage of decomposition and extinction. This is the pattern for all the nations which possess a limited manifestation of spirit, one which is therefore finite and destined for extinction. But in the case of our nation, although we too have succumbed to the above-mentioned natural course of events with regard to material and tangible externals, the fact is, in the words of the Rabbis: They were exiled to Babylon, exiled to Elam, and the Divine Presence was with them. That is to say, the universal spirit which is within us protects us and excludes us from the judgment that falls upon all mortals.

3. On the meaning of the modern state

From Haaretz English Edition, May 1, 2006 For religious Zionists, the first Independence Day after disengagement poses an ideological dilemma By Nadav Shragai This coming Independence Day at the Beit Midrash (House of Study) of Rabbi ShearYashuv Cohen, the traditional prayer for the state's wellbeing will be recited a little differently. They will not say "Bless the State of Israel, the beginning of the flowering of our redemption." Instead the public gathered with Shear-Yashuv, the chief rabbi of Haifa and a veteran member of the Chief Rabbinic Council, will say: "Bless the State of Israel, so it will be the beginning of the flowering of our redemption."

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Behind this seemingly minor semantic change resides a major issue. For the first time there is doubt within mainstream religious Zionism concerning what has practically been axiomatic since the state's foundation: The presumption that the State of Israel is the first stage in the process of redemption. Shear-Yashuv is no radical. He did not take part in the clashes at Amona, nor did he endorse calls for soldiers to refuse orders during the evacuation. And these are not the residents of Yitzhar, many of whom equate the current regime with the British Mandate, or the Torat Hahayim yeshiva of Rabbi Shmuel Tal, who instructed his pupils not to celebrate Independence Day. Shear-Yashuv, son of the renowned Rabbi David Cohen, served in the Israel Defense Forces and was taken prisoner by the Jordanians in 1948 with the fighters of the Jewish Quarter. He fought alongside Ariel Sharon, and before the evacuation of Gush Katif he sent Sharon a harsh letter to which he received no reply. But on the eve of Israel's 58th Independence Day, Shear-Yashuv says things are different now: "When the government of Israel raises a hand to uproot Jewish communities from Eretz Israel, then reality changes," he says. "The state is an instrument for holiness, it is not in itself holy." Being in thrall to the state "is pagan worship," he adds. "When the state behaves like a state of all its residents and not like the state of the Jews, my attitude toward it changes. I respect it as any other regime, but perhaps it is no longer 'the beginning of the flowering of our redemption.'" Shear-Yashuv won't wave a black flag on Independence Day, as radical ultra-Orthodox have done for years and small groups of settlers tend to do now. But this year he'll recite the Hallel with a blessing "only for the miracles that have already taken place, and not so much for the present." On the first Independence Day after the pullout from the Gaza Strip and northern West Bank, the religious-Zionist public is facing a big dilemma. It's more than an argument over the various versions of the prayer for the state's wellbeing, but also about the very question of whether to celebrate Independence Day. This question derives from an even more fundamental one: Which loyalty prevails - loyalty to the state, or loyalty to the land? Which takes precedence - the state or the land? Which is the medium and which the essence? And where do you locate the balance between the two? The signs of unease are evident: in synagogues, in religious-Zionist communities, in motivation to serve in the IDF. It's happening mainly within Judea and Samaria, but also in many educational facilities within the Green Line. They were further amplified after the clashes at Amona and many religious Zionists - even those considered moderate - felt, in the words of Rabbi Benny Lau, that "the state plunged a knife into the heart of the national religious public."

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A Peace Now survey of residents of 120 settlements following the disengagement found that 40 percent of settlers, religious and secular, felt "less Israeli" and 42 percent felt "the same." Among religious settlers, 52 percent felt less Israeli, compared to 23 percent of secular settlers. Tidhar Hirschfeld is a resident of the Adei Ad outpost and a member of the Halev Hayehudi organization, which urged soldiers to defy disengagement orders. He said in the latest issue of the settler periodical Nekuda that "the break between the state and national-religious youth is no longer a matter for discussion, because it is already history." But Rabbi Shlomo Aviner of Beit-El refuses to give up. He addressed these teenagers in a brief article entitled: "I say a prayer for the state's wellbeing." Aviner wrote that despite the state's desecration of the Sabbath and the sanctity of the land, he would never stop praying for its wellbeing, "because this is my state. I have no other, and I love it the way it is." And though the government causes him great distress, it is his government and he will "continue to pray for it with all my heart," and take pride in the fact that the Jewish people governs itself and is no longer subject to others. The vast majority of religious Zionists are still of Aviner's mind. Even the Yesha rabbis' committee has called for celebrating Independence Day, adding that the state's very existence is a central pillar in the redemption process. But for many the celebrations will not be wholehearted.

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L e s s o n 4:
Early Ties I: Abraham in and out of the Land
1. Outline
a. b. c. d. e. The promises Walking about Conditionality Exile Purchase

2. Introduction

We all know, of course, that it all started with Abraham, the first oleh chadash (new immigrant). But what exactly started with him? A number of the episodes in Abrahams life give insight and raise questions regarding the later relationship of the people Israel to the Land of Israel. This lesson reviews these episodes as the basic texts defining recurrent themes in the history of that relationship. The focus of the lesson is on the peshat, the simple meaning of the biblical text, taken at face value, without attempting to apply the tools of either documentary analysis or rabbinic exegesis.

3. Lesson goals

a. Familiarity with the Abraham narrative as it relates to the land b. Understanding of the concept of the conditionality of the promise of the land c. Awareness of various claims of the people to the land, arising from Abrahams experiences

4. Expanded outline

a. The promises i. The very beginning, of course is in Gen 12, with the sudden commandment for Abraham to leave his native land and his fathers house and to forth to the land that I will show you. If he does so, God promises to make him a great nation and a blessing. 1. From the text (vs. 6) it seems that Abraham moved in among the Canaanites. 2. One well-known rabbinical tradition tries to create a back story for Abrahams rejecting his family and homeland and making aliyah to start a new faith and a new nation: his disillusionment with the cultural and spiritual environment, a realization that it is empty and hypocritical (the midrash on Abraham and his fathers idol workshop). 3. Interesting to note that Terahs family had already begun the migration to Canaan without a command (why?) but got stuck in Haran (11:31) (why?). 4. Abrahams migration route: http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/020.htm 5. New land, new people, new religion an important threefold connection that will stay with us as an ideal if not as a reality.

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ii.

iii.

Additional reinforcements of the promise of the land: 1. 13:14-16 2. 15:7-20 perhaps the most dramatic and explicit promise 3. 17:1-8 What do we make of these promises today? Do we indeed believe that our claim to the land is based upon them? Can we rely on them in convincing other nations of the rightness of our claim?

b. Walking about i. Another claim that can be made (and this is not unique to our case) for rights to the land is knowledge, familiarity with it: Up, walk about the land, through its length and its breadth, for I give it to you. (13:17). The concept is that we gain possession by means of intimacy, by becoming familiar with the details of the nature and the geography of the place. See, for example, Source 1 below (some of these are reproduced from lesson 1). ii. Abrahams movements in the land, as recorded in the Bible: http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/021.htm iii. Note that according to tradition, while Abrahams main territory was the Judean desert and the Negev (he seems to have spent most of his time between Hebron and Beersheba), he visited Jerusalem twice: 1. 2. iv. In 14:18 he has an encounter with Melchizedek, king of Salem, as he passes by his city; traditionally, Salem is identified with Jeru-Salem. And of course, the binding of Isaac takes place on Mt. Moriah, traditionally identified with the Temple Mount.

Suggestion: make sure participants are clear (to the extent it is possible) about the modern places located on the traditional sites of Abrahams activity in the land; it seems like it is likely to be useful for them as teachers to help their students see how modern Israel overlays the ancient map, how current tourist sites are identified with biblical events (even if, archeologically, we have no solid evidence that Abraham even existed)

c. Conditionality i. Almost from the beginning, there is an implication that the claim to the land was not simple and unconditional, but was based on some kind of quid pro quo. A first hint of this can be seen in 15:16, where God indicates that we will need to wait in Egypt until the iniquity of the Amoritesis complete. In other words, we cannot take over the land until the previous owners claim is completely undone apparently by misbehavior. Does that imply that our claim is also dependent on our behavior? ii. In 17 there is mention of a specific obligation on Abraham and his descendants their side of the covenant Brit Milah (circumcision). However, it is not obvious from the text that the obligations are symmetrical: if we as a group dont keep our side of the covenant, will God renounce his side? Further evidence that the claim to the land is based on moral behavior by the claimant is seen in the story of Sodom and Gemorrah (Chap. 19) cities

iii.

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iv.

that are destroyed because of their inhabitants immorality. Peoples live on their land on condition that they continue to deserve it. And if not, not. With respect to our relationship to land, the subplot of Lots wife here is interesting: as the family is fleeing, they are ordered not to look back; but she cannot resist, and is punished by being petrified on the spot, looking back forever (19:17, 19:26). Questions to consider: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Why didnt Lot and family leave sooner, given the moral status of the neighborhood? Why did they resist even when destruction was imminent? Why were they commanded not to look back? Why was it the wife/mother who looked back? What can we learn here about emigration, about reading the handwriting on the wall, about attachment to place at all costs, about roots, about home, about homeland, about our inclination to view our attachment to place as unconditional and absolute despite the evidence to the contrary?

d. Exile i. ii. iii. Just nine verses after Abraham is ordered to immigrate to Canaan, he leaves for Egypt due to famine (12:10). Later, in the covenant of the pieces (15:13) God reveals to Abraham that his descendants will be enslaved, strangers in a strange land, for four hundred years. Interesting to consider: the land is holy, it is promised but it does not seem to be the sine qua non of our existence as we spend a good deal of the Bible coming and going (not to mention the post-biblical period). We are immigrants from the beginning, and exiles along the way; compare to Source 2 below. What is the point? Perhaps to reinforce conditionality, and Gods role (or the Torahs role) as a third party in the relationship between us and our land.

e. Purchase i. In Chapter 23 Abraham purchases a burial cave for Sarah and the whole family. Here we have another basic claim on the land: we bought it, cash on the barrelhead and we bought it for a cemetery, which implies forever. ii. Continuing the motif from 12:6 and 14:13 and 20:15 here too we find Abrahams clan living in the land together with various other peoples/tribes, in some kind of modus vivendi. iii. Note two additional claims on the land that are ascribed to Abraham and his activities: 1. 21:22-32: Abraham enters into a treaty, a legal contract, with a local chieftain 2. 21:33: Abraham plants a tree

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5. It is interesting to think about the fact that Abraham comes to the land not as a conqueror but as an immigrant, and must struggle to make a living, to stay in the land, to get along with the natives, to stick to his own values while finding his place in a new land but in the end, he does make a home for himself and his family there, and by various means puts down long-term roots and creates a three-way bond among land, people, and faith. To what extent can his experiences serve as archetypes and models for future adventures of the Jewish people? To what extent can these texts serve as our deed to the land today?

Sources
1. On owning the land by knowing it a. Saul Tschernichovsky, A Man is Nothing but A man is nothing but a small plot of land, A man is nothing but the image of the landscape of his birthplace, Only what his ear recorded when it was still fresh, Only what his eye took in before it had seen too much, Whatever was encountered on the dew-covered path By the child who tripped over every bump and clod of earth b. Yi-Fu Tuan, Topophilia The small farmer or peasants attachment to land is deep. Nature is known through the need to gain a living... For the laboring farmer, nature has entered - and beauty insofar as the substance and processes of nature can be said to embody it. The entry of nature is no mere metaphor. Muscles and scars bear witness to the physical intimacy of the contact. The farmers topophilia is compounded of this physical intimacy, of material dependence and the fact that the land is a repository of memory and sustains hope. Aesthetic appreciation is present but seldom articulated. c. Chief Seattle [Washington Territory, 1877] Every part of this country is sacred to my people. Every hillside, every valley, every plain and grove has been hallowed by some fond memory or some sad experience of my tribe. Even the rocks, which seem to lie dumb as they swelter in the sun along the silent seashore in solemn grandeur, thrill with memories of past events connected with the lives of my people. The very dust under your feet responds more lovingly to our footsteps than to yours, because it is the ashes of our ancestors, and our bare feet are conscious of the sympathetic touch, for the soil is rich with the life of our kindred.

2. On rootedness

From Panegyricus, by Isocrates of Athens We did not become dwellers in this land by driving others out of it, nor by finding it uninhabited, nor by coming together here a motley horde composed of many races; but we are of a lineage so noble and so pure that throughout our history we have continued in possession of the very land which gave us birth, since we are sprung from its very soil and are able to address our city by the very names which we apply to our nearest kin; for we alone of all the Hellenes have the right to call our city at once nurse and fatherland and mother.

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L e s s o n 5:
Early Ties II: Isaac and Jacob in and out of the Land
1. Outline:
a. Isaac and the land of Israel b. Jacob and the land of Israel c. Conclusions: what insights can we gain into our relationship to the land from the experiences of Isaac and Jacob?

2. Introduction:

Clearly, the roots of our connection to Eretz Yisrael are perceived by the tradition to lie in the experiences of the patriarchs. Abrahams experience was unique, as the first generation the founder, the immigrant, the progenitor. The next two generations were already natives and provide for us a different kind of model, with some different motifs and issues. This lesson will examine the texts describing Isaacs and Jacobs links to the land. As with the preceding lesson, the focus here is on peshat, the plain meaning of the text.

3. Lesson Goals:

a. Familiarity with the Isaac and Jacob narratives as they relate to the land b. Awareness of similarities and differences between the experiences of the natives and those of the founding father c. Awareness of various claims of the people to the land, arising from Isaacs and Jacobs experiences

4. Expanded Outline
a. Isaac and the land of Israel i. 24:3-9: Sending Eliezer to find a wife for Isaac in the fathers house that Abraham had been commanded to leave; apparently the relationship is more complicated than we thought, and there are ties to the old clan and its culture that transcend the ties to the new land. On the other hand, Abraham does not send Isaac himself but rather a servant; perhaps he fears Isaac would not return from the old country? ii. 25:7-11: Isaac buries Abraham in what is now clearly a family burial plot, and inherits him; throughout, Isaac lives the life of a stable, settled native, not a restless pioneer like his father. iii. 26: Again there is a famine, but Isaac is specifically ordered to stay in the land, which he does. And in that context relives several of his fathers experiences: the wife-sister episode, the treaty with the Philistines, the digging of wells, the building of an altar. iv. 26:12: A new motif, suited to the settled native: Isaac sows and reaps the bounty of the land Another claim: he who works the land, owns it (homesteading?) v. 27ff: Isaac, the settled farmer, son of the wandering iconoclast, fathers two sons whose conflict assumes epic proportions; in the end, both left the land, Esau to a

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vi. vii.

permanent abode in Seir Jacob to what was intended to be a temporary sojourn but lasted for the rest of his life. Note that Isaac is buried in the family plot (35:27-29). Map: http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/021a.htm

b. Jacob and the land of Israel i. 27: Interesting that the blessings of Jacob and Esau do not make specific reference to the land, but only to its bounty. ii. 28: Isaac sends Jacob back to the Old Country to seek a wife; not a servant this time, but Jacob himself and indeed, he got bogged down there for twenty years (31:38); maybe Abraham was wise to send a servant iii. 28:10: Jacob gets the promise of the land iv. 29-30: Jacob begets a whole clan outside of Eretz Yisrael; only when he is done is he commanded, in 31:3, to return to the land of his birth bringing a whole caravan of new immigrants with him v. 31-33: The trip is dangerous and difficult; he must confront his father-in-law who doesnt want him to go; his estranged brother; and a mysterious, apparently angelic, adversary. vi. 33:18-20: Jacob purchases land this time for living on, not for burial and sets up an altar, thus reenacting two of his grandfathers acts of taking possession. vii. 34: The episode of Dina and the massacre of Shechem. Is Jacobs insecurity and sensitivity to public opinion (34:30) a result of his seeing himself as an immigrant? viii. 35:1-15: Jacob seeks to restore the unity his grandfather had tried to establish: land, people, faith. ix. 37:1: Jacob is settled in the land. x. 45:25-46:7: Once again famine leads to exile, though this time there is the added motivation of being reunited with the long-lost Joseph. xi. 50:1-14: Jacobs final return to the land is for burial; interestingly, the whole clan, including Joseph, participate in the funeral not a trivial journey - and return to Egypt. xii. Map: http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/022.htm c. Conclusions: what insights can we gain into our relationship to the land from the experiences of Isaac and Jacob?

There is a school of thought among the commentators that explain the detailing of the Biblical stories by the rule Maaseh avot siman lebanim: The actions of the Fathers are signposts for the sons. This rule is understood in various ways. Some see the stories of the fathers as prophetic prototypes foreshadowing the ensuing history of their descendents. Others see the instructional value in the fathers actions as models or precedents for the future generations. The common idea is the importance of understanding and studying the detailed stories of the Patriarchs as narratives that can shed light or set examples for later events in Jewish history including the present time. What can we learn from the experiences of the patriarchs regarding:

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i.

Claims on the land: 1. Gods covenant dependent or not on Israels actions (Brit, Sacrifices, Justice, tithes, sin of the Amorites expelling them) 2. Gods promise/decision to give this people this land 3. Buying the land 4. Traversing and living in the land 5. Political treaties 6. Working the land; planting 7. Building a shrine: sanctifying the land 8. Burial What are we saying about our relationship to the land when we bury our dead there. What about living in the land (there is a folk song To Die in Jerusalem which ends how good it will be to live in Jerusalem as opposed as dying there for lyrics see www.shiron.net : title ) Working the land as a means of reclaiming it (Isaac) the early Zionist ideology: the philosophy of A.D. Gordon who wrote and practiced the religion of labor, a concept that conceived the bonding of people and land through working the soil. www.jafi.org.il/education/100/concepts/hit2.html The need for just and moral behavior as a right to the land. Abraham praying for Sodom vs. the Sin of the Amorites vs. the criticism of Israeli society today: Is our claim to the land based on our righteous or moral actions? If we act immorally do we lose our right to the land? If other people claiming rights act immorally do they lose their rights? Who decides what are moral actions? If living in the land gives one a right to it, does leaving the land cause one to lose one's right? If winning land in war gives one a right to hold it, does losing a war take away that right? Is the individual's ownership of a plot of land (say through purchase) the same as the "ownership" of a whole geographical area by a political entity (a city, a state, an empire)? the way in which your acre in Pennsylvania "belongs" to you is not the same as the way it "belongs" to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania or the United States... ???

ii.

iii.

iv.

v. vi.

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These are only suggestions; there are many possibilities for such a discussion A final point of interest is that fact that the Patriarchs themselves were newcomers to the land. Exile was a significant part of their lives. Some points for thought: Exile or rootlessness as a Divine punishment is a recurring theme of Genesis even before Abraham. Adam and Eve are banished from the garden of Eden for eating from the tree of knowledge, Cain is condemned to be a wanderer for killing Abel, the builders of the tower of Babel are dispersed for building the tower. And then Abraham is told of his childrens future exile. Is that too a punishment? How is that possible? In what way can exile be an educational punishment? The Patriarchs themselves are strangers in a promised land they lead a tenuous existence to keep themselves a distinct minority among the natives. They themselves leave the land and attain material success out of the land The attainment of the land is only after a lengthy exile and eventual return (Covenant of the Pieces) Exile and the land as primary forces in the forging of the nation

For further discussion of similar themes see lessons one and two of The Jewish Agencys curriculum entitled The People and the Land by David Harbater.

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L e s s o n 6:
Egypt Prototype of Jewish Diaspora
1. Outline:
a. The story of Joseph and Israels move to and enslavement in Egypt. b. A study of several sources on different aspects or incidents characteristic of the Jewish experience in the Diaspora. c. An attempt to match the historical events with details in Joseph story. d. Discussion Is galut good? The purposes/benefits of exile vs. its price.

2. Introduction:

Up until now the biblical story has been centered in or at least focused on the land of Israel. The land has been the pivot of the Patriarchal narrative. Divine promises of its inheritance combined with the forefathers attempts to realize and pass on that vision have fueled the story even when the action was taking place somewhere else. The story of Joseph is a turning point; it literally moves the characters out of the land of Israel and centers on the unfolding story in Egypt. From the time Jacob joins Joseph until the end of the Pentateuch the land of Israel no longer serves as the stage on which events unfold or the focus of the narrative. The questions we will discuss over the next three lessons are: Why? What does this shift in emphasis tell us about the role of the land in our national consciousness? What is the significance of the exile, enslavement and exodus then and now? This lesson will discuss the story of Joseph as a prototype of different Diaspora experiences throughout the ages.

3. Lesson Goals:

a. To familiarize the class with the details of the story of Joseph b. To enable them to see the story not only as an account of a family drama (which it is) but as a prototype of the situations and dilemmas typical to Jews in Galut. c. To familiarize the class with different Diaspora experiences throughout history Babylonia, Spain, Europe and America and study the similarities and differences between them. d. To raise the questions of the possible advantages of Galut as well as its demands and dangers for the Jewish nation and individual.

4. Expanded Outline:

a. The story of Joseph is quite long, taking up almost all of the last 17 chapters of Genesis. Therefore it would be quite difficult to read all the text in class. It may be helpful, if possible, to have the participants review the text at home before the class and familiarize themselves with it. b. The class can start with a short synopsis of the Joseph story if necessary. A page with relevant textual passages and commentaries is included in this outline. It

can be handed out to the class to be used as a reference for the ensuing discussion.

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c. The page of Galut sources can be distributed to the class to aid and stimulate the discussion. A participant is asked to read one aloud. The class is then asked to think about what, if any, part of the Joseph story the historical account brings to mind. How is the account similar to or different from the biblical story? Does the historical or biblical account remind them of any personal experiences or stories of their families? The discussion can be spurred on or continued by continuing down the page until several or all the accounts have been read. d. The class is asked to think of any other historical events reminiscent of the Joseph story or parts of it; e.g., the story of Purim contains many parallels. Both are about foreign Jews who end up in positions of power, closely associated with the rulers. In both stories this proximity to power is ultimately used to help the Jewish nation. Both Joseph and Esther have moments where they can deny their attachment to the Jews and maintain their secure personal position or acknowledge their roots and endanger their status. Even certain details are reminiscent, as seen in source 1. e. Different commentaries to the story included in the reference page are studied as part of the discussion. It is important to pay attention to the identity of the commentator and his place and time in history and his personal circumstances. How do these influence his interpretation of the text? f. To conclude the class, study the passages dealing with Jacobs hesitance and fears on his way to Egypt and G-ds promise that there I will make you great. How does exile make us great? When do we exhibit greatness in Egypt?

Classroom Suggestions:
1. An interesting class study either at Purim time or when studying Joseph can be to tie the two stories together and have the class compare and contrast them. How would Joseph have acted if he had been Esther and vice versa? 2. The story of Joseph can be used to introduce the idea of repetition/patterns in Jewish history. Two sets of cards can be made. One with events or descriptions of conditions from different eras of Jewish history similar to the ones on the source page. (one event per card). The other set can contain sets of verses or retold details from the Joseph story and the class can be asked to match the two

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Sources I. Accounts of the Diaspora

1. And Haman. took the clothes and the horse and he dressed Mordechai and put him on the horse and led him mounted through the streets of the city calling Such is done to one who the king wishes to honor! (Megilat Esther 4/11) .For Mordechai the Jew was second to the king Achasverosh, great among the Jews accepted by the majority of his brothers, seeking the good of his people and speaking peace to all his descendents (Megilat Esther 10 /3) In Baghdad there are 40,000 Jews and they dwell in security and prosperity and honor under the great Caliph and amongst them are great sages, the heads of the Academies engaged in the study of the Law..And at the head of them all is Daniel the son of Hisdai who is styled Our Lord Head of the Exile and the Mohammedans call him Saidna ben Daoud (noble descendent of David) and he has been invested with authority over all the congregations of Israel at the hands of the emir al Muminin (the caliph of Baghdad). And he granted him a seal of office over all the congregations and ordered everyone, Mohammedan or Jew or belonging to any other nation in his dominion should rise up before the exilarch and salute himAnd every Thursday when he goes to pay a visit to the great Caliph, horsemen, non-Jews as well as Jews, escort him and heralds proclaim in advance Make way before our Lord the son of David. He is mounted on a horse and is attired in robes of silk and embroidery with a large turban on his head, and from the turban is suspended a long white cloth adorned with a chain upon which the seal of Mohammed is engraved. (Benjamin of Tudela, approx. 1168) Go out and look in Lithuania and RussiaJews in the tax offices, Jews renting villages, cities, states and even entire duchies. Jews collecting the taxes for ways and mines.It is a great insult to the Name of the Savior Jews holding such deeds lord it over Christians and the pious are forced to bow before those who desecrate the Lords name. (Mitchinsky, The Glory of the Polish Monarchy, Krakow 1618) Court Jews during the middle Ages http://www.jewishgates.com/file.asp?File_ID=53 http://www.myjewishlearning.com/history_community/Modern/EarlyModern/CourtJew s.htm

2.

3.

4.

5. Don Isaac Abarbanel: http://www.jewishgates.com/file.asp?File_ID=204 http://www.authorama.com/chapters-on-jewish-literature-22.html http://www.sephardiccouncil.org/sages/harav-don.html

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6. Galveston Movement: http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/handbook/online/articles/view/GG/umg1.html 7. The reaction of German Jews to the Ostyuden http://www.porges.net/JewsInVienna/3ParliamentaryEasternWeste.html 8. Great is the exile. It is third after the revelation at Sinai and settling in the land of Israel and all three are equal to each other and one cannot exist without the other. Without them the essence of Israel would be the same as that of other nations. confined to the four cubits of the present and material needs, and bad culture... (Haim Hazaz, The Dark House) II. Verses and Commentaries

Note: the comments in blue are meant as teaching guides and not to be included in page handed out to students.
1. Now Joseph had been taken down to Egypt. Potiphar, an Egyptian who was one of Pharaoh's officials, the captain of the guard, bought him from the Ishmaelites who had taken him there. 2 The L-RD was with Joseph and he prospered, and he lived in the house of his Egyptian master. 3 When his master saw that the L-RD was with him and that the L-RD gave him success in everything he did, 4 Joseph found favor in his eyes and became his attendant. Potiphar put him in charge of his household, and he entrusted to his care everything he owned. 5 From the time he put him in charge of his household and of all that he owned, the L-RD blessed the household of the Egyptian because of Joseph. The blessing of the L-RD was on everything Potiphar had, both in the house and in the field. 6 So he left in Joseph's care everything he had; with Joseph in charge, he did not concern himself with anything except the food he ate. (Gen 39: 1-6) 2. And he put him in charge: of his treasures Of all that was in house: the possessions he had at the time and all that came into his possession he gave over to Josephs charge and some say these were his hidden treasures. (Midrash Sechel tov (Buber) Gen 39:4) 3. Once Joseph saw himself settled he began to eat and drink, to curl his hair and say blessed is G-D who has made me forget my fathers house (Midrash Tanchuma, Vayeshev Sec. 8) Joseph is brought to Egypt forcibly and is destitute but once there prospers and rises to prominence. He is appointed as an administrator in charge of affairs and thereby becomes resented, similar to the Polish Jews who collected taxes etc (source 1 in Historical notes). According to the Midrash he becomes used to the good life and begins to indulge, assimilate and forget his past)

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4.

11

One day he went into the house to attend to his duties, and none of the household servants was inside. 12 She caught him by his cloak and said, "Come to bed with me!" But he left his cloak in her hand and ran out of the house. 13 When she saw that he had left his cloak in her hand and had run out of the house, 14 she called her household servants. "Look," she said to them, "this Hebrew has been brought to us to make sport of us! (Gen 39:11-14)

5. brought to us a Hebrew- the Hebrews were hated by the Egyptians; they wouldnt eat with them or buy from them or enter their homes. So she said he has done us an injustice to bring a Hebrew into our house and make him lord over us. (Nachmanides Gen: 39,14) Potiphars wife, one of the upper class, aligns herself with the servants and slaves -us - and sets them against Joseph, the outsider, to protect herself. The history of anti-Semitism is rife with examples of leaders taken advantage of class differences to encourage hatred of the Jew and deflect it from themselves. e.g. Chmelniski massacres which started as a revolt of the Cossacks against the Poles. The Nazis, Arab regimes today. 6.
39

Then Pharaoh said to Joseph, "Since God has made all this known to you, there is no one so discerning and wise as you. 40 You shall be in charge of my palace, and all my people are to submit to your orders. Only with respect to the throne will I be greater than you." 41 So Pharaoh said to Joseph, "I hereby put you in charge of the whole land of Egypt." 42 Then Pharaoh took his signet ring from his finger and put it on Joseph's finger. He dressed him in robes of fine linen and put a gold chain around his neck. 43 He had him ride in a chariot as his second-in-command, and men shouted before him, "Make way Thus he put him in charge of the whole land of Egypt. 44 Then Pharaoh said to Joseph, "I am Pharaoh, but without your word no one will lift hand or foot in all Egypt." 45 Pharaoh gave Joseph the name ZaphenathPaneah and gave him Asenath daughter of Potiphera, priest of On,] to be his wife. And Joseph went throughout the land of Egypt. (Gen 41: 39-45)

Joseph is framed and jailed and once again manages to rise from desperate circumstances and this time even higher second to the king. He is given emblems of office; clothes, a signet, chariots, a wife and a new name. (sources 2-5) 7. As soon as Joseph saw his brothers, he recognized them, but he pretended to be a stranger and spoke harshly to them. "Where do you come from?" he asked. (Gen 42:7) At this moment Joseph is faced with a dilemma. There is a temptation to deny his heritage and let himself be thought of as one of the natives; or should he identify with his brothers. Source 6 &7, the protagonist in Philip Roths short story Eli the Fanatic also comes to mind. 8. So Israel set out with all that was his, and when he reached Beersheba, he offered sacrifices to the God of his father Isaac.

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And God spoke to Israel in a vision at night and said, "Jacob! Jacob!" "Here I am," he replied. 3 "I am God, the God of your father," he said. "Do not be afraid to go down to Egypt, for I will make you into a great nation there. 4 I will go down to Egypt with you, and I will surely bring you back again. And Joseph's own hand will close your eyes." (Gen 46:1-3) Jacob goes down willingly but with some doubts. G-d promises that the end result will be good. That his descendents will emerge a great nation? What good does the exile serve? How does it serve our growth? Is exile still good for us today? What kind of greatness waits in Egypt? How does exile and enslavement make us great? (sources 8-9). Possible answers: by helping us define ourselves as different, by refining our compassion and morality, by making us tough and able to survive, by enabling us to concentrate on our spiritual development 9.
31

Then Joseph said to his brothers and to his father's household, "I will go up and speak to Pharaoh and will say to him, 'My brothers and my father's household, who were living in the land of Canaan, have come to me.

Joseph is cautious, afraid of double alliance, dual loyalty the dilemma of American Jewry regarding the Pollard affair. 10.
33

When Pharaoh calls you in and asks, 'What is your occupation?' 34 you should answer, 'Your servants have tended livestock from our boyhood on, just as our fathers did.' Then you will be allowed to settle in the region of Goshen, for all shepherds are detestable to the Egyptians. Joseph went and told Pharaoh, "My father and brothers, with their flocks and herds and everything they own have come from the land of Canaan and are now in Goshen." 2 He chose five of his brothers and presented them before Pharaoh. 3 Pharaoh asked the brothers, "What is your occupation?" "Your servants are shepherds," they replied to Pharaoh, "just as our fathers were." 4 They also said to him, "We have come to live here awhile, because the famine is severe in Canaan and your servants' flocks have no pasture. So now, please let your servants settle in Goshen." (Gen 46:31- 47:4)

11. Why did Joseph the righteous take these five of his brothers to Pharaoh? He knew his brothers were men of valor and wisdom and he reasoned if I bring the best among them to Pharaoh he will conscript them into his army therefore he took five brothers who were not strong men. (Breishit Rabba Parsha 65) 12. Rabbi Isaac Padua The author of the commentary Akeidat Yizchak was one of the exiles from Spain and saw of paramount importance the distancing of Jews from the courts and company of the rulers as an end in itself. It is well known that the Spanish Jews, who witnessed the splendor of the Spanish courts and could foresee their bitter end, who saw first hand the corruption of their brothers who had risen to prominence, interpreted the Mishna hate the

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leadership and therefore interpreted the distancing of the brothers from Pharaoh as an end in of itself. (Nechama Leibowitz Studies in the Book of Genesis) Joseph tries to hide his brothers talents in order to save them from service to Pharaoh. Polish and Russian Jews often injured their sons to escape forced conscription. 13.
27

Now the Israelites settled in Egypt in the region of Goshen. They acquired property there and were fruitful and increased greatly in number. (Gen 47:27)

Why stay in Goshen? to keep them separate and safe from assimilation, or to protect them from anti-Semitism? Compare to ghettos, Pale of Settlement, shtetls, Jewish neighborhoods in the States?

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L e s s o n 7:
Egypt, Exodus & Sinai: Building blocks of a Nation
1. Outline: a. Identifying the enslavement, exodus and Sinai as formative events in Jewish Historythe birth of the Jewish nation. b. A comparison of the biblical description of events with other sources in an attempt to try to categorize and isolate the defining aspects of the events. Is this a typical pattern of national development? c. What does the choice of enslavement, Exodus and Sinai as formative events tell us about the type of nation formed. Why did the Bible and/or our collective memory choose these as the seminal events of Jewish nationhood? How did they shape us? What sort of nation are we supposed to be? d. What is the significance of the fact that the birth of Am Yisrael happened in a foreign/hostile country? Why was the Torah given on Sinai and not Mt Moriah? The implications of definitive moments occurring unconnected to a homeland. e. Tracing the exodus on the map 2. Introduction: The beginning of Jewish peoplehood occurred in Egypt. This is striking in the first verses of Exodus where the text lists the sons of Jacob who came to Egypt as individual families and then just a few verses later Pharaoh designates them for the first time ever- as the nation of Israel. The birthing process of our people included enslavement, redemption and revelation, all which occurred disconnected from a national homeland. This lesson will explore the historical, philosophical, social, theological and moral significance of that process. Through discussion and comparative sources we will attempt to understand the implications of those particular beginnings: how they imprinted the nation of Israel, their consequences, the effects they had on our character, self image and destiny. 3. Lesson Goals: a. To study and define the different stages of Israels national development as related in the book of Exodus. b. To explore the significance of each stage and its components on the nature of our nationhood and identity by comparing the biblical account to a different version recounting the events of the exodus. c. To question the implications inherent in the fact that the seminal moments in our national development happen in Egypt, a foreign country (possibly the antithesis of the ideal society according to Judaism) and in the desert (a barren no mans land) instead of in the land of Israel. d. To understand the different facets of Jewish identity as a distinct people with both ethnic and religious aspects connected to but not dependent on a national homeland and question how these pieces fit together - if at all.

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4. Expanded Outline a. Identifying Definitive Events Note: In this subsection it is my intention to argue that the enslavement, the exodus, and Sinai were three definitive events in Jewish history and that each contributed a different aspect to our development as a nation. One method for conveying this can be a series of discussions around specific questions about each experience. Included in the following summary are the sources and suggested questions and conclusions. Another method can be the creative Midrash as explained at the end in the subsection on Methodology. This way each class member will have to decide and express the significance of one of these three events as seen through the eyes a specific participant. It is by comparing and discussing these views that we can understand the significance of the three aforementioned events. With this method subtopics 1-3 are covered simultaneously. To initiate the discussion, ask the class what in their opinion are the most definitive moments in Jewish history? Why? Based on an examination of the liturgy and the calendar, likely candidates include the exodus, the revelation at Sinai, and the destruction of the Temple; looking at the prophets, we find a repeated emphasis, too, on the experience of slavery. For this discussion, we are interested in the three events that are closely associated with each other and that occurred before we had a land. The enslavement, exodus, and covenant at Sinai, as described in the Bible, were milestones in the development of the Jews as a distinct people. Each defined a specific aspect of our nationhood. Following is a short explanation of how. Egyptian enslavement forms the Jews as a separate ethnic group: Egypt is referred to in the Bible and the prophets as the smelting oven that formed the people: Deuteronomy 4:20, Kings I 8:51, Jeremiah 11:4 Question for discussion: Match the metaphor with its meaning - What were the Hebrews before the process. What did they become after the process? How did the process change them? The book of Genesis recounts the travels and travails of Abraham and his descendents. While these stories tell of founders of our people, they are about individuals who eventually form a coherent family group. They are not the story of a nation. Only after Jacobs family members arrive in Egypt and propagate themselves at a remarkable rate is that family transformed into a distinct people different from the Egyptians among whom they live. The first time they are identified as a nation is by Pharaoh who perceives this new nation living among his people, identifies it as a threat and seeks to destroy it. (Unlike Hitler, Pharaoh is more interested in destroying the group as a group than the separate individuals; hence the decree against only the boy babies. Hebrews can survive as individuals, as long as they cease to exist as a distinct people.)

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Israel grew to form a multitude of people. These people were then distinguished as a separate ethnic group, the main point of distinction being that they werent Egyptians. Questions for discussion: Why not? Was it our choice to separate and differentiate ourselves? Did we try to fit in but the host nation refused to accept us? The Midrash brings both possibilities. On one hand we maintained a separate identity: Midrash Mechilta Bo Chapter 5: Bar Kapparah said: Owing to four factors were the people of Israel redeemed from the land of Egypt: they did not alter their names; they did not change their language; they did not spread malicious gossip; they were free of sexual license (some add: and they did not change their distinctive form of clothing). What do these four things represent? Do we preserve them today in America? In Israel? 0n the other hand the Midrash says that Pharaoh first paid attention to the inherent threat of the Israelites when he saw them all over Egypt instead of isolated in Goshen. Yalkut Shimoni Shemot /aleph /sec.162: and the land was filled with them (Exodus 1:7): The theaters and the circuses were filled with them. Or The Netziv: Haaemek Dvar on same verse: All the land was filled with them not just Goshen but all of Egypt. In every available place that Israel could buy and live - there they settled. For it is said in the plague of first born that G-d passed over the dwellings of Israel, therefore there must have been many Israelite homes interspersed with Egyptian houses. ..In Shemot Rabba it says they said that we may be like Egypt for once they lived among them it was desirable to them to be like Egypt so that they wouldnt be recognizable as Jews Once the Israelites are enslaved they are identified as a slave nation, distinct, it seems, from both the Egyptians and other captives or slaves, a people apart, designated to be slaves of Pharaoh. Exodus gives the Israelites a united national identity: Deuteronomy 16:3 Mishna Brachot Ch. 1 Mishna 5: The exodus from Egypt is to be mentioned [in the Shema] at night-time. Said R. Elazar ben Azariah: Behold, I am about seventy years old and I have never been worthy to [find a reason] why the exodus from Egypt should be mentioned at night-time, until Ben Zoma expounded it: for it says that you may remember the day when you came forth out of the land of Egypt all the days of your life. [Had the text said] the days of your life, it would have meant [only] the days; but all the days of your life includes the nights as well. The sages, however, say: the days of your life refers to this world; all the days of your life comes to add the days of the Messiah.

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Questions for Discussion: Annually we retell and re-enact it so that it will be imprinted on each succeeding generation. Why? Possible Answers: To prove G-ds control over the natural world and human history? To instill in our national psyche that we are a people worthy of redemption, born to be free? To remind us of our obligation to G-d? To sensitize us to the value of freedom and the evil of slavery? Our forefathers were not content to remain as Egyptian slaves. They rejected both slavery and Egyptian society. They didnt revolt and take over Egypt and all its riches. They left Egypt; a free people moving toward their own destiny and place. (In subsection four we will address the questions; where were they going? Was the accent on leaving Egypt or going back to their ancestral land?) Who left Egypt? It is important to note that not only ethnic Israelites (members of the clan Jacobs descendants) left Egypt but also the erev rav, a mixed multitude of others who cast their destiny with the people of Israel. (Whether they were an asset or a liability can be debated. Interesting questions can be asked about their role and their legacy in the ensuing wanderings but it is a fact that eventually they were absorbed into the nation of Israel). Exodus 12:38 Rashi on Exodus 32:7 Your people have become corrupt. It is not said: "the people have become corrupt," but, rather: "your people"--- the riffraff whom you accepted, on your own accord, and you accepted as proselytes without consulting Me, and you thought it good that proselytes be joined to the Shechinah--- they have become corrupt and have corrupted others Questions For discussion: How would you characterize the group that left Egypt/ How are they different from the original Hebrews that arrived in Egypt with Joseph? Is it just a quantitative difference or is there an essential difference? Possible conclusion: The Exodus defines the people of Israel as a distinct nation with it own destiny, separate from our host nation. Also: G-ds redeeming them creates a covenantal relationship: they are in debt to Him, or at least so He keeps telling them. Sinai gives the nation of Israel a religious identity/purpose/constitution: Exodus 19:6 Deuteronomy 4:34 Questions for discussion: Does Sinai transform the nation? Is the standing at Sinai a necessary part of our national development? How does it change us? Possible Answers: At Sinai the nascent nation forms a covenant with G-d. They are given the Law a distinct way of life (Can we call it a culture?) They are designated a holy nation, a

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kingdom of priests. They are charged with their purpose and mission among the nations. Their new-found freedom now has direction and meaning. Sinai defines the Jewish people as a distinct religious group with a new and revolutionary system of beliefs and law. b. What is the significance of those specific definitive events? Or: Would we be the same people if the story were different? Many historians associate the Hyksos invasion, rule and defeat in Egypt with the story of the Israelite enslavement and exodus. The Hyksos were a Semitic, tribal nomadic people who invaded and conquered Egypt They ruled Egypt for approximately 150 years until they were expelled by the native Egyptians. The similarities to the exodus story have led different historians to connect the two. We may not be qualified to judge this historical debate, but it is interesting to play with the ideas. Lets suppose the Hyksos theory is correct, and that is the official story of our people. How does that change our self perception? What if we were not enslaved in Egypt but rather suffered as a result of being the remnants of a foreign conqueror? Instead of Divine deliverance and miracles saving us we have expulsion of a foreign people? Would our people have developed the same if this were our version? What values or legacies would we be missing what would be in their place? Another interesting comparison for discussion: Compare and contrast our national epic to the formation of the USA. The settlers of the United States were abused and exploited by the British crown. They decided to rebel and win their freedom as a distinct people. One can argue that there are certain parallels to the Israelites seeking freedom from Egyptian bondage and asserting their identity as a distinct people. What are the differences? What defined the Americans as a single nation the land they shared? The ideals of freedom, democracy, equality? Can the bill of rights and constitution be parallels of Sinai? Points to consider: the uniqueness of the traditional version in which a nation is born with no homeland - and its birth is not connected with settlement or conquest. the contrast of a people defining themselves as the descendents of slaves as opposed to heroes or warriors the fact that both the American founders and the nation of Israel see themselves as bearers of a universal message. Note: The purpose of either discussion is to try to understand how our story defines our self perception. How the account we choose to remember and pass on to future generations contains not only the story of our roots but also the key to who we are and what we want to be.

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c. Concrete examples of how the enslavement, exodus and Sinai have affected and molded the character of the Jewish Nation. Question for discussion: How has each of following events marked Jewish consciousness or ritual or history? Enslavement? Exodus? Covenant at Sinai? Some examples: We are instructed to have compassion especially for strangers and slaves because we too were strangers and slaves. Exodus 22:20 (dont abuse the strangers), Lev .19:34 (equal rights for the strangers), Deuteronomy: 5:15 (Shabbat- let your servants rest) 10:19, (love the stranger) 15:15 (compassionate treatment of a Hebrew slave), 23:8 (Good treatment of Egyptians -Egypt hosted you), 24:18 (equal justice for the stranger orphan and widow, the disenfranchised) 24:22 (agricultural charity) National humility is inborn when your roots are slaves whose freedom was won not by their own physical strength or force but because G-d fought for them and redeemed them. Does that encourage us to be anti-violent - or to prove ourselves? Our relationship with G-d: If we were redeemed then that redemption must be earned and paid for. If for our very existence we owe a debt to G-d, does that obligate us to act in a way that merits redemption or make us resentful? Does the fact that G-d redeemed us mean we have a unique relationship with Him? Exodus13:5-15 (Pesach and Tefillin), Exodus 15:2-3 (the Song of the Sea) Tanchuma Parshat Truma Section 4 Speak to And the Holy One Blessed Be He says:I redeemed you from Egypt and you dont want to set aside a gift offering for me. That is why It is written they have taken a gift offering to me The possibility of redemption: If G-d redeemed us in Egypt, then redemption is possible and a realistic goal. Is this the seed of the messianic ideal? Rashi on Isaiah 48/15: I redeemed you from Egypt and I will redeem all of Israel from the final exile from the four corners of the Earth. Yalkut Shimoni Isaiah Remez/ 499 And He says to them: My children, do not fear all that I have done; for your sake I have done it. Why are you afraid? Fear not; it is the time of your redemption. And the final redemption will not be like the first redemption. The first redemption you still suffered the yoke of the nations on you after it but in the final redemption there will be no more pain or the enslavement by other nations anymore.

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The purpose of our freedom and national existence as espoused on Sinai was not to build empires but to exemplify moral monotheism for all the nations. Would we rather be like all the other nations? Could it be because we were formed as a nation of ideas and ideals before we were rooted in a homeland that we have been able to survive (and develop in) exile for most of our history? d. Where does the land of Israel fit in? Scholars list three things that are necessary for the formation of any nation that is to call itself a nation. A People: For a nation to exist there must be citizens who will make up that nation. A Constitution: Just a group of people is not enough to make a nation. They must have some type of structure, or system of law, to bind them together, or else they are just a lawless mob without purpose or unity. A Land: Those people must have a certain geographical area which they inhabit and which limits the boundaries of their domain. The enslavement and the exodus provided the first prerequisite. Receiving the Torah at Sinai provided the second; the question is: without the third were we not yet a nation? Possible questions: Why didnt the nation of Israel develop in the homeland like other nations? Why wasnt the Torah given in Jerusalem? Or put another way how did these irregularities in our development leave their mark on us? Possible Conclusions: The enslavement and exodus have served Jews throughout the ages in the most desperate of circumstances as inspiration for survival. E.g. illustrations in different Passover Haggadot depicting the slavery in images of times and places other than ancient Egypt; the parallel we draw between Egypt and the holocaust. (see source 11). When the Jews left Egypt where were they going? To Israel? To Sinai? Both destinations are mentioned various times in the Bible. Exodus 6:6-8 (at the burning bush G-d states I will bring them to the land but later (Exodus 7:16) He tells Moses to inform Pharaoh to send the people so they may serve Me in the wilderness. In Exodus 8:21-25 Moses and Pharaoh haggle over who and where in the desert they are going. In Exodus 12:31, when Pharaoh releases them he sends them to the desert to worship. In Exodus 13:5, upon leaving G-d instructs them about celebrating Pesach in the land I will take you to. Exodus 19:4 at Sinai: I have carried you on the wings of eagles and brought you to Me. For their part the people are ready to go back to Egypt at any sign of trouble (the sea, Marah) but then in the song of the sea they sing about being planted in the land (Exodus 15:13,16-17). Perhaps they were running blindly and didnt know where they were headed or why? (Jeremiah sees this as praiseworthy behavior sees Jeremiah 2:1-2 :)

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When life is good among the nations is it the heritage of Sinai that holds us together as a distinct people? Why not assimilate? If I dont live in Israel and have no patriotic tie to it then am I part of the Jewish nation or just the Jewish faith? If I am not religious and have no faith can I still be a Jew? Is being an Israeli enough? What about the many Russian non- Jewish immigrants/citizens in Israel today? (erev rav?) Are they a type of Jew? All these question are possible because significant parts of our development happened unconnected to the land. This is not to say the land doesnt have a central role in our history and belief system (as seen later lessons on the nature of our connection to the land, the mitzvot of the land as well as the promises of the land to the patriarchs and the newly formed nation itself) (For an example of a similar discussion see source 14) Jews have all three things a nation needs but each of them developed distinctly from the others and therefore is not dependent on them. We could have been enslaved and freed without Sinai or vice versa the revelation at Sinai could have occurred without our being slaves first in Egypt. Neither happened in the land of Israel. The tie to the land was developed separately both before we were enslaved in Egypt (the Patriarchs lived there and G-d promised that this land was intended for their children), and after the Exodus (Joshuas conquest). As a people we are continually debating which elements of our national identity are essential since de facto we have managed to survive without different aspects at different times. Which aspects of our national identity define us today? In America/ In Israel? For the Jewish people as a whole? For the individual participant? e. Tracing the exodus on the map i. Following the biblical route of the Exodus on the map 1. Ex. 15:22, 15:27, 16:1, 17:1, 17:8, 18:1-5, 19:1-2, Num. 10:11-12, 11:35, 12:16, 13:1, 17-25, 14:39-45, 20:1, 22-25, 21:1-4, 10-17, 21-35, 22:1, 25:1, 16, 2. Compare to Num. 33:1-50 http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/029.htm 3. Questions for discussion: a. What does the mapping add to the study of the text? E.g., possible explanations for the route: water, Philistines b. What problems arise in trying to trace the text on the map? What inconsistencies? E.g., Midian Moab c. What might explain the circuitous route?

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5. Possible Methodology: a. The above questions can be raised and discussed with the class as laid out with reference to the source sheet and Bible. b. Alternatively, different groups can study the different events of i. Enslavement ii. Exodus iii. Sinai Each group can form conclusions about the role of that specific event in developing and building the character of the Jewish people and then present and discuss their separate conclusions and the questions they raise as a group. c. Creative Midrash: The class can be divided into pairs or small groups, each given a specific role and asked to write an account of the enslavement, exodus and Sinai from their assigned point of view. The different accounts can then be used a starting point for the ensuing discussion on the meaning and implications of these events in our national development. Suggested Characters: An Egyptian advisor discussing the Israelite problem A Jewish child describing life in Egypt and the same child recollecting life in Egypt as an old man in the desert A Jewish woman describing the enslavement. A taskmaster planning the days work A member of the erev rav deciding to join the Exodus Moses and Aaron pondering what he is supposed to do with the people once Pharaoh lets them go. An Egyptian historian recording the exodus of the Hebrews for the royal records. A teenager standing at Sinai. A Canaanite hearing about the Exodus A Bedouin bystander describing Israel receiving the ten commandments and his comments on them. (The creative midrash is a good example of a pedagogical tool for the classroom for the group to discuss/plan even if it is not done live) Sources 1. Midrash Mechilta Bo Chapter 5: Bar Kapparah said: Owing to four factors were the people of Israel redeemed from the land of Egypt: they did not alter their names; they did not change their language; they did not spread malicious gossip; they were free of sexual license (some add: and they did not change their distinctive form of clothing). 2. Yalkut Shimoni Shemot /aleph /sec.162: and the land was filled with them (Shemot 1/7): The theaters and the circuses were filled with them. Or

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The Netziv: Haaemek Dvar on same verse: All the land was filled with them not just Goshen but all of Egypt. In every available place that Israel could buy and live - there they settled. For it is said in the plague of first born that G-d passed over the dwellings of Israel, therefore there must have been many Israelite homes interspersed with Egyptian houses. ..In Shemot Rabba it says they said we that may be like Egypt for once they lived among them it was desirable to them to be like Egypt so that they wouldnt be recognizable as Jews 3. Deuteronomy 4/20, Kings 1 8/51, Jer.11/4 4. Deuteronomy 16/3 Mishna Brachot Ch. 1 Mishna 5: MISHNAH. THE EXODUS FROM EGYPT IS TO BE MENTIONED [IN THE SHEMA'] AT NIGHT-TIME. SAID R. ELEAZAR B. AZARIAH: BEHOLD I AM ABOUT33 SEVENTY YEARS OLD,33 AND I HAVE NEVER BEEN WORTHY TO [FIND A REASON] WHY THE EXODUS FROM EGYPT SHOULD BE MENTIONED AT NIGHTTIME UNTIL BEN ZOMA EXPOUNDED IT: FOR IT SAYS: THAT THOU MAYEST REMEMBER THE DAY WHEN THOU CAMEST FORTH OUT OF THE LAND OF EGYPT ALL THE DAYS OF THY LIFE.34 [HAD THE TEXT SAID,] 'THE DAYS OF THY LIFE' IT WOULD HAVE MEANT [ONLY] THE DAYS; BUT 'ALL THE DAYS OF THY LIFE' INCLUDES THE NIGHTS AS WELL. THE SAGES, HOWEVER, SAY: 'THE DAYS OF THY LIFE REFERS TO THIS WORLD; ALL THE DAYS OF THY LIFE' IS TO ADD THE DAYS OF THE MESSIAH. 5. Exodus 12:38 Rashi Exodus 32:7 Your people have become corrupt. It is not said: "the people have become corrupt," but, rather: "your people"--- the riffraff whom you accepted, on your own accord, and you accepted as proselytes without consulting Me, and you thought it good that proselytes be joined to the Shechinah--- they have become corrupt and have corrupted others 6. Deuteronomy 4:34 7. Exodus 1:/6 8. www.mystae.com/restricted/streams/thera/hapiru.html The Hebrew Connection Knight and Lomas (The Hiram Key) suggest that Abraham, the Hebrew patriarch, may have been a Hyksos, a 'desert prince' who entered Egypt around 1780, B.C.E. This date can be calculated by backtracking from the estimated date of his great grandson Joseph's investiture as vizier in 1570. By both the conventional chronology and new chronology of David Rohl, however, Abraham would have lived centuries before the Hyksos invasion. "The mix of people who did enter Egypt as early as the eighteenth century under the steadily increasing pressures originating from the Indo-European (Hittite and Mitanni) expansions and the more organized invasions of the seventeenth century (with the two-wheeled chariot borrowed from the Indo-Europeans) probably did include groups which were ancestral to the Israelites, and refugees from the expulsion of the Hyksos a century later also probably

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included such groups, but these were movements in and out of a melting pot of peoples in the area. At best, a small portion of the 'Israelites' could legitimately claim such Hyksos ancestry." - John Celenza (jpc12243@aol.com) "The Hyksos and the Hebrews were racially akin. Some of the Hyksos rulers had Semitic names: one, for example, was called Jacob-el (Ya' qub-'al), 'May El give protection', and another, Jacobbaal, 'May Baal protect'. Most scholars now agree that there is some connection between the Hyksos rule of Egypt and the settling of the Hebrews there. It seems reasonable to assume that the Hyksos, who themselves had traveled the caravan routes to Egypt for centuries before they finally took power there, favored other 'Apiru groups and encouraged them to settle. When the Pharaoh Amosis (c. 1552-1527) captured Avaris and expelled the Hyksos from Egypt, pursuing them to Palestine and opening the way to Asia and so the great age of the Egyptian empire in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties (the New Kingdom), the Hebrews in Egypt were left without protectors. Contemporary documents show that the Hyksos who escaped slaughter were enslaved. It is reasonable to suppose that the Hebrews, now unprotected by the Establishment, were also enslaved at this time." - David Daiches, Moses - Man in the Wilderness "As he [Manetho] says, 'kept possession of Egypt five hundred and eleven years.' After these, he says, 'That the kings of Thebais and the other parts of Egypt made an insurrection against the shepherds, and that there a terrible and long war was made between them.' He says further, 'That under a king, whose name was Alisphragmuthosis, the shepherds were subdued by him, and were indeed driven out of other parts of Egypt, but were shut up in a place that contained ten thousand acres; this place was named Avaris.' Manetho says, 'That the shepherds built a wall round all this place, which was a large and a strong wall, and this in order to keep all their possessions and their prey within a place of strength, but that Thummosis the son of Alisphragmuthosis made an attempt to take them by force and by siege, with four hundred and eighty thousand men to lie rotund about them, but that, upon his despair of taking the place by that siege, they came to a composition with them, that they should leave Egypt, and go, without any harm to be done to them, whithersoever they would; and that, after this composition was made, they went away with their whole families and effects, not fewer in number than two hundred and forty thousand, and took their journey from Egypt, through the wilderness, for Syria; but that as they were in fear of the Assyrians, who had then the dominion over Asia, they built a city in that country which is now called Judea, and that large enough to contain this great number of men, and called it Jerusalem." - Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, Book 1:14 The son of Sequenere Tao II, "King Kamose, eventually inflicted crushing reverses on the 'wretched Asiatic' and the Hyksos were soon routed out of Memphis. The women of the last Hyksos king, Apophis's successor Apepi II, had the terrifying experience of watching the Theban fleet, led by a general by the name of Aahmas, sail up the Pat'etku Canal to the very walls of the Hyksos capital Avaris. The Hyksos were finally driven completely out of Egypt by Kamose's younger brother and successor, Ahmose, who chased them back to Jerusalem. Unable to escape by sea, no less than two hundred and forty thousand households are said to have made their way across the Sinai and Negev deserts. Strangely the route they took was known as 'Wat Hor' - the Way of Horus." "After the expulsion of the Hyksos, Semites of all kinds, including the Habiru, must have been

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more than a little unpopular and it would explain why the otherwise friendly Egyptians suddenly enslaved many or even all of those who remained in the country during the decade 1560 to 1550 BC. Inscriptions from the sixteenth and fifteenth centuries BC have been found giving details of these Habiru slaves and their forced labor. One tells of how large numbers of these people were forced to work in turquoise mines, which must have been extremely dangerous and unpleasant without ventilation and with naked flames burning up the oxygen...These mines were just a short distance from the mountain of Yahweh, Mount Sinai in the southern mountains of the Sinai Peninsula." - Christopher Knight & Robert Lomas, The Hiram Key: Pharaohs, Freemasons and the Discovery of the Secret Scrolls of Jesus For different historical explanations of the exodus see http://www.sfts.edu/rcoote/lecture13.htm (this is a Christian site The San Francisco Theological Seminary ( SFTS) a seminary of the Presbyterian Church (USA), and a founding member of the Graduate Theological Union. The above page summarizes three historical schools of thought from the 19th-20th century about the origin of Israel and comments on them.) 9. Exodus 22:20 (dont abuse the strangers), Lev .19:34 (equal rights for the strangers), Deuteronomy: 5:15 (Shabbat- let your servants rest) 10:19, (love the stranger) 15:15 (treatment of a Hebrew slave), 23:8 (Good treatment of Egyptians -Egypt hosted you), 24:18 (equal justice for the stranger orphan and widow) 24:22 (agricultural charity) 10. Exodus13:5-15 (Pesach and Tefillin), see the Shira Exodus 15:2-3 11. On a lighter note there is a popular Israel song which is entitled We survived Pharaoh The chorus is: We survived Pharaoh we will survive this too. To see the lyrics go to: www.shiron.net Title :" " 12. Exodus 6:6-8 (at the burning bush G-d states I will bring them to the land but later (Exodus 7:16) He tells Moses inform Pharaoh to send the people so they may serve Me in the wilderness. Exodus 8:21-25 Moses and Pharaoh haggle over who and where in the desert they are going. Exodus 12:31 When Pharaoh sends them he sends them to the Desert to worship. Exodus 13:5 upon leaving G-d instructs them about celebrating Pesach in the land I will take you to. Exodus 19:4 at Sinai I have carried you on the wings of Eagles and brought you to Me. For their part the people are ready to go back to Egypt at any sign of trouble (the sea, Marah) but then in the shira they sing about being planted in the land (Exodus 15:13,16-17) 13. Jeremiah 2:1-2: 14. http://www.kmwebsite.com/gura012601.html (Kehillat Ma'arav (The Westside Congregation) is affiliated with the United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism. Kehillat Ma'arav (KM) is The Westside Congregation, an egalitarian, active, friendly Conservative synagogue in Santa Monica, California. 15. Opening sentence of the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel, May 14, 1948

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Eretz Israel was the birthplace of the Jewish People. Here their spiritual, religious, and political identity was shaped. Here they first attained statehood, created cultural values of national and universal significance and gave to the world the eternal book of books. 16. Israeli folk song from the Sinai campaign of 1956, by Yehiel Mohar and Moshe Wilenski, At Mt. Sinai. For Hebrew text see www.shiron.net, Mul Har Sinai It is not an agadah, my friends, it is not an agadah my friends! And not a passing dream Here at Mt. Sinai, here at Mt. Sinai The bush, the bush is burning And it flames with song In the mouths of the regiments of our sons And the gates of the city in the hands of the Samsons Oh, the flame of God the eyes of the youth Oh, the flame of God in the roar of the engines This day will yet be recalled, my brothers, When the people returned to the experience of Sinai My friends, it is not a dream; my friends it is not a dream, And not the vision of a seer; From then until today, from then until today, The bush is burning, burning. It flames in a powerful song In the hearts Of the youth of Zion And the chariots of Israel Note the remarkable intertwining of images of tanks crossing the Sinai desert, with images from the Bible: the burning bush, the revelation at Sinai, Samson carrying off the gates of the city of Gaza (Judges 16:1-3), and Elijah (who spent time in Sinai) riding up to heaven in a chariot of fire (II Kings 2:11-12).

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L e s s o n 8:
The Desert Experience
1. Outline: a. An overview of the events that took place in the desert in chronological order, including time line. What type of experience was it for the people? What does the Desert signify or symbolize. b. The story of the spies c. The story of the two and half tribes d. Conclusions. Possibilities of significance or symbolism of the desert. How did the desert experience affect the people and what were its ramifications on their relationship to the land of Israel. 2. Introduction: The saga of the 40 years of wandering in the desert takes up the better part of two books in the Pentateuch the Book of Numbers (called Bamidbar In the Desert- in Hebrew), and Deuteronomy describe the experiences of the people of Israel in the desert. In this lesson we will try to examine the different ways the desert experience affected and influenced the people and its relationship to the land of Israel. We will do so by closely studying two specific episodes the story of the spies and that of the two and a half tribes that requested the land outside the promised borders. These stories form bookends to the 40 years of wandering in the desert. The sin of the spies resulted in the decree that the nation would not enter the land until all the present generation had died and is therefore the beginning of the extended desert stay. The story of the two and a half tribes takes place at the end of the forty years as the new generation prepares to enter the land of Israel. As such they provide an interesting contrast to each other and cast light on the entire period. 3. Lesson Goals a. To give the group a clear picture of the forty years spent in the desert. What happened when, cause and effect throughout the unfolding events. b. To study in detail the story of the spies. What was their sin? Why were all the people of that generation forbidden to enter the land? How do our own perspectives on Israel compare with that of the spies? c. To study the story of the two and half tribes Reuben, Gad and half of Manasseh and their request and negotiations for claiming the land on the eastern bank of the Jordan. Why was Moses so vehemently against the idea at first? What does their request say about their relationship to the promised land, the rest of the nation and the conditions necessary for establishing borders. d. To explore different ways the desert experience affected the development of the nation of Israel and its relationship to the Land of Israel. What purpose did this period serve? How can we relate to it today?

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4. Expanded Outline: a. Introduction and time line of the Desert Experience The desert experience is retold twice in the Pentateuch once as it happens and for a second time when Moses recounts the story. Both times it is told as a series of sporadic highlights: the manna, the spies, Korach, the fiery snakes, Balaams curses. The Bible doesnt dwell on the day to day living or the flow of events and it is sometimes difficult to see how it all fits together into one coherent story. Desert Time Line Year One Exodus Establishing the well in Marah Manna Receiving the Torah at Sinai Sin of the golden calf Receiving the second set of tablets Dedicating the Tabernacle Passover in the desert Kivrot Hatavah Quail Sin of the spies Korach Sojourn in the desert minimal traveling gradual dying out of first generation Death of Miriam Mei Meriva- hitting the rock Death of Aaron Balaams curses Sin at Baal Peor with the Midianite women War with Midian Negotiations and war with Sichon and Og Granting the conquered land to the tribes of Reuben, Gad and half of Manasseh Moses addresses the nation Death of Moses Ex. 5-15 Ex. 15:22-25 Ex. 16 Ex. 19-20 (and 21-31?) Ex. 32-33 Ex. 34 Ex. 35-40, Num. 7 Num. 9 Num. 11 Num. 13-14 Num. 16-17

Year Two

Year 339 Year Forty

Num. 20:1 Num. 20:2-13 Num. 20:22-29 Num. 22-24 Num. 25 Num. 31 Num. 21:21-22:1 Num. 33 Deuteronomy

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The desert experience can be divided into four parts each with its own characteristics. (see Source 1) 1. The first year This period is characterized by the peoples adaptation to life in the desert - meeting physical needs of water and food, as well as spiritual ones giving of the Torah and the building of the Tabernacle (Mishkan). This stage can be seen as a conclusion of the Exodus. The main drama occurring in this period is the giving of the Torah, the sin of the golden calf and G-Ds ultimate forgiveness in the form of resting his presence in the Tabernacle. It is important to note that at this point in the narrative the people intend to enter the land immediately upon arriving there, sometime at the beginning of their second year in the desert. The Torah and Mishkan can be viewed as preparations for establishing self rule in the land the establishment of a legal system and a centralized system of worship as a basis for independent society. 2. The second year- This is a year of crisis after crisis. It starts on the high point of dedicating the Tabernacle but things go down hill from there. Kivrot Hatavah the need for meat and the sending of the quails (Numbers 11), Miriam slandering Moses (Numbers 12) The story of the spies (Numbers 13), G-Ds decree that all those who left Egypt will not enter the land and that the people are to spend 40 years waiting in the desert before they enter the land, followed by a crisis in leadership in the rebellion of Korach (Numbers16). 3. The next 39 years - At the start of Chapter 20 in Numbers it is written: And the children of Israel, even the whole congregation came into the wilderness of Zin in the first month: and the people abided in Kadesh and Miriam died there. This happened in the fortieth year (see Numbers 32: Aarons death occurred at the next stop, in the fifth month of the fortieth year, and Source 1). Somewhere 39 years passed unaccounted for. Where did they go? (see Source 2) What was the peoples life like? What did they do? Some sources portray this time as idyllic, with all the peoples physical needs being cared for by G-D, allowing them to dedicate themselves to the study of the Torah. (source 3) Others portray it as an endurance test of their loyalty of G-D or to make them appreciate the land when thy finally inherit it (source 3). Some see this as a time of closeness between G-d and His people (source 4) and others as a time of estrangement (source 5). It is important to note the passage of time and the change in the generation that occur in this period. The people who witnessed the exodus and revelation as adults are dying out and being replaced by a second generation who were never enslaved. The people we are told about in the second half of Numbers are not the same ones that appeared as the people in the first half.

4. The fortieth year: This is a year of transition and preparation. The second generation approaches the land. There is a shift in leadership at Mei Meriva the hitting of the rock results in G-D decreeing that Moses and Aaron will not lead the people into the land. The change in leadership begins with the death of Miriam and then Aaron. The fledgling nation is forced into various interactions with the neighboring nations including negotiations and war. Instructions on how to divide up the land and arrangements for its inheritance are made. Finally in the last month Moses delivers his epic address to the people, which comprises most of the book of Deuteronomy, alternately reminding them of their past, renewing the covenant and warning them of the dangers inherent in

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entering and settling the land. The Pentateuch ends with Moses death in the desert, which is the final note of the desert experience. Note: Two interesting ways to study this period: 1. A comparison between Moses account in Deuteronomy with the original account in Exodus or Numbers, trying to explain the reasons or causes for the discrepancies (This technique of telling the same story from a different viewpoint is often used in literature e.g. The Alexandrian Quartet by L. Durell) 2. Looking at the chain of events and trying to understand the psychological, political, or educational connection between them. (e.g. Why does the story of Korach follow the episode of the spies perhaps after being sentenced to die in the desert the people have doubts about Moses leadership and are ripe for an attempted coup? Why did Moses hit the rock in the fortieth year? Could his leadership be unsuited for the new generation and situation?). b. The Story of the Spies 1.The story of the spies is a pivotal episode in the desert experience. Instead of just passing through the desert on their way to the land of Israel the people were forced to wander and live in the desert for forty years as a result of the spy fiasco. This delay ensured that those who entered the land were not those who left Egypt. The question is, Why? Is the delay a punishment or does it serve other purposes? What slander is there in the spies report? Is the sin of the spies and the people a betrayal of the land or of G-d ? Are the people simply scared or are they unwilling to enter the land, and if so why? 2.Before we read the text itself ask the participants who have visited Israel to write a short paragraph describing their last visit and their impression of Israel. Read some of the reports aloud to the class noting the main points of each one (e.g. physical beauty, security situation, people they met etc). Then read the biblical account of the spies report together. (Numbers 13:1-2, 15-33 and/or Deuteronomy 1:20-28) Are there similarities between the aspects of the land noted in the participants reports and those mentioned by the spies? What was so bad about what the spies said? Is it so different from our own perceptions of Israel today? Did the spies lie? Did they answer all of Moses questions? Did they report the facts or add commentary? What, if anything, is so wrong in their report? Compare their report to that of Caleb and Joshua. (Numbers14:6-10) (see source 6 for different commentators comments on these questions) 3.The peoples reaction: Read Numbers 14:1-5, Deuteronomy 1:26-33. Can we relate to their reaction? Isnt it a natural reaction to flee in the face of danger? To want to protect our children? Are the people rejecting the land or unwilling to pay the price of conquering it? How does their reaction reflect on their faith? (source 7) Compare participants reactions to the newest intifada in Israel with that of the people in the Bible are there similarities? (source 8) 4.G-Ds decree: Read Numbers 14:11-39, Deuteronomy 1:34-40) Does the decree serve only as a punishment? Is there an educational value to the punishment? Is it to make them long for the land Is that the purpose of Galut? Is it possible that the first generation were unsuited or unable to conquer the land , as ex-slaves perhaps they were too dependent on G-Ds overt interference and couldnt understand how to take responsibility for their own fate and future. Maybe they

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preferred a spiritual national experience to the nitty gritty of conquering and ruling a real country. Do Jews today prefer an idealized perception of Israel to the political and social reality? Is Diaspora Judaism more spiritual than Israeli Judaism? 5.The attempt to conquer the land after all. Read Numbers 14:40-45, Deuteronomy 1:41-46. Why the change of heart - didnt they get what they wanted; no war, no land, a continued miraculous existence? Why doesnt G-D accept their change of heart? c. The Two and Half Tribes 1. After the war with Sichon and Og on the east side of the Jordan, a large area of prime grassland and meadow falls into Israels hands. These lands are not part of the official promised land and therefore are not intended to be divided up among the tribes. The tribes of Reuben and Gad, who have many flocks and therefore need good grazing pastures, ask for the land. At first Moses is outraged and reprimands them forcefully, comparing their request to the sin of the spies. The two tribes answer Moses accusations with a revised request. After some dialogue between the sides a compromise is reached whereby the two tribes together with half the tribe of Manasseh are allowed to settle the land but must volunteer to lead the charge in the conquest of the land west of the Jordan and stay there until all the rest of the tribes are settled in their respective portions. (Numbers 32:1-33). The story is recounted a second time in Deuteronomy concisely without any hint of criticism. (Deutronomy3:12-20). The book of Joshua tells how the agreement was fulfilled and the two and half tribes did indeed lead the charge (Joshua 4 :12-3). At the end of Joshua the Bible tells us of a misunderstanding between these tribes and rest of Israel and its resolution (Joshua 22:1-34). Finally in Chronicles we learn of the conquest of the area by Assyria and the exile of the two and a half tribes before the eventual exile of the remaining ten tribes of Israel. (Chronicles1: 5:18-26). 2. The questions: Why does Moses react so negatively to the initial request? Why does he change his mind? What is it about the commitment and oath of the two tribes that changes his mind? Different commentators have reached very different answers to this question. Following are four different approaches found in the commentators. a. The problem was that the rest of Israel would think that the i. two tribes were settling the area to avoid going to war, afraid and ii. lacking in faith in the ability of the people and/or G-d to conquer the iii. land. This in turn would affect the rest of the nation and they would iv. have a repeat of the sin of the spies. b. They didnt want to enter the holy land. They wanted no part of the inherent uniqueness and holiness of the land. c. They were willing to separate themselves from the rest of the nation. d. Material possessions were their main concern. 3. Split the group into four. Each group is given a set of sources that represents one of the above approaches (they are told only that each set of sources represents a different approach but not what it is. Sources are listed in above categories in source 9). They are asked to answer the above questions according to the sources. They can also look for verses or nuances in the text

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that support the explanation put forth by those sources. Each group presents its finding to the class. 4. During the discussion different ideas and issues that come up in the story can be pursued. E.g. What effect does the decision of one part of the nation have on the rest? Moses was afraid that the two tribes decision not to settle the land would be misinterpreted by the rest of the nation; do we have to take other Jews perceptions into considerations before we take a stand on Israel or other Jewish national issues? What is the meaning of a holy land? Is it beneficial or dangerous to live with G-Ds eyes upon you? What does it demand from its inhabitants? The importance of unity - How do we remain one people even if we live geographically apart? Does my choice to live outside the land mean I want no part of the people of Israel? Or of the faith of Israel? Order of priorities what price are we willing to pay materially to live in the land?

Conclusion: The desert experience can be seen in two almost paradoxical ways. It can be perceived as a time of incubation and preparation for the ultimate conquest and settlement of the land. A time where the people acquired and learned the laws and national characteristics needed for such an endeavor. The generation found unsuitable for such an existence was forced to die off before the nation could proceed. In this analysis the desert experience is a means toward the final end of settling the land. On the other hand, the desert experience can also be seen as a prototype or even defense of national existence outside of the homeland. All the formative moments of our national history occur in the desert and not in the land of Israel. The nation value their existence freed as it were from earthly responsibilities of conquering and ruling a state. Israel reaches its zenith not as a political entity but in a purely spiritual state. This debate continues in Jewish consciousness until today.

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Sources 1. Abarbanel Introduction to the book of Numbers: This book (Numbers) has 10 Sedarim (Parshas) these ten Sedarim are divided up into two halves. The first half is comprised of the first five sedarim and tells of their travails in the desert. These are the sections of Bamidbar, Nasso, Bahalotcha, Shlach and Korach. The second half is comprised of the last five sections and tells what happens to them in their wars as they approached the Promised Land and they include Hukat, Balak, Pinchas, Matot and Masai 2. Rashi on Numbers 33:1 These are the journeys Why were these journeys recorded? To make the Omnipresent's benevolence known. For, although He decreed to move them about and cause them to wander in the wilderness, do not say that they wandered and were moved about from journey to journey all forty years, and had no rest--- for there are only forty two journeys here. Subtract fourteen, all of which took place during the first year, before the decree, from their journey from Ra'meses until they reached Rismah, from where the spies were dispatched, as it is said, "after, the people journeyed from Chatzeros, etc. Send, for yourself, men, etc.," and here it says, "they journeyed from Chatzeros and camped at Rismah," you learn that it was in the desert of Paran. Exclude, further, from there, eight journeys which took place after Aarons death, from Mount Hor to the plains of Moav, during the fortieth year, it is found that, throughout the thirty eight years, they took only twenty journeys. This is from R' Moshe [Hadarshan]'s commentary. R' Tanchuma expounds the matter differently: This is compared to a king whose son was ill, and he brought him to a distant place for treatment. When they returned, the father began enumerating all the journeys. He said to him, "Here, we slept, here we were chilled; here, your head ached, etc.' 3. Rashbam Leviticus 23:43 In order that You shall celebrate Sukkot at the time you harvest your grain and wine and your houses are filled with plenty; wine and oil and grain in order that you will remember that in the desert I settled the children of Israel in booths (sukkot) with no land and no society and thereby you will give thanks to the One who gave you a land and houses filled with plenty.. 4. Deuteronomy 8:2-5, Nehemiah 9:15

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5. Rashi Leviticus 1:1: Saying. Go and tell them sobering words: It is for your sake that He speaks to me, for we find that all thirty-eight years that Israel was in the desert, as people who are excommunicated, from [the time] of the spies onward, the prophetic Word had not come to Moshe, as is stated: "When all the men of war ceased to die, G-d spoke to me, saying." --- "To me" was the speaking. Another interpretation: "Go and tell them My words and answer Me [as to] whether they will accept them, as is stated, "Moshe reported the words of the people." Or both simultaneously; Radak on Hosea 9:11 Grapes Like a man who finds grapes in the b desert which is a barren place where no fruit grows, he would be very happy with them or like a man who finds the first fig on his tree that is how I found Israel in the desert and I provided for them and fed them and they lacked for nothing as if they were in a settled land and they didnt appreciate My goodness. 6. Rabbi Isaac Aramah (author of the commentary Akeidat Yitzchak) Sec. 77 They stopped acting as spies and turned into advisors and that is the reason they sinned*.and it wasnt just out of fear that they reported thus but because they were scorned it as it says in chapter14:31` your children.will know the land that you have scorned or as it says in Psalms They scorned a desired land and scorning the land is what has served to destroy us throughout out generations. Due to that sin we were exiled and removed from our land and we have become a disgrace and shame in the eyes of the nations and there is no way to return to our wholeness except the return of the land to us *Nechama Leibowitz explains that they made it seem as if they were reporting objective facts but in reality they were offering their own opinion by saying yes it is a rich and beautiful land but that doesnt matter because invincible people live there. ( Studies of Numbers Parshat Shlach The Sin of the Spies) (The Ramban brings a similar idea; both see the purpose of the spies in terms of military tactics, and the spies exceeded their authority by offering a policy opinion instead of just following orders and reporting the facts. Rabbi Elchanan Sammet in his book Studies in the weekly Parsha (available in Hebrew only), argues that Moses purpose in sending the spies was to emphasize the goodness of the land but they looked at the land not as enchanted tourists but as military strategists and thereby betrayed the purpose for which they were sent) 7. Rashi: Numbers 14:31 They are more powerful than we. As if it were possible, they said this about the One above 8. Following are two very different attempts to compare the sin of the spies to issues facing Jews and Israel today. Facing the generation that was to enter the Land, the generation which had not been involved in the sin of the spies, and addressing it as if it were the guilty generation, Moses means to issue a warning not to repeat the sin of the previous generation. In essence, Moses is saying: if your generation fails to appreciate the Land of Israel and the unique

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divine providence the Land enjoys, then you indeed will be as guilty as your fathers' generation. http://www.israelnn.com/article.php3?id=3956 (this is a site sponsored by Arutz Sheva a right wing nationalist religious station) http://www.ujc.org/content_display.html?ArticleID=73100 the article is a good example of comparing the sin of the spies to American Jewish reactions to Israeli conversion policy. 9. A. Rashi: Numbers 32:7: Why do you dishearten. Turn aside and restrain their hearts from crossing, for they will think that you are afraid to cross because of the war, and the strength of the cities and the people. Rashi Numbers 32:17: Before Bnei Yisroel. At the head of the armies, since they were great warriors, as it is said concerning Gad, "he shall tear arms, skulls as well." Moshe, too, reiterated specifically to them, in "These are the words": "I commanded you at that time, etc., go forth armed before your brothers, Bnei Yisroel, all [you] great warriors." And at Yericho it is written, "the armed force went before them"--- they were [the sons of] Reuben and Gad, who fulfilled their condition. Ramban Numbers 32:1 And the sons of Gad and Reuben came to Moses the text mentions Reuben first into the first verse Much flocks had the sons of Reuben because he was the first born and son of the first wife but in this verse Gad is mentioned first because they were the ones who had the idea and they were the ones who spoke first to Moses about settling this land and they were stronger than the sons of Reuben and therefore they did not fear to live alone in this area. Moses suspected that they feared the inhabitants of Canaan and recalled what the spies had said: we cannot go forth for they are stronger than us (Numbers 13:31) and therefore told them that they lack faith in G-D as did their fathers. Therefore they answered him Heaven forbid that we fear them we shall go forth at the head of the charge to the war and we shall be swift and first before all the people to fight the enemies of G-D . B. Midrash Hagadol (as appears in the Torah Shleimah by Rabbi Menachem Kasher Numbers 32:12) He said to them: What caused your fathers to be destroyed? The fact that bur a few entered and the rest stayed behind. When the few returned and told the others about what they had not seen themselves, they believed them and they are became rebellious and were and were condemned to death Also you now do not want to enter the land with your brothers. They

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will say If the land was truly choice and desirable they too would want to settle in it and once again they will go against G-Ds will and you will have caused them again to desert G-D and be destroyed. Eitz Yosef on Bamidbar Rabba Numbers 32:9 Moses wrote that the land of Israel is a land that G-D seeks after always therefore they chose the land on the other side of the Jordan that was blessed as is the land of Israel. R Naftali Berliner (Netziv of Volozin) in his commentary Emek Davar Numbers 32:7 The sanctity of the land of Israel is dependent on its division and each tribe settling his portion, as we see from the laws of Yovel that are only applicable when Israel is dwelling in their land and then it (the sanctity) can spread beyond the borders to the other side of the Jordan. Moses didnt want to settle the other side of the Jordan until the land itself was sanctified first because that is G-Ds will that the land be settled in its holiness before him and then his providence will extend over it and thereby you (the two and a half tribes) will have done your duty to G-D and to the rest Israel. As a result the land you desire will also become sanctified before G-D and receive His providence like the land itself. Or Chaim Numbers 7:32 The prince of Gad was named Elyasaf because he took extra gifts from G-D and through him Gd added to the land. See also Deuteronomy 33:20-21 Moses blessing to Gad is said to refer to Gad enlarging the land Of Israel and settling the area where Moses himself is too be buried. C. Torah Shleima Bamidbar 32:9: Rabbi Yehuda said: Divisions in Israel are harmful even when they are done for the sake of a Mitzva. We have seen that the children of Gad and Reuben asked Moses for this land - Why? Because they had many flocks and desired to distance themselves from the possibility of theft ( it is difficult to prevent flocks grazing in land that are not theirs) but because the separated themselves from Israel first they were sentenced to exile firstIf that is the fate of those separated themselves to prevent theft how much more so those who separate from hate or competition. Rabbi Samson Rafael Hirsch Bamidbar 3:/1 The text describes their courage and it is only because of their courage that they did think it was possible to live apart in the other side of the Jordan. If not for that trait they would never have dared live in a special portion outside the borders of the entire nation. If not for that they would have been more careful and would not have risked unraveling the spiritual bond they shared with the rest of Israel and the Temple.

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Emek Dvar Numbers 32:18 So that the rest of the tribes will not say why we merit settling the land before them since during the conquest and division of the land they can not work or build their portion, we will not return to our land after the conquest but will remain with them until the division of the land is completed. (Shows a commitment/ responsibility to the rest of the nation beyond what they owe them. Re the fears of spiritual estrangement see the Joshua 22 when the remaining tribes have similar suspicions) D. Bamidbar Rabba Sec 22 It is written a wise heart on his right this refers to Moses and a foolish heart on his left this refers to the children of Reuben and Gad that made the most important thing secondary in importance and gave priority to what was less important. They loved their money more than people for they said to Moses We will build fences for our sheep and cities for our children. Moses didnt say anything to them but he switched the order and gave priority to what was most important. He said first build cities for your children and afterwards fences for your sheep. The holy One Blessed be He said to them: you loved your flocks more than people I swear there will be no blessing in your portion as it says An estate may be gotten hastily at the beginning; but at the end it shall not be blessed (Proverbs 20:21) Rabbi Shimshon Rafael Hirsch (Numbers 32:16) The sages have taught in Bamidbar Rabba that the order in which the two tribes spoke shows that they valued their money more than anything else and the pursuit of riches was at the base of their request. They paid more attention to their flocks than to their children for first the mentioned fences for our sheep and only afterwards cities for our childrenIn his answer Moses precedes the care of the children and they understood the hint. In verse 26 they too mention their children and wives before their flocks. Our sages also said that their inordinate love of wealth and possessions did not bring them any blessing. Just as they were first to acquire possessions so they were first to loose them and their homeland since they were exiled before the rest of the ten tribes.

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10. There are a number of modern Israel songs that speak romantically of the beauty of the desert and connect it with the struggle of the modern conquest of the land. For example, Lamidbar by Haim Hefer and Sasha Argov (www.shiron.net) Go, go to the desert, The roads will lead you. Night has not yet fallen, Go my brother to the desert. Again, again we shall return The cliffs call out A great sun of light Will yet rise upon us To the desert, A land without water, Oh, you, my land We have returned to you A salty land Of wind [spirit] and rage, The warriors have returned Oh, like a storm. To the desert A land without water Oh, you, my land We have returned to you Traditionally, language of return refers to Eretz Yisrael, which stands in contrast to the unsettled, temporary life of the desert; yet here, we are returning to the desert Is this desert Eretz Yisrael?

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Lesson 9:
for the land is Mine laws governing the use of the land
1. Outline: a. A short survey of the agricultural mitzvot b. The sabbatical year (shmita) as a case study: study of the biblical sources and later interpretations c. Modern dilemmas and applications of shmita including a study of modern texts dealing with shmita by Rabbi A.Y. Kook and Rabbi David Golinkin d. The relevance of shmita today a discussion of the agricultural, social, and moral relevance of shmita in modern society. e. A discussion of the different categories of laws given in the Torah for application upon arrival in Eretz Yisrael. 2. Introduction: The Torah given in the desert contains a number of laws that restricted our freedom to exploit the land upon our entry into it. These include limits on when we may work the land, what we may sow and how we may harvest and also taxation on the produce. Since these commandments are only binding on Jews living on their land in Eretz Yisrael, the tradition developed a special attachment to them as long as we are living in exile, we are denied the opportunity to fulfill these mitzvot, so our religious life is incomplete. These laws therefore came to symbolize the specialness of the land, our connection to it, and our longing for it when we are in exile. Of the various land-based laws, the sabbatical year (shmita) is probably the best known example, and one whose restoration has generated interesting debates over the past century and a half, so we will examine it as a case study in this unit. This exploration will touch on questions about the nature of land ownership, about mechanisms of social justice, and about the relevance of biblical precepts in the post-biblical era. 3. Lesson Goals: a. To examine the question of who really owns the land, and the commitment of the people to the instructions they received for living in the land. b. To become acquainted with the different categories of land-based laws of the Torah and their conceptual basis c. To become familiar with the outline of sabbatical year observance and some of the understandings and dilemmas associated with it. d. To understand the significance and repercussions of the texts for society both then and now 4. Expanded Outline: a. The agricultural laws The Torah envisions Israel as a farming society living off the land and many of its laws relate to agriculture. The first order of the Mishnah, Zraim (Plantings) is dedicated to these laws. Although there are some exceptions, (where specific laws were extended by the rabbis to those dwelling outside of the land) these agricultural laws are for the most part tied to the land and obligate only those living within the biblical borders. It is interesting to examine the biblical commandments and try to envision: how they were applied, if they were

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what must have been the major obstacles to their enforcement what is their rational, social basis, if they have one how they could be applied in a post-biblical, post-agricultural society what they tell us about the land and our relationship to it why they would be applicable only within the borders of the Eretz Yisrael

Sowing: Leviticus 19:19 Kilayim - the prohibition of planting or grafting two different types of crop plants together. Harvesting: Leviticus 19:9-10 Leket - leaving produce that has fallen during harvest in the fields for the poor Deuteronomy 24:19 Shichecha - leaving the leftovers that were forgotten in the harvest for the poor Leviticus 19:9 Peah - not reaping the edges or corners of the field so as to leave them for the poor Taxes/gifts: Numbers 15:17-21 Terumah - gifts to the Cohanim amounting to 1/60 of the produce grown Leviticus 27:30-32, Deuteronomy 14:22-26- tithes to the Levites Leviticus 19:23-25 Orlah and Netah Revei - the prohibition of eating the fruit of a tree during its first three years of growth and the commandment to eat the fruits of the fourth year in Jerusalem Deuteronomy 26:1-22 Bikkurim bringing the first fruits of the harvest to Jerusalem Numbers 15:17-21 Challah setting aside a portion of bread as it is baked, as a gift to God b. The Sabbatical year The Sabbatical and Jubilee years: Exodus 23:10-11 Leviticus 25:1-23 Deuteronomy 15:1-3 Discussion Questions: Why seven years? Does it make sense? How is the Sabbatical similar to and different from Shabbat? What seems to be the economic and social purpose of the commandment according to the biblical text? In what ways are these goals to be accomplished? Are these goals relevant for modern society? In Israel? In the United States? Was the land given to the people of Israel with a set of binding instructions? Is shmita one of them? How can a farmer who is economically dependent on his crops comply with the commandment of the sabbatical year?

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 The Torah promises us Follow my decrees and be careful to obey my laws, and you will live securely in the land. Then the land will yield its fruit, and you will eat your fill and live there securely (Lev 25:18-19) What is the meaning of live there securely Materially? Militarily? Forever? What is the connection between observing the commandments of shmita and yovel (jubilee year the 50th year - after 7 sabbatical cycles) and living securely in the land? What is the importance and what are the difficulties - involved in returning the land to its original owners in the jubilee year (yovel)? And when your brother shall become destitute with you: what can we learn from this section about societys relationship to the poor and downtrodden? Even if the possible economical and/or agricultural rationales for the sabbatical and jubilee laws are not convincing, or have become obsolete, can we find a more abstract, theological basis for these laws? Could they be telling us something about ownership? About the sanctity of the land? About limitations of our sovereignty? About obligations that transcend economic benefit? c. Modern Applications of Shmita With the coming of Zionism Jewish farmers returned to the Land of Israel to cultivate the land for the first time in hundreds of years. Some of the chalutzim and new agricultural communities were religious. With the coming of the sabbatical year these religious communities were faced with a difficult dilemma. Their religious beliefs obligated them to observe the shmita and forbade them to work their fledgling orchards and newly cultivated fields, but such observance would mean not only financial ruin but undo all the efforts of the past years spent in cultivating the land. With the approach of their first shmita the group of pioneers in Petach Tikvah sent a letter with the question to a known halachic authority in Europe, but as the months went by and Rosh Hashana approached they received no answer. Many despaired, and unwilling to see the ruin of all their efforts left the Moshava. The difficulty, if not impossibility, of observing shmita in modern Israel and the catastrophic repercussions of such observance on the national economy (Israel is self- sufficient in produce and its agricultural exports are an important source of income and foreign currency) have led different rabbis to offer various halachic solutions. The official position of the chief rabbinate is to accept the heter mechirah, by means of which all agricultural land in Israel is sold to a non-Jew for the year; since the land is not owned by Jews, they are free to work it and benefit from it as they would in any other year. On the other hand, there are rabbis and communities who reject this legal fiction, and indeed refuse to eat any produce raised by Jews in Israel during the sabbatical year. And a third position argues that the law is simply not applicable in current historical circumstances. The first chief rabbi of Israel, Rav Kook, defended the heter mechirah. Here is a loose translation of excerpts of his responsum:

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Letter 287: My beloved and honored brothers: I feel a need to write to you regarding the observance of the approaching shmita. There is no need to tell you of the tremendous effort made by the learned rabbis to find a loophole to allow the survival of the Yishuv [the pre-state Jewish community in Israel] in accordance with the laws of the Torah by, in times of great need, allowing the selling the lands to non-Jews for the duration of shmita. There have been many G-d-fearing and learned scholars who have taken exception with this ruling; but like those who prohibit it, also those who allow it are acting for the sake of Heaven and the good of the land and the people The learned rabbis who decided thus (to allow the selling of the land) were determined and careful to avoid any infraction of Torah prohibitions. The permission (to sell the land) allows for a circumvention of all the issues which seem to be based only on rabbinic (as opposed to biblical) prohibitions - and because of the great need of the hour we are annulling them through this permissive ruling. By acting in this way, which is needed for survival by most of the Yishuv, we are maintaining the form of the Torah commandment so that the mitzvah will not be forgotten by coming generations. And as the Yishuv in Israel develops and strengthens then the holiness of the seventh year will also be restored and allow peace and rest for the land and our people to nourish their souls and their dignity until the final redemption shines on Zion. We urge people to abide by the details of the permission and act as instructed so that they will not violate the prohibitions of the Torah that are not included in the permission, and for which the sale does not apply - and thereby bring ruin to the land. Such irresponsible behavior will cause the rabbis to reject the permission and not endorse it at all, for they will not be able to bear that the permission that they allowed with care and trepidation is being used to trample the Torahs commandments. We, who appreciate how critical the survival of the Yishuv is, must ensure that the permission be respected fastidiously and be enacted by notable G-d-fearing scholars. .. Therefore, any actions that can be put off until after shmita without causing great damage, such as new plantings or grafting, should be delayed (even though technically the heter mechirah allows them). Also, people must refrain from all work in those areas where the land was not leased from the government, which includes all cities and settlements which are not agriculturally based ( e.g. private gardens). [Most agricultural land in Israel is leased from the government in 49 year leases and thus is owned by the government, not the farmers and thus the government can sell the land for the year] And here are excerpts of the responsum of Rabbi David Golinkin, approved by the law committee of the Masorti (Conservative) Movement in Israel for Kibbutz Hannaton:

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Question: How are we, a recently established kibbutz, to observe the shmita year? Being a young agricultural community, we must now already plan next year's crops. We are also in the process of developing our public gardens, lawns and flowerbeds; this is not merely for our pleasure, but also in order to strengthen the ground, thus preventing erosion during the rainy season, which could damage our houses' sidewalks. Is it permissible to plant gardens and to build an irrigation system during the shmita year? To what extent may one water the ground during a shmita year? What is the argument in favor of observing the shmita year in our time, and is the fact that our kibbutz was established a mere two years ago of any relevance? Responsum: Since the vast majority of Israeli society today lives in urban centers and far from agricultural areas, and since agricultural products are grown mainly for export, the shmita restrictions of ancient times which reflect a simple, small-scale agricultural society, cannot serve us appropriately in our time. Moreover, both methods used in Israel today owe their success to the vast, secular majority of Israeli farmers, who serve as a shabbess goy for the religious public. This is an unacceptable situation, especially for the Religious Zionist and Masorti populations. An investigation of the Rishonim (Medieval rabbis) reveals that a large group of Rishonim those of Provence - ruled that shmita in our day is neither biblical nor rabbinic but a midat hassidut, an act of piety. Therefore, we rule that the shmita year be observed as a midat hassidut, as follows: 1. Sowing the winter crop before Rosh Hashanah; 2. Sowing grass and trees for gardens before Rosh Hashanah; 3. Whenever possible, avoid Biblically forbidden work, such as sowing, pruning, harvesting and ploughing. However, if one must carry out any of these tasks, one should try to do them with a shinui, i.e by a different method than otherwise used; 4. Avoiding the planting or tending of gardens which are not otherwise required for preventing erosion during the rainy season. It is also advisable to perform various symbolic and educational acts to enhance the awareness of the year being a shmita year, such as: - Planning the agricultural cycle to fit the six years between two shmita years. - Leave one field as a "shmita corner" where all the laws of shmita will be observed. - Hold public study sessions of the laws of shmita in the Mishnah, Maimonides and other sources. - One of the ultimate goals of the shmita year is "that the poor of thy people may eat" (Exodus 23:11). It would be most appropriate for the Kibbutz to donate a part of the shmita year's profits to indigent people. Note: while there is extensive debate among the rabbis as to how to set the date of the sabbatical year in our times, a consensus has been reached. 5761 was a sabbatical year (20002001); the next will be 5768 (2007-8).

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Discussion Questions: What do we do with the awkward symbolism (from a Zionist point of view) of selling the land to a non-Jew in order to fulfill Jewish law in the Jewish state? Is it advisable to declare shmita a measure of piety instead of a commandment converting it into an option, not a law? Is it right to give in and retract a commandment because its observance is too difficult? Is shmita relevant or possible today? Could we invent other mitzvot that would fulfill its purposes but be more appropriate in a modern state? d. Examining the religious, social, moral and agricultural meanings of shmita 1. In Leviticus 25:23 the Torah says: But the land must not be sold beyond reclaim, for the land is Mine; you are but strangers resident with Me. This suggests that the sabbatical year comes to teach us a lesson on our relationship to the land: i.e., we dont own it, and we cant do with it whatever we want. We are here not by right but by Gods favor, and we need a constant reminder of just who it belongs to, let we become arrogant and/or stingy. It might be interesting to discuss the concept of private ownership, public domain, commons, and other concepts relating to distribution of land and of course the contrast between Gen. 1:28 and 2:15. Note: under the Ottomans, 95% of the land area of Palestine was government owned land. During the Mandate period the areas claimed as privately owned increased significantly, but after 1948, the government of Israel took over all land that had been state land up to then (about 70%), lands purchased by the Jewish National Fund (about 10%), plus all private land abandoned by Arabs who left the country (about 10%). Today, the Israel Lands Authority owns 93% of the land in the country. It is forbidden by law to sell it; it may only be leased (the standard lease is 49 years). 2. Why are the land-based laws in fact restricted to Eretz Yisrael? If they are expressions of universal values, tools to create social justice, then why not observe them everywhere? What is it about Eretz Yisrael and our relationship to it that causes this whole category of laws to exist? Are they about social justice and if so, then why arent they state based instead of land-based? Or are they about recognizing our conditional status in the land we are not the owners, we do not have complete freedom to exploit the land as we wish? 3. There are many who argue that the reason for the commandment of shmita was to allow the land to rest. It is agriculturally beneficial for fields to be allowed to lie fallow occasionally so as to renew themselves. Continous planting and cultivating leads to a depletion of the minerals and fertility of the field; therefore the Bible ensured sustained production by demanding the land remain fallow for one year out of seven. As such they see the commandment of shmita as irrelevant today when the fertility of the fields can be maintained by crop rotation and fertilizers.

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However if we see the mitzvah as carrying a social or theological rational as discussed above, then the question becomes: is the vision of social justice intended by shmita relevant or desirable in todays society? Discussion: There are two ways a society can decrease the gap between the have and the have-nots. Society can legislate and obligate its members to participate in social or charitable causes. The mitzvot of shmita can be viewed as such an attempt. The people of Israel were commanded and obligated to observe shmita and turn their fields and produce into public domain so that the lines between the classes became blurred, at least for the duration, and all could partake of what was available. Not only were the poor able to take what they needed but the rich experienced what it was like not to have an insured income. Is such an experiment in social justice possible today? Even if not, can a society force charity and social justice (n.b., our use of the word tzedaka justice as the equivalent of charity)? How? Taxation? Government-sponsored social services? What are the advantages and disadvantages of such a system? Another approach is to leave charity and social justice to those who volunteer to do it. Only people who are themselves inclined and convinced of the importance of social justice and helping the weaker members of society can really help and fill real needs. Only grass roots movements are genuine and effective. A society can educate to social justice and encourage it but it cannot impose it. Is that true? What are the advantages and disadvantages of such a system? Which system is more likely to create a fairer or more egalitarian society? Should the biblical heritage of the Jewish people play a role in setting social policy in the modern state of Israel? e. Land-dependent laws and state-dependent laws The above laws are generally referred to as hamitzvot hatluyot baaretz - laws dependent on the land; for the most part they relate specifically to the land, i.e., the soil itself. As source #5 indicates, the rabbis saw living in Israel as a mitzvah opportunity since only there could we fulfill all the mitzvoth and thus, they saw traveling abroad as a denial of these opportunities and hence a kind of spiritual impoverishment. In later rabbinic discussions there were those who took the position that we are commanded to immigrate to Israel so that we will be able to fulfill all these mitzvoth while others said that without sovereignty and the practical ability to fulfill all these mitzvoth, immigration to Israel was actually increasing our sin quotient, because as long as we lived abroad we were not obligated by these mitzvoth and hence were not sinning by ignoring them; but in Israel, we were obligated, and hence if we were unable to fulfill them, we were sinning. In any case, there are many other laws in the Torah that are given in preparation for sovereignty in the land, for observance once we get there, that are not agriculturally based, but seem to define a set of social norms. For example: Exodus 23:32-33 take over the land and make no alliances with the Canaanites Leviticus 19:33-34 treatment of the stranger

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 Deuteronomy 21 the law of the red heifer But beyond these specific examples, in general, we can see the Torah as not only a users manual for the land, but also as a blueprint for the state we are to establish once we get there: a religious establishment, a system of justice, family law, land ownership, economic relations, etc. While many of these are relevant no matter where we live, at the time they were given we were on our way to Israel, where we expected to set up a sovereign state without any consideration being given that a time might come when we would live elsewhere, under others sovereignty. In large part, therefore, we can see them not as land-dependent, but as state-dependent. Thus, it is of interest to discuss what kind of society is delineated by these laws, and to think about the relevance of this ideal to the modern state of Israel. Here are some passages that can serve as the basis for such a discussion: Exodus 21-23 Leviticus 19-20 Are there consistent values to be found behind these laws, or are they arbitrary commandments? Can we accept them? Are they obsolete? How could they be applied in a modern context? Should they inform the state of Israel today, or must they remain the province of individuals and/or voluntary communities? Methodological musings: The above is too much for one lesson; here are some suggested cuts through the material: a. An overview of agricultural laws, reviewing the various agricultural laws and trying to understand how they might have been observed and what are the values underlying them (subtopic 1) b. Focusing on shmita and its meanings (subtopics 2, 4) c. Focusing on shmita, and the debate over if and how to apply it in the present as a case study in modern Israel's ambivalent relationship to its biblical roots (subtopic 2-3) d. Imagining the ideal state depicted in the Torah, and considering its relevance to the modern state (subtopic 5) Sources: Articles and sites dealing with shmita observance today: 1. http://chareidi.shemayisrael.com/TRMashmitta1.htm http://chareidi.shemayisrael.com/TLDarain.htm http://chareidi.shemayisrael.com/archives5759/shoftim/aorlo.htm These are articles from a charedi (ultra-orthodox) site. 2. For a different outlook to possible reconciliation of halacha and modern Israeli economics and agriculture see Machon HaTorah Veha-aretz http://www.toraland.org.il/web/index.asp?f=1 unfortunately the site is only available in Hebrew. It is affiliated with the religious Zionist establishment. The center itself was located in Kush Katif (in Gaza) and specializes in researching the land-based mitzvot as applicable today. 3. On possible non-Jewish parallels: http://www.jhom.com/index.htm 4. Update from the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations (OU - the main kashrut supervision agency in the US)

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The "OU" does not rely on the standard heter mechirah, whereby the Israeli government sells the entire country to non-Jews in order to remove the restrictions of shmita. This year, the "OU" is certifying some parsley, coriander, cilantro, dill and paprika that were grown during shmita on the basis of a different method of sale. Each owner of the parcels of land on which the parsley was grown executed a personal sale to a non-Jew. A sum of money was paid for each property. The Israeli government, which controls all land transactions, issued legally-binding authorization for these specific sales. The sale was performed without a middleman, which obviates the concern of shaliach lidvar aveirah. The Tzitz Eliezer (6:32) allows this method of sale, in counterdistinction to the general sale of the entire country. (See also Chazon Ish 10:6.) In addition, all melachos diorayso (labors forbidden by the Torah on shmita) were performed by non-Jews and the majority of the parsley was planted before the onset of the shmita year. 5. Midrash Sifrei Devarim 80 Once Rabbi Judah ben Baterah and Rabbi Matya ben Charash and Rabbi Chananiah the brother of Rabbi Joshua, and Rabbi Jonathan were traveling abroad, and arrived at Paltum, and remembered Eretz Yisrael and their eyes filled and their tears flowed and they tore their clothes and read this passage [Deuteronomy 11:31-2] When you have occupied [the land] and are settled in it, take care to observe all the laws and rules that I have set before you this day. They said: [this is proof that] dwelling in Eretz Yisrael is as important as all the mitzvoth in the Torah altogether. 6. On the historical and economic context of Shemittah: http://www.jhom.com/topics/seven/shmita.html

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L e s s o n 10:
The Covenant, the Land, the Hand of God in History
1. Outline: Covenant: conditional nature of our relationship to the land a. the initial formulation of the covenantal view in Deuteronomy b. expressions of the covenantal view in Jewish history c. how do we relate to this after the Holocaust? d. implications for the modern state of Israel 2. Introduction: We will discuss the covenantal view of history and its implications for our reading of the biblical historical narrative and rabbinic texts; does God determine history as a response to our merits/sins? Does this imply we should undertake a passive role when national disasters occur, since they are simply the hand of God dealing out our due punishment? Is there a rational way to interpret the same concept of historical consequences for our actions? How do we relate to and teach this concept after the Holocaust? What does this mean for the modern State of Israel do we have an unconditional right to the Land, or is it dependent upon our actions? 3. Lesson Goals a. knowledge of biblical foundations of covenant world view b. knowledge of expressions of the covenantal world view through Jewish history c. critical understanding of the Deuteronomic perspective d. awareness of different views in modern Israeli society of the implications of the covenantal world view on "our right to the land" 4. Expanded Outline a. Read Deuteronomy 11:13-22 which states the basic idea. Do we believe this on a personal level (i.e., that God rewards us for fulfilling commandments and punishes us for not)? On a national level (i.e., can history be understood in terms of Gods rewarding and punishing us for our collective behavior)? How does Abrahams bargaining with God over Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen. 18) relate to this? Can we interpret this idea in a rational way (i.e., are their behaviors sins that can cause a group to suffer, lose their land, etc.)? There are many expressions of the covenantal world view in Jewish texts throughout the ages. Try and think of some well-known examples (below are a couple): - "But because of our sins we have been exiled from our land and sent far from our soil." From the siddur - Musaf of the Holidays - "Why was the First Temple destroyed? Because of three evils in it: idolatry, immorality and bloodshed. But why was the Second Temple destroyed, seeing that during the time it stood people occupied themselves with Torah, with observance of precepts, and with the practice of charity? Because during the time it stood, hatred without rightful cause

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prevailed. This is to teach you that hatred without rightful cause is deemed as grave as all the three sins of idolatry, immorality and bloodshed." Bab. Talmud Yoma 9b -The story of Kamtza and Bar Kamtza (appended to this unit) raises interesting questions about the responsibility of individuals and bystanders and leaders for the destruction of Jerusalem. Was the destruction a punishment for imperfect behavior, or the result of such behavior? For these examples and others that were mentioned, can we also think of rational explanations? If the impending destruction (of the First Temple) is God's punishment for our sins should we fight it? The attitude of Jeremiah towards the siege of the Babylonians was that since the imminent fall of Jerusalem was the penalty for Israel's continuous failings, the people should not fight it. Better go quietly to exile, repent and wait for things to get better (see Jeremiah 27 and 38). What do we think of this? b. What do we think of the covenantal world view after the Holocaust? Read the opinions of two Haredi rabbis who attribute the Holocaust to opposing sins of the Jewish people. - Rabbi Joel Moshe Teitelbaum, the Satmerer Rebbe (leader of the Hassidic group the most violently opposes Zionism) blames the Zionists for the killing of 6 million Jews (see http://www.jewsagainstzionism.com/quotes/vayoelmoshe1.htm). Does he explain this by mystical or rational arguments? - Rabbi Yisakhar Shlomo Teichtal, a Haredi Hungarian Rabbi who was initially vehemently opposed to Zionism, underwent a change of heart during the Holocaust. During 1943, he wrote a book (Em Habanim Semecha) which argues for Zionism, and attributes the trials of the Jewish people to the anti-Zionism of the majority of the Torah world. The author died in a cattle car transporting the remnants of Auschwitz ahead of the Russian armies. In his book, he accuses: "Now who is actually responsible for this innocent blood which has been spilled in our time, due to our many iniquities? It seems to me that these very leaders who prevented Jews from joining and participating with the builders cannot atone (for their wrongs) by exclaiming: Our hands did not shed blood.[The Jewish leaders] should have been involved in this matter, teaching Jews to return to the Holy Land in the spirit of the Torah. Where might we have been today had all the tzadikim and haredim in former generations given their support. Many thousands of Jewish souls would have been saved!" In addition to this rationalistic view, he also sees the hand of God: "This may have been the sense of the interpretation of the Midrash of the Song of Songs verse "Draw me unto you, we will run after you" (Song 1:4) "Because you have incited my evil neighbors against me." That is to say, for some time now we have lived with our gentile neighbors on good and amicable terms. Suddenly, they have been transformed into enemies and evil neighbors who hound us. But this is only because they have been incited against us by a particular Source. This impulse emanates from the profound purpose of God, in order that "we will run", to ascend to Eretz Yisrael"

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c.

Does the modern state fit the biblical equation? Was it given to us by God and if so, is the gift conditional on our behavior? This raises several interesting questions: -Is the modern state of Israel the fulfillment of biblical promises, or is it just a secular historical phenomenon governed by the normal processes of history? -Was the victory of 1948 a miracle? What about 1967? Does God act in history? -Does the fact of Israels creation and continued existence give evidence of Gods favor upon us? -Having served our time for ancient sins, are we now being given another chance? -And if so, upon what are we being judged this time? Torah law? Halacha? Western liberal values? Who has the authority to tell us what God requires of us in order to avoid another round of expulsion? In modern Israel today, Yeshayahu Leibowitz was the most vocal proponent of the view that the Jews do not have a God-given right to the Land of Israel, but that our possession of the land depends on our deeds. "Sinners may exist anywhere in the world, as the Lord's ways are not like ours, and he tolerates the wicked, but Nahmanides stresses in his words (in his commentary to Vayikra 18:25) that 'the Land will not suffer sinners, idolaters and the licentious'. That is, the actual physical relationship between the Jews and the Land of Israel, is no guarantee of the fulfillment of the Mitzvot. Our habitation of the Land of Israel, which is held up by many as a central tenet of faith, both theoretically and practically, becomes a matter that can be interpreted favorably but also unfavorably; and indeed in the spirit of these words of Nahmanides, particularly because this land is the Estate of the Lord, it will not tolerate sinners and will vomit them from its midst. We must remember the words of the prophet that state categorically that merely settling the land and conquering it, are no guarantee that this is the fulfillment of a commandment and becoming close to God; there may even be a situation of 'you came and defiled my land and made my inheritance detestable' (Jeremiah 2:7) - this was said about the conquest of the Land and its settlement; and there is also the situation of 'Who build up Zion with bloodshed and Jerusalem with iniquity' (Micah 3:10), and the result which this prophet prophesies is immediately explained: 'Therefore because of you Zion shall be plowed like a field, Jerusalem shall become heaps of ruins, and the mountain of the temple like the bare hills of the forest.' (Micah 3:12)" Yeshayahu Leibowitz, Talks about the Weekly Parsha (in Hebrew), Parshat Kedoshim. Leibowitz was objecting to the opinion of Gush Emunim leadership, who saw the possession of the Land as an inevitable process, directed by the hand of God: "From the point of view of mankind's humanistic morality we were in the wrong in (taking the land) from the Canaanites. There is only one catch. The command of God ordered us to be the people of the Land of Israel." - Shlomo Aviner, "The Moral Problem of Possessing the Land," Artzi vol.2 (1982) p. 11 For a detailed analysis of Gush Emunim ideology see http://www.sas.upenn.edu/penncip/lustick/index.html If we subscribe to Leibowitz's point of view, what are the most important issues that modern Israel needs to address to make sure it is not "vomited by the Land"?

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d. Since the beginnings of Zionism, the debate has raged both between Orthodox and secular Jews and within the Orthodox world as to whether the modern state of Israel should be ruled by the Torah; in other words, is this the fulfillment of the biblical promise, the actualization of the messianic hope, and hence the restoration of the utopia we lived in before the destruction of the Temple? Or is this simply a modern state, created and ruled by human beings, awaiting the final redemption in which case it would be inappropriate to try to rule it by Torah law. In the paper, Is a Halachic State Possible? Prof. Aviezer Ravitzky, head of the department of Jewish Thought at the Hebrew University, and a popular and highly respected modern Orthodox teacher and leader, analyzes in depth the case for and against modern Israel being a halachic state. This is being sent as a separate file; it is not light reading. We have excerpted a short selection, relating to some key arguments, that might make a more manageable assignment and base for discussion. It appears in the appendix below, with a few discussion points. e. Appendix - texts On Account of Kamtza and Bar Kamtza Jerusalem Was Destroyed... A certain man had a friend Kamtza and an enemy Bar Kamtza. . He once threw a party and said to his servant, "Go and bring Kamtza. The servant went and brought Bar Kamtza. When the host found him there he said... "What are you doing here? Get out." Said Bar Kamtza, "Since I am here, let me stay and I will pay you for whatever I eat and drink." He said. "I won't." "Then let me give you half the cost of the party." "No," said the host. "Then let me pay for the whole party." He still said "No" and took him by the hand and put him out. Said Bar Kamtza, "Since the Rabbis were sitting there and did not stop him, this shows that they agreed with him. I will go and inform against them to the government." He went and said to the emperor, "The Jews are rebelling against you." "How can I tell?" Send them an offering and see whether they will offer it [on the altar]." So he sent with him a fine calf. While on the way, Bar Kamtza made a blemish on its upper lip (some sav on the white of its eye), a place where the Jews count it a blemish and the Romans do not. The Rabbis wanted to offer it in order not to offend the government, but R. Zechariah ben Abkulas said: "[No], people will think that blemished animals may be offered on the altar." They then proposed to kill Bar Kamtza so that he could not inform against them, but R. Zechariah said, "[No, people will think that] one who makes a blemish on a consecrated animal is put to death". R. Johanan commented: "Through the scrupulousness of R. Zechariah ben Abkulas our House has been destroyed, our Temple burnt, and we ourselves exiled from our land." -Babylonian Talmud, Gittin 56a-b

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Excerpt from paper by Aviezer Ravitzky, Is a Halachic State Possible? (See discussion questions at end) But beyond all this waits a further question: What is the nature of the halakhic state under consideration? Is it to be conducted exclusively in accordance with halakhic rulings? Lets assume that the populace freely chooses to conduct its life in accordance with the laws of the Torah, and that it even grants the Torah sages the power to enforce compliance with their will and their rulings. In such circumstances, would they themselves want to bring all legal systems under their control? Would they demand that all societys arrangements be conducted consistent with religious law? Some, to be sure, would respond positively to such questions (even if only rhetorically); as Rabbi A. Y. Waldenberg, former presiding judge of the rabbinic court in Jerusalem, wrote in his day: This divine government, termed theocracy, will not be equalled by any democratic government, even the most nearly perfect. Moreover, any democracy that is not interwoven with theocracyin other words, with the Torahs absolute rule over the states political lifewill sooner or later culminate in the breaking of all bounds of holiness.1 But other contemporary sages have taken a decidedly different view of these matters.2 In fact, it is classical halakhic literature itself that tells us that the ideal hand of Torah alone falls short of being able to maintain the real world, and that it needs the engagement of a human leadership that can rule, adjudicate, and impose sanctions outside the bounds of halakhah and sometimes even contrary to it. Or, in a paradoxical formulation, theocracy itself proclaims that it is not self-sufficient; that it depends substantially on the existence of a secular, human and political realm; and that it has no independent existence confined within the proverbial four cubits of halakhah. Elsewhere, I have dealt extensively with this subject3; more recently, Menachem Lorberbaum devoted a comprehensive study to it.4 Let me therefore limit myself here to a
(Rabbi) A. J. Waldenberg, Halakhot of the State (Jerusalem: Mosad ha-Rav Kook, 1952), Vol. 3, p. 37 (Hebrew). But cf. ibid., Vol. 1, p. 17. 2. For a review of the rabbinic debate on the subject at the time the State of Israel was founded, see Asher Cohen, The Tallit and the Flag: Religious Zionism and the Concept of a Torah State, 19471953 (Jerusalem: Yad Yizhaq Ben Zvi, 1998), pp. 73-78 (Hebrew). 3. See note 4, supra. 4. Menachem Lorberbaum, Politics and the Limits of Law (Palo Alto: Stanford Univ. Press, 2001). See also the comments of (Rabbi) H. O. Gorodzhinsky, head of the Council of Torah Sages in Europe, as cited by (Rabbi) Y. A. ha-Levi Herzog, Legislating for Israel in Accordance With the Torah , Vol. 2 (1989), p. 75 (Hebrew). Compare the comments of Zionist Rabbis: M. Z. Neriah, The Laws of the Kingdom, Ha-Zofeh (5 March 1948), p. 6 (Hebrew); idem, What Is Legislation in Accordance With the Torah?, ibid (27 February 1948), p. 4 (Hebrew); Shlomo Gurontschik (Goren), What Is Legislation in Accordance With the Torah?, ibid., (13 February 1948), p. 4 (Hebrew); Shim`on Federbush, The Law of Government in Israel, supra note 22, pp. 48-53 (Hebrew). For a different understanding of Rans comments, see Eliav Shochetman, Recognition of Halakhah in the Laws of the State of Israel, Shenaton ha-Mishpat ha-Ivri, Vols. 16-17 (1990-1991), pp. 417-500 (Hebrew); (Rabbi) Yoel Bin-Nun, Democratic Rule in Accordance with the TorahDesirable Government and Its Limits, in Derekh Erez: Religion and State (supra note 17), pp. 298, 309-311 (Hebrew); Aaron
1.

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brief illustration of the difficulty. According to the law of the Torah, a thief who is caught is fined and required to pay back twice the value of what he stole, and one who openly robs and is caught must only return the stolen property. Halakhic thought sees this as an expression of absolute justice, flowing from a heavenly source. But can a properly functioning society be maintained, and can ownership and property rights be protected, by means of such mild penalties? Similarly, according to Torah law, a person who deliberately commits battery on another, blinding him or knocking out his tooth, is required only to provide monetary compensation to the victim. And so, will a person to whom money is no object, or a person so poor as to be judgment-proof, be free to do as he wishes, striking his enemys eye or tooth without impediment?5 Moreover, as Torah sages pointed out as early as the Middle Ages, the pre-conditions to convicting offenders under Torah law (proof, warnings, and so forth) are so extreme and so rigorous as to completely neutralise punishments deterrent effect6: For if you base everything on the laws determined in the Torah, imposing punishment for battery and so forth only in the manner the Torah does, the world would be destroyed, for we would need witnesses and warnings. As our rabbis of blessing memory said, Jerusalem was destroyed only because they based their rulings [exclusively] on the law of the Torahas a result of which the reckless would breach the barriers of proper conduct and the world became desolate.7 Accordingly, medieval Jewish communities were often required to enact ad hoc legislation providing for effective penal sanctions, thereby ensuring public order and protecting private property. Their sages thus legitimated juridical activity adapted to societys real needs and to circumstances of time and place and did not take account solely of the Torahs ideal laws or view matters sub specie ternitas. The process reached its pinnacle during the fourteenth century, with the formulation of a halakhic theory that applied this line of reasoning to the law of the future Jewish kingdom as well. The theory held that the anticipated Jewish polity in the Land of Israel would be required to maintain two parallel systems. One would be obliged to rule in accordance with Torah law, upholding it without qualification or reservation, while the second would be permitted to veer off from it and show a degree of practical flexibility. Only in that way, through the combined operation of the two systems, could Israel reap the benefits of the two worlds. On the one hand, given desirable societal conditions and within the bounds of the possible, they could base their lives on true justice, righteous per se. On the other hand, in difficult societal circumstances and outside

Kirschenbaum, The Role of Punishment in Jewish Criminal Law: A Chapter in Rabbinic Penological Thought, Jewish Law Annual, Vol. 9 (1991), pp. 123-143. 5. Quoted from the book of an unnamed halakhist in an article by (Rabbi) Y. A. ha-Levi Herzog, Toward a Jewish State, in Yehudah Shaviv (ed.), At the Crossroads of Torah and State (Alon Shevut: Zomet Institute, 1991), Vol. 1, p. 8 (Hebrew). Rabbi Herzog rejected the suggestion, just as he had rejected Rabbi H. O. Gorodzhinskys suggestion to draw a line between the law of the state and the law of the Torah. Cf. Herzog, Legislating for Israel, supra note 43, Vol. 2, p. 75; Ravitzky, Religion and State in Jewish Philosophy, supra note 4, pp. 11-12. 6. (Rabbi) Naftali Rotenberg, A Kingdom of Priests and a Holy Nation, Or ha-Mizrah, Vol. 41, No. 2 (1993), pp. 104-109 (Hebrew). 7. Rashba, Responsa (Benei-Beraq, 1958), Part 3, Sec. 393. The talmudic quotation is from Bavli, Bava Mezi`a 30b. Rashba was discussing the Jewish autonomy in the Diaspora.

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those bounds, they could work to repair the political order in accordance with the needs of the hour.8 On this understanding, which exercised considerable influence on political and halakhic thought over the ages, the first system (the religious) should not invade the domain of the second (the political) or seek to impose on it the stringency and purity to which it alone is subject.9 To that limited extent, the Torah must withdraw and restrict its own applicability for the sake of the communal good; it must be satisfied with its inner perfection and confine itself to its own domain. In a broader or higher sense, however, it is the Torah itself that provided for these two systems, the realistic as well as the idealistic, and it is the Torah itself that authorised the community and the state to depart from the normative law for the sake of pragmatic improvement. And so, in the final analysis, even when the political authority departs from the law of the Torah (in the narrow sense), it is empowered to do so by the authority of the Torah (in the broad sense) and the Torahs Giver. In the words of Rabbi Shlomo Goren, former Chief Rabbi of Israel: For human society, including the nation of Israel, has a need for political governance that stands for and applies relative justice, that is, time-bound political justice, and, by its force, imposes order and security among people. The penal laws of the Torah, which stand for absolute justice unaffected by the needs of the time, place, or level of human society, are insufficient.10 Need we state the potential implications of this halakhic point of view for a real Jewish state that is run under a parliamentary-democratic system of governance and that judges its citizenry pursuant to an extra-halakhic system of laws? They suggest that all legislation by the Knesset (as long as it does not compel anyone to transgress ritual commandments) can immediately gain the status of Torah in the broader sense, the originator of the two parallel systems. To state it differently: any legislation enacted in a Jewish state, and any legal ruling issued there, whatever its source, can become in a formal sense an organic component of Jewish law in its comprehensive sense. In fact, during the early days of the State of Israel, prominent halakhists suggested as much.11 We have thus reached a fundamental
Derashot ha-Ran, pp. 189-194. Ran was speaking of the anticipated Jewish kingdom. When there will be a Sanhedrin and king in Israel, the Sanhedrin will judge the people solely in accordance with the law of righteousness, making no effort to better their lot in other ways, unless the king delegates some of his power to themFor that is the difference between judge and king, for the judge is more subservient than the king to the laws of the Torah, ibid. Compare Rabbi Isaiah Horowitz (Shelah), Shenei Luhot ha-Berit (Amsterdam, 1648), Part 2, p. 84b. 10. (Rabbi) Shlomo Goren, The Torah Law of the State , supra note 22, p. 439 (Hebrew). 11. (Rabbi) M. Z. Neriah, The Laws of the Kingdom, Ha-Zofeh (5 March 1948), p. 6 (Hebrew); idem, What Is Legislation in Accordance With the Torah?, ibid (27 February 1948), p. 4 (Hebrew); (Rabbi) Shlomo Gurontschik (Goren), What Is Legislation in Accordance With the Torah?, ibid., (13 February 1948), p. 4 (Hebrew); Federbush, The Law of Government in Israel, op. cit., pp. 48-49 (Hebrew). See Cohen, The Tallit and the Flag, op. cit. note 41, pp. 36-37 (Hebrew). Cf. Y. Ahituv, On The Limits of Change (Jerusalem: Ministry of Culture and Education, 1995), 284-285 (Hebrew); Eliav Shochetman, Recognition of Halakhah in the Laws of the State of Israel, supra note 43; Itamar Wahrhaftig, The Laws of the Knesset and the Torah State, supra note 20, pp.
8. 9.

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phenomenon is the history of Jewish law, wrote Rabbi Shim`on Federbush in his programmatic Hebrew book, The Law of Government in Israel: Duality in adjudication and even in legislation has endured throughout Jewish history in various forms, that is to say, legislation and adjudication in accordance with religion and the Torah side by side with legislation and adjudication that did not depend on the law of the Torah. During the time of Israels monarchy, the non-religious law was called the law of the king, and after the destruction [of the Temple], courts of that sort were established with the consent of the Torah sages, as lay courts, arbitration tribunals, or the likeThere likewise existed continual legislation, in the form of communal rules and regulationsEvery law of a contemporary governmental institution has the same force and effect as the law of the king in his time. That means that in a State of Israel with a national government, the authority to legislate and adjudicate is lodged in the governmental legislative and adjudicatory bodies of the State of Israel. On this reasoning, when a judge in an Israeli court decides a case contrary to religious law but does so for the sake of the general good, is he thereby straying from the Torah or is it precisely the Torah that endows him with his authority to do so?12 As noted, questions of this sort could have been posed as well with respect to the societal and juridical institutions of Diaspora Jewish communities, but they arise all the more forcefully in connection with a halakhic theory that extends the analysis to an independent Jewish government and grants that government powerful legal authority that goes even beyond the law of the Torah. A few points for discussion: The first view, Rabbi Waldenbergs, implies that in the tension between democracy and halacha, democracy should be subsidiary it darent overrule the Torah Ravitskys alternative: that ever since the Bible, there has been a distinction between Torah and state. Even the kings of Israel made decisions based on practical consideration, not every decision in every sphere of life was governed by Torah so the halachic state to which we wish to return is actually a myth or a misunderstanding. Thus, just as the king did not apply or enforce the halacha in every aspect of his government, so a modern democracy should not be expected to do so either. This is not a conflict, but rather a healthy, normal state of affairs. Which leaves us with the possibility that within the Jewish state a democracy there might be different religious communities coexisting, with different views of halacha; as a citizen of the state one is obligated to obey the laws of the state but as a member of a community, one is free
192-193; (Rabbi) Yehudah Zolden, The Laws of the State and the Law of the Torah, in Amihai Berholtz (ed.), Derekh Erez: Religion and State (note 17, supra), pp. 358-363 (Hebrew). 12. (Rabbi) Yehudah Segal, On Secular Law in the Land [of Israel], Ha-Torah ve-ha-Medinah, Vols. 7-8 (1955-1957), pp. 74-95 (Hebrew); (Rabbi) Ya`akov Ariel, The Law in the State of Israel and the Prohibition of [non-halakhic or gentile] Tribunals, Tehumin, Vol. 1 (1980), pp. 319-328 (Hebrew); Ya`akov Bazaq, The Israeli CourtsAre They Indeed Gentile Courts?, Tehumin, Vol. 2 (1981), pp. 523-527 (Hebrew).

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to live according to the norms of the community, or, if the community will not tolerate violation of its norms, switch communities. And if our modern democracy is the successor to the biblical kings, then its rule does not conflict with the Torah, but is rather the fulfillment of the Torahs need for a secular authority to provide practical rule in those areas not governed by halacha.

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L e s s o n 11:
adam vadama: The relationship between people and land
1. Outline a. Stewardship vs. ownership in Genesis b. Physical attributes of the Land of Israel c. Caring for the Land of Israel d. Conflicting values: settlement, development, preservation 2. Introduction This lesson looks at our relationship to the land through an ecological lens. What can we learn from the Bible regarding the general obligation of humans to care for the earth vs. their right to exploit it for their benefit? And what obligations, if any, do we have as Jews to care for the natural resources and landscape of the Land of Israel? Today it is common in the west to speak of our species obligation to use the land without abusing it, to see our benefiting from the land as conditional upon our respecting it. We tend to associate these ideas of integration of human activity into the cycles of nature as vaguely pagan in origin or in spirit. The question is: in an ecological perspective, what kind of relationship to the land do we find in Jewish sources? How does the modern enterprise of reclaiming and settling the Land of Israel relate to Jewish ecological concepts? 3. Lesson goals a. Familiarity with key texts and dilemmas regarding mans relationship to nature and the natural landscape in general b. Familiarity with Biblical and rabbinic images of the natural environment of the Land of Israel c. Awareness of traditional concepts relating to our responsibility toward the Land of Israel d. Understanding of value conflicts (actual and potential) involved in the modern Zionist enterprise of reclaiming and settling the Land of Israel 4. Expanded outline a. Our relationship to the earth; does this general moral question have specific relevance to the land of Israel, or is it universal? i. Two creation accounts: comparison and discussion of Gen. 1:26-28 and Gen. 2:15: is there a conflict between to rule and to tend? Looking at some commentaries Saadya Gaon; Rambam, Guide 3:13; Ramban. ii. Gen. 2:7 and Gen. Rabba 17: Adam and Adama: the primeval connection between man and earth. Is this a universalistic myth, or are we grounded in specific earth? iii. Gen. 19:23-26: Lots wife: why is it forbidden to look back? Why does she do so anyway? Why a woman? What is the significance of the punishment?

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iv. v.

The concept of bal tashchit: Deut. 20:19-20; commentaries Sifrei Devarim 203. Does this apply only to the conquest of Israel, or any war anywhere (but then, why would we be besieging anyplace other than Israel??) References to extra readings 1. www.coejl.org: texts, activities, references relating to Israel and ecology and to Judaism and ecology

b. The Land of Israel as described in the text i. How does the Bible picture Israel: Deut. 8:7-9; messianic vision: Joel 2:21-26, Amos 9:13-15. Interesting that there are many references in passing to specific places (e.g., Gen. 35:16-20; Judges 16:1-3; I Sam. 24:1-4; I Kings 18:40-46; Song of Songs 4:1), and to the natural grandeur of Gods world (the sea, the mountains), but very little direct description of the land and its natural features. ii. But, note Psalm 29 generally interpreted as description of movement of a thunderstorm across the Israel; see for example Anchor Psalms commentary. iii. Rabbinic descriptions of the Land of Israel: is this the real land, or is it mythical? Here too, most descriptions refer to the fruitfulness of the land, not its beauty or physical features. 1. Taanit 10a about priority of Eretz Yisrael in creation etc. 2. Tanhuma Kedoshim 10: Israel as navel of the world, center of the world 3. Avot deRabbi Natan A 28: the wisdom of Israel, the beauty of Jerusalem 4. Kiddushin 49b: 9 measures of wisdom Eretz Yisrael; 9 measures of beauty - Jerusalem iv. References to extra readings 1. www.n-k.org.il: site of Neot Kedumim biblical botanical garden, with materials on connections between the natural environment of Israel and the Jewish holidays. c. Caring for the Land of Israel i. In Exodus 23:29, in the description of the future conquest of Canaan, God says, I will not drive them out before you in a single year, lest the land become desolate and the wild beasts multiply to your hurt. I will drive them out before you little by little, until you have increased and possess the land. Is there an interplay here of ecological and political concerns? ii. When the Bible refers to Gods threat that the land will vomit us out (e.g., Lev. 18:24-30), the cause is defiling the land not through pollution or other abuse, but through idolatry and/or injustice. We are responsible for the spiritual climate; is there any understanding of a responsibility for the land itself, physically? Are we trying to read our modern sensibilities back onto the biblical text? Some possibilities: 1. agricultural laws, especially sabbatical (next lesson) 2. bal tashchit but does this refer specifically to the Land of Israel? 3. Deut. 23:13-15 sanitation but does this refer specifically to the Land of Israel?

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iii.

The rabbis were somewhat more concerned about the treatment of the land itself; for example 1. Baba Kama 80a on raising goats 2. Hezekiahs stopping up the springs: II Chron. 32:1-5, 32:30; some rabbis, at least, disapproved Pesachim 56a

d. Conflicting values today i. Zionist ideal of rootedness in the soil; A.D. Gordon, Rachel ii. Zionist ideal of conquering the land; e.g., draining the Hula; 1. www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Society_&_Culture/geo/ Hula.html iii. Mythical vs. real picture of Israel: Mark Twain, Rabbi Nachman iv. References to extra readings 1. The Jewish National Fund publishes materials on land reclamation, ecology, etc., but their website is very disappointing. 2. See www.coejl.org section on Israel 5. Thoughts on practical applications in the classroom, materials a. The story of Lots wife would make a nice opener for an exercise and discussion of pupils relationship to their home landscapes and other landscapes, and an exploration of peoples attachment to places (comparison to Native Americans, to modern Pittsburghers, etc.). What do home and homeland mean to us? Are we rooted anywhere? Is it good to be rooted? b. In the light of Whole Earth (and globalization) concerns, is it meaningful to be concerned about local ecology, about taking care of a particular piece of land? 6. Connections to previous and future lessons a. In the preceding lessons on the partriarchs wanderings and the desert experience, the land was promised, occasionally lived in, and served as a goal. With the approach of the new nation to the land itself, many questions arise as to just what our relationship will be to this real estate we are about to take over. This lesson (and preceding two) examine various aspects of our vision of what life will be like in the new land what kind of society will we build? How will we treat the land? What will be unique about our lives in this particular place? 7. Suggestions for facilitator a. Two sessions: i. Universal issues: man and land, man from the earth, general ecological messages in Jewish texts ii. How does this affect our relationship to the land of Israel? Is it special? Does it require special treatment?

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b. Or

i. ii. i. ii.

c. Or

Whats so special about the land of Israel? What is our connection to it? Value conflicts between universal values of tending and Zionist values of ruling. Universal issues and texts on the specialness of Israel Development of a concept of ecological covenant if we mess up the land, it will throw us out

Sources , . Sifrei Devarim 203 When in your war against a city you have to besiege it a long time in order to capture it, you must not destroy its trees, wielding the ax against them(Deut. 20:19). The text only mentions an ax; how do I know that I may not even divert an irrigation channel [to kill the tree]? Because the text says you must not destroy its trees.

" - . "" . - : "" . , , , - . , Ramban on Gen. 1:26-28 They shall rule the fish of the sea, the birds of the sky, the cattle, the whole earth, and all the creeping things that creep on earth and God said to them Fill the earth and master it; and rule the fish of the sea, the birds of the sky, and all the living things that creep on earth. (Gen. 1:26, 28) Rule means that they will govern by force all the creatures The whole earth means that they shall rule the land itself, to uproot and to break and to dig and to mine copper and iron. Rule refers to the relationship between master and slave Master it means that he gave them strength and dominion over the land to do their will to the cattle and creeping things, to build, to uproot, to plant, and to mine copper from the mountains, etc. )( " , , , Ecclesiastes Rabba 7:13 When the Holy One created the first man He took him and showed him every tree in the Garden of Eden and said to him: See my works, how beautiful and perfect they are? All that I

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created I created for you. Take care not to spoil and to destroy my world, because if you do there is no one to set it right after you. . ] [ , : Talmud Taanit 10a The Rabbis taught: the land of Israel was created first, and only later the rest of the world, as it is written [Proverbs 8:26] He had not yet made earth and fields )( ... " ) ( " ... Midrash Tanhuma, Kedoshim 10 Just as the navel is in the center of a person, so the land of Israeli is in the middle of the world, as it is written [Ezekiel 38:12] living at the center of the earth. The land of Israel sits in the middle of the world, and Jerusalem in the middle of the land of Israel, and the Temple in the middle of Jerusalem and the Sanctuary in the middle of the Temple and the Ark in the middle of the Sanctuary, and the foundation stone in front the Ark, and upon it stands the world . . . Avot dRabbi Natan A 28 Rabbi Natan says: there is no love like the love of Torah, and there is no wiscom like the wisdom of the land of Israel, and there is no beauty like the beauty of Jerusalem. , . , , . , Talmud Kiddushin 49b Ten measures of wisdom came into the world; nine were taken by the land of Israel, one by the rest of the world. Ten measures of beauty came into the world; nine were taken by Jerusalem, one by the rest of the world. ; : , , :" , . , ! , : , , : . .

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Talmud Baba Kama 80a [Referring to Mishnah Baba Kama 7:7, which forbids the raising of goats in Israel] The Rabbis taught: It happened that a pious man had a heart ailment. He consulted the physicians and they told him there was only one remedy, namely to take fresh milk every morning. The doctors brought him a goat, tied her to the posts of his bed, and he drank the milk every morning. Several days later his colleagues came to visit him. When they saw the goat tied to the posts of the bed they turned back saying: There is an armed bandit in this persons house how can we visit here? Upon further investigation they found that there was no blame attached to the man except for the transgression of the goat. On his death-bed he confessed: I know that I have committed no crime except for the matter of that goat, in which I transgressed the regulations of my colleagues. . , : : . - , - , - . - , - , - Talmud, Pesachim 56a [Referring to Chronicles II 32:2-4 and 32:30 on Hezekiahs stopping up of the springs outside Jerusalem, when besieged by the Assyrians] The Rabbis taught: Hezekiah did six things as king; the Rabbis approved of three, and disapproved of three. He dragged his fathers bones on a bed of ropes smashed the bronze serpent put away the Book of Cures and they approved He cut off the doors of the sanctuary and sent them to he King of Assyria stopped up the upper Gihon spring and declared a leap year in Nissan and they disapproved. )( " , , , ," " , , , , , , , , , , , ... Genesis Rabba 17 Rabbi Aha said: When the Holy One came to create man, he consulted with the angels. He said, Let us make man. They said What will be the nature of man? He said, His wisdom will be greater than yours. He brought before them cattle and other animals and birds and asked [the angels], what are their names? And they didnt know. He brought the animals before man, and asked him What are their names? And he said, This is an ox, this is a donkey, this is a horse, this is a camel And what is your name? He said to Him, It is fitting to call me Adam, because I was created from the earth [adama] Saadia Gaon, Book of Doctrines and Beliefs, Chap. 4: 1 We found that the earth occupied the center of the universe, entirely surrounded by the celestial spheres. This made it clear to us that the earth was the most essential part in the created universe. Then we examined everything which the earth contains, and observed that earth and water are both inanimate things; the beast we found to be lacking in Reason; there remained nothing superior but Man. This makes it certain for us that he is undoubtedly the ultimate object of Creation. Moreover, the opening chapter of the Torah first goes through all categories of creatures and at the end of them says, Let us make man (Gen. 1:26), just like

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an architect who builds a palace, furnishes it, puts everything in order, and then invites the owner to occupy it. Maimonides, Guide of the Perplexed, III:13 It should not be believed that all the beings exist for the sake of the existence ofman. On the contrary, all the other beings too have been intended for their own sakes and not for the sake of something else. Thus even according to our view that the world has been produced in time, the quest for the final end of all the species of beings collapses. For we sat that in virtue of His will He has brought into existence all the parts of the world, some of which have been intended for their own sakes, whereas others have been intended or the sake of some other thing that is intended for its own sake. Just as He has willed that the human species should come to exist, He also has willed that the spheres and their stars should come to exist Shaul Tschernichovsky, A Man Is Nothing But A man is nothing but a small plot of land, A man is nothing but the image of the landscape of his birthplace, Only what his ear recorded when it was still fresh, Only what his eye took in before it had seen too much, Whatever was encountered on the dew-covered path By the child who tripped over every bump and clod of earth

Rachel [Bluwstein], To My Land I have not sung to you, my land And I have not glorified your name In deeds of heroism, And in the spoil of battles; My hands have only planted a tree On the quiet banks of the Jordan, My feed have only conquered a path Across the fields. And so, very poor indeed I know this, Mother And so, very poor indeed Is the gift brought by your daughter; Only a voice raised in joy On a day of shining light, Only secret weeping For your misery.

, . , . , , , , .

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Zalman Shazar, Morning Stars Suddenly Rachel climbed up and stretched out on the trunk of a carob up on the top of a hill. From there, golden in the sunlight her white dress glistening, she raised her voice high in song toward us, the group down in the wadi. We heard every note as if she were nearby, and we heard not only her voice but a powerful echo responding: the whole landscape sang in ancient Sephardi Hebrew, which seemed to have been preserved here in its purity. It was as if our far-off ancestors, shepherds and maidens of Israel, who went out into these mountains on some day of joy or mourning, had hidden those beautifully authentic, precisely articulated Hebrew sounds in the crevices of the rocks to be preserved there till the day of deliverance came. And the day was now beginning to come. Rachel called from the summit and the sounds came flying to her out of their stony hiding places, pure as on the day they were concealed, joyful as in the childhood of our people. A. D. Gordon, Our Tasks Ahead It is life we want, no more and no less than that, our own life feeding on our own vital sources, in the fields and under the skies of our Homeland, a life based on our own physical and mental labors; we want vital energy and spiritual richness from this living source. We come to our Homeland in order to be planted in our natural soil from which we have been uprooted, to strike our roots deep into its life-giving substances, and to stretch out our branches in the sustaining and creating air and sunlight of the Homeland. Other peoples can manage to live in any fashion, in the homelands from which they have never been uprooted, but we must first learn to know the soil and ready it for our transplantation. We must study the climate in which we are to grow and produce. We, who have been torn away from nature, who have lost the savor of natural living if we desire life, we must establish a new relationship with nature; we must open a new account with it. Isocrates of Athens, Panegyricus We did not become dwellers I this land by driving others out of it, nor by finding it uninhabited, nor by coming together here a motley horde composed of many races; but we are of a lineage so noble and so pure that throughout our history we have continued in possession of the very land which gave us birth, since we are sprung from its very soil and are able to address our city by the very names which we apply to our nearest kin; for we alone of all the Hellenes have the right to call our city at once nurse and fatherland and mother. Yossi Gamzu, The Western Wall ...There are people with hearts of stone; There are stones with human hearts. Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav Rav Nachman related that when he was in the land of Israel, the important people who had come to make their homes [there] told him that before they came they could not imagine that the land of Israel is of this world; they had felt that the land of Israel was an entirely different world, as would befit its great holiness as described in the sacred texts and in our holy Torah but when they got there, they saw that the land of Israel really is of this world, for it is just like any other country, and its soil looks just like that of our own countries [yet] the land of Israel is truly different and utterly distinct from every other land in every respect Yet even so, in the material sense the eye of man can distinguish no difference between the land of Israel and any other land; only he who has achieved faith in its holiness can discern a slight difference

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Mark Twain, Innocents Abroad When I was a boy I somehow got the impression that the Jordan was four thousand miles long and thirty-five miles wide. It is only ninety miles long, and not any wider than Broadway in New York. There is the Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea neither of them twenty miles long or 93 school I thought they were sixty thousand miles thirteen wide. And yet when I was in Sunday in diameter. Travel and experience mar the grandest pictures and rob us of the most cherished traditions of our boyhood. Well, let them go. I have already seen the empire of King Solomon diminish to the size of the state of Pennsylvania; I suppose I can bear the reduction of the seas and the river.

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L e s s o n 12:
Conquest and Coexistence
1. Outline: Conquest vs. coexistence the internal evidence, and archaeology a. Joshuas conquest b. The picture according to Judges c. the uses of archaeology d. moral dilemmas, pedagogical implications and issues 2. Introduction The period from the conquest of the land under Joshua to the crowning of Saul as king raises a number of interesting questions with modern relevance. Regarding the conquest itself, there are questions on two levels: a) did it really happen as described in the book of Joshua? Internal biblical evidence and, possibly, archaeology cast doubt on the account of the Israelites rapid and total conquest of Canaan; if so, what do we do with the contradiction and how do we teach it? b) how do we respond to our own and our students moral concerns about the bloody account of the conquest? And of course, the question of the morality of conquest hovers over the discussion of the modern state of Israel too. Another issue is that of Israelite identity. The Book of Judges seems to depict a land inhabited by a number of disparate and sometimes even warring tribes, each absorbed in its own local conflicts with neighboring non-Israelite tribes; only in the face of a powerful common enemy does any kind of political union form and only temporarily. Different theories have been proposed regarding the formation of the Israelite nation during this period; how might these affect our understanding of Jewish identity past and present? 3) Lesson goals a) knowledge of the account of the conquest in Joshua b) awareness of the conflict between the account in Joshua and the reality depicted in Judges c) awareness of different models for the nature of Israelite identity during the period of the Judges d) facility in discussion of value issues raised by these narratives e) familiarity with images of Joshua and the Judges in modern Israeli culture, and their implications 4) Suggested outline a) The conquest according to the Book of Joshua

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reading the text; following the conquest on the map; trying to reconcile the text with the archaeology (1) texts from Joshua: (a) Jericho: 6:20-21; Ai 8:26-28; (a) The deal with the Gibeonites 9 (b) The march of conquest 10:28-43, 11 esp. 11:23 (c) Tracing the battles on the map 95 http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/033.htm and see also, in the same source, maps 33a, 34, 35, 35a, 36, 37, 38, 38a (2) Note that the Bible only describes a few battles, in the area around Jericho, and in the upper Galilee, and then gives a general summary of total conquest (10:40-43). It is not clear if the description of the rest of the conquest got omitted or if it never happened. The continued existence of Canaanites among the Israelites (see Judges) suggests that the model of Jericho was not reproduced throughout the land. Note also that even in the text of Joshua, this was not an unqualified success: e.g., the initial defeat at Ai (chapter 7) and the deal with the Gibeonites (chapter 9) who are allowed to continue to live among the Israelites. b) Life in the Land of Israel under the judges reading the text; comparing with Joshua; what are the messages of these two narratives for later generations? How do we deal as teachers with the contradiction? Relations with our pagan neighbors war vs. syncretism (1) The unconquered: Judges 1:16-36, 2:1-5, 20-23; 3:1-11; 4:1-3; 6:1-10 Note the explanation God left these Canaanite tribes in place to test us and each time they get the upper hand it is as His tool of punishment for our failing the test (see 2:6-20). What other explanations are possible? (2) Tracing the tribes, enemies, and battles of the Judges on the map http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/041.htm and maps 42-47 c) So, what really happened? Can science help? (1) Adam Zertal, Shechem and Mt. Ebal in the Bible: is this indeed Joshuas altar? http://ebal.haifa.ac.il/ebal06.html (2) Daniel Gavron in http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/davidjer.html (3) See the attached section from Malamats chapter in the Ben Sasson history, synthesizing various theories and trying to reconcile them with the biblical text. d) Pedagogical issues and modern relevance i) So, what really happened? Suggestion: read the Malamat chapter closely, checking out all the biblical references and following the discussion closely on a map, to try to get a picture of what how the conquest might really have happened (this would fill most of a lesson).

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(a) Discuss: how do we present the Bible to our students what happens when it seems to conflict with other sources of knowledge? If we argue that the Bible teaches values and ideas, not historical facts, then what are the values and ideas we learn from Joshua and Judges? And if the Bible does not come to teach historical facts, then what do we do with the fact that so much of it seems to deal with what it presents as well historical facts? This is a significant issue in Israeli education: if our educational system is secular, not based on a belief in God or on any particular denomination of Judaism, then what do we do with the Bible? 96 National epic? History book? Great [poetic, fictional] literature? Deed to the land? Collection of lessons in morality? See, for example: David Hazony, Memory in Ruins, Azure 16: www.azure.org.il/16-editors.htm And see the summary of the paper by Lea Mazor, below in Sources. (b) How do we teach the conquest? How do we justify it? What echoes do we hear of this dilemma in our teaching of modern Israel? (i) Thats life in the real world name a country that isnt guilty (remember manifest destiny?) (ii) God divided up the world when He created it, and this is the part He gave us (see Rashis statement, in Sources below) (iii) The right to the land is conditional, and the Canaanites forfeited their right to by because of their immoral behavior; see: Genesis 9:18-27 Genesis 19:4-9 Leviticus 18:24-30 Deuteronomy 18:9-14 (iv) What else? Sources A History of the Jewish People, Edited by H.H. Ben-Sasson Harvard University Press 1976 A. Malamat Origins and Formative Period, pp. 55--60 The Conquest Reconstructed Analysis of the variegated sources relating to the Conquest shows it to have been a complex process consisting of various phases, both in Trans-Jordan and in western

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Palestine. Nor does the archaeological evidence indicate a single campaign of conquest. Admittedly, a good many Canaanite cities were destroyed during the latter half of the thirteenth century, but it would be an oversimplification to infer that all these sites were reduced to ruins at one and the same time. Jericho, as has already been indicated, had been destroyed several decades earlier. Thus some scholars have argued that there were several waves of Israelite penetration; their views differ, however, on the number of such invasions, on their exact chronology, on the specific invasion routes and on the identity of the tribes participating in each wave. An extremely important adjunct to the last of these questions lies in the twelve-tribe division of the Israelites, based on maternal genealogy - that is, on the basis of whether a given tribe stemmed from Rachel or from Leah (or from their respective handmaids, Bilhah and Zilpah). Since this alignment makes no sense in the light of the later tribal allotments, or in any other historical framework, it probably reflects a situation prevailing just prior to the final entrenchment of the Israelite tribes. Such a premise presupposes at least two principal stages of Israelite penetration, probably separated by a short period: one accomplished by the socalled 'Leah' tribes, with Judah at their head; the other by the 'Rachel' tribes, under the leadership of the 'house of Joseph'. The tribes assigned to the handmaids - Gad and Asher to the one and Dan and Naphtali to the other - have been considered tribal appendages, possessing an inferior status in the Israelite confederacy and sometimes regarded as having made their way separately into Canaan The opinion prevailing today, as in previous generations, contends that the 'Leah' tribes preceded the 'Rachel' group in entering Palestine. Among the recent exponents of this school is De Vaux, as is Yeivin, who postulates three successive waves of conquest: Asher and Naphtali forcing their way into Galilee towards the end of the fourteenth century; the 'Leah' tribes arriving about 1300; and the 'Rachel' group entering approximately one generation thereafter. More recently, however, an opposite view has gained ground, propagated mainly by Albright and later by Mazar, according to which the 'Rachel' tribes anticipated the other groups. Incidentally, rabbinical sources contain a similar allusion asserting a premature Ephraimite exodus from Egypt thirty years prior to the remainder of the tribes (see Mechilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Beshalah I; the Talmudic and mediaeval Jewish commentaries on Exodus 13:17 and I Chronicles 7:22; and cf the Aramaic Targum on the latter verse and on Psalms 78:9). We shall present here, in broad outline, a reconstruction of the Conquest cycle based on Mazar, as it utilizes considerable source material without recourse to an excessively complicated hypothesis. According to this approach, the desert oasis of Kadesh-barnea served as the base for both waves of penetration into Canaan, that of the 'Rachel' and of the 'Leah' tribes. The first wave, led by Joshua, an Ephraimite, made its incursion about 1300 BCE through Edom and Moab (cf the itinerary given in Numbers 33) - as these nations had not yet consolidated into kingdoms. Reaching as far as Abel-shittim in the Plains of Moab, the

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invaders forded the Jordan and, after capturing Jericho, ascended into the central mountain region. Near Gibeon they successfully engaged an Amorite confederacy and thus acquired the lands adjoining the town to the west and to the north. Thence the 'Rachel' tribes fanned out across all of Mount Ephraim, several contingents even infiltrating northwards into Galilee and, still later, as far as northern Gilead and the Bashan in Trans-Jordan. The second wave, consisting of the 'Leah' tribes, was already compelled to circumvent the kingdom ofs of Edom and Moab, encountering en route the Amorite kingdom of Sihon, with its capital at Heshbon. This buffer state between Moab and Ammon had come into being only a short time before the Israelite invasion, for its founding, according to this theory, was linked to the aftermath of the battle of Kadesh, between Rameses ii and the Hittites (see page 23). The Hittites, presumably together with their Amorite allies, had at the time penetrated into the Damascus region, while the 98 Amorites themselves apparently continued to press farther southwards. After inflicting a defeat upon Sihon at Jahaz, the Israelites advanced steadily northwards into Amorite territory - the land of Jaazer and the domains of Og, the king of Bashan (Numbers 21: 21ff.)- the tribes of Reuben and Gad taking possession of southern and central TransJordan from the Arnon to the Jabbok rivers. The resumption of this campaign of conquest into the western confines of Palestine by the second wave possibly underlies the tradition transmitted in the first chapter of the Book of Judges, whereby the Israelites, led by Judah, crossed the Jordan apparently far north of Jericho. First encountering Bezek in the hills of Manasseh ,they moved southwards towards the Judean hills and the Shephelah, conquering Jerusalem on their way. At approximately the same time, in the late thirteenth century, the towns of the southern Judean hills and the northern Negev - Hebron, Debir and Hormah - were overrun by clans kindred to Judah, namely, the Calebites, Kenizzites and Kenites, which had infiltrated from the south. This account of the seizure of the southern part of the country is complemented by Joshua l0:28-39, which relates the capture of the western hill towns and those in the Shephelah -Makkedah, Libnah, Lachish and Eglon. According to this view, the war against the Canaanites in the north (Joshua 11:1 - 15) was initiated jointly by the Leah' tribes Issachar and Zebulun, which succeeded in expanding northwards from the central hill region, and the Rachel' tribes, which in the interim had grown in numbers and in strength. The above hypothesis, like other reconstructions of the process of Conquest and Settlement, understandably enough remains conjectural. Thus the deliberations and conclusions hinge largely upon the degree of credence and weight placed upon the particular biblical and extra-biblical data. It would seem preferable, therefore, to treat the Conquest from a typological point of view - to consider the general phenomena, as we did in connexion with the Exodus and to determine the prevalent, underlying circumstances, thus avoiding a hair-splitting reconstruction of the actual course of events. In the following section we shall treat the Conquest from a military standpoint,

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but first some of the basic underlying facets of the Conquest episode will be examined. The Israelites, upon leaving Egypt, were clearly incapable of forcing an entry into Canaan directly from the south because of Egyptian control of the Via Mans (see page 22) and the strong defences along the country's southern approaches. Any attempt from this direction was bound to end in failure, as the incident at Hormah would indicate (Numbers 14:40if.). Hence they were compelled to make a broad flanking movement by way of Trans-Jordan and to invade Canaan across the Jordan fords. Of great chronological significance, besides its politico-military importance, is the biblical passage relating the Israelite encounter with Sihon, the king of the Amorites, who had fought against the first king of Moab and taken all his land out of his hand even unto Arnon' (Numbers 21:26). The advent of the Israelites, or rather a portion of them, is placed not long after the founding of the kingdom of Moab, which, as stated, is to he dated to the first half of the thirteenth century. If we accept the view that Sihon's own kingdom arose in the wake of the battle 99 of Kadesh, that is, shortly after 1285 BCE, an even finer degree of accuracy is possible in dating the foregoing events. In any case, the fertile region between the Arnon and the Jabbok rivers changed hands several times during the first half of the thirteenth century. At first the Moabites gained control of the southern portion of the area, with the north apparently occupied by the Ammonites. Soon thereafter the entire area fell under Sihons dominion, only to pass eventually into Israelite hands. The Egyptian factor should now be added to the regional power struggle during this period, as is evidenced by Rameses IIs expedition to Moab, in which he managed to capture towns even to the north of the Arnon. Two decisive military confrontations with the Canaanites stand out in the conquest of western Palestine - one in the south, at Giheon, and the other in Upper Galilee -upon the outcome of which hung the fate of Israelite settlement in the country. The treaty that the Giheonites (who, with the towns of Chephirah, Beeroth and Kirjathjearim, formed the Hivite confederacy) concluded with the invading Israelites exposed the north-western flank of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and endangered the entire military disposition of the Canaanite cities to the west of the hill country. This situation evoked a sharp reaction from Adoni-zedek, the king of Jerusalem, who headed an alliance of four Canaanite city-states - Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish and Eglon - and attacked the renegade Gibeon, whom the Israelites now hastened to defend. The Israelites' victory paved the way for their hegemony over the western slopes (Joshua 10). In the other successful enco~nter, the Israelites decisively routed a northern coalition of four Canaanite city-states under the leadership of Jabin, the king of Hazor, at the battle of theWaters of Merom in north-eastern Galilee (the town of Merom itself may have lain in ruins since its sacking by Rameses II). The next step was the destruction of Hazor itself, the focus of Canaanite power in the north (Joshua 11:1-15).

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Military Aspects of the Conquest Even after accepting the central assertion of the biblical tradition, namely, the forcible seizure of Canaan by the Israelites (which is supported by the archaeological evidence), we must still determine the basis for Israel's military success. How could semi-nomadic Israelite tribesmen, lacking in military lore and only meagrely equipped, prevail over a much superior Canaanite foe, long versed in the ways of warfare and possessing a highly developed technology? How could they succeed against powerful Canaanite fortress towns, which they saw as 'great and walled up to heaven' (Deuteronomy 1:28)? Queries of this sort had already been voiced by the ancients. Thus the third-century Jewish-Hellenistic author Demetrius inquired, as did Josephus (Antiquities II, 16.6), as to the source of the arms in Israelite possession when they entered the country. Both these authors replied naively that the military equipment had been taken from the Egyptians drowned in the Red Sea. The Israelites' success in the face of Canaanite military superiority becomes understandable when we consider certain factors that facilitated a relatively rapid occupation of the country, at least in100 the mountain areas. Among these were the impoverishment of Canaan as a result of Egyptian exploitation, the unstable security situation (clearly reflected in the El~Amarna tablets and in Papyrus Anastasi I) and, above all, the incessant internal strife among the Canaanite city-states. These bickerings had been intensified by the Egyptian policy of 'divide and rule', which, prior to the advent of the Israelites, had left the country politically fragmented, with its towns divided. The Israelites, kindled by religious and national zeal, confronted a Canaanite population devoid of any over-all national consciousness, a land unable to present a unified front against an invader. The two Canaanite coalitions mentioned previously (see above) were, after all, of limited size; the southern one, moreover, had initially aligned itself against only the Gibeonites. No one had rushed to the defence of Jericho or Ai in their hour peril. Even the help proffered to the beleaguered Lachish by the king of Gezer) Joshua 10:33) seems to have been motivated by Egyptian policy, which made mutual defence between the cities in question mandatory. Both were important administrative centres under Egyptian rule in the final third of the thirteenth century, as may be gathered from Egyptian documents. An additional factor expediting the Israelite seizure of control was the ethnic heterogeneity of Canaan, well reflected in the biblical sources (see page 9). The Israelites skillfully exploited the animosities existing among the various ethnic and national groupings in Canaan, as is illustrated by the separate peace concluded with the Gibeonites, who were of Hivite stock (Joshua 9:7). We may recall in this connexion that the inhabitants of Shechem, or rather a portion of them, also traced their origin to the Hivites (Genesis 34:2); their leadership at the time of the Israelite settlement was in the hands of the collective 'lords of Shechem', similar to the existence at Gibeon of the leadership of elders rather than of a single king. Shechem, too, passed peacefully into Israelite control (see page 53). We also know of the existence of Israelite elements in Jerusalem existing side by side with the Jebusites (Joshua 15:63 and Judges 1:21),

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which would testify to peaceful relations between these two groups. It now appears that the Jebusites traced their ancestry to northern (Anatolian?) ethnic elements similar to the Hivites and may have infiltrated into Jerusalem at about the time of the Israelite conquest or slightly earlier. Canaanite resistance was overcome to no small extent by the specific methods of warfare employed by the Israelites and clearly implied in the biblical account. Evidently they possessed a highly developed intelligence service as may be inferred from the detailed instructions given by Moses to the twelve spies sent to reconnoitre Canaan; here one may detect the gathering not only of strictly military data but also of economic and demographic information (Numbers 13:19-20). We are informed that Jaazer and Bethel were reconnoitred (Numbers 21:32; and Judges 1:23) and that, prior to assaults, spies were dispatched to Jericho and Ai to collect information on enemy disposition. The initial Israelite defeat at Ai is undoubtedly the result of a faulty appraisal of the city's defending forces ('Let not all the people go up, but let about two or three thousand men go up and smite Ai, and make not all the people to labour thither, for they are but a few' [Joshua 7:3]). Attention was paid also to matters of a logistic nature, such as food and general supply 101 requirements, as can be discerned from Joshua's preparing supplies for the entire people prior to the fording of the Jordan (Joshua 1:10-ll), as well as from the very timing of the invasion for the spring (on the tenth of Nisan [Joshua 4:19]), when the grain had already ripened on the Jericho Plain, so as to provide them with 'the fruit of Canaan that year' (Joshua 5:10-12 ). Like other invaders (e.g., the Midianite raids in the days of Gideon), the Israelites followed the policy of plundering cattle and produce, which simultaneously deprived the enemy of food and provisioned their own troops (Joshua 8:27 and 11:14). Another strategic and logistic element may be discerned in the 'official' version of the Conquest, wherein Gilgal occupied a prime position as the base camp after the Jordan crossing, the site to which the Israelites repaired after each further phase of their southern campaign (Joshua 9:6 and 10:6-9, 15, 43). This astonishing fact has led many scholars to assume here a late Benjaminite tradition of a local and liturgical nature, woven about the allegedly cultic site at Gilgal. From a military standpoint, however, this was a vital bridge-head for any penetration into western Palestine from the Plains of Moab. The task-forces may have retired to this base, upon completion of long-range incursions, in order to safeguard their link with the Israelite rear across the river in Trans-Jordan. The military problem facing the Israelites was twofold. First, there were the strong Canaanite fortress cities, formidable barriers even for the mighty Egyptian war machine. In addition, the Canaanites could place in the field a professional, welltrained army, with a body of overawing chariotry, as opposed to the Israelites' infantry. A close analysis of the battle accounts of the Conquest, and, in fact, of the period up to the beginning of the monarchy, reveals that this imbalance was surmounted by the so-called indirect military approach. In other words, the Israelites strove to avoid

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frontal assaults upon Canaanite fortifications and, wherever possible, relied on deception, military cunning and diversionary manoeuvres rather than open confrontation The Rise and Fall of the Book of Joshua in the Mamlakhti School System in View of Ideological Shifts in Israeli Society By Lea Mazor (Summary of a Hebrew paper appearing in: M. Frankel and H. Deitcher, eds., Studies in Jewish Education IX: Understanding the Bible in Our Times: Implications for Education, Jerusalem, Magnes Press, 2003) Drastic changes took place in regard to the status of the Book of Joshua in the Mamlakhti (public, non-religious) School System in the first fifty years of the State of Israel. From a meaningful and appreciated Book it became problematic and disreputable. These changes in attitude towards the Book of Joshua resulted from the ongoing dialogue in Israeli society with its history, cultural heritage, and the need to re-define its Jewish identity. Secular Zionism viewed the Bible as a means for promoting the national ideology. The Bible, including the Book of Joshua, served 102 to justify the claim to the Land of Israel. In the50 s, the notion prevailed that the biblical Book recounting the conquest of the land by Joshua constituted a reliable historical account. David Ben-Gurion, then Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, often quoted the Book of Joshua, and from his behavior and comments it seems that he saw himself as a second Joshua Ben-Nun. Teachers in Israel felt obliged to strengthen the ties to the land among their pupils and to instill them with the sense that there was an historical analogy between the days of Joshua and contemporary events. Any reservations towards the strict ban (herem) against the indigenous Canaanite peoples had no significant place in pedagogical discourse since any direct questioning of the Book of Joshua would have been taken as casting aspersions on the Bible or as weakening the moral justification of the conquest of the land. The establishment of the State and its institutions eased national and Zionist tensions, and in the 60s, after two wars, the myth of Joshua began to be a liability. For many it no longer symbolized the heroism and success of the conquest but nationalism, militarism, and insensitivity to the needs of the individual. Thinkers and educators spoke out against the use of the Bible as a means for patriotic education and the status of the Book of Joshua in the curriculum of the school system diminished. The great watershed came about after the Six-Day War and events in its wake. The public realized that the foundation of a national homeland for the Jewish people was taking a heavy human and moral toll. In the public debate, the Book of Joshua began to be seen from the perspective of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with the latter being identified as the Canaanites. And the moment the Book of Joshua found itself part of the political arena of actuality, dissenting views began to divide Israeli society in

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regard to the interpretation of the Book of Joshua and its role in education. A further deterioration in its status took place in the curriculum and, in fact, its study all but disappeared from Bible classes in most secondary schools. Rashi on Genesis 1:1 In the beginning. R. Yitzchok said: The Torah should have begun with [the verse] "This month shall be [your first month]," it being the first precept that the Israelites were commanded. Then why does it [the Torah] begin with "In the beginning"? This is because [of the concept contained in the verse,] "He declared the power of His works to His people in order to give to them the inheritance of nations (Ps. 111:6). Thus, should the nations of the world say to Israel, "You are robbers, for you have taken by force the lands of the Seven Nations," they [Israel] will say to them: "All the earth belongs to G-d. He created it and gave it to whomever He saw fit. It was His will to give it to them and it was His will to take it from them and give it to us.

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L e s s o n 13: The Creation of the Monarchy

1. Outline a. Samuel first steps in unification b. The Philistine threat, the anointing of Saul c. Instability, revolt d. The consolidation of the Davidic dynasty e. This period as reflected in modern Israeli culture 2. Introduction The Exodus from Egypt and the forty years of wandering are traditionally seen as the formative period in the building of the Israelite nation the transition from family history to national history. However, the biblical text makes it clear that many years passed after the entry into Palestine before the Israelite people were anything like a united nation. In terms of the creation of a national entity and a national identity, a major turning point came with the establishment of the monarchy; a further consolidation occurred with the enthronement of the Davidic dynasty. This lesson will investigate the transition from tribal confederation to established dynastic monarchy. In looking at different biblical depictions of our connections to Israel, we find the promises and sojourns of the Patriarchs, the promises and instructions in the desert, the conquest and struggles of Joshua and Judges and now, the creation of a proper kingdom of the Jews in their land, with a capital and a central government and all its institutions including a centralized religious cult. It is the collective memory of this period of glory that has informed our messianic vision ever since it ended. 3. Lesson goals a. Understanding of the geopolitical reality in Israel during the period from the Judges to David b. Reading the biblical narrative for its insights into political realities c. Familiarity with the geographic setting of the biblical narrative d. Awareness of the significance of the Davidic monarchy in later Jewish consciousness 4. Expanded outline Methodological note: The approach adopted here takes the events in the text more or less at face value, without resorting to text criticism or midrashic explanations. Without getting bogged down into a debate on the historical truth of every detail, it is possible to see this account as a realistic description of a chain of events which either happened or could well have happened. The personalities, the behaviors, the setting, all ring true and do not contradict what

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we do know about the history of the region and the period. Therefore we suggest that the focus be reading (and enjoying) the biblical narrative itself. The narrative is so alive that it is hard to decide what to skip, given the short time we have. If at all possible, participants should be asked to read major text selections before the class perhaps with some of the study questions given below so that class time can be devoted to discussing political and psychological interpretations, and/or mapping the geography of the narrative. The online biblical atlas, http://www.biblecentre.net/reference/bibat/, is a wonderful collection of detailed, colorful, clear maps organized according to the chronology of the Bible, and contains a number of maps detailing the activities of the Judges, the movements of Saul and Samuel, the rise of Davids kingdom, etc. We recommend reading the Bible with the map in view. Map numbers below refer to this atlas. a. Samuel first steps in unification Note: maps 41-47 cover the period of the Judges Samuel, his image and his role: the first four chapters of I Samuel might be assigned as independent reading, followed by a discussion: What factors seem to be at the root of Samuels prophecy and his success in being accepted as an authority by all of the tribes? Special birth/childhood; official position as priest; direct revelation; life-long dedication; charismatic personality; political savvy... b. The Philistine threat, the anointing of Saul (maps 48-49a) What is lacking in Samuels rule? Chapter four shows that Samuels reign was not characterized by military success. It seems that the frustration with the inability to stand up to the Philistines may have been a major factor in the push for a monarchy. I Samuel 8 Why do the people request a king? There seems to be dissatisfaction with the rule of Samuels sons; but the reason they give has to to with wanting to be like all the nations and wanting a military leader (8:20). Why does Samuel object? Perhaps he sees it as a rejection of his own authority; perhaps he sincerely believes that the simple tribal confederation is better than big government; there are elements here which seem similar to arguments heard in the formative years of the United States.

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Why does God instruct Samuel to agree to the peoples demand, despite the fact that He too seems to see it as a rejection of His authority? Maybe the military pressure leaves no practical alternative; maybe the people will take matters in hand if God and Samuel dont coopt the process. c. Instability, revolt (maps 50-51a) Samuel 22:1-8: David rebels against Saul. Why does God support a rebellion105 against Saul? The stage for the rebellion is set in chapters 13 and 15, where we learn that God rejects Saul as king for not following His orders. Who is this David, and how does he rise to power? In chapters 16-19 we find various versions of Davids rise to prominence as a military hero, a member of the court, an anointed king. How can we explain the ambivalent relationship of Saul to David? In these same chapters we find several episodes depicting Sauls hostility toward David. The situation seems genuinely complex, what with Davids friendship with Sauls son Jonathan. Does Saul really suffer from bouts of depression? Or is it that he sees the handwriting on the wall? Or is David a conniver and a threat to Saul? Note: Davids base of power is his own clan, just as Sauls is his tribe; it seems that Sauls authority over all the tribes was always somewhat shaky the idea of a central monarchy was not universally accepted (see I Samuel 10:26-27). And note: in chapters 23-24, Saul pursues David around the Judean Desert, including a dramatic encounter at Ein Gedi. It is interesting to consider the significance of wilderness even after we have entered our own land Jerusalem sits on the edge of the desert. The desert provides an escape, solitude, the polar opposite of civilization, a kind of threat. d. The consolidation of the Davidic dynasty (maps 52, 56) II Samuel 5 The preceding chapters describe the death of Saul, and Davids settling of political accounts. What is the regional/tribal base of Davids power? Note that David rules first in Hebron in his own tribal area, and only after ruling over Judah for seven years is he able to form a united nation with a central government. Now, David consolidates his rule, acquires a capital city, builds a palace, defeats the Philistines. Why choose as a capital a city conquered from the Canaanites? Just like Washington D.C.: there is value in a neutral zone, not part of any tribe.

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Note the fulfillment of Samuels warning about a king, in Davids activities with respect to wives and buildings... II Samuel 7:1-17 Why is David rebuffed when he seeks to build the Temple? It is interesting that David seems disturbed that he lives in a palace while God lives in a tent; after all, the tent was built according to Gods instructions. He seems to feel that a proper kingdom needs a suitably impressive temple and cult. Gods response is, on the one 106 but at the same time He seems hand, whats wrong with a tent? perfectly content to let the next generation build the Temple. Perhaps this passage was a response to contemporary criticism levelled at David for building a palace but not a temple. And how is he compensated? He is promised an eternal dynasty. The belief in the immutability of this promise became one of the bases of Jewish belief. When sovereignty was lost (see next lesson), the belief that it would be regained was based on this promise: God will restore the rule of the Davidic dynasty. Thus, this promise is one of the roots of the concept of the messiah; originally, messiah (mashiach), which means anointed one, simply referred to the anointed king, of the Davidic family, who was expected to be restored to his promised place. Note: the progression from the initial popular request for a king to the establishment of a divinely ordained dynasty, with all the accoutrements of a normal middle eastern monarchy in one generation. e. This period as reflected in modern Israeli culture The motif of Saul as a kind of tragic hero appears in a number of modern Hebrew works, including poems by Tschernichovsky and a novel by Shamir. Many songs relate to David, whose image in the tradition, despite the bloody reality of his life, was that of a singer of sweet songs, author of the book of Psalms he is depicted as beautiful and noble, a perfect king (see, for example, Michelangelos interpretation). And of course, his rule is the homepage for all our messianic quests. See references to songs below.

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Sources 1. A general background essay (originally written by MJR for the Florence Melton Adult Minischool) The situation of the people of Israel during the two centuries (approximately) after their arrival in Canaan is depicted in the book of Judges. Despite the experience of the liberation, the desert, and the revelation, the people entering Canaan seem not to have been either united politically or deeply committed to a common religious faith. During this tribal period there was constant tension between individual tribes or groups of tribes and neighboring Canaanite peoples. Occasionally, under this external pressure, charismatic military leaders would arise, who succeeded in temporarily forming alliances of tribes and leading them against their oppressors. The book of Judges describes twelve such episodes, some of them in great detail, some in brief, sketchy outline. The judges themselves are a heterogeneous group, ranging from heros like Deborah and Gideon to questionable characters like Samson and Jephthah. The dominant ideology of the book of Judges is that of the book of Deuteronomy: the 107 political fortunes of Israel are a direct consequence of their degree of loyalty to God. When the people go astray after pagan gods, then they are punished by oppression by their neighbors; leaders who are successful in fighting these enemies must first unite the people in cleansing their lives of pagan religious practices and values only then will God save them through the military success of the leader. The judges are thus not purely military leaders: they are representatives of God sent to bring the people into compliance with His law; their role as military saviors is conditional on their success in the religious realm. In the book of Samuel I, we read of the rise to prominence of a new type of leader, Samuel, whose power is not in the military, but the spiritual/ political realm. His reputation as a prophet, a spokesman for the will of God, was known throughout all of the tribes his authority seems to have been more widely accepted than that of any of the judges who preceded him. At the same time, the conflicts with the various local Canaanite city states fade from the stage, giving way to an ongoing struggle against one powerful enemy, the Philistines, who dominate the entire land from their base of power along the coastal plain. Both books of Samuel deal almost exclusively with the constant enmity between Israel and the Philistines. It is in the context of this new type of political situation that the leaders of the tribes approach Samuel with the request to organize Israel along new lines: they demand a monarchy. A strong, united enemy requires a strong, united internal structure, one which can be provided neither by temporary coalitions under local or regional heros, nor by a prophet like Samuel whose authority does not extend to such spheres as defense, administration, taxation, etc. God (through Samuel) chooses Saul, a young man of impressive physical appearance, from the smallest tribe, Benjamin, and Samuel

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anoints him king. Although there is some opposition, Saul succeeds in building at least the rudiments of a proper kingdom, and in leading his army to victory against enemies on all sides though not, in the long run, against the Philistines. In time, however, Sauls position weakens: he is unable to win a decisive victory over the Philistines (ultimately he dies in battle against them); tensions develop over his failure to be completely obedient to Samuel; the centrifugal forces of tribal independence reemerge; and a young leader emerges with a base of support in a more powerful tribe as well as definite political gifts. The biblical narrative describing the rivalry between Saul and David and the transfer of the kingship from Saul to David is powerful as dramatic literature and convincing as a human document. With Davids anointment, the Israelite monarchy enters a new phase, and for about 80 years (40 years of Davids reign and 40 years of rule by his son Solomon) takes on the character of an empire, with a strong central organization, a powerful army, and the symbols and trappings of a proper middle eastern monarchy. During this period, the religion of Israel becomes similarly centralized and institutionalized; Davids capital, Jerusalem, and the Temple, envisioned by David and built by Solomon, become the center of the national and religious universe and the symbol of the inseparability of 108 political and religious authority. It is this ideology of the Temple in Jerusalem as the center of the world and of the Davidic dynasty as eternal that creates, if only for a brief period, a strong, united kingdom out of the tribes and that shapes Jewish national consciousness down to the present. 2. Annotated summary of biblical narrative: I Samuel 8: Samuel responds to the demand for a king. At first, the people state that the reason for demanding a king is the lack of suitable leadership to succeed Samuel; later (v. 20) they indicate that they want the king in order to lead them in battle, and so that they will be like all the nations. We are not told why Samuel resists at first perhaps he is not happy about the rejection of his sons leadership. In any case, God orders Samuel to do the peoples bidding, even though He sees the demand for a king as a rejection of His authority, as a kind of national assimilation. It is interesting that Samuels warning to the people about the realities of monarchy is a pretty accurate description of Davids and Solomons rule. I Samuel 10:17-26: Saul is anointed and the constitution set. Chapter 9 and 10:1-16 tell the story of Gods steering Saul toward anointment as king, without giving us any background on what might make him a suitable candidate, except that he was very tall and attractive and his father was some kind of leader within the tribe. He is anointed privately. Then, in 10:17ff, a different version of the story appears, in which Saul is chosen by lot at a public assembly. Note that after being anointed, he goes home: there is no apparatus of central government, no

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capital, etc. In chapter 11, when the Ammonites threaten Jabesh Gilead, Saul comes in from the fields and sends a strong message to the tribes: come to the aid of Jabesh Gilead or face consequences. I Samuel 10:27 and 11:11-14: opposition to Saul. In 10:26-27 we learn of a division between those who went with Saul (whose hearts God had touched) and those who despised him; it is not clear if we have here proSaul and anti-Saul forces or pro-monarchy and anti-monarchy factions. This may foreshadow the rebellion of Davids forces. The division is alluded to again in 11:12, when in the joy of victory, the people suggest punishing those who opposed Sauls anointment. He, perhaps in an attempt to win them over, refuses the request, and instead organizes a positive response, a public reaffirmation of his rule. I Samuel 13: 5-14 and 15:1-35: conflict between Samuel and Saul. In the first passage, Saul usurps Samuels priestly role and offers sacrifices when he becomes impatient waiting for Samuel. Was this a deliberate usurpation? an innocent misjudgment? a deliberate set-up by Samuel? Likewise, in the second passage, the same questions can be asked. It is interesting to note that the tradition takes a swipe at Saul in the story of the book of Esther: Haman is a descendant of Agag and Mordecai is a Benjamite. Had Saul done what he was told, his descendants would not have had to deal with the Amalekite threat 109 600 years later! I Samuel 16 and 17:1-18:5: enter David. In chapters 16-17 we find, as we did with Saul, several different versions of the story of the new kings selection. In 16:1-13, Samuel anoints David privately; David is not tall, but he is attractive (although God tells Samuel that appearance is irrelevant). In the second half of the chapter, David is invited to join the royal court as a personal aide to Saul, based on his ability to soothe Sauls evil spirit by playing the harp. From this we learn that the text does not assume that Sauls rages were directly related to his jealousy of David (see next section); he suffered from them before meeting David. Then in 17, a different selection process occurs: the duel with Goliath, in which David proves his prowess on the battlefield and is invited to join the royal court. Thus, we are informed of all of Davids qualities by these two chapters: his courage, his beauty, his musical skill, his wisdom (16:18), his youth, his being last-born in his family. And we learn of his fast friendship with Sauls son Jonathan. This detail adds a level of complexity (and therefore perhaps realism) to the story: there is going to be a tragic conflict here if David seeks to succeed Saul, thus usurping his best friends throne. I Samuel 18:6-30 and 19:8-18: the rivalry of David and Saul Sauls jealousy of and rivalry with David first find expression just after the episode of Goliath (I Samuel 18:8-9). This feeling builds in intensity and in violence all the way until Sauls death at the end of the book. Already in 18:10-12 we find Sauls evil spirit connected with his feelings toward David; and in 18:17, Saul begins a series of attempts to eliminate David without a public break with him indeed, he continues

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to elevate David publicly while privately seeking to destroy him. Note that identical episodes occur in 18:10-11 and 19:9-10. David continues to be portrayed as an innocent victim of Sauls jealousy until the end of chapter 21. I Samuel 21:11-22:8: open rebellion. Here we find David spending some time under the protection of the Philistines, and then fleeing into the desert and gathering about him an army of malcontents. At this point, the situation begins to take on the color of a civil war. The first actual violence occurs in the last half of chapter 22, when Saul orders the execution of the priests who assisted David. In chapter 23, David adds to his political base by driving away the Philistines who had been raiding the people of Keilah; in chapter 24, and in a similar episode (or a different version of the same episode) in chapter 26, he demonstrates his lack of ill-will toward Saul (reverence or cleverness?). David continues to build his base, operating on both sides of the Philistine lines. In chapter 30, he defeats the Amalekites and sends the spoil to all of his friends and supporters. I Samuel 31 and II Samuel 1: Sauls death and Davids response. Sauls death became a classic text for considering the Jewish response to suicide; it was seen as an example of suicide under duress, not done deliberately. Once again, Davids response in killing the Amalekite who claimed to have assisted Saul in his suicide, and in his bitter mourning for Saul, may be seen as honest human responses or as smart politics (or as both). 110 II Samuel 2:1-17, 3:1, 3: 6-39, 4:5-12, 5:1-5: David consolidates his rule. In these passages we find David ruling as king of Judah from Hebron for over seven years, while maneuvering to eliminate or neutralize rival claims for the rule of the northern tribes (Israel). Note that at first (2:8-10), a son of Saul reigns in Sauls stead over the northern tribes. In the meantime, there is also violent rivalry and jockeying for position between strongmen in the two camps, especially Abner, Sauls general, and Joab, Davids general; note Davids brilliant response to Joabs welcome murder of Abner (3:27-39). Still another example of elimination of a potential rival to the throne is found in chapter 4. Finally, at the beginning of chapter 5, Davids rule expands to include the northern tribes as well, and he is anointed king of the united kingdom. II Samuel 5:6-25: David acquires a capital and a palace, and defeats the Philistines. David conquers a city-state which had been a Canaanite enclave right on the border between Judah and Israel. This newly conquered city, Jerusalem, becomes his capital neutral territory with no tribal loyalty. He begins to accumulate the symbols of monarchy: a palace, concubines, a capital city. And then, finally, he breaks the power of the Philistines and attains a period of peace and unthreatened sovereignty. II Samuel 7:1-17: the plan to build the Temple; the promise of eternal rule. David, having established a strong central government, a strong army, and the symbols of kingship, seeks to bring the Israelite religion into line with this new culture:

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he suggests building a royal temple. It is interesting that God protests, and denies David the satisfaction but does not reject the idea completely. He promises that Davids son will be given the honor of building the Temple. And then, in 7:16, God explicitly promises to David that his throne shall be established forever. In the subsequent chapters, David continues to enlarge and strengthen his kingdom, a process that his son Solomon continues after him. Indeed, as will be seen in the next lesson, it may be that Solomon overextended himself and overtaxed his power base in order to support his royal lifestyle and his conquests thus leading to the reemergence of centrifugal forces as dominant at the end of his reign.

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L e s s o n 14:
The Empire and its decline
1. Outline a. Solomon the heyday of the empire b. The Temple c. Division of the kingdom d. The exile of the Ten Tribes 2. Introduction David (with help from the Philistine enemy) succeeded in creating a united kingdom of all the tribes, and withstanding a number of challenges to his sovereignty. His successor Solomon continued the work of consolidation and institutionalization, the crown of this effort being of course the Temple. Clearly, Solomons Temple continues to serve as a crucial symbol in Jewish consciousness and belief, and a key factor in the traditional connection to Eretz Yisrael. The glory was short-lived: already with Solomons death centrifugal forces dominated, and the kingdom was re-divided with the ten northern tribes splitting off from Judah and Simeon. 200 years later, the northern kingdom was conquered by the Assyrians, who apparently adopted a policy of destroying the national identities of subject peoples by forced migrations and thus the ten tribes disappeared from history and moved into legend. Our sovereignty over the land was restricted to the area of Judah until it too was lost just over a century later. (see next lesson) The question that is relevant for us to consider as we examine these events is: what is the ideal relationship among Jewish religion, a Jewish state, and the land of Israel? How do we feel about the good old days of Solomon? How do we respond to the traditional idealization of that period? 3. Lesson goals a. Understanding of the geopolitical reality in Israel during the period from David to the end of the northern kingdom b. Familiarity with the geographic setting of the biblical narrative c. Familiarity with the Temple its construction, its description, its significance d. Awareness of the dilemma of the idealization of the period of the united monarchy as a past utopia whose restoration we await e. Awareness of the echoes of these events in modern Israeli culture 4. Expanded outline (Map references are to http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/; see complete list in attached sources)

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a. The empire at its peak: As a follow-up to the study of Davids consolidation of power and unification of the kingdom under a national identity, it is of interest to examine the biblical picture of life in the kingdom at its high point. Note that at the beginning of Solomons reign the centralization process is not yet complete (I Kings 3:2-3), and the centralization of the cult becomes Solomons major project (though note also that building the royal palace took twice as long as building the Temple (I Kings 7:1) and in II Samuel 7:1-7, we learn that there must have been those who liked the image of a modest god who lives in a portable tent, and who were leery of kings with an edifice complex. Excerpts from I Kings 4-5 and 9-11 can be used to give a sense of the glory and the potential problems (syncretism [=political alliances], big government) of the kingdom. See maps 53-55a b. The Temple: (see map 55a) The first time the children of Israel are commanded to construct a sanctuary for G-d is in the desert after the revelation at Sinai. This is the Tabernacle (mishkan) made of tapestries and poles allowing it to be portable so as to accompany the Jews in the desert (Exodus 25 ff.). The passages referred to in a above indicate a possible tension between those who must have said, now that were a real state we need a proper state cult with a capital and a Temple, and those who said, since when does our invisible God need a fancy house? There are two schools of thought relating to the meaning of the commandment to build the mishkan, directly related to the question of timing. The commentators are divided as to the sequence of events. Rashi (based on the midrash in source 4) is of the opinion that this commandment was given after the sin of the golden calf and therefore interprets it as a result of the sin (even though the sin itself is not related until later in the narrative). According to other commentators, including Nachmanides and the Zohar, the instructions for the mishkan were given to Moses immediately after the revelation at Sinai. The difference of opinion is not only technical but alludes to the question of whether the idea of building a sanctuary is an ideal action in its own right or a compromise to accommodate human weakness. In the first reading, G-d commands the people of Israel to build a sanctuary so as to compensate for their difficulty in worshipping an unseen G-d. He provides an outlet for their need for physical structures and forms to worship. It is a remedy for the sin of the golden calf (in a way, a replacement for the calf) and human weakness that caused it. Other commentators (see source 5) say that the commandment had no connection to the sin of the golden calf but was essential in and of itself. The mishkan was meant to be a continuing testimony of G-ds

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presence among Israel, an ongoing and miraculous continuation of the revelation at Sinai. Do these two view s necessarily contradict each other? Which is more meaningful to us? What are the implications and results of each opinion? E.g.: Reform Judaism has adopted the first view, basing itself also on the Rambams explanation of sacrifices in the Guide to the Perplexed, seeing the evolution of Judaism in its growing beyond the need for a Temple. Thus Reform removed all references to its renewal and rebuilding from the traditional prayer book. On the other end of the spectrum there are groups today that see the reinstatement of the Temple as the ultimate goal of the state of Israel and the solution to many of the problems challenging the state today. Two websites maintained by organizations that seek the speed the rebuilding of the Temple contain various interesting details about the Temple, its structure, history, utensils, etc. Beware their enthusiasm, and be careful to distinguish between references to the Solomons Temple, and the Second Temple, which was build by Herod almost 600 years later. www.templeinstitute.org/ www.templemountfaithful.org/ We will be exploring in much greater depth the actual observances carried out in the Temple in later lessons, when we study the place of Eretz Yisrael in the holidays and the liturgy. c. Division of the kingdom (see maps 57, 57a-b): I Kings 11-12 describe the division of the country, and provide material for discussion of a number of interesting issues: Why is the kingdom divided? There are a number of possibilities: because of Solomons introduction of foreign culture and beliefs, because of the oppressive taxation required to support the glory of the empire, because Rehoboam is politically incompetent, because Jeroboam is a clever schemer, or because the northern tribes had been waiting all along to reassert their independence from Davids rule. What does the text reveal about the loyalty of the northern tribes to the religion practiced in the Temple? The substitute cult set up by Jeroboam in I Kings 12:25-33 seems to have little trouble winning wide acceptance. Interesting what he chooses as his symbols. How is civil war averted (I Kings 12:21-24)? Because God doesnt want it? because Rehoboam has no chance of winning? Anyway, ultimately, civil war seems not to have been averted: see I Kings 15. Glancing at just about any point in the narrative between I Kings 15 and II Kings 15 reveals a situation, in both kingdoms, that is far from the glory of David and

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Solomon. Syncretism, corruption, palace intrigue, and power struggles seem to characterize the period between the separation and destruction of the kingdoms. d. The fall of the kingdom of Israel What becomes of the northern kingdom? II Kings 16-17 describes the fall of the northern kingdom. What new factor enters into the history of the region here? The clash of great empires; here, Assyria appears on the stage. What dilemma does this new order pose for Israel? Is it possible to remain loyal to God and his law without open rebellion against Assyria/Egypt/Babylonia/Persia/Greece/Rome, the powers who dominate our land and bring with them a greater or lesser degree of religious our at least cultural influence if not compulsion? The search for the ten lost tribes has occupied adventurers and researchers and theologians and writers of fiction and the popular imagination since they disappeared. They have been associated with everyone from the Japanese to the Indians of South America. Perhaps the latest attempt to find them was that of modern Israeli writer Hillel Halkin, in Across the Sabbath River, Houghton Mifflin 2002 (see description in source 6 below).

Sources 1. A time line, to keep things in perspective: 1300 BCE 1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 Babylonians destroy Judah 586 Persians conquer Babylonia 538 Some exiles return from Babylonia Exodus ca. 1250 Joshua Judges Saul 1020-1000 David 1000-960 Solomon 960-920; Division 920

Assyrians destroy Israel 722

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400 300 200 100 0 100 CE

Hellenistic conquest 330 Hasmonean revolt 165 Roman conquest 63

Roman destruction of Temple 70

2. Maps in the online biblical atlas, http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/,

Chapter 8 The Kingdom of David and Solomon David's Rise to Power David in Conquest of Canaan David's Wars of Conquest Kingdom of David and Solomon The United Monarchy under Solomon (1) The United Monarchy under Solomon (2) Solomon's Economic Enterprises Solomon's Building Activities Solomon's Temple Jerusalem in the Time of David and Solomon The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah (1) The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah (2) The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah (3) The Campaign of Shishak Conflicts between Israel and Aram-Damascus The Omride Dynasty The Golden Ages of the 9th & 8th centuries BCE Phoenician Trade and Civilization Trade Routes throughout the Middle East Travel Routes throughout Palestine Elijah and Elisha The Revolt of Jehu The Rise of Assyria Israel & Judah in the days of Jeroboam II and Uzziah The Assyrian Empire under Tiglath-Pileser III The Syro-Ephraimite War

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057 057a 057b 058 059 060 60a 061 061a 061b 062 063 064 065 066 067

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Tiglath-Pileser III's Campaigns Fall of Samaria and Deportation of Israelites The Fall of the Kingdom of Israel Assyrian Districts after the Fall of Samaria Prophets of the 8th Century BCE

068 069 069a 070 071

3. A general background essay (originally written by MJR for the Florence Melton Adult Minischool) The book of I Kings (chapters 4:7-11:8) describes at length the power and glory of Solomons empire. It is interesting to note how much of Samuels warning about the nature of a monarchy is fulfilled here. However, it somehow doesnt surprise us, from our modern perspective, that such an impressive central government might be seen as merely an unwanted burden by those sectors of the population who were not fully committed to the dynasty in the first place. And in fact, chapters 11 and 12 present two explanations for the breakdown of the central authority: in chapter 11, we learn that God is displeased with Solomons extensive alliances with various kingdoms in the area, leading to religious/cultural compromises with paganism; and in chapter 12, we find evidence that the burden of taxation required to support the government is a cause of resentment and rebellion. And so, the kingdom splits along the same fault lines observed in its earliest period: the ten northern tribes become a separate kingdom, Israel, and Davids tribe of Judah remains loyal to his dynasty and thus continues to exist as a kingdom ruled by the Davidic line. The history of the northern kingdom, throughout most of the 200 years of its existence, seems from the biblical description to have been no purer of cultural and religious compromise with paganism than was Solomons reign. Each ruler is more evil in the sight of the Lord than the last, and their sins are not only in the area of syncretism, but also in the realm of basic morality (e.g., I Kings 21). And the incidence of revolution and even civil war attests to the weakness and instability of the government. It is against this background that the colorful prophets Elijah and Elisha are sent to try to set the kingdom on the right path. In them we find a more charismatic and anti-establishment image of the prophet than we found in Samuel. In any case, their message is not heeded, and the kingdom is destroyed by the Assyrians; it is the exile of the northern kingdom which is the origin of the concept of the ten lost tribes. The account of the end of the kingdom of Israel, in II Kings 16-17, places in clear relief the central dilemma of this lesson: what is the correct way to deal with the power of pagan empires? It seems that king Ahaz of Judah chooses a policy of extreme accommodationism (16: 10-18), trying to remake the royal cult in the image of Assyrian religion; the Bible does not approve (16:2-4). And yet, the way of rebellion is obviously not a solution, as king Hoshea and the northern kingdom learn the hard way

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(17:3-6). King Hezekiah, the next ruler of Judah, also adopts a policy of rebellion, apparently relying on Egyptian support. The result is almost disastrous: the kingdom is saved from total destruction only by a last-minute miracle (19:35--36). The question that arises is: is there a middle path? In the context of the period, is there the option of avoiding widespread syncretism while at the same time refraining from open political rebellion? The answer of prophets like Isaiah seems to be yes. Indeed, the same ideology encountered in the period of the Judges continues to be adumbrated by the prophets in the new world order of great empires: the nations even great powers like Assyria and Babylonia are merely tools, used by God to chastise His beloved people Israel. Therefore, the only appropriate response is passivity in the political sphere and a renewed commitment to the Torah in the internal life of the kingdom. If God is the ultimate power in history, and if He chooses to punish Israel, then seeking to avert the punishment by entering into alliances is not only pointless, but blasphemous. 4. Tanchuma Truma 8: Moses ascended the mountain on the 6th of Sivan and spent 40 days and nights there. And then another forty days and another 40 days altogether 120 days. So you find the atonement was achieved on Yom Kippur. And on that very day G-d told him Let them make me a sanctuary so that all the nations may know that the Golden Calf has been atonedsaid G-d let the gold of the Mishkan come and atone for the gold of the Golden Calf.. 5. Nachmanides Exodus 35:1 and 25:1: After the grand revelation at Sinai where the Israelites had their most direct encounter with God, the Holy One commanded the building of the mishkan to provide a focus for the people in which Gods glory (kavod) would dwell. 6. Hillel Halkin, Across the Sabbath River, Amazon product description: The fate of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel has fascinated Jews and Christians throughout the ages. Hillel Halkin, a distinguished writer and translator, has long been intrigued by the old legend that the tribes still exist in distant corners of the earth -- a legend that, like nearly all contemporary investigators of the subject, he considered to lack all factual basis. In 1998, he accompanied a Jerusalem rabbi and dedicated Lost Tribes hunter to China, Thailand, and northeast India in search of traces of the biblical Israelites who disappeared in the eighth century B.C.E. The journey ended among a little-known ethnic group living along the India-Burma border who had themselves been swept in recent years by Lost Tribe fever. Halkin returned twice more to the Indian states of Mizoram and Manipur for a deeper look. Gradually, despite his initial skepticism, he became convinced that this remote group is -- incredible as it may seem -- historically linked to the ancient biblical tribe of Manasseh.

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Across the Sabbath River is the compulsively readable account of Halkin's experiences in arriving at this conviction. A superb writer, he effortlessly interweaves the biblical and historical backgrounds of this centuries-old quest with a captivating account, both funny and poignant, of his own adventures. In vivid, engaging portraits, he introduces us to a wide and memorable range of characters at once alien and familiar, while transporting us to an exotic society obsessed with the enigma of its own identity. Piece by piece, as in a tantalizing detective story, he amasses the evidence that finally persuades him, and will persuade many of his readers, that, for the first time in history, a living remnant of a lost biblical tribe has been found.

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L e s s o n 15:
Destruction of the First Temple
1. Outline a. Historical events - decline of the kingdom of Judah, destruction of the temple and exile b. Jeremiah's prophecy c. Commemoration of destruction d. Meaning of fast days today 2. Introduction After the forced exile of the 10 tribes from the kingdom of Israel, Judah carries on alone. It continues to be buffeted by the clashes between the great powers on its borders, and its kings must choose their alliances wisely. The kings of Judah are not always successful in this, and Judah is swept by a series of invasions which ultimately end in the exile of the top echelons of society, the destruction of the temple, and the termination of Jewish sovereignty in Eretz Yisrael. This process is accompanied by the prophecies of Jeremiah. Jeremiah finds himself in the uncomfortable position of being forced into prophesying doom to the people of Jerusalem and the king. These prophecies are not well-received, and Jeremiah brings upon himself threats, curses, beatings and imprisonment. Yet he still continues to exhort the people to mend their ways, and recommends that they bow to the inevitable and give themselves up to the Babylonians. We commemorate the destruction of the temple to this day, fasting on four days in the year to remember specific events in the process. Yet 2500 years after the events, with Jerusalem no longer desolate, and a Jewish state in the land of Israel, what do they mean for us? The Bible contains extensive narratives of this period, both from a strictly historical point of view (in II Kings chapter 18-end, II Chronicles chapter 29-end), and through the eyes of Jeremiah, the important prophet of the destruction. The devastation felt by the survivors is movingly described in the book of Lamentations, and the bitterness of exile in Psalm 137 ("By the rivers of Babylon"). 3. Lesson goals a. Understanding of the geopolitical reality in Israel during the period from the end of the northern kingdom to the destruction of the first temple and the murder of Gedaliah b. Familiarity with the figure of Jeremiah as a model of a biblical prophet c. Familiarity with the ways in which the destruction is commemorated

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d. Awareness of the possible meanings of our mourning of the destruction in this day and age 4. Expanded outline a. The fall of the kingdom of Judah Assign background reading of II Kings chapters 21-25, then go through the history mentioning the following events: II Kings 21: reign of Manasseh and Amon, characterized by widespread syncretism How is it possible to categorize the kings so simply as good or evil in the eyes of the Lord were there no complicated characters? Perhaps being a king drives you to excess either good or bad. Perhaps the story was written many centuries later, so all but the most salient features have faded. Note that the version of Manasseh's reign told in II Chronicles 33 includes a period of repentance and good deeds, which is omitted in the story here. II Kings 22-23: Josiah's reform, Pharaoh appoints Jehoiakim What book was found in the Temple, and how is it that its contents so surprise the finders? Modern scholars debate over the identity of the book (see e.g. http://www.bible.org/page.asp?page_id=980), with most theorizing that it was some form of the book of Deuteronomy. The fact that its discovery caused such surprise and consternation brings into question our conception of Judaism as a religion of the Book from time immemorial. Apparently, before Josiah's time, people passed traditions along orally, and the reading and studying of the Torah was by no means a common occurrence. Josiah was killed in battle with Pharaoh: is this an inevitable conclusion to his struggle against syncretism? Is it possible to retain "pure' religious practices while bowing down to political subjugation (or making alliances with foreign powers)? When the prophets rail against our assimilating pagan practices, are they speaking purely from a religious point of view, or taking a position regarding foreign policy? "Neither before nor after Josiah was there a king like him who turned to the Lord as he did with all his heart and with all his soul and with all his strength" (II Kings 23:25) and yet he is killed in battle with the Egyptians, because (says the text) God was still angry at his grandfather Manasseh's misdeeds. Feeble excuse? A case of "The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge"?

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II Kings 24: Nebuchadnezzar's campaigns against Judah (see map 78) How does Babylonian subjugation of Judah proceed? The power of Egypt wanes over Judah, which comes under the sphere of Babylonian influence. Nebuchadnezzar mounts 3 campaigns against Judah. - In the first (II Kings 24:1-7, II Chronicles 36:4-8, Daniel 1:1-7) Judah is forced to pay tribute, some of the temple vessels are carried off, and a cadre of capable young men (including the boy who was to become the prophet Daniel) are taken to Babylonia. - In the second (II Kings 24:8-16, II Chronicles 36:9-10, Ezekiel 1:1-3) , King Jehoiachin is taken prisoner, along with his family, his court, the upper crust of society and the artisans (who are capable of making weapons). Among the exiled is Ezekiel, who will prophecy in Babylonia. - In the third and final campaign (II Kings 24:17-25:26, II Chronicles 36:17-21, Jeremiah 39-44, Lamentations) the walls of Jerusalem are breached, the temple is destroyed, the king is captured after an escape attempt, his sons killed and his eyes put out. Gedaliah is appointed governor, but is assassinated by a member of the royal family. A massacre ensues, many survivors flee to Egypt taking Jeremiah along, and the last remnant of the kingdom of Judah fades away. Contrary to the opinion of some Jewish philosophers, prophecy is not limited to Eretz Yisrael, and some of our most prolific prophets (Ezekiel, Daniel) were active in Babylon. What does this say about the centrality of the Land? Judah Halevi (The Kuzari 2, 12-14), who states that prophecy can be achieved only in the Land of Israel, solves the problem of Ezekiel and Daniel by pointing out that they prophesied "for the sake of the land". Similarly, he includes Mount Sinai in the Land in order to explain the impressive case of mass prophecy that occurred there, in the desert. Perhaps we can afford to acknowledge that prophecy, along with other significant phenomena, may occur outside the Land. The text stresses that the first to be exiled were the elite, and during the return they tended to stay in exile, while the returnees were mostly from the lower orders. Why is this the case? Perhaps the upper classes have more of an interest in rebellion, as for them it means the difference between independence and vassaldom; for the lower classes, it doesn't matter anyway who rules. When exiled, maybe the upper classes soon found their way into the corridors of power in Babylon, so had no interest in giving up their comfortable lives in exile. Or perhaps the lower classes were more mindful of Jeremiah's counsels, and bowed their heads obediently to the foreign powers.

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Why do the kings of Judah repeatedly rebel, given the overwhelming power of Babylonia? Perhaps they believe that their God, being stronger than that of the Babylonians, will win for them. Perhaps they believe that an alliance with a competing empire (Egypt) will save them. b. Jeremiah as a model of a biblical prophet; the conflict as reflected in his writing and his life. Suggestion: Divide class into smaller groups, give each group one of the following texts with questions, allow groups 15 minutes to read and discuss, then groups take turns presenting in sequence. Jeremiah 1:1-10: introducing Jeremiah. What is the understanding of prophecy presented here? Jeremiah receives a call, a revelation commanding him to speak Gods word; like Moses, he would prefer not to be so burdened, but God wont take no for an answer. There are a number of passages dealing with Jeremiahs ambivalence, his feeling that he would rather not be a prophet of reproof but cannot stop himself. Jeremiah 20:1-22:5 What is Jeremiahs political position? Jeremiah is imprisoned for his defeatist prophecy, accused of treason. He gives expression to his frustration at having to play this role; but he does not relent. He states clearly that the impending defeat is a result of immorality and faithlessness, and that the military power of Judahs army like his own words can have no impact on the outcome of the war. What is the basis for Jeremiahs position? Where does he get his certainty regarding the military situation? Perhaps God is somehow forcing him (automatic speech??); or could it be that his anguish at seeing the people moving toward their own destruction, blind to their ability to prevent it, simply wont let him alone? The theme of Jeremiahs feeling of helplessness finds expression frequently in the book. He is driven to say things that he knows will cause him to be reviled and even physically harmed yet he cannot stop. The internal conflict over how to respond to Babylonia. Jeremiah 20-21 or 37-38

What is the ideology behind the establishment position?

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History is what we see: armies and their gods clash, and the strongest wins; God promised David an eternal dynasty; He is the strongest god; therefore, we should not hesitate to take on the Babylonians, for victory is assured. What is the ideology behind Jeremiahs position? There is more to history than meets the eye: all of history is an educational device, operated by God in order to teach Israel to establish and maintain a just society; God is using the Babylonian army as his tool to chastise us; the only way to prevent disaster is to reform our behavior. The establishment position is eternally tempting (why?); Jeremiahs position, which we always resist, is the classic Jewish interpretation of the meaning of exile and persecution. Jeremiah 30 How can we believe in a God who allows our destruction? How can we not lose hope? Chastisement is not revenge; the parent will punish out of love, but will not destroy the child. So the exile will end, and the promise of an eternal dynasty will be fulfilled. Jeremiah 32:36-44 How does Jeremiahs message change after the destruction? It is of interest to discuss the dual role of the prophet: to reprove and to threaten and to comfort and to support. Both are consistent with the prophets understanding of the working of history: both require faith in a God who is the God of history. And just as before the destruction the peoples limited view of the scope of Gods power led them to seek a military solution to a moral/spiritual problem, so after the destruction this same small-minded view was likely to lead to despair. Hence the prophet of doom now becomes a prophet of hope, operating on the assumption that God meant what He said when He promised an eternal dynasty, so that punishment followed by repentance will lead to redemption. c. To this day, the destruction of the temple is commemorated. Four fast days are set in the calendar: 10 Tevet, in which the siege began 17 Tammuz, in which the walls of Jerusalem were breached 9 Av, in which the temple was destroyed 3 Tishrei, in which Gedaliah was murdered Over the generations, these fasts have accumulated additional meaning. 9 Av is also considered to be the date of the destruction of the Second Temple, the first Crusade, the expulsion from Spain and the beginning of the deportations

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from the Warsaw ghetto, among other calamities. In the State of Israel, Kaddish (the Jewish prayer for the deceased) is recited on 10 Tevet for people whose date or place of death is unknown. Consequently, many rabbis have designated it as a day of remembrance for the Holocaust. Some choose to commemorate the political murder of Yitzhak Rabin by fasting on 3 Tishrei. The destruction is remembered in other ways: In Jewish weddings the bridegroom traditionally breaks a glass and recites a remembrance of Jerusalem; some leave a section of a wall in their house unpainted in memory of the temple; some rend their clothing when they see the remains of the temple in Jerusalem. Do these observances still have meaning for us today, when Jerusalem is rebuilt, and once again there is a sovereign Jewish state in Israel? A similar question was already asked early on: the prophet Zechariah, who prophesied during the return of the exiles from Babylonia, 70 years after the destruction, reports the people asked: "Should I mourn and fast in the fifth month, as I have done for so many years?" (Zechariah 7:3 the fifth month here refers to Av). Should we: Celebrate Tisha Be'av and the destruction of the temple (see description of historical responses of the Reform movement) Stop (or reduce) fasting, now that sovereignty is restored (see majority opinion in the responsum of the Halakhah committee of the Conservative movement in Israel) Continue fasting since all is not yet well in the Jewish world (see minority opinion) Continue fasting to remind ourselves of the cause of the destruction (see article by Rabbi Leibtag) Continue fasting to remember catastrophes past

And to finish on a hopeful note, here's what Zechariah prophecies for the future: "This is what the LORD Almighty says: "The fasts of the fourth, fifth, seventh and tenth months will become joyful and glad occasions and happy festivals for Judah" (Zechariah 8:19).

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Sources 1. A time line, to keep things in perspective (see timeline for lesson 14) 2. Maps in the online biblical atlas, http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/,
Chapter 10 Judah Alone amid International Powers The Rise of the Neo-Babylonian Empire The Reign of Josiah The Districts of Judah under King Josiah The Golden Age of King Josiah Nebuchadnezzar's Campaigns against Judah The Babylonian Exile Judah during the Exile The Kingdom of Judah

076 077 077a 077b 078

Chapter 11

079

3. Article about historical responses of the Reform movement to Tisha Be'av: http://www.jewishmediaresources.com/article/145/ 4. Summary of responsa on fasting on Tisha Be'av by the Halakhah committee of the Conservative movement in Israel: http://www.responsafortoday.com/eng_index.html 5. An article by Rabbi Menachem Leibtag about the meaning of the fasts today: http://www.lind.org.il/features/4fasts.htm

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L e s s o n 16:
The Messiah
[See methodological suggestions at end of lesson plan] 1. Outline a. Prophetic origins b. Apocalyptic literature c. Early messianic movements d. Rabbinic views e. As a factor in history 2. Introduction After all the promises and all the tests, and the centralization of our connection to God in the Temple, the destruction of the Temple and of our sovereignty constituted a major spiritual crisis. It seems likely that many people saw this disaster as evidence that God was a failure, or non-existent. The prophets challenge was now not just to get the people to obey the laws, but to get them not to give up on the whole project. At first, the assumption was that this disaster was indeed a punishment, but that it would pass: we had paid the price of our sins, so now God could forgive us and get over His anger, and restore an anointed king of Davids line (anointed one = mashiach = messiah), and the Temple service. As time went on, however, this neat picture never materialized, and we had to find a way to cope with painfully and indefinitely postponed redemption. And so, as the messiah receded into the future, he loomed larger and larger in terms of his expected role in the world. At the same time, we learned to live (mostly) with a permanent tension between present reality and our imagined utopian restoration to the good old days (that were not as good as we imagined them). This lesson traces the development of the messianic concept, and looks ahead at its impact on later Jewish history. Our relationship to the land of Israel and the state of Israel is intimately tied up with this powerful and interesting concept. 3. Lesson goals a. Awareness of the historical development of the concept of messiah b. Awareness of the connection between the messiah and our relation to Eretz Yisrael c. Understanding of the centrality of the messianic idea in Jewish life d. Awareness of the impact of the messianic idea in Jewish history

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4. Expanded outline a. Prophetic origins i. Anointing as the method of sanctifying a king: I Samuel 10:1. The word mashiach, messiah, simply refers to one who has been anointed; and in the context of biblical history, therefore, it refers to the king ii. In II Samuel 7:11-16, God promises David that his selection as king is guaranteed for all time; the dynasty is eternal. Even though there will be vicissitudes, sin and punishment, the Davidic dynasty will never be displaced as Sauls was. Thus, from now on, the mashiach, the anointed king, will always be a descendant of David. The problem became, how to reconcile that promise with the events in the last chapter of II Kings, when King Jehoiachin is exiled to Babylonia in 597 BCE, and lives out his days there as a prisoner, and 586 his successor, his uncle Zedekiah, is blinded and carried to Babylonia in chains. iii. The response of the prophets was to reaffirm the promise: they insisted that this eclipse would pass, and that the dynasty and our sovereignty and our special relation to God would be restored; we must not lose faith. See: Jeremiah 23:1-8, also Jeremiah 32-33; and Ezekiel 37. Note that along with the restoration of Davids dynasty, the scattered people will be gathered and restored to their land where they will, of course, keep the mitzvot (e.g., Ezekiel 37:23). b. Apocalyptic literature i. Even after the defeat of Babylonia by the Persians in 537 BCE and our encounter with a regime that did not prevent our reestablishing our cult and some degree autonomy, the hoped-for restoration did not occur. Simply repenting and waiting for redemption was getting to be a frustrating and apparently long-term exercise. Perhaps influenced by pagan concepts of history as cyclical, a new explanation of our situation began to appear, in works of apocalyptic literature. The only example in the bible is the Book of Daniel. ii. The writers of apocalyptic literature believed that they could see the flow of history from outside, so that they could discern the overall structure and they believed that history indeed has a structure, with a beginning, a middle, and an end. In Daniel 9:20-27, Daniel meets the angel Gabriel, who reveals to him the chronology of the period from the beginning of the restoration of the Temple until the final redemption. If history has an end, and is not just an infinite series of events, then every passing day brings us that much closer to that end. And if we experience the present as a time of suffering, and envision the end as a time of redemption, then we certainly would like to know how

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much longer before the end. If it is near at hand, there is reason to hope, and we should prepare for it. Daniel 11 presents a detailed account of future history, leading up to a description of the end of days in chapter 12. Daniel 12 gives another cryptic accounting of the period of time remaining until the redemption. A common element of apocalyptic literature is the emphasis on secrecy, and the unclear nature of the various predictions and calculations. In this chapter, for example, while Daniels visions yield very specific numbers of days, we are left not knowing just what the significance of those numbers is. The possibilities for interpretation are endless. Moreover, God tells Daniel that the information he has received is secret, and that it is shut up and sealed until the time of the end. The difference between Daniels prophecy and Jeremiahs is that in Jeremiah, history is conditional: as a nation, we will be punished or rewarded according to our adherence to Gods commandments. In Daniel, history is unconditional: there is a fixed structure, a set time until the end of the exile; we are moving inexorably toward that moment of redemption, and the challenge is not so much to make ourselves worthy, as to figure out when to expect the end to come. There is a tension between these two conceptions, the prophetic and the apocalyptic. Elements of both entered into our ongoing dreams and discussions of the messiah and restoration. c. Early messianic movements i. Christianity: It seems that in the Roman period, apocalyptic thinking was widespread, and many Jews had a strong feeling that the end of history was imminent. This sense of expectation and excitement was an indispensable factor in the development of the movement based on the identification of a real person, Jesus of Nazareth, with the longawaited messiah. (See Mark 13) Evidence of the messianic fervor of the time may be found in the doctrines and behaviors of the group known (from Josephus description, Wars 2:8) as the Essenes, ascetics who formed monastic communities to purify themselves and await the redemption. There are various theories about the specific relationships between Josephus Essenes, the inhabitants of the Qumran community near the Dead Sea (who wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls), and the earliest groups of Christians. Whether or not there are direct connections among these, it seems clear that they represent manifestations of similar spiritual situations.

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Jesus became a popular preacher in the first quarter of the first century C.E.; a movement grew up based on his identification as the messiah. Since, for obvious reasons, the Romans were not interested in encouraging Jewish claims of national sovereignty, they executed Jesus. Among his followers the belief spread that he was resurrected and taken up to heaven three days after his death, there to wait until mankind was ready for full redemption. This revised form of messianic belief, which saw the messiah as not merely a king of flesh and blood, but as a manifestation of God, became the doctrine of a sect within Judaism. As the leaders of this sect (primarily Paul of Tarsus) directed their message increasingly toward the non-Jews around them and encountered receptivity the link to mainstream Judaism grew weaker and the centrifugal forces grew stronger, until there was a complete break. ii. Bar Kochba: It seems that the expectation of messianic deliverance from the power of Rome was so strong that the failure of the first revolt only intensified it. Within a few decades, normal Jewish life had been restored in most of the towns and villages, and the autonomous communal leadership based in Yavneh had been established. But the humiliation of Roman taxation still rankled and despite the development of alternative institutions, life without the Temple was life in a continuous religious crisis. Neither the growth of Christianity nor the crushing blow of the destruction of the Temple defused the pressure of the apocalyptic expectations that were widespread among the people. Many continued to wait impatiently for the moment of the end. Apparently, the emperor Hadrian ordered the rebuilding of Jerusalem as a pagan city, containing a pagan Temple. Such an act can be seen as the last straw or as support for those apocalypticists who argued that redemption wouldnt come until the world was wholly given over to evil. In any case, fighting broke out and was suppressed with great bloodshed, and physical and economic devastation that surpassed the result of the first revolt. d. Rabbinic views i. The rabbis faced a dilemma: the belief in the messiah and the restoration was central to Judaism; to debunk or discourage it would be to go against the clear message of the prophets. On the other hand, seeing the messiah in every populist preacher or adventurer had been disastrous; how could one know when it was the real thing? 142
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ii.

iii.

How could we keep the expectation alive yet somehow consistently put off its fulfillment? The faith is clear in the liturgy (see blessings 14 and 15 in the Shemonah Esreh). The ambivalence shows up in discussions of messianic times in the Talmud (Sanhedrin 97-98) This tension did not go away. One of the most famous responses to it was that of the Rambam, in the 12th century, who earned great unpopularity by insisting that the messianic hope refers only to the restoration of sovereignty and the Temple not to apocalyptic visions of the re-creation of the world, the perfection of nature, etc. (see Mishneh Torah, Hilchot Melachim 11-12). Gershom Scholem, The Messianic Idea in Judaism, in the collection of essays of the same name, Schocken, 1971.

e. As a factor in history i. After Jesus and Bar Kochba, the attempts to calculate the time of the redemption or to force it continued in every century and in every corner of the Jewish world. Some of these were small scale local affairs; some became mass movements. So far, apparently, none got it right Perhaps the most famous was Sabbetai Zevi, in the late 17th century; a hint of its impact can be seen in the excerpt of the account by Rycault; a more complete account can be found, for example in Marcus very useful anthology of short medieval texts The Jew in the Medieval World, Atheneum 1973. Abba Hillel Silvers PhD thesis is an amazing little book cataloging messianic calculations and pretenders through the ages: A History of Messianic Speculation in Israel, Peter Smith 1978. ii. Even with the secularization of the modern period, the messianic spark in Judaism was not extinguished, and its light can be seen in the rhetoric of modern movements for man-made redemption in which Jews played a major role. For example: enlightenment and socialism, both of which can be seen as messianic movements, based on a vision of redemption of the world (not just of the Jews): see texts from Geiger and the Arbeiter Freund. iii. Where does all this lead? Well, take the messianic belief in restoration of our glorious past national/religious existence, combine it with modern humanism, and add turn-of-the century romantic nationalism, and what to you get? Zionism. 5. Methodological suggestions: The lesson can be built quite simply around the chronological sequence of short texts that trace the development of the messianic idea: II Samuel 7:11-16 the promise Jeremiah 23:1-8, Jeremiah 32 hope out of the ashes

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 Daniel 12 apocalyptic vision Mark 13 Christian apocalyptic vision Eicha Rabbati 2:5 Bar Kochba Shemonah Esreh messianic hope in mainstream religious practice Talmud Sanhedrin 97-98 - ambivalence Rambam dont get carried away! Later examples e.g., Sabbateanism, enlightenment, socialism As an introduction, participants might be asked to diagram their idea of the flow of Jewish history: is it an infinite straight line? A curve? A slope? Is there an end? Are there peaks? And/or: Do you believe in a messiah/messianic time/perfection/end/restoration? How do you understand the concept as expressed in the liturgy? In sayings like Next year in Jerusalem at Pesach? Note: messianism is a big and interesting topic, and we have only one lesson. Therefore, we have pretty much ignored the whole issue of antinomianism: the belief that when the messiah comes, Jewish law will become obsolete. This became a major doctrine of Christianity, was present in Sabbateanism, and could be seen to be present in Zionism. Bringing texts and discussing this would take us too far afield from our central themes Sources Palestinian Talmud, Taanit 68d Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai taught: My teacher Akiba used to expound the verse a star rises from Jacob...[Numbers 24:17] to say Bar Kochba rises from Jacob. When Rabbi Akiba saw Bar Kochba he would say, Behold, the king, the messiah! Rabbi Yochanan ben Torta said to him, Akiba, grass will grow from your cheekbones before the son of David will come! Eicha Rabbati 2:5 R. Yochanan said: Rabbi [Judah Hanasi] used to teach: with respect to the passage a star will come forth out of Jacob (Numbers 24:17), read it not as a star, but as a deceiver. When R. Akiba saw bar Kosiba, he said: behold, king messiah! R. Yochanan ben Torata said to him: Akiba, grass will grow out of your cheekbones before the messiah comes! R. Yochanan said: The voice is the voice of Jacob (Genesis 27:22) the voice of Jacob crying out because of what the hands of Esau did to him at Beitar. Hadrian killed 80 thousand myriads of men at Beitar.

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There were 80,000 trumpeters besieging Beitar, and bar Kosiba was there with 200,000 who had bitten off their fingers (as a test of their courage). The sages asked him: for how long will you continue to mutilate the people? He answered: Then how shall I test them? They said to him: Whoever cannot uproot a cedar of Lebanon should not be in your army. And he took 200,000 from each test. And when they went forth to war, they used to say: Dont help us and dont hinder us, as it is written: Have you not rejected us, O God? You do not go forth, O God, with our armies (Psalm 60:10). And what did bar Kosiba do? He would catch catapult stones with his knee and throw them back, killing a number of the enemy. That is why R. Akiba spoke of him as he did. Hadrian besieged Beitar for three and a half years... He killed so many that a horse was up to its nostrils in blood; and the current of blood was strong enough to carry a stone weighing 50 selas, and to flow four miles out into the sea. (COMMENT The most interesting implication is that Rabbi Akiba believed that Bar Kochba was the messiah; we also find in this passage evidence of the bloody resolution of the revolt. Note that a generation after the revolt, the greatest leader of the period, Rabbi Judah Hanasi, who was on very close terms with Roman leaders, had nothing positive to say about Bar Kochba.) Daily Shmonah Esreh prayer 14. Return in mercy unto they city Jerusalem and dwell in it as You have promised; rebuild it soon, in our days, as an everlasting structure, and speedily establish in it the throne of David. Blessed are You, O Lord, builder of Jerusalem. 15. Speedily cause the offspring of Your servant David to flourish, and let his glory be exalted by Your help, for we hope for Your deliverance all day. Blessed are You, O Lord, who causes salvation to flourish. Talmud, Sanhedrin 97-98 (excerpts) It has been taught; R. Nehemiah said: In the generation of the Messiahs coming... the kingdom will be converted to heresy with none to rebuke them. This supports R. Isaac, who said: The son of David will not come until the whole world is converted to the belief of the heretics. R. Zera, whenever he chanced upon scholars calculating the time of the Messiahs coming, would say to them: I beg of you, do not postpone [his coming], for it has been taught: Three come unawares messiah, a found article, and a scorpion. R. Samuel ben Nachmani aid in the name of R. Jonathan: Blasted be the bones of those who calculate the end; for they would say, since the predetermined time has arrived and yet he has not come, he will never come.

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R. Kattina said: Six thousand years shall the world exist, and one thousand shall it be desolate... Elijah said to R. Judah: The world shall exist not less than eighty five jubilees, and in the last jubilee the son of David will come... R. Joshua ben Levi met Elijah... and asked him: When will the messiah come? He replied: Go and ask him. Where is he sitting? At the gate of the city. How will I recognize him? He sits with the poor lepers. They all unbind and rebandage all their wounds at once; he unties and rebandages his one by one, so that he wont be delayed when he is called. R. Joshua found him and greeted him: When will you come? Today. R. Joshua returned to Elijah and said: He spoke falsely to me, stating that he would come today, but he has not. Elijah answered him: This is what he said to you: Today, if you will hear His voice.[Psalms 95:7] (COMMENT Compare the first paragraph with Mark 13! R. Joshua ben Levis encounter with the messiah: this story seeks to defuse apocalyptic expectations, emphasizing the prophetic concept of the conditionality of the redemption the messiah will only come when our behavior merits it yet somehow the implication seems to be that we are never ready... ) Moses Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Hilchot Melachim 11-12 The Messiah will arise and restore the kingdom of David to its former might. He will rebuild the sanctuary and gather the dispersed of Israel. All the laws will be reinstituted in his days as of old. Sacrifices will be offered and the sabbatical and jubilee years will be observed exactly in accordance with the commandments of the Torah. But whoever does not believe in him or does not await his coming denies not only the rest of the prophets, but also the Torah and our teacher Moses... Let no one think that in the days of the Messiah anything of the natural course of the world will cease or that any innovation will be introduced into creation. Rather, the world will continue in its accustomed course. The words of Isaiah: The wolf shall dwell with the lamb and the panther shall lie down with the kid [Isa. 11:6] are a parable and an allegory which must be understood to mean that Israel will dwell securely even among the wicked of the heathen nations...

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Sir Paul Rycaut, 1666 And now all the cities of Turkey, where the Jews inhabited, were full of the expectation of the Messiah; no trade or course of gain was followed. Every one imagined that daily provisions, riches, honors, and government were to descend upon him by some unknown and miraculous manner. An example of which is most observable in the Jews at Thessalonica, who now full of assurance that the restoration of their kingdom and the accomplishment of the times for the coming of the Messiah was at hand... applied themselves immediately to fastings... All business was laid aside; none worked or opened shop, unless to clear his warehouse of merchandise at any price. Whoever had superfluity in household stuff sold it for what he could... (excerpt of a full account of Sabbetai Zevis story, found in J. R. Marcus, The Jew in the Medieval World) Abraham Geiger, 1863 Hear this today, O my people, and do not be faint-hearted, even though all your wishes have still not been fulfilled, though strife still prevails today and your just hopes still meet with opposition... When another fifty years hence, another generation is assembled here, may they mark this day as a celebration of brotherly conciliation, the brotherhood of all peoples, a celebration under this banner: One God, accepted and humbly worshipped by all; one human race, united in love; one great and mighty German Fatherland! (Geiger was a leader of the early Reform movement in Germany) Arbeiter Freind #1, 1885 ...in short, we want a fundamental change in the present condition of tyranny and injustice, in which one is a millionaire, while others are penniless, in which the capitalists and other robbers dont lift a finger and live in luxury, while the workers labor day and night, losing health and often life, ultimately dying of hunger. This terrible condition cannot and must not continue; it must be changed and eliminated in order to clear a way for a new and just society which socialism holds up before us and teaches about. We are convinced that only socialism can lead us to freedom, only it puts into our hands good and proper means for the redemption of the workers and of the whole people. (A Jewish socialist newsletter in Lithuania)

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L e s s o n 17:
Shivat Tziyon
1. Outline a. A historical overview b. Challenges faced by the returnees c. The status of the exilic community 2. Introduction The destruction of the First Temple and the exile of the elites to Babylonia were of course a huge shock to our system, theologically, socially, and politically. It seems that the peoples expectation, encouraged by the prophets, was that this punishment would be a harsh but passing blow that in the near future God would relent and accept our repentance and restore our sovereignty and our connection to Him through the Temple ritual (see, for example, Jeremiah 29). And indeed, so it happened with the Persian conquest of Babylonia, a new policy was instituted, and the emperor Cyrus allowed the restoration of autonomy in Judah and the rebuilding of the Temple (but not, significantly, the restoration of the monarchy!) just 50 years after the destruction. Therefore it is remarkable that the response was not a mass return, but rather a trickle, with many of the exiles choosing to stay in their new home. And thus was created the model of Diaspora Jewish life coexisting with a Jewish state. Moreover, the process of rebuilding and reorganizing the community in Israel was difficult and frustrating, and didnt look much like the promised redemption. The period of Shivat Tziyon therefore offers suggestive parallels to our own modern situation of Israel-Diaspora coexistence. This unit explores the somewhat sketchy historical knowledge we have of the period, focusing on the apparent dilemmas raised by the exiles ambivalent response to the possibility of restoration. 3. Lesson goals a. Knowledge of basic history of the period b. Basic acquaintance with main biblical texts covering this period c. Familiarity with key issues and dilemmas related to this period and their relevance, if any, to our own experience 4. Expanded outline a. A historical overview i. It is important to mention that this period is kind of a dark ages in Jewish history, as we lack information. Our main sources are the Biblical books of Ezra, Nehemiah, Ezekiel, Zechariah, Haggai, and Deutero-Isaiah (the second part of the book of Isaiah, generally

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ii.

assumed to have been written after 586 BCE; chapters 40-66). And there is debate among scholars as to the timing of and relationship among these texts. We will present here the simplest, mainstream approach. Time line: Year BCE 597 586 538 Event First wave of exiles, aristocrats, arrives in Babylonia Destruction and exile. Settlements of Jews established along the Chebar River (see Ezekiel 1:1). Cyrus, king of Persia, conquers the weakened Babylonian empire, proclaims himself king of Babylonia, adopts a policy of religious decentralization and pluralism. Issues edict allowing and even financing a restoration of the Temple in Jerusalem (see Ezra 1:2-3 and 6:3-5). However, it seems that the rebuilding gets off to a very slow start Cyrus son Cambyses dies; disorder breaks out and lasts until Darius consolidates his rule in 519; the rebuilding of the Temple begins to progress slowly. The rebuilt Temple is dedicated. Reign of Xerxes, generally identified as Ahasuerus Ezra arrives in Judah from Babylonia, with a royal commission to reconstitute an orderly Jewish autonomy; fails to overcome local opposition to rebuilding the city wall. Nehemiah arrives from Babylonia, also with a royal commission, and succeeds in rebuilding the city wall and instituting social reforms. Not much is known about the remainder of this period Alexander the Great, of Macedonia, conquers this part of the world, continues a policy of pluralism, but within the orbit of the powerful influence of Hellenistic culture.

522 515 483-465 458

445 Until 330 330

iii.

iv.

Some histories refer to a conflict between Zerubbabel, a governor of Judah of royal descent, and a high priest named Joshua. However, there is really no firm textual basis for this. They seem to function harmoniously together in Ezra 3, for example. In this context it is important to remember that Cyrus did not give permission to re-establish sovereignty, with a Davidic king, but rather only to re-establish the cult center, the Temple and priesthood. Thus,

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v. vi.

what we have here is a separation of the national element of Jewish autonomy and identity from the religious, a separation that was not part of our world-view before the exile. Interesting to discuss in terms of our modern concepts of separation of religion and state and our debate over what should be Jewish about the Jewish state. See the maps in http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/079.htm and numbers 079a, 079b, 080, 083, 084, 085, 086, 086a See Chapter 11 in H. Tadmors section in H. H. Ben Sassons A History of the Jewish People, Cambridge, 1976, for a clear, conservative account of what is known about this period.

b. Challenges faced by the returnees i. Most people dont return 1. Note in Ezra 1:4, Cyrus proclamation suggests that some will go back, and some will stay behind and finance the project! 2. In Jeremiah 29, the prophet tells the people to settle in in Babylonia, pending Gods forgiving them and returning them from exile. On the one hand, this justifies unpacking, settling in in exile; on the other hand, it implies a complete return and an end to exile in just 70 years. Yet, even after such a short time, the reality described in Ezra that most of the people decline the offer to return seems to be taken for granted. 3. Note that the Book of Esther describes life in a community in exile, apparently occurring after Cyrus decree, suffering from what we might call classical antiSemitism - in which the option of aliyah is not mentioned. Exile seems to be the only relevant reality. 4. The prophet Haggais main concern is with the flagging of the returnees commitment to rebuilding the Temple; he rebukes them for being more interested in their own comfort than with the communal/national/cosmic obligation of rebuilding the Temple and re-establishing worship in it.

ii.

Resistance to the restoration by locals 1. Ezra 4-6 describes the conflict between the returnees and local populations, especially the group later known as the Samaritans apparently descendants of the exiles from the east settled by the Assyrians in Samaria in place of the exiled ten tribes (see Ezra 4:9ff) who were, it seems at

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odds with the descendants of Judah from this time on into the Roman period. The matter is finally settled with Darius finds in the archives the original decree by Cyrus, and honors it. 2. When Nehemiah arrives from Babylonia, he is struck by the sad state of the city and its defenses, and decides to take action; again, the local Gentiles see this as usurpation of sovereignty a national, not just a religious act, and object (Nehemiah 2:19-20, 3:33ff). The work must be done with the hammer in one hand and the sword in the other (Nehemiah 4:9-17). 3. And it turns out that this was not just Jews against Gentiles, as it appears that there must have been parties within the Jews who sided with the Gentile leaders and opposed the work of reconstruction for reasons of religion? Economic interests? Political interests? See Nehemiah 6:15-19. iii. Assimilation in Judah 1. One of the main concerns of Ezra and Nehemiah, as leaders of the restored community in Israel, was assimilation: intermarriage, and a general abandonment or ignorance of Jewish law, posed a threat, in their eyes, to the future of the whole enterprise. It is interesting that the problem of assimilation arises in the land of Israel in the restored community which is just, based on our conceptions of aliyah, where you would expect it not to be a problem. Does this tell us something about the Jewish knowledge of the Babylonians? Or something about understandings of Jewish identity at that time? 2. In any case, see Ezra 9, and 10, which describes a remarkable mass repentance and divorce of foreign wives. And Nehemiah struggled on several fronts to restore obedience of Torah law: in 8 he describes a public Torah reading that has tremendous emotional impact; 910 describe a public rededication and pledge of allegiance; 12 describes the rededication festivities of the city wall; 13 describes expulsion of Ammonites and Moabites (1-3),; attacking corruption in the Temple (4-9), enforcement of the tithes (10-13), enforcing the Shabbat (15-22), removal of foreign wives (23-28). Social inequality

iv.

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1. Nehemiah 5 presents a very interesting episode that also may connect with our modern discussions of what should be the social structure and economic regime in a Jewish state. Nehemiah listens to the complaints of the poor Jews against their rich brothers, and seems to organize a rather threatening mass rally at which the wealthy Jews are forced to forgive the debts owed to them. 2. And in the second half of the chapter, Nehemiah emphasizes that during his twelve years a governor, even though he was an appointee of the Persian king, he refused to take a government salary, and lived at his own expense. Another foreshadowing of modern discussions regarding government support of religion vs. independence and autonomy c. The community in exile i. The biblical sources give us very little information about the lives of the exiles in Babylonia. Esther seems to be a realistic depiction of life in a middle eastern monarchy with court intrigue and power struggles, with the precariousness of the Jews, as strangers without a power base. Nehemiah (chapter 1) describes his own situation as a court official who seems not to have been involved in Jewish affairs until a meeting with some visiting returnees of Judah jolt his consciousness and he experiences some kind of awakening (shades of Joseph, and Esther) and then uses his high office to get royal sponsorship for his mission to revitalize the settlement in Judah. ii. A recurrent theme among the exilic prophets, Deutero-Isaiah and Ezekiel, is the tendency of the people to despair, to assume that their rejection by God is permanent. The theological danger here, of course is that if there is no hope of forgiveness and restoration, then why observe the law and why not turn to other religions? Therefore, the message of redemption, and of the necessity of earning it, is strongly emphasized: for example, Isaiah 44; Ezekiel 37 iii. But on the early life of the Babylonian community, which later became the center of Jewish life and culture for centuries, we have almost no sources. There were other exilic communities as well at this time, which left some documentary evidence: especially in Elephantine in southern Egypt. See, for example, http://www.ucalgary.ca/~elsegal/Shokel/990330_BackToEgypt.html And this history of the Ethiopian Jewish community, whose connection to early exilic communities is a fascinating question: http://www.nacoej.org/history.htm

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For a good, concise summary of this historical period and the Hellenistic period as well look here: http://www.biu.ac.il/JS/rennert/history_4.html

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L e s s o n 18:
Teaching the Bible, Teaching Israel a Pause for Reflection
1. Outline a. Sacred space b. Pre-Zionism c. What is the Bible? d. Where is home? 2. Introduction As mentioned in Lesson 1, this course is based on the assumption that in liberal Jewish education, the three primary texts are the Bible, the Siddur, and the calendar; thus about two thirds of the course meetings focus on study of these sources, with the last third devoted to modern history and current issues. The emphasis in the first third, the Bible section, has been on helping participants maintain their alertness to the opportunities for teaching Israel in just about any Bible lesson. After all, the Bible is a book about God, the Jewish people, and the Land of Israel. However, in recent generations, the land has lost some of its centrality, at least in liberal Jewish classrooms in North America. So, first of all, this course seeks to refocus the teaching of Bible, to keep Israel always within the field of vision; the Bible must be understood and taught as not only the biography of God, nor only the history of the Jewish people, but as the story of the three-way relationship of God, people, and land. This lesson seeks to present an opportunity to step back and reflect on some of the underlying questions that must be addressed in our teaching of this relationship. 3. Lesson goals a. Awareness of different conceptions of the role of Israel in Jewish identity b. Awareness of different views on the nature of the Bible and the goals of studying it c. Formulation of a personal philosophy regarding the significance of the Bible in defining our relationship to Israel

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4. Expanded outline a. Sacred space i. It is interesting to consider the whole topic of the sanctity - and the sanctification of place in the Bible, as a basis for discussing just what is the nature of the Land of Israel what is the meaning of the term Holy Land. Here are some suggested texts for discussion: 1. Genesis 28:10-19: Jacob has a dream, and realizes that God is in this place What does that mean? Are there places on earth that are gateways to heaven? 2. Exodus 3:1-6: Moses and the bush: the place on which you stand is holy ground. So is there holy land in the desert of Midian too? 3. Exodus 19: The revelation at Sinai: why there and not somewhere else? Was it holy ground? Is it still? Why is there danger attached to sacred space? 4. Leviticus 25:23-24: The Jubilee year: But the land must not be sold beyond reclaim, for the land is Mine What does that mean? Does it refer only to the Land of Israel? 5. Some mostly post-biblical traditions regarding the Temple Mount: a. That it is Mt. Moriah where Abraham went to sacrifice Isaac. See Genesis 22, especially verse 14. b. That it is the center, or foundation stone, of the world. c. II Samuel 24: That it was purchased by David as a place of worship where God would answer his prayer. d. That it was sanctified by the acts of kindness of two brothers; see Source 1. e. Solomon suggests that prayers offered toward the Temple will be heard with favor by God is this indeed a gateway to heaven? I Kings 8:27-30 f. What about the placing of prayer-notes between the stones of the Western Wall? ii. See Mircea Eliade, Source 2, on the general concept of the Center of the World. iii. See Abraham Joshua Heschel on sanctification of time vs. place in Judaism; see Source 3. iv. What about cemeteries in the Diaspora? Synagogues? Are they hallowed ground? What does that mean? Can they be decommissioned?

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b. Pre-zionism i. Before the end of the 19th century, our relationship to Israel was not complicated by issues of real life politics, economics, etc. We were deeply connected with a mythical Israel that was the scenery of most of the Bible, the location of the Torah state described in the Torah, the utopia to which we constantly prayed to return. The depth of this mythical and somehow tragic connection is nicely depicted in Agnons famous Fable of the Goat, Source 4. ii. While it is often said that Zionism has been an integral part of Judaism since the exile began, that implies that the word Zionism has a meaning different from its common usage as the political movement that began in the late 19th century, with the aim of creating a modern Jewish nation state in Palestine. Compare, for example, Herzl (Source 5) with Abraham (Genesis 12:1-5), or with Judah Halevi (Source 6) iii. See Steve Israels essay: http://www.jewishagency.org/JewishAgency/English/Jewish+Educati on/Eye+on+Israel/Israeli+Culture/The+Land.htm c. What is the Bible? i. The significance of the Bibles treatment of our relationship to the land depends greatly on what our basic assumptions are regarding the nature of the Bible and it authority. Before we teach the Bibles treatment of the land, we should articulate our assumptions and beliefs and analyze them. For example, is the Bible 1. the word of God, literally 2. a human document written under divine inspiration 3. a human document reflecting the ideological assumptions of its authors 4. the written compilation of a variety of oral traditions 5. a history of the world 6. a history of the Jewish people 7. a work of literature whose aim is to teach eternal values 8. a national epic 9. an anthology of various documents with various purposes and origins 10. open to interpretation based on its historical context 11. subject to the authoritative interpretation of the Oral Law ii. These questions of course relate to discussions that often come up in classrooms: was Abraham a historical figure? Did God literally promise Israel to the Jewish people? etc. Obviously this is a large and deep topic, beyond the scope of this lesson. Our point is that it is useful for teachers to spend time and energy clarifying their views on

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iii. iv.

v. vi.

these questions, to try to clear up inconsistencies in their own thought and to be prepared for difficult questions from students. See Steve Israels essay on the Bible in Israeli culture http://www.jewishagency.org/JewishAgency/English/Jewish+Educati on/Eye+on+Israel/Israeli+Culture/The+Bible.htm A dense scholarly article on the history of Jewish interpretations of the Bible up to but not including modern Israeli education http://web.archive.org/web/20030225053058/http://www.otstudies.com/Documents/signer.htm A review and excerpt on the historical-critical approach: http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5174963

d. What is home? i. In examining the Bibles view of the sanctity of land, and our own view of the sanctity of the Bible, it is interesting also to consider our own spiritual or visceral connections to landscape, and the place of land in our identity. ii. See Source 7 for an activity to help participants think about this, in small groups. Follow up questions for the whole group: 1. what is home? 2. what is a homeland? 3. texts for consideration: Source 8 How much of our attachment to place is based on personal memory? How much on collective memory, learned through traditions, through literature? What is the difference between our attachment to our present homes and that to Israel? To the country from which our families emigrated? What part does Israel play in our identities?

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Sources 1. Louis Ginzburg, Legends of the Jews IV p. 154 [Ginzburg suggests that this medieval folk tale may be based on a midrash on Psalm 133] [Solomon] was long in doubt as to where he was to build [the Temple]. A heavenly voice directed him to go to Mount Zion at night, to a field owned by two brothers jointly. One of the brothers was a bachelor and poor, the other was blessed both with wealth and a large family of children. It was harvesting time. Under cover of night, the poor brother kept adding to the others heap of grain, for, although he was poor, he thought his brother needed more on account of his large family. The rich brother, in the same clandestine way, added to the poor brothers store, thinking that though he had a family to support, the other was without means. This field, Solomon concluded, which had called forth so remarkable a manifestation of brotherly love, was the best site for the Temple 2. Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, New York 1959, pp.42-43 It follows that the true world is always in the middle, at the Center, for it is here that there is a break in plane and hence communication among the three cosmic zones. Whatever the extent of the territory involved, the cosmos that it represents is always perfect. An entire country (e.g., Palestine), a city (Jerusalem), a sanctuary (the Temple in Jerusalem), all equally well present an imago mundi [picture of the world] Palestine, Jerusalem, and the Temple severally and concurrently represent the image of the universe and the Center of the World. This multiplicity of centers and this reiteration of the image of the world on smaller and smaller scales constitute one of the specific characteristics of traditional societies. To us, it seems an inescapable conclusion that the religious man sought to live as near as possible to the Center of the World 3. Abraham Joshua Heschel, The Sabbath see: http://www.myjewishlearning.com/daily_life/Shabbat/Shabbat_Themes_and_Theolo gy/Shabbat_Sanctuary_in_Time.htm It is, indeed, a unique occasion at which the distinguished word kadosh is used for the first time: in the Book of Genesis at the end of the story of creation. How extremely significant is the fact that it is applied to time: "And God blessed the seventh day and made it holy." There is no reference in the record of creation to any object in space that would be endowed with the quality of holiness.

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This is a radical departure from accustomed religious thinking. The mythical mind would expect that, after heaven and earth have been established, God would create a holy place--a holy mountain or a holy spring--whereupon a sanctuary is to be established. Yet it seems as if to the Bible it is holiness in time, the Sabbath, which comes first.

When history began, there was only one holiness in the world, holiness in time. When at Sinai the word of God was about to be voiced, a call for holiness in man was proclaimed: "Thou shalt be unto me a holy people." It was only after the people had succumbed to the temptation of worshipping a thing, a golden calf, that the erection of a Tabernacle, of holiness in space, was commanded. The sanctity of time came first, the sanctity of man came second, and the sanctity of space last. Time was hallowed by God; space, the Tabernacle, was consecrated by Moses. 4. The Fable of the Goat; adapted from S.Y. Agnon (http://www.jewishagency.org/JewishAgency/English/Jewish+Education/Jewish+Tim e/Festivals+and+Memorial+Days/Ninth+of+Av/The+eternal+connection ) There was a widespread legend that an underground tunnel - through which it was possible to pass in a very short time - connected the Diaspora to the land of Israel. According to the legend, there was no doubt of the tunnel's existence; its entrance, however, was all but impossible to find. It is told of different scholars, including Rabbi Shalom Shabbazi of Yemen and Rabbi Yosef Chaim of Baghdad, that they would disappear from their homes on Friday and spend the Sabbath in Jerusalem, returning home only on Saturday night. A particular old man was sick, and his doctors said that he must drink goat's milk. The man purchased a goat, but one day, without warning, she disappeared. A few days later she returned, her udders filled with milk that had the flavor of paradise. The goat would repeat this strange behavior from time to time until the old man said to his son, I want to know where the goat is disappearing. The son tied a rope to the goat's tail, and when she began to wander, he held on to the rope and followed. They entered a cave, and after a long time, they emerged in a fertile country flowing with milk and honey. When the son asked people where he was, they told him, You are in the land of Israel. The son penned a note telling his father what had happened. He wrote that his father should join him in the land of Israel by following the goat through the cave as he had. The son fastened the note to the goat's ear, and she returned home by herself. When the old man saw the goat returning without his son, he was certain that his son had been killed. Realizing that the sight of the goat would always bring him painful memories of his dead son, the man slaughtered her. Only afterward did he discover

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the note attached to the goat's ear. But what was done, was done. The goat was dead, and the underground route to the Holy Land would remain forever secret. . From Theodore Herzl, The Jewish State http://www.geocities.com/Vienna/6640/zion/judenstchpt2.html Should the Powers declare themselves willing to admit our sovereignty over a neutral piece of land, then the Society will enter into negotiations for the possession of this land. Here two territories come under consideration, Palestine and Argentine. In both countries important experiments in colonization have been made, though on the mistaken principle of a gradual infiltration of Jews. An infiltration is bound to end badly. It continues till the inevitable moment when the native population feels itself threatened, and forces the Government to stop a further influx of Jews. Immigration is consequently futile unless we have the sovereign right to continue such immigration. The Society of Jews will treat with the present masters of the land, putting itself under the protectorate of the European Powers, if they prove friendly to the plan. We could offer the present possessors of the land enormous advantages, assume part of the public debt, build new roads for traffic, which our presence in the country would render necessary, and do many other things. The creation of our State would be beneficial to adjacent countries, because the cultivation of a strip of land increases the value of its surrounding districts in innumerable ways. Shall we choose Palestine or Argentine? We shall take what is given us, and what is selected by Jewish public opinion. The Society will determine both these points. Argentine is one of the most fertile countries in the world, extends over a vast area, has a sparse population and a mild climate. The Argentine Republic would derive considerable profit from the cession of a portion of its territory to us. The present infiltration of Jews has certainly produced some discontent, and it would be necessary to enlighten the Republic on the intrinsic difference of our new movement. Palestine is our ever-memorable historic home. The very name of Palestine would attract our people with a force of marvelous potency. If His Majesty the Sultan were to give us Palestine, we could in return undertake to regulate the whole finances of Turkey. We should there form a portion of a rampart of Europe against Asia, an outpost of civilization as opposed to barbarism. We should as a neutral State remain in contact with all Europe, which would have to guarantee our existence. The sanctuaries of Christendom would be safeguarded by assigning to them an extra-territorial status such as is well-known to the law of nations. We should form a guard of honor about these sanctuaries, answering for the fulfillment of this duty with our existence. This guard of honor would be the great symbol of the solution of the Jewish question after eighteen centuries of Jewish suffering.

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6. Yehuda Halevi, Ode to Zion http://www.sacred-texts.com/jud/mhl/index.htm

Oh! who will give me wings That I may fly away, And there, at rest from all my wanderings, The ruins of my heart among thy ruins lay? I'll bend my face unto thy soil, and hold Thy stones as precious gold. And when in Hebron I have stood beside My fathers' tombs, then will I pass in turn Thy plains and forest wide, Until I stand on Gilead and discern Mount Hor and Mount Abarim, 'neath whose crest Thy luminaries twain, thy guides and beacons rest.

Thy air is life unto my soul, thy grains Of dust are myrrh, thy streams with honey flow; Naked and barefoot, to thy ruined fanes How gladly would I go; To where the ark was treasured, and in dim Recesses dwelt the holy cherubim.

The Lord desires thee for his dwelling-place Eternally; and blest Is he whom God has chosen for the grace Within thy courts to rest. Happy is he that watches, drawing near, Until he sees thy glorious lights arise, And over whom thy dawn breaks full and clear Set in the Orient skies. But happiest he, who, with exultant eyes, The bliss of thy redeemed ones shall behold, And see thy youth renewed as in the days of old.

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7. Land and Identity an activity for starting discussion Have participants work in groups of 3 or so; have them discuss these topics in order: Where do you live? Describe your home and its surroundings. Does your family own its home? How long have you lived there? Describe previous homes. How many times have you moved in your life? Is there a former home of which you have special memories? Describe the terrain of the land around your home? What is your favorite season or weather condition in your neighborhood? Why? What degree of emotional attachment do you feel toward your home? Why? Is there a place to which you feel a stronger attachment? 8. Texts on home and homeland, land and identity a. Sir Walter Scott: From "The Lay of the 14th Minstrel," CANTO VI. Breathes there the man with soul so dead Who never to himself hath said, This is my own, my native land! Whose heart hath ne'er within him burned, As home his footsteps he hath turned From wandering on a foreign strand? If such there breathe, go, mark him well; For him no minstrel raptures swell; High though his titles, proud his name, Boundless his wealth as wish can claim, Despite those titles, power, and pelf, The wretch, concentred all in self, Living, shall forfeit fair renown, And, doubly dying, shall go down To the vile dust from whence he sprung, Unwept, unhonored, and unsung. b. Saul Tschernichovsky, A Man is Nothing but A man is nothing but a small plot of land, A man is nothing but the image of the landscape of his birthplace, Only what his ear recorded when it was still fresh, Only what his eye took in before it had seen too much, Whatever was encountered on the dew-covered path By the child who tripped over every bump and clod of earth

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c. Yi-Fu Tuan, Topophilia The small farmer or peasants attachment to land is deep. Nature is known through the need to gain a living... For the laboring farmer, nature has entered - and beauty insofar as the substance and processes of nature can be said to embody it. The entry of nature is no mere metaphor. Muscles and scars bear witness to the physical intimacy of the contact. The farmers topophilia is compounded of this physical intimacy, of material dependence and the fact that the land is a repository of memory and sustains hope. Aesthetic appreciation is present but seldom articulated. d. Chief Seattle [Washington Territory, 1877] Every part of this country is sacred to my people. Every hillside, every valley, every plain and grove has been hallowed by some fond memory or some sad experience of my tribe. Even the rocks, which seem to lie dumb as they swelter in the sun along the silent seashore in solemn grandeur, thrill with memories of past events connected with the lives of my people. The very dust under your feet responds more lovingly to our footsteps than to yours, because it is the ashes of our ancestors, and our bare feet are conscious of the sympathetic touch, for the soil is rich with the life of our kindred. e. Robert Frost, from The Death of the Hired Man 'Home is the place where, when you have to go there, They have to take you in.' 'I should have called it Something you somehow haven't to deserve.'

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Lesson 19:
The Hellenistic period and the Hasmoneans
1. Outline a. Hellenism and its impact on Jewish culture and thought b. The Hasmonean revolt c. The Hasmonean dynasty until the Roman conquest d. Historical development of interpretation of the events of the revolt 2. Introduction With the conquest of the Middle East by Alexander the Great (331 BCE), Judah confronted a new cultural context, different in important ways from the cultures of Mesopotamia that had dominated the region for almost 500 years. The dilemma of how to draw the line between faithfulness to the Torah and acceptance of values and behaviors from the dominant culture became more complicated during the Hellenistic period than in the days of the First Temple. The same problem of the connection between political and cultural independence continued to exist, but was made more difficult by certain emphases of Hellenistic culture: on individualism, on cosmopolitanism, and on rationalism. These qualities made it possible for the individual Jew to define an integrated identity, incorporating elements of both Jewish and Hellenistic cultures. Thus, the meeting with Hellenism confronted Judaism with new challenges. We dont know too much about how Judaism dealt with Hellenism during the first century or so after Alexanders conquest. However, with the Hasmonean revolt and establishment of the Hasmonean dynasty the struggle to define the relationship between the two cultures moves to center stage, and dominates Jewish history and thought for about 300 years. In the past century, the Hasmonean revolt has taken on different interpretations: a. the classical rabbinic understanding of Gods miraculous intervention b. the enlightenment/emancipation view that this was a struggle for religious freedom c. the Zionist view that it was a war for national independence. Thus, how we teach the Chanukah story says as much about our own Jewish identity and belief as it does about the historical events themselves. It also provides an interesting historical context for discussing the nature of a Jewish state.

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3. Lesson goals a. Basic understanding of the significance of the confrontation with Hellenism b. Acquaintance with the historical sources describing the Hasmonean revolt, and the relevant geography c. Awareness of the issues raised by the subsequent history of the Hasmonean dynasty d. Awareness of significance of various interpretations of the events of the Hasmonean period 4. Expanded outline a. Hellenism and its impact on Jewish culture and thought i. This is a huge topic, on which there is a great deal of literature. On the one hand, we have a traditional self-image, fostered by our memories of the Chanukah story, of conflict between Judaism and Hellenism, and of our total rejection of pagan philosophy and worship. On the other hand, the evidence is pretty overwhelming that Hellenism had strong impact on the development of Judaism, and that we absorbed all sorts of concepts, practices, language, and beliefs from our intimate contact with Hellenistic civilization from 331 BCE on through the Roman period. We can not do this discussion justice in one lesson; but here are a few brief resources that might be helpful background reading: 1. A concise summary of the philosophical differences between Judaism and Hellenism: http://www.njop.org/html/Chanvs.html 2. A short paper exploring both the cultural conflict and the historical events of the Hasmonean period: http://members.tripod.com/~Kekrops/Hellenistic_Files/J udaism.html 3. A brief summary and comment on the book by Prof. Lee Levine, Judaism and Hellenism in Antiquity, Conflict or Confluence. Lee Levine, of the Hebrew University, is a Conservative rabbi and noted scholar of the Hellenistic period and its archaeology http://www.theopavlidis.com/Isaiah_Ad_Ed/Levine_disc ussion.htm 4. A lecture by a noted modern Israeli Orthodox scholar and leader, Rabbi Aharon Lichtenstein, on the basic conflict between Hellenism and Judaism: http://www.vbmtorah.org/chanuka/a-chan1.htm 5. A short overview of the encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic cultures, http://www.wsu.edu:8000/~dee/HEBREWS/YAVAN.HTM

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ii.

Perhaps the most important point, from the perspective of this course and its purposes, is that just as in the biblical period, living in Eretz Yisrael was no guarantee of the purity of our belief or of our insulation from pagan influences, so too during the Hellenistic period, a far-reaching cultural and religious conversation took place within the Jewish community of Eretz Yisrael between the Jewish tradition (as it was at that point in time) and the powerful culture of Hellenism. An interesting question to consider: are we better protected in this conversation when we are sitting in our own land than when we are guests of our Diaspora hosts? An extreme answer might be that anything we say or think or do when living as a Jewish political entity in Eretz Yisrael is ipso facto Jewish; hence, we can be open to the cultures of the world, since our identity is defined by our geography and our roots in it In the Diaspora, on the other hand, we must constantly struggle to define ourselves as different from those around us, otherwise we will disappear.

iii.

See maps 87-90 in http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/index.html

b. The Hasmonean revolt i. The wars of the Hasmoneans need to be understood on two levels as an internal struggle between different parties within the Jewish community regarding the relation to Hellenistic culture, and as a war between a Jewish army and the army of the Seleucid dynasty that ruled Eretz Yisrael in the second century BCE. ii. A good text for focusing the problem of the internal struggle is I Maccabees 2, especially 2:24, where it turns out that the first casualty of the war is a Jew, killed by another Jew. The rest of the chapter brings another interesting angle, describing a group of Jews who refuse to fight on Shabbat and are therefore killed; the Hasmoneans conclude from this that we need to fight on Shabbat to preserve ourselves in other words, they take religious law (halacha) into their own hands for military/political/national necessity. While their decision is common sense, it is not obvious, and clearly shows us that there was some kind of internal struggle over what it is OK to sacrifice for what. II Maccabees 6 and 7 contain the stories of Eleazar, and of a woman and her seven sons, who choose death over compromise or even apparent compromise. iii. Beyond all the internal conflict and our dilemmas about what price to pay for resisting religious coercion, the Hasmoneans did indeed lead

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iv.

the Jews of Eretz Yisrael in an armed conflict against the Seleucid rulers. Basically our only source for the history of this war is the Books of Maccabees, found in Greek in the Apocrypha, assumed to be based on Hebrew originals that have been lost. In other words, these books were not in the Jewish library for the past 2000 years or so; all we knew were general descriptions from various midrashic and liturgical sources. To follow the course of the war, more or less, read I Maccabees; here is a map: http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/092.htm, and below is an annotated summary of sections of I Maccabees. For some brief and interesting background articles on this period, including a summary of events of the war, and links to the English text of Maccabees I and II, look here: http://www.hum.huji.ac.il/dinur/Internetresources/historyresources/s econd_temple_and_talmudic_era.htm#Hasmoneans

c. The Hasmonean dynasty until the Roman conquest i. While the Hasmoneans were heroic and important leaders who succeeded, for a while, in winning a degree of autonomy for the Jews of Eretz Yisrael, many people saw their rise to power and their exercise of power as not so positive, for two reasons: 1. They were priests, of Aharons descendants, not Davids. Therefore, their appointing themselves as kings was a usurpation of power. It has been argued that the Haftara blessing refers to them (see text and commentary below). 2. They themselves were apparently not such purists in terms of avoiding Hellenistic customs and concluded alliances with pagan powers like Rome; and made decisions that were not theirs to make; see, for example the account of the first Chanukah an unauthorized imitation of the biblical holiday of Sukkot and Solomons dedication of the Temple, proclaimed by them as a holiday in the manner of a Greek victory celebration. See I Maccabees, chapter 4. For an article on the Hasmoneans relationship to pagan images, see: http://ancient-coins.com/articles/hasmonean/ ii. Our knowledge of the Hasmonean dynasty down to the Roman period comes mainly from Josephus, which can be read online at http://www.sacred-texts.com/jud/josephus/index.htm#aoj. In particular, Books 13 and 14 of the Antiquities trace the various internecine struggles among the Hasmoneans, that in the end led to the Roman conquest.

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iii.

Which brings us back to the question: is any government by Jews in Eretz Yisrael a Jewish state? Can nationality be separated from religion? From geography? Can Jewishness be separated from values?

d. Historical development of interpretation of the events i. The first Chanukah seems to have been a re-enactment of Sukkot and of Solomons dedication of the Temple (see II Chronicles 29:16-17), as seen in I Maccabees 4. That explains the eight days. ii. However, apparently because of later discomfort with the glorification of the Hasmoneans, and with giving them the authority to establish a holiday, the Rabbis of the Talmud dont mention the Hasmonean celebration at all, and offer several other possible reasons for the festivals lasting eight days. See texts 1, 2, and 4 below. Note that #4 suggests the interesting possibility the Chanukahs origin is not the Hasmonean victory festival at all, but a Judaization of a pagan observance of the winter solstice! iii. Thus, the rabbis move the center of the holiday from the Hasmoneans to God (it celebrates a miracle). Then, along come the secular Zionists and take it back, adopting Chanukah as a symbol of the struggle for national liberation. See texts 5 and 6; note that the first line of Who can retell is a takeoff on Psalm 106:2, substituting Israel for God. iv. In America, on the other hand, where we Jews are more interested in religious freedom in a pluralistic society than in glorifying our struggle for national independence, the Zionist Hebrew song mellowed in translation, diminishing the place of heroism and restoring the sages. v. For two essays on the development of the meanings of Chanukah, see: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=3576&pge_prg_id=15531&p ge_id=1698 and http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=5581&pge_prg_id=22106&p ge_id=1697 And then there is the impact of Christmas in the American context So, what is Chanukah for us and our students? Is an American Jewish holiday of religious freedom, or a celebration of a bloody revolt of a small nation against a foreign conqueror, or the outward explosion of internal tensions with the Jewish people over the acceptable degree of compromise with foreign culture and religion, or remembrance of a miracle, the manifestation of Gods power in history?

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vi.

Here is the place to mention the two different versions of the Sevivon or Dreidel: based on a German gambling game, the original letters were N (nothing), G (all), H (half), and Sh (put in), which were made in the Hebrew acronym, Nes Gadol Haya Sham (a great miracle happened there). But there is Eretz Yisrael, so now that we have come back, the last word in that sentence become Po (here), beginning with P, not Sh. So now any connection to the German original is lost, and no one can see the logic of the connection of the letters to the actions of the game

Sources I Maccabees 1:1-10: a quick review of history from Alexander the Great to Antiochus Epiphanes. 1:11-15: a description of the practices of the Hellenizers, and a statement (v. 11) of their rationale these changes are necessary to improve our relationships with the surrounding peoples. 1:20-28: Antiochus desecrates and plunders the Temple, massacring and humiliating the people. 1:29-40: Antiochus attacks Jerusalem and stations a permanent, fortified garrison adjacent to the Temple. 1:41-64: Antiochus forbids the practice of Judaism, and decrees that his entire kingdom must uniformly worship the Greek gods (see II Maccabees 4-5). In vss. 43 and 52-53, we learn of many Jews who accepted this decree; in 62-64 we read of many who were prepared to die rather than to submit. 2:1-28: Mattathias fires the first shot in the revolt, publicly defying the kings decree to offer a pagan sacrifice. Note, in vss. 16 and 18, further evidence that many Jews are acquiescing in the new order. Mattathias kills both a Jew who submits and the kings representative as well, utters his famous war cry (vs. 27), and flees with his sons to the mountains. 2:29-41: a camp of rebels is attacked in the wilderness, on the sabbath. They interpret self-defense as a violation of sabbath prohibitions, and are therefore all killed. In vss. 39-41 Mattathias and his followers respond to this event by agreeing that survival requires a modification of the interpretation of the sabbath laws. 2:42-48: Mattathias forces begin a campaign of killing collaborators, destroying pagan altars, forcibly circumcising children; Hellenizing Jews who wish to escape such attacks are forced to flee to pagan communities. 3:1-9: After Mattathias death, his son Judah takes over military leadership, and continues the campaign of destroying the ungodly. 3:10-26: The conflict assumes the proportions of a war, in which the local pagans seek to put a stop to Judahs raids. From vs. 15, it seems that Hellenizing Jews were part of

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this pagan counterattack. In any case, these verses describe the first of many victories by the Maccabees forces over various local and imported pagan armies. 3:10-36: Antiochus escalates the conflict. 4:1-35: Judahs forces vanquish increasingly large armies sent by Antiochus. 4:36-61: While Antiochus forces under Lysias are licking their wounds and getting organized for another attack (4:35), Judahs army liberates the Temple and purifies it. Then, on the exact third anniversary of the desecration of the Temple, they hold an eight-day rededication ceremony. This rededication is apparently based on Solomons original dedication of the first Temple (see I Kings 8), an eight-day festival coinciding with Sukkot. In vs. 59, we find Judah and his brothers decreeing that this rededication festival should be an annual festival. Note that there is no mention of the miracle of the oil here; rather, the eight-day duration seems to be taken for granted as appropriate for a dedication festival. 5:1-17: The local populations turn on the Jews throughout the land. The Maccabees organize their forces to stand against these attacks; in the subsequent verses we learn of their success. 6:42-47: The famous account of Elazars heroic death, which occurs as he singlehandedly attacks and kills a battle elephant of the enemy. 9:1-10: In desperate straits, Judahs men try to persuade him to back off from battle, but he indicates that honor is a higher value than life. 10:1-50: Demetrius and Alexander are struggling for the Seleucid throne. Each wants the support of Jonathan (the current leader of Judah, and they try to outbid each other. In the course of the bidding (vss. 20-21), Jonathan is appointed high priest and accepts the appointment. From the Haftara blessings: Gladden us, Lord our God, with the appearance of Your servant Elijah the prophet, and with the rule of the house of David Your anointed. May he come soon and bring joy to our heart. Let a stranger no longer occupy Davids throne; let others no longer usurp his glory, for You promised him, by Your holy name, that his light would never go out. Blessed are You, O Lord, shield of David. (Commentary) This blessing, which looks forward to the messianic redemption, indicates that a stranger is occupying Davids throne. The Davidic dynasty ruled from David until the destruction of the first Temple. The throne remained unoccupied thereafter, until the Hasmonean John Hyrcanus assumed the title of king. The Maccabees descendants held this title until Herod was named king by the Romans; since his death the throne has remained empty. Thus, it seems likely that this passage refers to the Hasmonean period, implying criticism of the Hasmonean rulers for taking into their own hands matters that were Gods business. The Hasmoneans were clearly less than fully faithful to the established traditional understanding of the promise to David.

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Why Chanukah? 1. Talmud, Shabbat 21b The rabbis taught: on the 25th of Kislev we observe Hanukkah, and are forbidden to mourn or fast; for when the Greeks entered the Temple they desecrated all the oil in the Temple, and when the Hamoneans reconquered the Temple, they looked and found only one jar of oil which was sealed with the seal of the high priest. And there was only enough oil to burn for one day, but a miracle occurred and it continued to burn for eight days. For future years they set these days as holidays for giving praise and thanks. 2. Pesikta Rabbati 2 Why do we light candles on Hanukkah? Because when the Hasmoneans were victorious against the Greek rulers, they entered the Temple and found there eight iron spears, and they stood them up and lit candles in them. 3. Addition to daily prayer during Hannukah ...You in great mercy, stood by Your people in time of trouble. You defended them, vindicated them, and avenged their wrongs. You delivered the strong into the hands of the pure in heart, the guilty into the hands of the innocent. You delivered the arrogant into the hands of those who were faithful to Your Torah. You have wrought great victories and miraculous deliverance for Your people Israel to this day... 4. Talmud, Avodah Zarah 8a Mishnah: These are the festivities of the idolaters: Kalenda, Saturnalia, Kratesis... Gemarah: Said R. Hanan b. Raba: Kalenda is kept on the eight days following the [winter] solstice, Saturnalia on the eight days preceding the solstice... Our rabbis taught: When Adam saw the day getting gradually shorter, he said, Woe is me, perhaps because I have sinned, the world around me is being darkened and returning to its state of chaos and confusion; this then is the kind of death to which I have been sentenced from heaven! So he began keeping an eight day fast. But as he observed the winter solstice and noted the day getting increasingly longer, he said, This is the worlds course, and he set forth to keep an eight day festival. In the following year he appointed both as festivals. 5. Yaakov Herzog Hanukkah comprehends Judaism to mean Jewish independence - in the physical and political sense - in that small land on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean where the threefold bond of land, people, and faith was forged for all time. 6. Who can retell? Menashe Ravina Who can retell the heroic deeds of Israel? Who can recount them? In every generation a hero arises To redeem the people.

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In those days, in this season The Maccabees redeemed us, And in our day the whole people of Israel Will unite, arise, and be redeemed 7. Ben Edidin translation Who can retell the things that befell us? Who can count them? In every age a hero or sage Came to our aid. At this time of year in days of yore Maccabee the Temple did restore And today our people, as we dreamed Will arise, unite and be redeemed.

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L e s s o n 20:
Palestine under Roman Rule
1. Outline a. History of the period b. Jewish autonomy in Eretz Yisrael under the Romans c. Living in two cultures; sites and sources 2. Introduction The period of Roman rule of Eretz Yisrael is important in our consideration of teaching Israel for several reasons: Continuing the conversation that began with Shivat Tziyon, about the significance of land, autonomy, sovereignty, and exile: if we are living in our land but do not have sovereignty, are we in a kind of exile? Or does exile only refer to physical separation from the land? How important, in our relationship to the land, is political independence? Another conversation that continues and blossoms during this period is about Judaisms relationship to foreign cultures. The Jewish-pagan polarity that is so evident in the Bible becomes much more complex and nuanced during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. This brings us to down to the modern discussion of what is Jewish culture? and What is Israeli culture? Is any culture that is rooted in Israel ipso facto Israeli? Jewish? It is during this period that the basic documents of the Oral Law are codified; thus, the Jewish Tradition as we know it, both Halachah and Aggadah, is founded upon the records of the discussions of the rabbis of Eretz Yisrael under the Romans and this includes, of course, the place of the land itself in that tradition (see lesson 22, The Mishnah). The archaeological record of the Roman period is very rich, and is ubiquitous in Israel today. One cannot travel anywhere in the country without encountering it. Christians connection to Israel, and their images of it, are centered in culture, events, and remains of this period. The Great Revolt (66-73 CE) and the Bar Kochba revolt (132-135) are very much alive as symbols forming part of modern Israeli identity (see lesson 21). 3. Lesson goals a. Basic knowledge of historical events in Eretz Yisrael, 63 BCE 66 CE. b. Knowledge of the mechanisms of Jewish autonomy in Eretz Yisrael under the Romans c. Knowledge of key aspects of the cultural encounter between Jewish and Hellenistic-Roman culture

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4. Expanded outline a. History of the period i. For general background on Roman rule in Palestine, see: http://www.usd.edu/erp/index.html and http://www.livius.org/jajn/jewish_wars/jwar01.htm and http://www.jafi.org.il/education/timeline/menu1.htm ii. Here is a brief timeline: 63 B.C.E. Pompey marches into Jerusalem, installs Hyrcanus as ruler. 57 Aristobulus son Alexander attempts to take control; coup is quashed; Palestine is divided into five separate administrative districts. 49 Julius Caesar takes control of Rome from Pompey, setting off 20 years of civil war in Rome. 47 Caesar grants the Jews various measures of autonomy, names Antipater imperial representative in Palestine; he in turn appoints his son Herod governor of the Galilee. 44 Caesar is assassinated; period of chaos begins in Palestine. 37 Herod, with Roman assistance, conquers the country. 20 Herod begins rebuilding the Temple. 4 C.E. Herod dies; rebellion breaks out, is suppressed by the Romans. 6 Beginning of rule by procurators, governors with military, judicial, and economic authority. 26-36 Pontius Pilate serves as procurator 40 Emperor Caligula orders his statue to be set up in Temple, then relents. 41-43 Appointed king by Emperor Claudius, Herods grandson Agrippa rules; a relatively peaceful period. 44 Fadus, first of a series of increasingly corrupt and cruel procurators, takes office. Revolutionary activities and repression escalate... 66 Procurator Florus takes money from the Temple treasury, triggering demonstrations that are met with a violent response, leading to open warfare. iii. The main source for much of what we know about Roman rule in Eretz Yisrael is, of course Josephus. His entire works are available in English on-line for easy browsing at http://www.earlyjewishwritings.com/josephus.html; It is interesting to note that there was a Jewish diaspora in Rome well before the Roman conquest of Eretz Yisrael; it seems that their lives there, and their status, were not directly related to or strongly influenced by events in Eretz Yisrael, by the conflicts there between Roman rule and Jewish autonomy/independence. The standard description of Jewish life in Rome remains the book by Leon Roth, 174
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The Jews of Ancient Rome, JPS 1960 especially chapter 1; for briefer and more accessible descriptions, see, for example: http://www.livius.org/di-dn/diaspora/rome.html and http://www.pbs.org/empires/romans/life/life5b.html b. Jewish autonomy in Eretz Yisrael under the Romans i. From sometime in the Hasmonean period, the high priest (or king) ruled in consultation (and sometimes in conflict) with a council of elders that was typical in Hellenistic cities, called a gerousia; this was the precursor of the Sanhedrin, a body of community leaders with legislative and judicial powers. These powers expanded and contracted, depending on the degree of autonomy allowed by outside rulers (Seleucids and later Rome). The Sanhedrin originally met in the Temple complex; after the destruction it became a Pharisaic institution (see below) and moved to Yavneh, and later moved around the Galilee, ending up in the third century in Tiberias where it stayed until it was disbanded in the early fifth century. See http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Judaism/Sanhedrin.html and the opening passages of Mishnah Sanhedrin - http://www.comeand-hear.com/sanhedrin/sanhedrin_2.html#chapter_i; for a modern liberal commentary on this text see http://www.bmv.org.il/html/sanhedrin.asp For discussion: it has been suggested that with the return to the land, and to sovereignty, the Sanhedrin should be re-established; indeed, what is the point of having a sovereign center in Israel if it does not restore unified authority for the whole Jewish world? A renewed Sanhedrin could update Jewish law, and actually legislate instead of just continuing to interpret the texts that were frozen centuries ago. Then, we could truly enter the post-denominational age http://www.biu.ac.il/JH/Parasha/eng/shoftim/hey.html (a scholarly analysis of the question and its history) http://www.israelnationalnews.com/news.php3?id=75313 (an account of a recent attempt to reestablish the Sanhedrin) ii. The two leadership factions known as the Pharisees and Sadducees apparently formed during the Hasmonean period, before the Roman conquest. With the destruction of the Temple, the Sadducees being a faction based on the priests and their authority - essentially became irrelevant, and the Pharisees came to create Judaism as we know it (i.e., the Oral Law). Note, of course, that the Hasmonean rulers were priests thus, the Pharisees were an anti-establishment force. Josephus describes the two factions in the following passages:

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1.Antiquities of the Jews, 13.5.9: here Josephus distinguishes among the three sects according to their views on determinism and free will: a. The Sadducees believe that there is no providence, and that whatever befalls us is a direct result of our actions; b. The Pharisees believe that while we have free will, providence still has some effect, and so we cannot necessarily conclude that every outcome is a result only of our own behavior; c. The Essenes believe that all is determined by Gods will. 2.Antiquities of the Jews, 13.10.6: This passage emphasizes the key difference between the Pharisees and Sadducees: their attitude toward the interpretation of the law. The Sadducees believe that the Written Law is all there is; the Pharisees derive many additional laws from their oral tradition. In addition, Josephus indicates here that there is a socio-economic distinction between the two factions, the Sadducees being primarily aristocrats, the Pharisees the party of the masses.
3. Wars

of the Jews, 2.8.14: Here Josephus adds the matter of immortality, reward and punishment: the Pharisees believe in the immortality of the soul and in the concept of reward or punishment after death. The Sadducees reject these beliefs. Another social characteristic: the Pharisees seem to be more interested in public harmony, while the Sadducees tend to be harsh and extreme in their views and in their way of presenting them.

iii.

It seems that during the Hellenistic and Roman periods in Eretz Yisrael we developed the model of limited autonomy that we then took with us to the various diasporas; i.e., an outside power claims authority over certain aspects of our lives (e.g., foreign policy, criminal law), leaving us to rule our own community in limited areas (e.g., personal status, ritual, civil law inside the community). This leaves us with an interesting question: what is more central: 176
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living in the God-given land, or living according to the God-given law? c. Living in two cultures i. The dilemma of where to draw the line as to what aspects of foreign culture to accept, and what to reject, is a constant theme in Jewish history. The rabbinic literature is full of incidents and discussions relating to this issue. Here are a few examples: 1.Talmud, Shabbat 33b: Once R. Yehuda and R. Yose and R. Shimon [bar Yochai] were sitting with Yehuda the Convert. R. Yehuda said: How wonderful are the works of this people [the Romans]! They have established markets, they have built bridges, they have built baths. R. Yose was silent. R. Shimon bar Yochai answered: They established markets for prostitutes to work there; they built bridges in order to collect tolls; they built baths to pamper themselves. Yehuda the Convert went and told their words to the authorities, who said: Yehuda who exalted will be exalted; Yose who was silent will be exiled to Zippori; Shimon who condemned will be killed. This passage deals with the period just after the Bar Kochba revolt. These three rabbis were all ordained at great risk by Rabbi Judah Ben Baba during the Bar Kochba revolt; and they were all among the leading circle of scholars who re-established the Sanhedrin in the Galilee after this revolt. R. Yehuda bar Ilai was known for his conciliatory position vis a vis the Romans; R. Shimon bar Yochai was a radical. And R. Yosis exile to Zippori was fitting, as Zippori was known as a center of Jewish Hellenism; in the great revolt, it had refused to fight the Romans, and built fortifications to protect itself from attack by the rebels. It is interesting to note that the three positions might be strategies, not beliefs: maybe all three believe in the evil of Roman civilization, but each has a different strategy for dealing with this belief. But of course, one does not have freedom of strategy if ones beliefs totally rule out particular compromises, even if made temporarily and insincerely. 2.Talmud, Sotah 49b: Our Rabbis taught, When the kings of the Hasmonean house fought one another, Hyrcanus was outside and Aristobulus within. Each day they used to let down denarii in a basket, and haul up for 177
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them animals for the continual offerings. An old man there, who was learned in Greek wisdom, spoke with them in Greek, saying, As long as they carry on the Temple service, they will never surrender to you. The next day they let down denarii in a basket, and hauled up a pig. When it reached half way up the wall, it stuck its claws [into the wall] and the land of Israel was shaken over a distance of four hundred parasangs. At that time they declared, Cursed by the man who rears pigs, and cursed be the man who teaches his son Greek wisdom. The story relates to the struggle for succession between the sons of Salome Alexander, at the beginning of Roman rule. Hyrcanus handed the city to Pompey; Aristobulus followers held out in the Temple compound. Since both sides were committed to the sanctity of the Temple and the importance of sacrifices, the besiegers sold animals to the besieged for the daily sacrifice. It was a Jew who had studied Greek knowledge who could suggest that this arrangement be broken off for he saw the sacrifices as a practical political (or perhaps psychological) matter, and not as a high religious value. 3.Talmud, Sotah 49b: ...Behold R. Judah declared that Samuel said in the name of R. Simeon ben Gamaliel, ...There were a thousand pupils in my fathers house; 500 studied Torah and 500 studied Greek wisdom, and of these [latter] there remained only I here and my cousin in [the town of ] Assia. It was different with the household of R. Gamaliel because they had close associations with the government; for it has been taught, To trim the hair in front is of the ways of the Amorites; but they permitted Abtilus ben Reuben to trim his hair in front because he had close associations with the government. Similarly, they permitted the household of R. Gamaliel to study Greek wisdom because they had close associations with the government. R. Simeon ben Gamaliels family were the Nesiim, or heads of the community, once autonomy was reorganized after the Bar Kochba revolt. They were wealthy and powerful, and were respected by both the Jews and by the Roman nobility. This passage suggests that while it might be that ordinary people should not study Greek culture 178
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because it is liable to cause them to fall away from their Jewish commitment, leaders like the family of R. Gamaliel have to study foreign language and culture in order to be able to fulfill their responsibilities. They must be at home in the cultural environment of the ruling power, so that they can negotiate and lobby on behalf of the Jews. Note that wearing the hair in the Roman hair style was viewed as a form of pagan religious practice (the ways of the Amorites) and forbidden except to those who frequented the corridors of the ruling power. 4.Mishnah Avodah Zarah 3:4: Proclos ben Philosophus put a question to R. Gamaliel when the latter was bathing in the bath of Aphrodite. He said to him, It is written in your Torah, ...let nothing that has been condemned stick to your hand... (Deuteronomy 13:18); why are you bathing in the bath of Aphrodite? He replied to him, We may not answer [Torah] questions in a bath. When he came out, he said to him, I did not come into her domain, she has come into mine. Nobody says that the bath was made as an adornment for Aphrodite, but rather, that Aphrodite was made as an adornment for the bath... [Moreover], this [statue of Aphrodite] stands by a sewer and all people urinate before it. [In the Torah] it is only stated ...you shall not worship their gods... (Deuteronomy 7:16); i.e., what is treated as a deity is prohibited; what is not treated as a deity is permitted. The same R. Gamaliel, who had a special dispensation to study Greek language and culture because of his need to function in Greek society, states here a very modernsounding claim regarding his bathing in the bath of Aphrodite: the idol has lost its religious significance for the pagans they relate to it as a purely secular decoration and show no worship or even minimal respect for it so we are free to regard it the same way. It is interesting that even a non-Jew is surprised by Rabban Gamaliels behavior. Note that the mainstream traditional Jewish view of statues, throughout the ages, did not make this distinction, and saw statues especially of figures from other religions as idolatrous and forbidden. It seems that there were elements in the pharisaic leadership that

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sought to harmonize between the reality of their social/cultural life and their interpretation of the law; but those who were not as close to Hellenistic culture as R. Gamaliel, did not see it as so harmless. 5.Talmud, Avodah Zarah 50b: The palace of King Yannai was destroyed. Idolators came and set up a statue of Mercury there. Later, other idolators came, who did not worship Mercury, and removed the stones, using them to pave roads... Some rabbis abstained [from walking on them] while others did not. R. Jochanan exclaimed, The holy one walks on them, so shall we abstain? Who was the holy one? R. Menachem ben Simai. And why did they call him the holy one? Because he would not even look at the image on a zuz. The two perspectives are highlighted in this passage: to make the case extreme, we have idolators who explicitly desecrate a shrine, using the stones for profane and lowly purposes. Yet even so, there were some Jews who refused even to walk on the street made of these stones a rather extreme rejection of even the remotest contact with any aspect of Hellenistic religion. And to tell us how extreme it is, R. Jochanan reports that even a known extremist, R. Menachem, does not observe this prohibition. R. Menachems extremism finds expression in refusing to look at the pagan image on a common coin; the implication being that normal people have no problem with either of these activities. 6.Jerusalem Talmud, Taanit 1, 64b: R. Abbahu saw in a dream that if Pentakakka were to pray for rain, the rain would fall. And so it happened. R. Abbahu sent for Pentakakka and asked him: What is your work? He answered: I commit five sins daily I hire out prostitutes, I decorate the theater, I bring the prostitutes clothing to the bath house, I dance before them and I drum for them. The Rabbi asked him: And have you done some good deed? He answered: Once when I was decorating the theater, a woman came and stood behind a pillar, weeping. I asked her what was wrong, and she said that her husband was imprisoned and she had come to earn money to ransom him. I sold my bed and linens and gave her the money, saying: Go, ransom your husband and do not sin. Rabbi Abbahu

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said: Indeed, you were worthy to have your prayer answered. Talmud, Shabbat 150a: R. Elazar said: We can distribute tzedaka to the poor on Shabbat R. Samuel bar Nahmani, in the name of R. Yohanan, said: We can to go theaters and circuses and basilicas to deal with public welfare on Shabbat. These two passages together give an interesting picture: on the one hand, the theater is seen as a place of prostitution. On the other hand, that seems to be where the people are to be found even on Shabbat! ii. Roman culture is like a steamroller even without violent conquest, it seems to have been seen like globalization today: OK, we are happy to accept the American concept of being nice, and waiting in line, but do we have to buy the whole package, including the consumerism and the materialism too? Can we select the elements of the outside culture well accept? Or if we open the window a crack will we be blown away? It turns out that this dilemma is not only a fact of the Diaspora, but is and always was an issue in Eretz Yisrael. Indeed, in Israel theres the seductive argument that as long as we are on our own soil, then whatever culture grows here organically, is ours. So we dont have to worry about the influx of foreign cultural elements, for as they land here and take root, they become ours; e.g., New Years eve parties; rock music; English slang Sites that reflect the meeting of the cultures: Zippori, Bet Shearim, Caesarea, synagogues with zodiac floors (Zippori, Tiberias, Bet Alfa). Perhaps the richest site showing the interconnected life of Jews and Gentiles in Roman Palestine is Zippori. Here are a few links to sites dealing with the archaeology of the site: http://www.centuryone.org/sepphoris.html http://www.israel-mfa.gov.il/MFA/History/Early%20History%20%20Archaeology/Archaeological%20Sites%20in%20Israel%20%20Zippori http://archaeology.huji.ac.il/Zippori/index.htm

iii.

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5. Thoughts on teaching this lesson We chafed at the Roman bit, suffered a great deal under their rule, and ultimately fought and lost two bloody rebellions. And yet, this was a time of cultural flowering; it was under the Romans that the Mishnah was redacted (in Zippori). There is evidence of Jewish sharing of Roman culture and values, of making do with limited autonomy in our land that was no longer ours to control. We fought to the death but we also compromised. Perhaps the emphasis in studying this period through a teachers eyes should be to think about questions of identity could it be that during this period Jewish identity became more portable, more spiritual, less national, less political? Is our definition of ourselves different now from what it was then? Is it different now from what it was before 1897? 1948? 6. See maps in http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/index.html: 99, 100, 101, 102, 102a, 114, 115

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Lesson 21:
The Great Revolt
1. Outline a. Historical events b. Internal conflict c. Aftermath: Yavneh and Bar Kochba d. The revolts in modern Israeli consciousness 2. Introduction The Great Revolt and the destruction of the Temple represent, of course, a major turning point in Jewish history from every perspective. The pattern of life in exile had been established previously, with the creation of the Babylonian community; however, the diaspora as we know it is really only known to us from 70 CE onward. A few key points regarding this period that are of interest for our teaching of Israel: The escape to Yavneh: trading the struggle for political sovereignty for acceptance of limited religious/communal autonomy The Bar Kochba revolt and the historical power of messianism The historical memory and observance of the destruction in the Jewish tradition (this was dealt with in lesson 15, on the destruction of the first Temple) The two revolts as symbols in modern Israeli culture 3. Lesson goals a. Knowledge of key historical developments b. Awareness of the internal divisions in the Jewish people at the time c. Awareness of the impact of the revolt and the destruction on the development of Jewish religion and culture d. Awareness of the impact of the revolt and the destruction on the culture of modern Israel 4. Expanded outline a. Historical events i. From the beginning of their rule of Palestine, the Romans found the Jews uniquely rebellious, and found themselves constantly putting out fires. While there were certainly significant elements in the people who were willing to live under Roman domination with some degree of autonomy, the anti-compromise faction never relented, and succeeded in setting the tone for the entire nation. At the same time, the Roman administration became increasingly corrupt and cruel, and relations between Jews and the local gentiles deteriorated. This situation in itself would have been sufficient to explain the outbreak of rebellion; however, superimposed on it was a widespread messianic expectation that gave reinforcement to those with revolutionary inclinations. On the other hand, it is important to note that the Jews were never united in their support for the revolt, and expended a good deal of energy and blood in fighting among themselves. The Jews stubborn and courageous stand against obviously overwhelming odds during the Great Revolt impressed even the Romans.

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ii.

Nevertheless, its net result was the destruction of the Temple and the impoverishment of the land. Time line 64 C.E. Gessius Florus becomes procurator of Judah. 66 Florus appropriates money from the Temple treasury, leading to demonstrations, riots, and declaration of revolt (refusal to offer sacrifices on behalf of emperor). 67 Yodfat and the rest of the Galilee is subdued by the Romans. 70 Siege of Jerusalem, destruction of the Temple. 73 Last holdout of the rebels, Masada, falls. 115-117 Large scale revolts of Jews in Diaspora communities (Egypt, Cyrene, Cyprus), suppressed. 130 Emperor Hadrian begins reconstruction of Jerusalem as pagan city with temple of Jupiter. 132 Outbreak of Bar Kochba revolt. 135 Fall of Beitar, last stronghold of revolt.

iii. iv.

See maps at http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/index.html, maps 125, 126. The vicious cycle of rebellion and repression that began with Herod was only rarely broken during the period between his death and the outbreak of the Great Revolt. The first two decades were the longest such quiet period. Then, in 26, Pontius Pilate was appointed (procurator) governor of Judah. For ten years he ruled with such ruthlessness and deliberate flaunting of Jewish religious sensitivities that he was ultimately ordered back to Rome. A few years later, the emperor Caligula, angered by an outbreak of violence between Jews and gentiles in Yavneh, ordered his statue to be set up in the Temple. Only intensive lobbying (and finally, Caligulas murder) prevented what might have been the cause of extensive violence. From the mid-40s until 66, Palestine was ruled by a series of ineffective governors, all of whose attempts to suppress the escalating resistance of the extremist groups proved counterproductive, driving more and more people into the extremist camp. The result was a situation of near anarchy, and the apparent vindication of those who argued that violent resistance to Rome could indeed be effective. The revolt broke out when the gentile inhabitants of Caesaria turned on the Jews; this in turn provoked riots by the Jews in Jerusalem. The procurator Florus responded with violence, and the situation quickly degenerated to open warfare. Roman reinforcements sent from Syria were unable to take Jerusalem, and turned back. This strengthened the hand of the extremist leaders, and a unified military command was set up. Massive reinforcements were brought in by Rome, led by Vespasian. This army marched across the Galilee, conquering one by one the fortified holdouts of the rebels. There ensued a lull, while Vespasian was called home to be

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crowned emperor. When Vespasians son Titus came to lay siege to the city in the spring of 70, the resistance was weakened and disorganized. The city fell in the summer, and Titus took pains to have the Temple totally destroyed to put an end to any hope of resistance. Nevertheless, resistance continued, at Masada and Machaerus (on the east shore of the Dead Sea), for about three more years. Despite economic recovery and Roman respect for Jewish autonomy, the burden of taxation, the humiliation of subjugation, and continued messianic expectations led to another rebellion in 115-117, and then, when the emperor Hadrian sought to rebuild Jerusalem as a pagan city, a full scale revolt erupted in 132. The leader, Simon bar Kosiba or bar Kochba, seems to have united the resistance under his command; many apparently saw in him the messiah. In any case, the Romans brought in reinforcements, and in the course of three years, beat down the rebels; the war ended with the fall of the fortress of Beitar (just southwest of Jerusalem). Rabbi Akiba and a number of other establishment leaders supported the revolt; many were killed. The death and devastation resulting from this war were enormous; there was no rapid recovery comparable to that after the Great Revolt. Because of the devastation of the center and south of the country, the reconstituted autonomous authority was based in the Galilee. The Sanhedrin moved about over the next century, at first operating in small, out-of-the-way towns, and only after 200 moving to Zippori and finally to the regional capital, Tiberias. This same period saw improvement in relations with Rome; by the end of the second century, the Nasi, or head of the Jewish community, ruled in splendor and was on close terms with Roman nobility, if not with the emperor himself. It was at this time that the Nasi, R. Judah, took the step of summarizing and editing the Oral Law, producing the Mishnah. This act can be seen as a turning point: a first assertion of the authority of the rabbinic leadership to set the oral interpretation down as written law. The Mishnah in turn became the basis of further oral development of Jewish law in the generations that followed. v. Our main source, of course, for the Great Revolt is Josephus, who started out as the commander of the Jewish forces in Galilee, but in the first major battle, the siege of Yodfat, he surrendered to Vespasians army and survived the war as a sort of white collar prisoner of Rome. The account of his argument with his colleagues over mass suicide is quite interesting: see Wars of the Jews Book III chaps. 7-8; http://www.sacredtexts.com/jud/josephus/war-3.htm. Josephus is of course the only source for the similar story of mass suicide at Masada (http://www.sacredtexts.com/jud/josephus/war-7.htm, chapters 8-9) Perhaps the best known symbol of the destruction of the Temple and the Roman suppression of the revolt is the Arch of Titus in Rome, a triumphal

vi.

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arch showing the Romans carrying away the sacred objects of the Temple. (http://www.abu.nb.ca/courses/NTIntro/images/ArchofTitus.htm) It is interesting to consider how these images played in the Jewish consciousness throughout the ages; many Jews have the custom of refusing to walk under the arch. vii. Customs relating to the destruction of the Temple do not make a distinction between the first and second Temples: we are in mourning because we do not have our promised sovereign existence, under David, worshipping in the Temple with the mediation of the priests. Besides the fasts mentioned in lesson 15, there are various other customs e.g., mourning practices at weddings, leaving a portion of every house unpainted, and not eating roasted meat at the Passover seder (which would be too much like the sacrifice, which is impossible without the Temple). It is interesting to consider these customs as one way of keeping a kind of connection to Israel constantly in our consciousness. See http://www.jewishmag.com/57mag/mourning/mourning.htm; and http://www.jewishsf.com/content/2-0/module/displaystory/story_id/9194/edition_id/175/format/html/displayst ory.html Does/should this have a place in our post-1948 practice? Or should our connection be expressed in a different idiom? b. Internal conflict i. The Zealots, as Josephus called the radical revolutionaries, were in fact not a united movement, but a collection of local groups, who seem to have first appeared on the scene shortly after Herods death. Some were family groups; some followed leaders who had messianic pretensions; some combined their commitment to driving out the Romans with a social philosophy aimed at eliminating oligarchical rule within the Jewish community. A number of the Zealot leaders had their roots and their followings in the Galilee, while others were based in Jerusalem. Some groups, called Sicarii (dagger-men), were known for their use of assassination against their Jewish opponents. Despite all of these differences, the one underlying ideological tenet of the various Zealot groups was the belief that acceptance of Roman rule was tantamount to idolatry, and therefore no means was unjustified and no sacrifice too great in the struggle to remove Roman domination so that the Jews could be ruled by the only true King, God. ii. See Josephus (http://www.sacred-texts.com/jud/josephus/index.htm#woj) account of the internal violence: 1. Antiquities 18:1:6 and 20:8:5 2. Wars 4:3:2, 5:1:4, 5:6:1 Infighting between competing factions of Zealots in Jerusalem, from the beginning of the siege, led to significant bloodshed as well as to the destruction of stores of food. Josephus suggests that this civil strife made a significant contribution to the Roman victory. The rabbis likewise decry

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the internecine strife within the besieged city as a cause of our defeat; see below. It is not clear that the factions led by Simon bar Giora, Eleazar ben Simon, and John of Giscala were driven by conflicting ideologies or strategies of revolt; it seems more likely that the fighting among them was merely a struggle for power. iii. We are fond of saying that we owe our survival to our external enemies, as we tend to unify in the face of a threat. However, it is interesting to note that time after time, it seems that we lost sovereignty in our land by turning against ourselves just when we faced such an external threat; note the violent divisions During the struggle against Babylonia (see Jeremiah) During the Hasmonean revolt In the civil war among Hasmonean factions that led to the Roman conquest During the Roman siege of Jerusalem, as above. Could it be that when we feel too secure in our possession of the land, we lose sight of the conditionality of that possession; we assume that nothing can dislodge us, so we allow ourselves to fall apart??

c. Aftermath: Yavneh and Bar Kochba i. The abovementioned factional strife in Jerusalem comes to a head with the decision of Rabbi Yochanan ben Zakkai to flee the siege and seek a compromise with Rome. The Talmudic account is fascinating for its insights into the internal life of the community: Babylonian Talmud, Gitin 56a-b The biryonim (rebels) were then in the city. The rabbis said to them: Let us go out and make peace with them [the Romans]. They would not let them, but on the contrary, said: Let us go out and fight them. The rabbis said: you will not succeed. They [the biryonim] then rose up and burned the stores of wheat and barley so that a famine ensued... Abba Sikra, the head of the biryonim in Jerusalem, was the son of the sister of Rabban Yochanan ben Zakkai, who sent to him saying: Come to visit me privately. When he came he said to him: How long are you going to carry on in this way and kill all the people by starvation? He replied: What can I do? If I say a word to them, they will kill me. [Yochanan ben Zakkai] said: Devise some plan for me to escape. Perhaps I shall be able to save a little. [Abba Sikra] said to him: Pretend to be ill, and let everyone come to inquire about you. Bring something foul-smelling and put it by you so that they will say you are dead. Then let your disciples carry your bed, but no one else, so that they will not notice that you are still light, since they know that a living being is lighter than a corpse. He did so, and Rabbi Eliezer went under the bier on one side and Rabbi Joshua on the other. When they reached the gate, some men wanted to put a lance through the bier. He said to them: Shall [the Romans] say, They have stabbed their master?

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They wanted to give it a push. He said to them: Shall they say, They pushed their master? They opened the city gate for him and he escaped. When Yochanan ben Zakkai reached the Romans he said: Peace to you O king, peace to you, O king! [Vespasian] said: Your life is forfeit on two counts: one because I am not a king and you call me king; and again, if I am king, why did you not come to me before now? He replied: As for your saying that you are not a king, in truth you are a king, since if you were not a king, Jerusalem would not be delivered into your hand As for your question, Why if you are a king did I not come to you until now?the answer is that thebiryonim among us did not let me... At this point a messenger came... from Rome saying: Up! For the emperor is dead, and the notables of Rome have decided to make you head [of state]... [Vespasian] said: I am now going, and will send someone to take my place. You can, however, make a request of me and I will grant it. [Rabbi Yochanan] said to him: Give me Yavneh and its sages and the dynasty of Rabban Gamaliel... Here the Talmudic account confirms Josephus description of the state of civil war in effect within the walls of besieged Jerusalem. But the main interest in this passage is the famous story of Rabbi Yochanan ben Zakkais escape from the city, in order to take action for Jewish continuity. The text has Rabbi Yochanan related to one of the Zealot leaders; thus privy to inside information about the dynamics of the civil war, he becomes convinced that the city is doomed, and uses this connection to organize his escape from Jerusalem (the Zealots prevented anyone from leaving the city to cross to the Roman side; only to bury a corpse was it permissible to go outside the city walls). Once outside, he ingratiates himself with the Roman authorities, and uses this connection to obtain permission to set up a new academy at Yavneh. Whether or not all the details of this story are historical facts, it seems reasonable to conclude from it that there was a faction of leadership that sought to de-escalate the conflict and thus avoid total defeat and destruction; failing to gain control of the city, these rabbis created institutions that could carry on Jewish autonomy after the inevitable defeat, within the context of Roman domination. ii. R. Yochanan ben Zakkais response to the struggle against Rome can be seen as the antithesis of that represented by Masada. It was based on the assumption that it was possible to maintain Jewish communal autonomy and full Jewish spiritual life while living under Roman denomination. Yavneh represents neither suicide nor total surrender, but the creation of a new kind of relationship, in which authority is shared, divided into two different domains. Later, due to the upheaval of the Bar Kochba revolt, the Yavneh center wandered across the Galilee for a few hundred years. This experience established and institutionalized a system of law, belief and

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governance that was stable in the absence of sovereignty and ultimately came to characterize Jewish life in the Diaspora. iii. Today, Yavneh is the name of a religious kibbutz (see http://www.kibbutzprogramcenter.org/Kibbutz_Profiles/kibbutz_yavneh.ht m ) and of a development town nearby, populated largely by Moroccan immigrants of the 50s. In addition, not surprisingly, in North America it is the name of many Orthodox day schools and camps and of a national organization of Orthodox college students. Fifty years after the establishment of the Yavneh center, messianic expectations seem once again to have become acute, leading to another attempt at armed revolt against the power of Rome. For a full collection of texts with commentary on the Bar Kochba revolt of 132-135, see: http://www.livius.org/ja-jn/jewish_wars/jwar07.html

iv.

d.

The revolts in modern Israeli consciousness i. The discussion of the significance of Masada as a symbol in modern Israel has been intense for decades. See, for example, http://www.jafi.org.il/education/juice/history1/week2.html and http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/religion/portrait/masada .html. ii. Like Masada, there is controversy over the significance of the Bar Kochba revolt as a symbol in modern Israeli culture. See, for example, http://www.hagshama.org.il/en/resources/view.asp?id=84 and http://www.jewishmag.com/79mag/domnitch/domnitch.htm. These discussions have obvious modern implications, raising several questions that are relevant to our understanding and teaching of Israel: 1. Can we ever know where we are in the plan of history when we are living in messianic times? Is Israel, as the liturgy of orthodox Zionism states the first flowering of our redemption? Or is it just another chapter in our ongoing history, another Jewish community? If Rabbi Akiba got it wrong, how can we know we are right? 2. When, if ever, are compromise and submission a better way to Jewish survival and strength than proud heroism and violent resistence? And vice versa... 3. Were those who committed suicide at Yodfat and Masada heroes or fools? What about the followers of Bar Kochba? And were those who compromised at Yavneh and Zippori traitors or heroes?

iii.

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Lesson 22:
The Mishnah
Note: this lesson depends on photocopied materials not available on-line 1. Outline a. Bialik's "Halachah and Aggadah" b. Study of portions from the Mishnah that offer glimpses into life in the Land. c. Reflection on feasibility, methodology of teaching Tannaitic texts in the classroom. 2. Introduction Most of the Tannaitic literature belongs to the halachic genre, and is made up of laws, as opposed to the aggadic genre, which is made up of stories, legends, sayings and ideas. In many educational settings in the Jewish world today, which are not committed to a halachic way of life, this literature is therefore neglected, with biblical texts largely preferred, as well as some aggadic stories gleaned from the literature of the sages. In his classic essay "Halachah and Aggadah", Hayim Nahman Bialik (considered Israel's national poet, though he died before the foundation of the state) decries the focus of his generation on Aggadah, and the neglect of Halachah. He advocates a renewal of the study of Halachah, both as a literary genre, and as a way of life not necessarily the traditional Halachah of the Shulchan Aruch, but the concept of commitment to a way of life. We will read an excerpt of Bialik's essay both to see how deeply grounded some modern-day figures in the Israeli literary world are in the world of the ancient texts, and to understand Bialik's claim that Halachah and Halachic literature should not be abandoned as irrelevant in this day of Aggadah. Then we will study some of the texts from the Mishnah to which Bialik refers, and end by discussing whether these texts can be used in our classrooms. 3. Lesson goals a. Mini-experience of Mishnah study focusing on texts that offer glimpses of life in ancient Eretz Yisrael. b. Developing an awareness of the Mishnah as a window on to real life at a time when we were strongly and formatively rooted in Eretz Yisrael. c. Reflection on the relevance of Tannaitic and Talmudic texts to current educational settings. d. Exposure to one of Bialik's important essays. 4. Expanded outline A century or two after the destruction of the Second Temple, the rabbis of Eretz Yisrael (collectively called the Tannaim) began the process of the collection and codification of the texts of the Oral Law, which had been accumulating for centuries beforehand. The most important of the resulting texts is the Mishnah, codified by Rabbi Judah the Prince, but several other collections have survived (Note: more information on Tannaitic literature can be found at http://www.faqs.org/faqs/judaism/FAQ/03-Torah-Halacha/preamble.html). The resulting texts can be roughly divided into halachic (pertaining to laws) and aggadic (stories, legends, sayings and ideas) texts. In most non-orthodox Jewish schools, focus is on the latter. In this lesson, we will try to see if some attention should also be given to halachic texts, especially in the context of Israel education.

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Read the excerpt from Bialik's essay (see page 22-23). Bialik was an iluy (a genius of Torah scholarship) in the great yeshiva of Volozhin, and therefore could pull the list of references to the Mishnah effortlessly from his sleeve. Although he later became secularized, the knowledge he had gathered in his youth remained at his disposal. This is a characteristic of many of the founding fathers of Israel, both secular and immensely knowledgeable in Jewish texts and tradition. Later generations remained secular, but no longer had the texts at their fingertips since they had never been exposed to them. Our challenge is to see whether we can somehow supply this background for our students, for whom halachah is no longer relevant. After reading the excerpt, divide the teachers into groups, and supply each group with a few texts from the Mishnah referred to in the excerpt see attached sources. The first source in the list is quite a lengthy description of the oblation of the first fruits, while the rest are shorter, and refer to the agricultural laws (you might want to hand out a vocabulary list of this topic from last year's lesson #9 - see the appendix below). Each group should: Understand the sources, using the provided translation and commentary, stressing the pictures they provide from agricultural life, and glossing over the legal details, which are not our focus in this lesson. Try to envision the scenes described, flesh them out with additional details. Discuss whether and how they would bring this kind of material into the classroom: text study, reenactments, demonstrations? Bring the groups together and tell them about the following interesting archaeological discovery: The mosaic decorating the ancient synagogue floor in the old city of Sepphoris (Zippori) in the Galilee poignantly demonstrates how well-known these texts were to Jews in ancient times. The mosaic, dated by archaeologists to the early 5th century CE, shows scenes from the Temple in Jerusalem. In the attached picture which shows a detail from the mosaic, you can see a basket containing the first fruits brought to the temple in Jerusalem (including a discernible bunch of grapes and a pomegranate), with two pigeons hanging off the sides. The temple had been destroyed hundreds of years before the mosaic was created, and the ceremony of the oblation of the first fruits along with it, but the picture of the pigeons hanging from the baskets was frozen in the words of the Jerusalem Talmud, and picked up by the artist: They would not put the young pigeons on the baskets of the first fruits so that they would not dirty them; instead they hung them from the sides of the baskets. (Jerusalem Talmud Bikkurim 65d) This lesson should end with a discussion of the challenges and benefits of teaching excerpts from the literature of the sages in Jewish schools. Jews in former generations, well-versed in the Mishnah and other halachic texts, carried detailed images of life in Eretz Yisrael in their heads, nourished entirely by the biblical and post-biblical texts they had studied. What would it take for our students to do that, or is it hopeless because we have become so distant from halacha? And if indeed halacha is not relevant at all, is there any way to study the Mishnah meaningfully? And if the answer is No, then we must ask: is there any text that speaks to our students, that could serve to smuggle images of Israel into their brains?

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Sources Attached are photocopies of: Hayim Nahman Bialik, Halachah and Aggadah (translated by Sir Leon Simon), Education Department of the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland, 1944. Excerpts from Mishnayot (translated by Philip Blackman), Judaica Press 1977. Pictures of the mosaic floor in the ancient synagogue of Zippori, from Weiss, Ze'ev and Netzer, Ehud. Promise and Redemption The Synagogue Floor Mosaic of Sepphoris (in Hebrew). Israel Museum Press, Jerusalem 1966. (Or see http://www.mehalev.org.il/zipori/knst/syngg.files/frame.htm Note that the heading superimposed on the picture is incorrect, referring to an adjacent part of the mosaic.) References from the essay to the Mishnah: 1. The oblation of the first fruits Bikkurim 3, 1 5 (pp. 477-479). 2. The poor falling on the stray ears or spreading a cloak to stake a claim Peah 4, 3 (pp. 99-100). 3. The poor fighting over the booty with their sickles Peah 4, 4(p. 100). 4. Ant-hill in the standing corn Peah 4, 11 (p. 104). 5. Wind stirring the vines Kilayim 7, 7 (p. 220) 6. Gatherer of wet leaves and collector of dry twigs Sheviith 9, 6 (p. 281). 7. Grape gatherer snipping off a cluster Peah 7, 3 (p. 120). 8. Stag bought with tithe-money Maaser-Sheni 3, 11 (p. 395). 9. Tree that grows in one field and spreads over another Baba Bathra 2, 14 (p. 178). Appendix: Agricultural laws Sowing: Leviticus 19/19 Kilayim - the prohibition of planting or grafting two different types of crop plants together. Harvesting: Leviticus 19/9-10 Leket - leaving produce that has fallen during harvest in the fields for the poor Deutronomy 24/19 Shichecha - leaving the leftovers that were forgotten in the harvest for the poor Leviticus 19/9 Peah - not reaping the edges or corners of the field so as to leave them for the poor Taxes/gifts: Numbers 15/17-21 Terumah - gifts to the Cohanim amounting to 1/60 of the produce grown Leviticus 27/ 30-32, Deutronomy 14/22-26- tithes to the Levites Leviticus 19/23-25 Orlah and Netah Revei - the prohibition of eating the fruit of a tree during its first three years of growth and the commandment to eat the fruits of the fourth year in Jerusalem Deuteronomy 26/1-22 Bikkurim bringing the first fruits of the harvest to Jerusalem Numbers 15/17-21 Challah setting aside a portion of bread as it is baked, as a gift to God

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L e s s o n 23:
Israel and Babylonia
1. Outline a. Israel-diaspora relations in ancient times b. Babylonian diaspora as a case study c. Babylonian vs. Jerusalem Talmud 2. Introduction A Jewish diaspora has existed since the times of the First Temple. The balance of power between Eretz Yisrael and the diaspora was in a constant flux, depending on the sizes of the communities, their economic and political wellbeing, and the existence of a temple which served as the religious center for the Jewish world. In this unit we'll look at Eretz Yisrael-diaspora relations in the time of the second Temple and after its destruction, always keeping in mind the (somewhat striking) parallels with phenomena we observe today. As an example of a large and powerful community (somewhat like the North-American Jewish community today?) we will examine in more detail the Babylonian community. We'll look at the two Talmuds, one from Babylonia and the other from Eretz Yisrael, to see the differences and why they emerged, and examine one particular story which appears in both Talmuds, with subtle but telling differences. 3. Lesson goals a. Understanding of the characteristics of Eretz Yisrael -diaspora relations in ancient times b. Knowledge of the structure of the Babylonian community c. Reflection on the parallels and differences in Eretz Yisrael -diaspora relations then and now 4. Expanded outline a. Eretz Yisrael -diaspora relations in ancient times "Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is not possessed by them" (Strabo of Cappadocia, Greek historian and geographer of the 1st century BC, quoted in Flavius Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 7). The existence of a sizeable Jewish diaspora was brought on by a number of factors: forced expulsions by ruling powers, political and religious pressures in Judea, economic opportunities abroad and a trend of conversion to Judaism. All these resulted in the Jews being spread all over the known world, mostly under the rule of the Hellenistic-Roman empires, with the important exception of the Babylonian community. Diaspora Jews followed a variety of occupations, and were usually well-treated in their lands, with their religious freedoms respected and a degree of autonomy within the community. The relationship between Eretz Yisrael and the diaspora manifested itself in several ways, and contributions went in both directions. From diaspora to Eretz Yisrael: While the Temple stood, Jews from the diaspora brought sacrifices and other gifts, and contributed half-shekels to the upkeep of the Temple. These funds were not only used

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for the temple worship itself, and the supplementary services it provided (courts, library, etc.) but to the upkeep of the city of Jerusalem in general roads, water systems and other infrastructural projects. Jerusalem and the Temple were considered assets of the entire Jewish people. After the destruction, rabbis from Eretz Yisrael were sent on missions to the diaspora communities, to collect funds for the upkeep of the presidency, courts and yeshivas. While the Temple stood, Jews from the diaspora came on pilgrimages to Jerusalem. Pilgrims often stayed for longer periods, taking the opportunity to study with the local rabbis, so that when they returned to their home countries they still regarded the rabbis of Jerusalem as spiritual authorities. Pilgrimages where also an opportunity to meet Jews from all over the world, thereby strengthening national unity. Several Jews who originated from the diaspora came to positions of power in the leadership of the institutions of Judea, both in the Sanhedrin and in the Temple. Jews in the diaspora used their influence to affect decisions by Roman rulers which pertained to Judea.

From Eretz Yisrael to the diaspora, contributions included: Setting the calendar (see also lesson 24 for more details): The decision on the declaration of a new month was made in Jerusalem, and then conveyed to the diaspora by means of a system of beacons (see source #1) and later emissaries. Decisions on leap years were transmitted to the diaspora by letter (see an example in source #2). The Sanhedrin in Jerusalem was considered the higher court by Jewish courts all over the world, who sent it their questions. Important rabbis went on long journeys, visiting communities across the world. These missions were primarily for the purpose of fund-raising, but the rabbis also taught and lectured during their visits. Rabbis could only receive ordination in Eretz Yisrael, so scholars from the diaspora had to travel there for their accomplishments to be formally recognized. Kings of Judea used their influence to lobby for the rights of Jewish minorities in cities of the Roman Empire. The central archive of the Jewish world was kept in Jerusalem, where family records of the Kohanim were kept. The rabbis in Jerusalem translated the Torah into Greek (in what was to be known as the Septuagint) for the benefit of Jews in the diaspora whose first language was Greek. A central library was maintained in Jerusalem, where scrolls were collected, collated, amended, copied and sent out to the Jewish world. During the 3rd century CE, it became customary for Jews to ship their bodies for burial in Eretz Yisrael. This resulted in additional travel to Eretz Yisrael of families bringing their loved ones to burial, or returning to visit their graves (see an interesting parallel in Meir Shalev's novel "The Blue Mountain", whose main character is a mortician making a fortune burying former Second-Aliyah pioneers who went abroad and wish to be buried in Israel).

How does this picture compare to today?

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Can we think of modern-day parallels to the items on the lists above? What are the differences/similarities? Was the diaspora- Eretz Yisrael connection stronger or weaker than it is nowadays? If we had an equivalent to the Temple, how would it affect our relation to Israel? Do our modern-day experiences raise questions about the past (e.g. did the leaders of Judea think about the effect of their decisions on the Jews of the diaspora; did the leaders of Judea actively enlist the Jewish diaspora in lobbying for their causes; did the Jews in the diaspora try and affect how the money they contributed was being used in Judea; did the Jews consider spending some of the money on strengthening the communities in the diaspora?). b. Babylonian diaspora as a case study While the stormy and colorful events of the Hasmonean and Roman periods had been unfolding in Jerusalem, the national center of Jewish life, a large population of Jews was quietly living a few hundred miles to the east, in the Persian empire. While they were in constant contact with the center in Judea, the Jews of Babylonia lived their own lives and developed their own institutions, in a cultural milieu very different from that in the Hellenistic world to the west. By the time the Mishnah was compiled and transmitted to Babylonia, the community numbered in the millions, and completely dominated cities and whole regions of the kingdom. In their number and in their economic power, they were by far the most significant of the Diaspora communities. Within a few centuries of the completion of the Mishnah, the glorious leadership of Palestinian Jewry had declined, as had the demographic, economic, and intellectual significance of the community in general. Palestine was eclipsed by Babylonia. The Babylonian community was the dominant center of Jewish life for over 700 years, until it, too, went into decline, and the center moved westward, to the rising communities of Europe and North Africa. Because of this chronology of the development of cultural centers, the Babylonian center served as the conduit for the transmission of the cultural heritage of Palestine to Europe. As such, it made its own unique contribution to Jewish law and thought. In Babylonia, we find the development of the leadership structure that became standard in Diaspora communities: the Exilarch, or lay leader, whose authority was based on his wealth and/or his relationship with the government, in tandem with the Gaonim, or heads of the academies, whose authority was based on knowledge of Torah. In theory, there was a division of powers; in reality, tensions between the two authorities were not infrequent. The parallel in North American diaspora life is the relationship between lay and professional leaders in general, and in particular, that between the synagogue president and the rabbi. Read excerpts from Benjamin of Tudela's account of his visit to Baghdad (available on line at http://www.myjewishlearning.com/history_community/Medieval/MedievalCultureTO/Baghdad. htm - note that this description dates many centuries after the period which we have recently been discussing). Benjamin made a number of expeditions from his home in Tudela, throughout southern Europe and the Middle East, all the way to India, in the 1160s and 1170s. He researched Jewish life in each place he visited, and left a detailed account of his findings. He visited Baghdad in 1168. In general, his descriptions seem to be realistic and accurate, although his population estimates are often problematic. Benjamins straightforward account of his visit to Baghdad is rich in details that reveal the dynamic of the leadership structure of the community.

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Note that there is a hierarchical system, with the chief rabbi, or Gaon, reputed to be a descendant of Moses. The community supports a full-time judiciary and administrative bureaucracy. Also, note that the Gaon, as well as the rabbis and religious functionaries of outlying communities, are appointed by the Exilarch. What is the nature of the lay leadership? There are two bases of the Exilarchs authority: he is a descendant of David, and his family was granted authority by Mohammed. The descriptions of the Exilarchs garb, relations with the Caliph, and installation make it clear that the key to his power is his relationship with the Moslem ruler. Note also the emphasis on the Exilarchs wealth, and the fact that at his installation, [he] gives much money to the Calif. Apparently wealth was another of the bases of his power. And what is the nature of the relationship between the two leaders? Benjamin doesnt give us much information on this, except to indicate that the Exilarch appoints the Gaon and other rabbinical leadership. However, it is of interest to discuss various questions about their relationship and to connect them with modern parallels: based on the text, which seems more prestigious, more authoritative? In a conflict, who would win? Why does the community need both? What distinctive roles are played by each? Could one person combine both sets of requirements and thus fulfill both roles? c. Babylonian vs. Jerusalem Talmud With the redaction of the Mishnah, the process of development of the Oral Law did not stop. The scholars whose teachings are included in the Mishnah are called Tannaim. All of the Tannaim lived in Eretz Yisrael. Their successors, who continued the process, were the Amoraim; there were Amoraim in both Babylonia and Eretz Yisrael, with a good deal of traffic back and forth as scholars from Babylonia went to study in the academies in Eretz Yisrael. Ultimately, two collections of the teachings of the Amoraim were assembled: the Palestinian (or Jerusalem) Talmud (about 400 C.E.) and the Babylonian Talmud (about 500). Both Talmuds are organized according to the order of the Mishnah; generally the text is published in alternating blocks: a passage of Mishnah followed by the text of the Talmudic discussion based on that passage (Note: you may want to bring a Talmud to the classroom to show the structure of a page see also an online illustration at http://www.acs.ucalgary.ca/~elsegal/TalmudPage.html; an online English translation of (most of) the Babylonian Talmud is available at http://www.come-and-hear.com/tcontents.html). There is a great deal of overlap between the two collections, as similar traditions on many topics were current in both communities. The texts are still very different: In the Babylonian Talmud, the parts which are not in Hebrew are written in Eastern Aramaic (spoken in Babylonia), with a smattering of Persian words. In the Jerusalem Talmud the non-Hebrew parts are in Western Aramaic (spoken in Syria and Eretz Yisrael), with a large number of Greek words (spoken all over the Roman empire. The Jerusalem Talmud is much shorter than the Babylonian, and does not contain as much of the legal back-and-forth that the latter does. This is usually attributed to the hardships endured by the Jewish community in Eretz Yisrael at the time of the Talmud's redaction.

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Many issues are decided differently in the two texts, due to differences in customs or circumstances between the two communities. The Jerusalem Talmud covers the whole order of Zeraim (Seeds), which is concerned with agricultural laws, while the Babylonian covers only one book of the order Berakhot (blessings). There is also a difference in the fates the two texts met. The Babylonian Talmud became the constitutive text of Jewish law, and is the most studied text in yeshivas. The Jerusalem Talmud's influence hardly spread beyond the borders of Eretz Yisrael, and as the importance of the community in Eretz Yisrael declined, the text was neglected and barely survived.

Why the differences? What does the language of the Talmuds tell us about the influence of external culture on Jewish texts? Was it limited to the language? What did the difference in language between the two main communities Eretz Yisrael and Babylonia mean for the relationship between them? Do we see a similar effect today? Apparently the influence of the language of the surrounding culture was so strong that it even penetrated texts that were considered (to some extent) holy. It's hard to believe that concepts, ideas, and norms did not. And the differences in language and culture probably meant that some level of misunderstanding existed between the communities. Why doesn't the Babylonian Talmud cover the agricultural laws (it does, for example, cover the order Kodashim Holy Things - which described the worship in the Temple)? One might say that the Babylonian Talmud does not cover the agricultural laws because they pertain mostly to agriculture in Eretz Yisrael, and therefore are irrelevant to the community of Babylonia. But then so are the laws of the Temple worship, which are covered! The usual explanation is that study of the laws of the Temple worship was considered equivalent to performing them. But then why does this not apply to the agricultural laws as well? Why did the Babylonian Talmud so surpass the Jerusalem Talmud in importance and influence in the Jewish world? Several explanations have been offered: the Babylonian Talmud was redacted later than the Jerusalem Talmud, so supercedes it; the Babylonian Talmud is more extensive and easier to read; the influence of the Babylonian yeshivas extended to Europe and North Africa long after the community in Eretz Yisrael had declined and lost its dominance. It is interesting to examine in detail one case of a story that is told in both Talmuds. This particular story was chosen as it describes a power struggle between the Rabbis of Eretz Yisrael and Babylonia, in the context of the setting of the calendar (see sources 3 and 4). The story happened after the Bar Kochba revolt (132-134 CE), when the Rabbis of Eretz Yisrael were persecuted and killed by the Romans. What are the emissaries hinting at when they tell Hananiah "Don't cite R. Akiba, who left not his equal in the Land of Israel"? How does Hananiah respond? And to what situation in Israel are they alluding to in their goat metaphor? Perhaps they're telling him not to compare himself to the great R. Akiba. To his claim that the rabbis of Eretz Yisrael are too weak to serve as the center for purposes of the

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setting of the calendar, they respond that a new generation has arisen. How is "the center" of the Jewish world" decided upon? Is it always Jerusalem? Or should it shift to the strongest community? And if so, how should this be decided, and by whom? What are the criteria wealth, observance, learnedness, political power? How does this play out today? What do they mean when they say: "let them go up to the mountain, let Ahia build an altar and let Hananiah play the harp, and let them all become renegades and say that they have no portion in the God of Israel"? The setting of the calendar is considered so fundamental, that founding an alternative center for this purpose is considered equivalent to building an alternative Temple! Compare this idea to Heschel's thesis that Judaism consecrates time, not space. Notwithstanding the similarities between the two stories, the differences are telling. To mention a few: 1. The Babylonian version is longer and more detailed, as is usually the case. 2. In the Babylonian version, it is the two scholars who challenge Hananiah's authority, whereas in the Jerusalem version it is the Nasi (president) of the Sanhedrin himself, in a letter. 3. In the Babylonian version, the emergence of great rabbis in Eretz Yisrael is stressed much more than in the Jerusalem version (perhaps to hint that when this situation changes, the setting of the calendar may well shift to Babylon after all?). 4. On the other hand, the Jerusalem version stresses "For out of Zion shall go forth the law" more than the Babylonian (perhaps to claim that this is a rule independent of the state of Torah learning in Eretz Yisrael, and holds at all times). 5. In the Babylonian version, the decision to follow the Eretz Yisrael rabbis is made by the people, in a dramatic and emotional scene (and we are not told what the leaders think of this procedure, and whether they go along with it); the Jerusalem version has the decision made by Rabbi Yehuda ben Betera, a great Babylonian rabbi as formal and high up as it gets, and this is followed by a scene in which Hananiah abjectly rides from town to town to admit his error. One can almost see the Eretz Yisrael rabbis who wrote this story enjoying the Babylonian upstart's discomfort

More background on the Babylonian community and its relationship to Eretz Yisrael: http://www.jewishgates.com/file.asp?File_ID=40

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Sources 1. Mishnah Rosh Hashanah 2, 3-4 In what manner did they kindle the beacons? They used to bring long poles of cedar wood and rushes and pine wood and tow flax, and a man tied these together with twine. He went up to the top of the hill and set them on fire and waved them to and fro and moved them up and down until he saw his fellow doing likewise on the top of the next hill; and also similarly on the top of the third hill. And from where did they kindle the beacons? From the Mount of Olives to Sartaba, and from Sartaba to Agrippina, and from Agrippina to Hauran, and from Hauran to Beth Baltin; and from Beth Baltin they did not go, but waved to and fro and moved up an down until he could see the whole of the diaspora before him like a mass of fire. 2. Babylonian Talmud Sanhedrin, 11b It once happened that Rabban Gamaliel was sitting on a step on the Temple-hill and the well known Scribe Johanan was standing before him. [Rabban Gamliel said:] write to our brethren the Exiles in Babylon and to those in Media, and to all the other exiled [sons] of Israel, saying: "May your peace be great for ever! We beg to inform you that the doves are still tender and the lambs still too young and that the crops are not yet ripe. It seems advisable to me and to my colleagues to add thirty days to this year". 3. Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Berakoth, 63 a-b. R. Safra said: R. Abbahu used to relate that when Hananiah the son of R. Joshua's brother went down to the Diaspora, he began to intercalate the years and fix new moons outside Palestine. So they [the Beth Din] sent after him two scholars, R. Jose b. Kippar and the grandson of R. Zechariah b. Kebutal. When he saw them, he said to them: Why have you come? They replied: We have come to learn Torah [from you]. He thereupon proclaimed: These men are among the most eminent of the generation. They and their ancestors have ministered in the Sanctuary (as we have learnt: Zechariah b. Kebutal said: Several times I read to him out of the book of Daniel). Soon they began to declare clean what he declared unclean and to permit what he forbade. Thereupon he proclaimed: These men are worthless, they are good for nothing. They said to him: You have already built and you cannot overthrow, you have made a fence and you cannot break it down. He said to them: Why do you declare clean when I declare unclean, why do you permit when I forbid? They replied: Because you intercalate years and fix new moons outside of Palestine. He said to them: Did not Akiba son of Joseph intercalate years and fix new moons outside of Palestine? They replied: Don't cite R. Akiba, who left not his equal in the Land of Israel. He said to them: I also left not my equal in the Land of Israel. They said to him: The kids which you left have become goats with horns, and they have sent us to you, bidding us, 'Go and tell him in our name. If he listens, well and good; if not, he will be excommunicated. Tell also our brothers in the Diaspora [not to listen to him]. If they listen to you, well and good; if not, let them go up to the mountain, let Ahia build an altar and let Hananiah play the harp, and let them all become renegades and say that they have no portion in the God of Israel. Straightway all the people broke out into weeping and cried, Heaven forbid, we have a portion in the God of Israel. Why all this to-do? Because it says "For out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem". 4. Jerusalem Talmud, Sanhedrin 19a.

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Hananiah, Rabbi Yehoshua's nephew, set leap years outside the Land. Rabbi [Shimon ben Gamaliel president of the Sanhedrin] sent him 3 letters by the hands of Rabbi Yitzhak and Rabbi Natan. In one he wrote: To His Holiness Hananiah; in one he wrote: Lambs you left have become rams; in one he wrote: If you do not accept, go to the wilderness of the brambles, you will slaughter and Nehunin will sprinkle [the blood]. He read the first and honored them, read the second and honored them, read the third and wished to chasten them. They told him: You cannot, as you have already honored us. Rabbi Yitzhak rose and read in the Torah: 'These are Hananiah, Rabbi Yehoshua's nephew's appointed feasts". They said: "These are the LORD's appointed feasts" (Leviticus 23, 3)! He said: "With us!" Rabbi Natan rose and read the Haftorah: "The law will go out from Babylon, the word of the Lord from the Pakod river". They said: "The law will go out from Zion, the word of the Lord from Jerusalem" (Isaiah 2, 3)! He said: "With us!" Hananiah went and complained of them to Rabbi Yehuda ben Betera in Nezivin, who said to him: Follow them, follow them So Hananiah rose and rode his horse, set right those places he reached, while the others continued in error.

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L e s s o n 24:
The Jewish Calendar
1. Outline: a. Biblical sources/mention of calendar. The implications and explanations given to the fact that the calendar is influenced by both the lunar and solar cycles: the calendar as bound to the agricultural cycle of Eretz Yisrael. b. The proclaiming of the moon during the Second Temple and after its destruction: the centrality of Israel as the authority for administering the calendar. c. Establishing the 19 year cycle and how it works (or not). d. The Hebrew calendar today in Israel dilemmas. 2. Introduction: How we measure time reflects how we see the world and our place it. Each individual has markers in time that are important to him birthdays, anniversaries, yahrzeits, etc. So too different nations and cultures mark time uniquely. Their respective systems reflect their perception of time and space. The Christians count from the death of Christ, the Moslems from the flight of Mohammed. The Gregorian calendar follows the solar year. The Islamic calendar follows the lunar year. In this lesson we will study how Jews mark time and try to understand the significance and results of the system, and its role in linking the land and people of Israel. It turns out that in addition to sanctifying time, the Jewish calendar is deeply connected to the sanctification of place: in living according to it, Jews all over the world affirm, consciously or not, their rootedness in the landscape of Eretz Yisrael. 3. Goals: e. To familiarize the students with the sources and development of the Jewish calendar f. To understand the connection between the marking of time and the land of Israel g. To study dilemmas and problems involved in constructing the calendar. h. To discuss the place of the Jewish calendar in Zionist thought and the state of Israel today through specific events in Israeli life e.g. Rabin Memorial day. 4. Expanded Outline: i. The Biblical Sources 1. The first commandmentgiven to the fledgling nation of Israel on the eve of the Exodus is to mark the month of their deliverance as the first of months. The Rabbis elaborate that at this time G-D showed Moses the new moon and instructed him to use the lunar cycle as a basis for measuring time (see source Questions for discussion: Why would the establishing of a calendar be the one of the first commandments given to the nation of Israel? Why while they are still in Egypt? 2. It seems that the Torah is commanding us to establish a calendar based on the lunar cycle. One complete cycle (crescent - full - crescent) corresponds to a month. The lunar cycle is 29.5 days. This method of

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marking time has no relation to the tropical or solar calendar. Twelve lunar months form a year = 254.5 days. Since the solar cycle is 365 days the months slip 11 days every year. The Islamic calendar is based on lunar months. Ramadan, the holy month, moves through the seasons, sometimes coming out in the winter and other times coming out in the summer. It takes it about 33 years to move around the whole cycle (e.g., Ramadan began on Rosh Hashana in 1974 and will do so again in 2006; it always, of course, begins on a rosh chodesh). 3. The Torah later commands us that the holiday of Passover must be celebrated in the spring month (see source 2). These two sources seem contradictory. According to the first commandment we are to mark the months by the moon. Yet according to the second, Passover must be celebrated in the spring month. Abiding by both commandments necessitated a system that allows for adjusting the season-less lunar months with the seasonal solar calendar to assure that Passover was always celebrated in the spring. This synchronization was accomplished by periodically adding a 13th month if it appeared that Passover was going to occur too early in the year (before the spring equinox - March 21st today). This was called impregnating the year or in modern terms, a leap year. (see source 3) Questions for discussion: If Pesach must be in the spring how do we define spring? 4. Spring in the southern hemisphere is autumn in the northern hemisphere and vice versa? Does spring mean spring in the land of Israel? If so what does that signify? What are the repercussions? Many of the Biblical commandments for celebrating the holidays reflect agricultural phenomena e.g. the offering of the Omer (offering the first barley) and the offering of the two loaves on Shavuot, the offering of the first fruits beginning on Shavuot. This ties Jewish ritual and holidays to the agricultural reality of a specific land. Is this unique in comparison to other religions? In early Biblical times, the months had no names, only numbers. The month of Passover, which celebrates the exodus - the birth of the Jewish nation is the first month. This means that the Jewish new year Rosh Hashanah is actually in the seventh month. (In the Bible the holiday is only referred to as a day of blowing on the first day of the seventh month). There are discussions and debates in the Talmud about exactly when the world was created, be it Tishrei or Nissan, and the significance of each date (see source 4). In the time of Ezra after the Jews had been exiled to Babylon they began to use the Babylonian names of the months, and these names remain in use until today. (see source 5)

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Questions for discussion: Do the two different types new years reflect the nature of different beginnings? What examples can we think of in our lives? The Mishna discussed 4 new years each relevant for the beginning of different cycles (Mishna Rosh Hashana Chapter 1 Mishna 1) How is the first of Nissan unique? Why? 5. Today the Hebrew year is 5766. According to traditional sources this is the count from the time of creation or more specifically from the creation of man when counting time became relevant. It is interesting to note though that throughout the Bible and Prophets years are counted not from creation but from major events. Like the exodus, or according the reign of the certain kings or even cataclysmic events e.g. Amos 1:1. According to Jewish tradition time is defined and consecrated by man, or more specifically the nation of Israel. It is they who proclaim the months and regulate the calendar deciding when the holidays will occur. This theme is evident in the different format of blessing on Shabbat and the Holidays. While on Shabbat in Kiddush and prayers we bless G-D who consecrates the seventh day and Shabbat, on the holidays we bless G-D who consecrates Israel and the special days. G-d consecrated Israel and empowered them to consecrate the special days. ( For some discussions of the sanctification of time by human calendrical institutions see source 6) j. Proclaiming the New Month 1. During the time of the Second Temple the new month was proclaimed by the Beit Din after the crescent moon was sighted and reported by two reliable witnesses. The rabbis were sufficiently knowledgeable about astronomy; for example, their calculation of an average lunation as 29 days, 12 hours, 44 minutes and 3 1/3 seconds is very close to modern computations. Still, Jewish law required that the rabbis not rely on their knowledge alone, but rather base their proclamation of the new month on an actual sighting of the new moon. If the testimony was given and, upon cross-examination, accepted on the 30th day then the Beit Din would announce that the new month was "sanctified," meaning that the month just ended was 29 days and the new month would begin. If the testimony was not processed on that day - or even if the witnesses came too late, or were disqualified on a technicality (such as lacking credibility due to their being unrepentant criminals) - then the new month would begin the next day. 2. Once the sages accepted the testimony of the witnesses they notified all the people of Israel - even those living in the Diaspora - by a series of bonfires on strategic mountain tops (think of the scene in Lord of the Rings - The Return of the King). and messengers. This meant that the people received notification only after the fact. They knew when the new month was proclaimed retroactively. The further away you lived the longer it took for the news to travel. This is the reason that holidays were celebrated for two days in the Diaspora while Israel they were only

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celebrated for one. Passover and Sukkot are mid-month and Shavuot is the 6th day. There was a good chance that the news of the proclamation would not arrive in time in the outlying communities. So they had to count from the previous announcement, but that left room for a one day error since the lunar month is 29 and a half days and the new month might have been proclaimed on the 29th day after the previous month or on the 30th. To compensate for this uncertainty they celebrated both days. Inside the land of Israel the news traveled faster so by the time the holiday arrived, everyone knew when the month had been proclaimed and they celebrated accordingly. The exception was Rosh Hashanah which occurs on the first of the month. In such a case the witnesses could give testimony only after the holiday was over. Therefore two days were celebrated even inside the land of Israel. Yom Kippur was set afterwards counting ten days from the actual testimony. This system gave great power to the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem which had sole authority for proclaiming the month. The system also left room for possible conflict between the sages themselves since the rules for accepting or rejecting testimony were complex. The above description of the process of setting the new month is based on the Mishnah, Tractate Rosh Hashana, chapters 1 and 2. (see source 7) 3. The story of Rabbi Joshua and Rabban Gamaliel. (see source 8) This story illustrates the importance the Rabbis attributed to their authority to proclaim or sanctify the month. Why was it so critical that their decision be universally accepted? Even after the destruction of the Temple the Sanhedrin in Yavne declared itself the sole authority to proclaim the new month still rested only with them. This continued for as long as the Sanhedrin was active, until the fourth century, even thought the majority of Jews and the important Jewish centers were outside the country. Questions for discussion: Why do you think the Sanhedrin relied on actual sightings and not mathematical calculations? Why was it so important for the decision to be made in the land of Israel and not by any major community? The Reform movement cancelled the second day celebrated in the Diaspora since today we follow a set calendar. What arguments can you think of for or against this decision? Could there be a connection between this ruling and the Reform tendency, in the early years of the movement, to de-emphasize the connection to Israel as a homeland? 4. Today Moslems still rely on the sighting of the new moon to declare their month. This announcement is especially important at the onset of Ramadan. The exact date is not known until the actual proclamation and if you ask Moslems when Ramadan starts they will tell you day x or the next day. There are two councils that proclaim the month, one in Mecca

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and one in Cairo and they do not always agree or coordinate their proclamations so it is possible for different Moslems to celebrate holidays on different days. k. The Set Calendar 1. The Sanhedrin stopped being active in the early part of the 4th Century CE, when religious persecution forced it to disband. The rules for the present Jewish calendar system are believed to have been published by the patriarch Hillel II in the year 358, the Jewish year 4118. Hillel II established a fixed calendar based on mathematical and astronomical calculations. This calendar, still in use, standardized the length of months and the addition of 7 months over the course of a 19 year cycle, so that the lunar calendar realigns with the solar years. Heres the math: 19 lunar years are about 210 days less than 19 solar years, so during that cycle it is necessary to add seven 30-day Adar IIs to make it even. The leap years are the 3rd, 6th, 8th, 11th, 14th, 17th, and 19th. The current cycle began in Jewish year 5758 (the year that began October 2, 1997). 2. Why a 19 year cycle? In 432 BC the Athenian astronomer Meton reformed the Athenian calendar based on an approximate relationship between the solar and lunar cycles. He had observed that every nineteen years the occurrences of the new and full moons returned to the same time with respect to the solar cycle. This pattern is known as the Metonic cycle. Actually, in nineteen years the annual difference (10 days, 21 hours and 6 seconds) accumulates to 206 days, 15 hours, 1 minute and 54 seconds. This accumulation is equal (within two hours) to seven lunar months (which come to 206 days, 17 hours, 8 minutes and 23 1/3 seconds). So if seven lunar months were added over a nineteen year period the lunar and solar cycles could be more or less maintained in synchronization. 3. However there is still a 7 hour discrepancy which over the last 1700 years has added up. In 2005 the Jewish calendar was off a thirteenth month was added according to the 19 year schedule even though the Passover would have occurred after the spring equinox without adding an extra month. As a result Passover was very late this year, as are all the other holidays in relation to the general calendar; indeed, Easter came out at Purim time. (For more on this problem see source 9) 4. Another consideration taken into account when determining the calendar was ensuring that Yom Kippur would not occur on a Friday or Sunday as this would interfere with the fast. The rabbis also wanted to avoid Hoshanah Rabba (the seventh day of Sukkot) from occurring on Shabbat. This is accomplished by adjusting Rosh Hashnnah so that it never occurs on a Sunday Wednesday or Friday. This is turn is done by varying the lengths of the preceding Heshvan or Kislev so that sometimes they are a complete month (30 days ) and others they are incomplete (29 days). The length of Cheshvan and Kislev are determined by complex

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calculations involving the time of day of the full moon of the following year's Tishri and the day of the week that Rosh Hodesh Tishri would occur in the following year. The length of Adar also varies for this reason. In leap years Adar has 30 days. In non-leap years, Adar has 29 days. All said the Jewish calendar today looks like this: English Nissan Iyar Sivan Tammuz Av Elul Tishri Cheshvan Kislev Tevet Shevat Adar Adar II Length 30 days 29 days 30 days 29 days 30 days 29 days 30 days 29 or 30 days 30 or 29 days 29 days 30 days 29 or 30 days 29 days Gregorian Period March-April April-May May-June June-July July-August August-September September-October October-November November-December December-January January-February February-March

For more sites on the Hebrew calendars see source 10 5. An interesting episode occurred in the tenth century when a famous dispute arose between a Rabbi Ben Meir who lived in Israel and the chief rabbi, or Gaon of the Babylonian community, Saadia ben Yosef. Ben Meir, relying on the traditional ruling that the sages of Israel had authority to set the calendar, proposed certain adjustments to the calendar. Saadia Gaon opposed the changes and argued that the established calendar had the authority of Mosaic Law and could no longer be changed. It is interesting to note the power struggles that formed the background to this disagreement. And that the Diaspora leader, in the end, won. See source 11 d. The Jewish calendar in Israel today 1. When it comes to defining time Israel is slightly schizophrenic. As a modern Western country dealing with the rest of the world it runs mainly on the Gregorian or civil calendar. However since Jewish holidays are official holidays, the Hebrew dates are also relevant. The Orthodox and especially the ultra-Orthodox, or

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Haredim operate almost solely on the Jewish Calendar while secular Jews are mostly oblivious to it. The question of dates becomes especially charged and poignant when dealing with commemorating modern events in the State. 2. Early Zionists saw re-instating the Jewish Calendar as an expression of Jewish National identity unconnected to religious observance. Officially that sentiment exists until today. Yom Haatzmaut the day of independence was established as a national holiday on the 5th of Iyar and not May 14th. All pieces of Israeli legislature carry the Hebrew year as well as the civil one. In the early 1990s there was a directive given that all documents from government or municipal offices must carry the Hebrew date. Daily papers carry both dates. For some inexplicable reason the cut off date for the school year is a Hebrew date the 30th of Kislev even though the school year runs on the civil calendar (Sept 1 June 30) However on a personal level it is mostly the Orthodox that truly live Hebrew calendar. (A personal story [T.S.]: Growing up in Toronto as an Orthodox Jew I was mainly aware of the civil dates. Even our day school used them primarily. My children, who have been raised in Israel in an Orthodox community and educational system are almost ignorant of the civil calendar. They dont even know their Gregorian dates of birth or the names of the months.) 3. This duality or indecision is painfully illustrated in the annual debate on when to commemorate Rabins assassination. In the years immediately after his death there were two separate commemorations - one on the civil date and another on the Hebrew date. Until today the press tends to run its memorials on the civil date even though a law has been passed designating the Hebrew date as the official memorial day. (See sources in source 13 for examples and discussion) 4. The Hebrew calendar and its associations with the seasons is of course a mainstay of Israeli elementary education and culture. See for example Naomi Shemers song of the calendar... Sources 1. Exodus 12:2: This month shall be unto you the beginning of months; it shall be the first month of the year to you. Rashi (based on the Midrash in the Mechilta): He (G-d) showed him the moon at its renewal and said to him, "When the moon renews itself, let that be for you the beginning of a new month." However, Scripture does not depart from its plain meaning: He (G-d) was telling him about the month of Nissan; [viz.] this (Nissan) shall be the start of the order of the counting of the months, so that Iyar will be called the second [month] and Sivan, the third. 2. Exodus 13:3-6 3. Babylonian Talmud tractate Sanhedrin 11b Our rabbis taught: A year may be intercalated on three grounds: on account of the premature state of the grain crop, or that of the fruit trees, or on account of the lateness of the

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equinox. Any two of these reasons can justify intercalation but not one alone. [but, once Rabban Gamaliel the Nasi wrote to the Diaspora communities:] We beg to inform you that the doves are still tender and the lambs still young, and the grain has not yet ripened. I have considered the matter and thought it advisable to add thirty days to the year. 4. Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Rosh Hashanah 10b-11a: Eliezer says: "In Tishrei the world was created" ... Rabbi Joshua says: "In Nissan the world was created." Tosfot Rosh Hashana 27a: "These and these are the words of the living God, and one may say that the thought to create was formed in Tishrei, while the actual creation did not take place until Nissan." 5. On the historical development of the calendar http://www-spof.gsfc.nasa.gov/stargaze/Sjewcale.htm 6. On the sanctification of time by fixing the calendar: Rabbi Daniel Goldfarb: http://www.limmud.org/tasteoflimmud/Bo Rabbi Michael Rosenzweig: www.torahweb.org/torah/2004/parsha/rros_bo.html From Heschels book on the Shabbat: http://www.myjewishlearning.com/daily_life/Shabbat/Shabbat_Themes_and_ Theology/Shabbat_Sanctuary_in_Time.htm Psalm 81:4-5 Blow the horn on the new moon, on the full moon for our feast day. For it is a law for Israel, a ruling of the God of Jacob. Midrash Tehilim on the above: This verse says that Gods ruling is dependent on Israels law, as R. Hoshaya taught, once the earthly court set the date of Rosh Hashana, and God said to the angels, Set up the courtroom, bring in the defenders, etc., as the earthly court has decreed that it is Rosh Hashana. But then the witnesses were delayed, or the court changed its mind and delayed Rosh Hashana by a day; God said to the angels, Wait, change everything to tomorrow, as the earthly court has delayed Rosh Hashana R. Pinhas and R. Hilkiya in the name of R. Simon taught: all the angels assemble and ask, Master of the universe, when is Rosh Hashana? And He answers them: Youre asking Me? Together, we must ask the earthly court, as it is written: For it is a law for Israel, a ruling of the God of Jacob. 7. Mishna Rosh Hashanah Chapter 1 Mishna 3 -Ch 2 Mishna 7 1:3 On six months the messengers go forth: on Nisan, because of Passover; on Av, because of the fast; on Elul, because of the New Year; on Tishri, because of the determination of the Holy Days; on Kislev, because of Chanuka; on Adar, because of Purim. And while the Temple still existed, they went forth also on Iyar, because of Pesach Katan. 1:4 Because of two months could they profane the Sabbath: because of Nisan and Tishri, for on them messengers went forth to Syria and by them the Holydays were determined. And

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when the Temple still stood, they could profane it indeed for all of the [months] for the correct regulation of the offering. 1:5 Whether the crescent were clearly visible or whether it were not manifestly visible, they may profane the Sabbath because of it. R. Yose says, If the crescent were undoubtedly seen they must not profane the Sabbath because of it. 1:8 These are they who are ineligible [to bear witness to sighting the new moon]: a dice player, a userer, those who fly pigeons, dealers in the produce of a Sabbatical Year, and slaves. This is the general principle: all evidence that a woman is not eligible to give, these also are not eligible to bring. 1:9 If one see the new moon and is not able to walk, they bring him on an ass or even on a litter; and if any lie in wait for them, they may take sticks in their hands. If the journey be a long one, they may carry food in their hands, because for a journey lasting a night and a day they may profane the Sabbath and go forth to give evidence about the new moon 2:2 Beforetime they used to light beacons, but after the Samaritans caused great harm, they enacted that messengers should go forth. 2:3 In what manner did they kindle the beacons? They used to bring long poles of cedar wood and rushes and pine wood and tow flax, and a man tied these together with twine. He went up to the top of the hill and set them on fire and waved them to and fro and moved them up and down until he saw his fell doing likewise on the top of the next hilss; and also similarly on the top of the third hill. 2:4 And from where did they kindle the beacons? From the Mount of Olives to Sartaba, and from Sartaba to Agrippina, and from Agrippina to Hauran, and from Hauran to Beth Baltin; and from Beth Baltin they did not go, but waved to and fro and moved up an down until he could see the whole of the diaspora before him like a mass of fire. 2:5 There was a large courtyard in Jerusalem called Beth Yaazek, and there all the witnesses used to assemble, and there the court examined them. And they prepared big meals for them, so that they should acquire the habit of coming 2:6 How did they examine the witnesses? The pair that arrived first they examined first. And they brought in the elder of the two and said to him: Relate how you saw the moon: in front of the sun or behind the sun? To the north of it or to the south of it? How high was it? And how wide was it? If he said, In front of the sun, his statement was worth naught. And then they brought in the second one and examined him. If their statements were found to agree, their evidence stood 2:7 The head of the court said, It is sanctified! And all the people answered after him, It is sanctified. Whether it was seen at its proper time, or whether it was not observed at its due time, they proclaimed it sanctified. R. Eliezer ben R. Zadok says, If it be not seen at its appointed time, they do not acclaim it as sanctified, since heaven has already sanctified it.

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8. Mishna Rosh Hashanah Chapter 2 Mishna 8-9: Two other witnesses came and said: We saw the moon on its proper day, but could not see it on the next evening of the intercalary day. R. Gamaliel accepted their testimony, but R. Dosa b. Hyrcanus said: They are false witnesses; for how can they testify of a woman being delivered (on a certain day) when on the next day she appears to be pregnant? Then R. Joshua said unto him: I approve your opinion. Upon this R. Gamaliel sent him (R. Joshua) word, saying: "I order thee to appear before me on the Day of Atonement, according to your computation, with your staff and with money." R. Akiba went to him (R. Joshua) and found him grieving. He then said to him: I can prove that all which R. Gamaliel has done is proper, for it is said: "These are the feasts of the Lord, holy convocations which ye shall proclaim," either at their proper time, or not at their proper time, only their convocations are to be considered as holy festivals. When he (R. Joshua) came to R. Dosa b. Hyrcanus, the latter told him: "If we are to reinvestigate the decisions of the Beth Din of R. Gamaliel, we must also reinvestigate the decisions of all the tribunals of justice which have existed from the time of Moses till the present day; for it is said [Ex. xxiv. 9] Moses, Aaron, Nadab, Abihu, and seventy elders went up (to the Mount)." Why were not the names of the elders also specified? To teach us that every three men in Israel that form a Beth Din are to be respected in an equal degree with the Beth Din of Moses. Then did R. Joshua take his staff and money in his hand, and went to Yavneh, to R. Gamaliel, on the very day on which the Day of Atonement would have been according to his computation, when R. Gamaliel arose and kissed him on the forehead, saying: "Enter in peace, my master and disciple! My master--in knowledge; my disciple--since thou didst obey my injunction." 9. A deeper look at the astronomy behind the calendar: http://individual.utoronto.ca/kalendis/hebrew.htm and at the accumulating discrepancies between the lunar and solar calendars http://avoiceinthewilderness.org/saccal/passlate.html 10. For converting dates between the calendars (which can be a fun activity): www.aish.com/literacy/reference/AishLuach_(Luach_means_-Calendar-_in_Hebrew).asp http://www.hebcal.com http://www.hebrewcalendar.net Various interesting facts and background on the calendar and on each month http://members.ngfp.org/QNA/Calendar 11. www.abcog.org/saadia.htm This episode can help explain the difficulty facing Jewish leadership today when faced with the problems of timing that have arisen in the set calendar

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1997- "

" , , ; " , . , " .

(Memorial day for Yitzchak Rabin Law 5757-1997 The twelfth day of Cheshvan, the day the prime minister and minister of Defense Yitzchak Rabin, was murdered, shall be a national memorial day; this day will be commemorated in national institutions, army bases, and schools. If the twelfth day of Cheshvan falls on a Friday or Saturday it shall be observed on the previous Thursday.) Official Knesset Website On November 4th, 1965, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was murdered. In this website, The Knesset commemorates Rabin. The site has a wealth of information on Rabin, reviewing his life with images, as well as listing relevant laws and speeches in his memory. An Online article from San Francisco community The sixth yahrzeit of Israel's late prime minister formally fell on Oct. 28, which corresponded with Heshvan 11, the Hebrew date of the assassination. The San Francisco memorial was organized to coincide with the mass demonstration held in Israel on the secular date. ,4 Uri Avnery on the 4.11.95: The Real Rabin Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated on Saturday night, the 4th of November. The changing of this date with some day of the month of Heshvan, according to the "Jewish" calendar, is a falsification. Rabin was an atheist. He had nothing to do with the religious calendar. Not to mention the fact that the "Jewish" calendar is really a Babylonian one and that its months carry the names of Babylonian gods. Why is the name of a Babylonian god like Tammuz more admissible than the name of a Roman colleague of his, Mars?

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This is not an apropos remark. The transfer of the tragic date to the religious calendar is a part of the process that led Ehud Barak and the whole crowd of dignitaries at the graveside to put a Kippah on their heads. Why? Ben Gurion refused to use a Kippah even at funerals, and that seemed quite natural at the time. I categorically refuse to wear a Kippah at a state ceremony in memory of an atheist Prime Minister who was murdered by a Kippah-wearing fanatic after a long campaign of sedition by a Kippah-wearing gang of rabbis. Most of the leaders of the Kippah-wearing public did not participate in the day of mourning and rejected it outright. Why, then, did the Rabin family agree to this, if indeed it did agree?

Additional sources... Three entries from Marc Rosensteins Galilee Diary reflecting on the calendar and its place in Israeli culture: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4632&pge_prg_id=19465&pge_id=1697 http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4989&pge_prg_id=19465&pge_id=1697 http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4991&pge_prg_id=19465&pge_id=1697

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L e s s o n 25:
High Holidays
1. Outline a. Israel as a meeting place of different Jewish traditions (edot) - the various symbolic foods of Rosh Hashanah b. The Yom Kippur war c. Secular Israelis' connection to Jewish tradition 2. Introduction a. Note: This lesson is divided into two unrelated sections, one quite light-hearted and the other very somber it's up to the facilitator to decide on the order of the sections. b. Editors note: For the opening retreat of the Pittsburgh teachers course in September 2004, texts were prepared for a brief sample lesson on the connection between the High Holy Days and Israel. This ended up being very brief, with the focus being the seder avoda (High Priests service on Yom Kippur)as a demonstration of the link between what we think of as a universalistic, theological holiday and a very specific reference to the map of Israel the route of the scapegoat from the Temple to the desert. These materials are appended herewith, in case they might be useful: a midrash on the high priests entrance to the Holy of Holies on Yom Kippur; the seder avoda; links to sites showing squills (chatzavim), the flower associated with the turning of the seasons in Israel, and two songs about Rosh Hashanah making reference to them. Symbolic foods: One of the striking things about Israel is the fact that although a majority of the citizens share their Jewish nationality, religion, ethnicity, culture and customs, their traditions are surprisingly different due to their diverse lands of origin. While in the initial years of the state, the declared goal was a melting pot in which all people would assimilate into one big Jewish-Israeli collective, in recent years the rich variation and diverse backgrounds have come to be appreciated, and efforts are made to celebrate and preserve the different ethnic cultures (or "edot", as they are called in Hebrew). In this lesson we will examine this issue by looking at the various symbolic foods eaten by the people of different edot on Rosh Hashanah. The Yom Kippur war: For Israelis, Yom Kippur, in addition to being the Day of Atonement, has taken on a new and somber meaning since the 1973 Yom Kippur war. The war was one of the bloodiest Israel has known, and for some it brought the euphoria and messianic fervor which emerged after the 1967 Six Day war to an abrupt halt. For a few days, Israelis felt unsure of their survival, personally and as a state; 3000 soldiers were killed about 0.1 percent of the population; the government considered using Israel's atomic weapons to avert the catastrophe; the last-minute aerial shipment of arms and ammunition from the US helped Israel stem the tide. In the lesson we will watch and discuss a (30 min.) video about kibbutz Beit Hashita, which lost 11 of its members during the war. The kibbutz commissioned composer Yair Rosenblum to compose a new melody for the U'Netaneh Tokef prayer of Yom Kippur to commemorate the fallen soldiers. This melody is sung by chazzanim (cantors) in many Israeli synagogues today during Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur.

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3. Lesson goals a. "Taste" the complex web of ethnic traditions formed by the various edot in Israel. b. Experience the immense weight of meaning of the Yom Kippur war in Israel. c. Gain some understanding of the complex attitudes of secular Israelis towards Jewish tradition. 4. Expanded outline Symbolic foods Take a look at the statistics describing the distribution of countries of origin of Jewish Israelis, supplied in the appendix below. A cursory glance will show that they're a very mixed bunch. This can be experienced in many occasions we will show it by looking at the symbolic foods eaten by the different edot on the evening of Rosh Hashanah. Most people know the custom of eating apples dipped in honey as a sign for a good year, but there many other traditions, and some people have a whole "seder" with different foods, each eaten after saying its own blessing. The custom of eating symbolic foods on Rosh Hashanah is mentioned in the Talmud: "Since there is truth in signs, one should eat on Rosh Hashanah squash, green beans, leeks, beets and dates" (Babylonian Talmud, Kritut, 6a). Here are some explanations: A type of squash called "Kera," is phonetically related to the Hebrew word for "read" or "tear." We recite one or both of the following: "May You tear up our negative judgement," or "May You read our good merits before You." A type of green beans is called "Rubiyah," from the Hebrew word "to increase." We recite, "May our merits increase." Leeks, called "Karti" in Aramaic, is related to the Hebrew word "to cut." We recite, "May our misdeeds, our spiritual enemies, be cut down." Beets are called "Salka" in Aramaic, and in Hebrew, that word is related to removal. We recite, "May our enemies be removed." Dates are called "Tamri" in Aramaic which is related to the Hebrew word for consume. We ask here that those who want to destroy us be consumed. Today, in Israel, these vegetables are eaten on Rosh Hashanah by Sephardic Jews. Additional customs: Ashkenazi Jews eat carrots because of their Yiddish name "meren", which also means to increase. Carrots symbolize our hope that we increase our good deeds in the coming year. Sephardim prepare a challah shaped like a ladder - symbolizing our prayers for the new year going up directly to God, while Ashkenazim bake a round challah to symbolize the cycle of the year. Apples in honey are actually an Ashkenazi custom, while Yemenites eat pomegranate and wish that their good deeds in the coming year will be as numerous as the seeds of the pomegranate. In a similar vein, Iranian Jews eat a rice dish. Libyan Jews eat seven different fruits and vegetables and seven varieties of jam as a symbol of hope for abundance in the coming year Jews of Eastern European descent eat dishes with carrots, apples, raisins and honey.

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A cute activity you can try if you have time is to bring a few fruits and vegetables to the classroom and have the class try and invent New-Year-appropriate meanings for them, using wordplays, looking at their shape, color, etc. Here are a few examples from Noam Zion's Rosh Hashanah seder http://www.jafi.org.il/education/downloads/Rosh_HaShanah_seder.pdf Dates - May it be Gods will that all my single friends have many dates this year. Tomatoes or Hot Peppers - May it be Gods will that this be a red-hot New Year. Celery - Lets pray that our employers will raise our salary. Rabbi Yitz Greenberg suggested: Peaches May we have a peachy year! Brussels Sprouts May our good fortune sprout! (Irving Greenberg, High Holiday Guide [Clal,1977]). An interesting footnote: eating symbolic foods on the new year is not unique to Jews; see, for example, http://www.bbc.co.uk/food/news_and_events/events_chinesenewyear.shtml http://allrecipes.com/advice/coll/all/articles/205P1.asp http://www.asiafood.org/persiancooking/newyear.cfm Yom Kippur war Read the words of the U'Netaneh Tokef prayer (see http://www.ou.org/chagim/roshhashannah/unetanehtext.htm for an English translation) Describe the prayer's background (see http://www.ou.org/chagim/roshhashannah/unetaneh.html) Briefly discuss the associations to judgment, martyrdom and death raised by the prayer and the legend. Supply the following background before showing the movie: Kibbutz Beit Hashita was founded in the Jezre'el valley in 1928, and now has about 1300 residents. In the Yom Kippur war 11 members of the kibbutz were killed in the fighting. The fallen soldiers were buried in temporary graveyards close to the battlegrounds until the war was over, then brought to their final graves in Beit Hashita at one mass funeral a few months after the war scenes from this funeral are shown in the film. Beit Hashita is a typical kibbutz in that its founders were young, secular Jews, who severed themselves from Jewish religious tradition and replaced it with the Zionist, nationalist ethos. The kibbutzniks tried to infuse the ancient Jewish symbols with new meanings, connected to the land and the people. The Yom Kippur ceremony at the kibbutz before the war consisted of modern readings and music, and the only concession to tradition was the Memorial for the Souls (Azkarat neshamot, Yizkor). Watch the video.

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After the movie: The movie shows the process the kibbutz has gone through after the war, a process whose meaning is unclear to the kibbutz members themselves. Does the inclusion of the U'Netaneh Tokef prayer in the kibbutz Yom Kippur ceremony signify a return to Jewish tradition? A search for the missing "areas of sanctity" in people's lives? Harmless nostalgia? An interpretation of the soldiers' sacrifice as another link in the chain of Kiddush Hashem (martyrdom), joining Rabbi Amnon of Mainz by sacrificing their lives for some higher ideal? Israeli society in general is going through a similar process, so the facilitator should bring examples from Israeli society in general during the discussion of the story of the kibbutz. For a collection of articles exploring the impact of the Yom Kippur War on Israeli culture and consciousness, see: http://info.jpost.com/C003/Supplements/30YK/new.01.html The key concept in this process seems to be the conversion of Yom Kippur from a personal, theological/psychological day, when the individual stands before God in search of personal atonement, to a national day of soul searching, when the entire nation is bound together by the historical trauma of the Yom Kippur war. Thus, a day which had lost much of its meaning for secular Israelis (creating a dissonance between the cultural norm that this is the holiest of days and the reality that the day had become empty of content) took on new content and became emotionally powerful.

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Appendix Jewish Israelis by country of origin13

Source: Israeli Bureau of Statistics, data from the 1995 census. Country of Origin Place of birth Abroad Israel Total Absolute numbers 1,764,908 2,770,421 4,535,329 Total Asia Total Turkey Iraq Yemen Iran Other Asia Africa Total Morrocco Algier and Tunis Libya Egypt Ethiopia Other Africa EuropeAmericas Total Poland Rumania Bulgaria and Greece Germany and Austria Former USSR Other Europe North America and Oceania Latin America Percent Total Israel
13

Total Israel

- 1,155,014 1,155,014 253,935 34,685 84,025 41,453 53,644 40,128 324,835 177,070 44,549 21,629 23,953 46,134 11,500 467,029 50,861 170,531 111,306 76,734 57,597 499,500 314,718 77,831 51,111 37,059 13,087 5,694 720,964 85,546 254,556 152,759 130,378 97,725 824,335 491,788 122,380 72,740 61,012 59,221 17,194

1,186,138 106,286 143,217 26,349 36,007 667,456 100,563 58,906 47,354 100.0 -

648,878 1,835,016 153,618 259,904 117,839 261,056 32,524 49,647 139,146 94,370 33,528 28,206 100.0 41.7 58,873 85,654 806,602 194,933 92,434 75,560 100.0 25.5

Country of origin: country of birth, or (if born in Israel) country of parents' birth.

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Asia Africa EuropeAmericas

14.4 18.4 67.2

16.9 18.0 23.4

15.9 18.2 40.5

Appendix: texts on Israel and the High Holy Days Kesharim Opening Retreat The Land of Israel and the High Holy Days a few connections 1. The center of the world: [Adapted from various midrashim by S. Anski, The Dybbuk, and then further adapted by The Jewish Catalogue] Gods world is great and holy. Among the holy lands is the world is the Holy Land of Israel. In the land of Israel the holiest city is Jerusalem. In Jerusalem the holiest place was the Temple, and in the Temple the holiest spot was the holy of holies. There are seventy peoples in the world. Among these holy peoples is the people of Israel. The holiest of the people of Israel is the tribe of Levi. In the tribe of Levi the holiest are the priests. Among the priests, the holiest was the high priest. There are 354 days in the year. Among these the holidays are holy. Higher than these is the holiness of the Sabbath. Among Sabbaths the holiest is the Day of Atonement, the Sabbath of Sabbaths. There are seventy languages in the world. Among the holy languages is the holy language of Hebrew. Holier than all else in this language is the holy Torah, and in the Torah the holiest part is the Ten Commandments. In the Ten Commandments the holiest of all words is the name of God. And once during the year, at a certain hour, these four supreme sanctities of the world were joined with one another. That was on the Day of Atonement, when the high priest would enter the holy of holies and there utter the Name of God Every spot where a man raises his eyes to heaven is a holy of holies. Every man, having been created by God in His own image and likeness, is a high priest. Every day of a mans life is a Day of Atonement, and every word that a man speaks with sincerity is the Name of the Lord. 2. The scapegoat: Yom Kippur and the geography of Jerusalem Carrying the sins of the people from the city into the desert Leviticus 16, and Mishnah, Yoma, chapter 6

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He then came to the scapegoat and laid his two hands upon it and he made confession, and thus would he say: I beseech Thee O Lord, Thy people the house of Israel have failed, committed iniquity and transgressed before Thee. I beseech thee O Lord, atone the failures, the iniquities and the transgressions which Thy people, the house of Israel have failed, committed and transgressed before Thee, as it is written in the Torah of Moses, Thy servant, to say: for on this day shall atonement be made for you, to cleanse you; from all your sins shall ye be clean before the Lord. (Lev. 16:30) And when the priests and the people standing in the temple court heard the fully-pronounced name come forth from the mouth of the high priest, they bent their knees, bowed down, fell on their faces, and called out: Blessed be the name of His glorious kingdom for ever and ever. They handed it over to him who was to lead it away. All were permitted to lead it away, but the priests made it a definite rule not to permit an Israelite to lead it away. R. Jose said: it once happened that Arsela of Sepphoris led it away, although he was an Israelite. And they made a causeway for him because of the Babylonians who would pull its hair, shouting to it, Take and go forth, take and go forth! Some of the nobility of Jerusalem used to go with him up to the first booth. There were ten booths from Jerusalem to the peak, a distance of ninety ris, seven and a half of which make a mil. At every booth they would say to him: here is food and here is water. They went with him from booth to booth, except the last one, for he would not go with him up to the peak, but stand from afar, and behold what he was doing. What did he do? He divided the thread of crimson wool, and tied one half to the rock, the other half between its horns, and pushed it from behind, and it went rolling down and before it had reached half its way down hill it was dashed to pieces. He came back and sat down under the last booth until it grew dark. 3. The link between nature in Israel and the religious calendar The chatzav symbol of fall and the high holy day season: Pictures of chatzavim: http://www.botanic.co.il/a/picshowh.asp?qcatnr=URGMAR&qseqnr=URGMAR1 http://www.botanic.co.il/hebrew/research/chazav_files/chazav.jpg www.whitesquill.com/squillflowersinfield.jpg http://www.israelimages.com/files/15789.htm

A Song for Tishrei Datya Ben Dor Between summer and fall The month of Tishrei With everything we love In the month of Tishrei. 219
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- .

Apple and honey And apple on a flag And new clothes for the holidays. For we all know That the month of Tishrei Is a very festive month. Between summer and fall The month of Tishrei With everything we love In the month of Tishrei. The chatzav of Tishrei, The sharav of Tishrei The first rain the dampens the schach. For we all know That the month of Tishrei Is a very changeable month. Between summer and fall The month of Tishrei With everything we love In the month of Tishrei. Brachot of Tishrei Slichot of Tishrei And a silent prayer going up For we all know That in the month of Tishrei A new year begins for me.

. . - . , . . - . , . .

On Rosh Hashanah Naomi Shemer On Rosh Hashanah, on Rosh Hashanah A lily bloomed in my garden On Rosh Hashanah a white boat Anchored suddenly along the shore. On Rosh Hashanah, on Rosh Hashanah Our heart answered with an ancient prayer That the year that begins today

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Will be different and beautiful. On Rosh Hashanah, on Rosh Hashanah A cloudlet bloomed in the autumn sky On Rosh Hashanah, like a memorial candle, A chatzav came up in the field. On Rosh Hashanah, on Rosh Hashanah Our heart answered with an ancient prayer That the year that begins now Will be different and beautiful. On Rosh Hashanah, on Rosh Hashanah A melody bloomed that no one knew And within a day that song echoed From all the windows of the city. On Rosh Hashanah, on Rosh Hashanah Our heart answered with an ancient prayer That the year that begins with a song Will be different and beautiful.

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Lesson 26: Sukkot

1. Outline a. Booths b. Four species c. Ingathering d. Pilgrimage e. Dedication f. Simchat Torah 2. Introduction Sukkot is a much loved and much studied festival that comes to round up the fall holiday season. It works as a harvest festival in Europe and North America, and is associated with messages of eco-harmony and colorful customs. And it ends with Simchat Torah, certainly a non-Israel-based celebration (and likely a Diaspora innovation). Thus, one can happily observe Sukkot without noticing any connection to Israel. And yet, there are a number of aspects of this festival that definitely express our connection to the land of Israel. This unit seeks to highlight these, without necessarily reviewing the whole range of religious meanings, values, and observances connected with the holiday. 3. Lesson goals a. Seeing Sukkot as a window on the nature, climate, and agriculture of Israel b. Seeing Sukkot as a memorial of the Temple and the pilgrimages and hence as a major vehicle for maintaining a link to Eretz Yisrael and Jerusalem in memory and in hope c. Seeing Simchat Torah as a window on the development of the Israel-Diaspora relationship 4. Expanded outline a. Why sukkot? The first mention of the term in the Bible occurs in Genesis 33:17; when Jacob and Esau part after their reunion, Jacob journeys to a place called Sukkot which, we are told, got its name from the sukkot he built there. The location is east of the Jordan: http://www.anova.org/sev/atlas/htm/022.htm Later, the first mention of the festival occurs in Exodus 34:22, but there it is simply referred to as the feast of ingathering. The name Sukkot occurs in Leviticus 23:33-36 and 23:39-43. Here we are told to live in sukkot for the week, because God made the Israelite people live in sukkot when [He] brought them out of the land of Egypt. This always provides some difficulty in explanation as it is hard to imagine that we actually lived in sukkot in the desert. On the other hand, Beduins in Sinai do build structures out of palm fronds from oases there, which may reflect the origin on this verse. http://www.leidenuniv.nl/fsw/band/Sinai/Culture/NabqBedouinHuts/nabqbed ouinhuts.html

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Meanwhile, if you drive around the Galilee today you will see shacks in the Arabs fields, made of remnants of sheet metal and other building materials, for workers to rest and eat during a long workday far from home: http://www.trekearth.com/gallery/Middle_East/Israel/photo162570.htm It seems that this practice of building field huts, especially during the harvest season when the work is intense, may be the origin of Sukkot and that the passage in Leviticus is attaching a historical origin onto a well-established custom. If so, then the sukkah is simply a feature of the landscape of Eretz Yisrael that we raised to a sacred symbol. Interesting: one original meaning of the sukkah is tied to the agriculture in settled Israel; the other, historical meaning, overlaid by the verse in Exodus, refers to the experience in the desert, outside of Israel. Which meaning speaks to us today? b. Lulav and Etrog (the four species) For a clear, brief, and useful discussion of the connection of the four species to the arrival and settlement of the Children of Israel in Eretz Yisrael, see: http://www.jafi.org.il/education/festivls/tish/29.html The instructions in Leviticus, besides the commandment to dwell in Sukkot (and it is of interest to consider here the difference in climate between Israel, where this is usually possible in September-October, and Europe/North America, where it often is not possible), include taking the fruit of hadar trees, branches of palm trees, boughs of leafy trees, and willows of the brook and rejoicing with them. i. The etrog: apparently the first of the citrus family to be known in Israel, having come from India/China via Persia. See, for example: http://www.innvista.com/health/foods/fruits/citron.htm or http://33.1911encyclopedia.org/C/CI/CITRON.htm The first chief rabbi of Palestine, Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook, saw the etrog grown in Israel as an important symbol of our reconnection to the land: http://www.geocities.com/m_yericho/ravkook/SUKKOT65.htm On the other hand, it has often happened that etrogim from the Diaspora have provided serious competition e.g., http://www.haaretz.co.il/hasen/pages/ShArtAcademyEn.jhtml?itemNo=341418 &contrassID=9&subContrassID=1&sbSubContrassID=0 Does it matter? Should we be sure to obtain etrogim only from Israel? And if so, is this out of a desire to support the Israeli economy, or to strengthen our spiritual connection to Israel, by giving a definite Israel spin to a key symbol of Sukkot. ii. Hadas (myrtle) A common shrub around the Mediterranean and in warm climates around the world, apparently was a symbol of cultivation or beauty (Isaiah 41:19, 55:13). See, for example, http://bible-history.com/isbe/M/MYRTLE/ and http://www.tradewindsfruit.com/myrtle.htm or

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http://www.plantoftheweek.org/week125.shtml iii. Lulav (palm) One of the most distinctive features of the lowland parts of the Israeli landscape (especially the Jordan valley from the Kinneret to the Dead Sea), the date palm is a biblical symbol of beauty and strength (Psalm 92:13). See: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4054&pge_prg_id=17073&pge_id=1698 And see the picture of the famous carved date palm in the Capernaum (Kfar Nahum) ancient synagogue in this site about the seven species and the four species: http://www.tau.ac.il/lifesci/botany/judaism.htm iv. Willows The text specifies willows of the brook, and indeed, it turns out that that is the only place that willows can grow in Israel near a stream, as they cannot survive the dry season without a source of water. http://web.odu.edu/webroot/instr/sci/plant.nsf/pages/willow This interpretation places the four species in four different climatic regions of Israel so the Lulav/Etrog covers the whole country: http://www.chagim.org.il/information1.html Whether we buy this or not, it is clear that the four species represent trees that were important parts of the landscape of Eretz Yisrael they were not chosen only for the various midrashic interpretations we tend to give them; e.g., about different types of Jews all bound together, etc. c. Hag Heasif (Feast of Ingathering) In Deuteronomy 16:13 we read that we are to hold the Feast of Sukkot after the ingathering from your threshing floor and your vat. The grain harvest, whose stages were celebrated at Pesach and Shavuot, is now over for the year. The grape harvest has ended. Not mentioned here, the markets are full of pomegranates and dates, and the olive harvest takes place just at Sukkot. In other words, several important agricultural staples of the land are harvested just at this season. Today, the olive harvest is still a very distinctive feature of the culture of Judea, Samaria and the Galilee, main olive growing regions. See, for example: http://www.gemsinisrael.com/e_article000008711.htm And some Galilee Diary entries on the seven species: Barley: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4053&pge_prg_id=15515&pge_id=1698 Wheat: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4007&pge_prg_id=15515&pge_id=1698 Grapes: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4008&pge_prg_id=15515&pge_id=1698 Fig: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4009&pge_prg_id=17073&pge_id=1698

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Pomegranate: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4010&pge_prg_id=17073&pge_id=1698 Olive: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4011&pge_prg_id=17073&pge_id=1698 Dates: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4054&pge_prg_id=17073&pge_id=1698 d. Pilgrimage i. Aside from the commanded practices of dwelling in sukkot and rejoicing with the four species, the Torah specifies that sacrifices are to be offered as part of the festival, and that each male is to come in person to bring his gift: Leviticus 23:36 and Deuteronomy 16:16. Sukkot, like Pesach and Shavuot, is thus designated one of the regalim, or pilgrimages, when the people came to bring their sacrifices and celebrate together in Jerusalem. What was the experience like? The Mishnah gives a sense of the Sukkot experience at the Second Temple. (see passages appended at end of unit) quite a wild scene of fire, music, dancing, juggling, etc. Important for us here is to note that Sukkot in Jerusalem was unlike Sukkot any place else: you had to be there. The pilgrimage festivals and especially Sukkot, perceived as The festival - made a very strong statement: kids dont try this at home. There is a center of the world; there is only one place where sacrifices may be offered. There is only one place where you can experience rejoicing unlike any other and that place is Jerusalem, a real place in the real geographical world. Thus, since the destruction and the exile, Sukkot, for all its color, is but a pale reflection of the Real Thing. And so for us, Sukkot offers the opportunity to consider this world-view, and to discuss the extent to which we accept a place-centered conception of Judaism; perhaps the destruction and exile had a positive aspect, liberating Judaism from this place-dependency. Or is it the attachment to the memory of - and hope for return to - this place that kept Judaism alive? ii. It seems that the celebration of the Water-drawing may be related to the placement of Sukkot at the beginning of the rainy season and our dependency on the rain for a good harvest. Hence, the traditional liturgy for Shemini Atzeret includes a special prayer for rain, recited only this once all year. The fact that it was recited by Jews in every corner of the Diaspora demonstrates how the calendar created a sort of virtual connection between Jews who had never seen Eretz Yisrael and the seasons and the agriculture of the land. ...which brings us to consider the nature of the climate in Israel, and the fact that the whole agricultural regime of the country depends on the amount of rain that falls in the rainy season and is stored either by man (in cisterns and reservoirs) or by nature (in lakes and subterranean aquifers) for use during the dry season. This is quite different from what we are used to in the temperate climates where most of us live, and gives rise to a much

iii.

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stronger sense of dependence whatever on force (God or the gods) causes the rain to fall. See, for example: Deuteronomy 11:10-17 http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=3575&pge_prg_id=15517&pge_id=169 8 on rain-dependence and the liturgy http://israelstorms.netfirms.com/ on rainy weather in Israel http://www.lookstein.org/lessonplans/sukkot.pdf a sample lesson plan emphasizing the difference between Eretz Yisrael, where we are dependent on rain, and other lands like Egypt, where there are permanent water sources. e. Dedication That Sukkot had greater significance than just one of the three pilgrimages can be seen from the instruction in Deuteronomy 31:10-13, that on Sukkot of every sabbatical year, the people are to be assembled at the place of Gods choosing for a public proclamation of and rededication to the Torah. Thus Sukkot seems to have had a special role in linking land, Torah, and people. Furthermore: the various passages from the Torah were instructions for observance of Sukkot, given in the desert, for application once we had arrived in Eretz Yisrael. It took a couple of centuries for us to get organized to build the Temple. Solomon chose Sukkot as the time to hold a dedication feast of the Temple when he completed building it: see I Kings 8; (note in vss 65-66, it seems he added an additional week to the festivities). And later, the account of the first Chanukah (rededication of the Temple) in the Second Book of Maccabees brings out the significance of Sukkot as a feast of dedication: II Maccabees 10:5ff And it came about that on the very same day on which the sanctuary had been profaned by aliens, the purification of the sanctuary took place, that is on the twenty-fifth day of the same month, which was Kislev. And they celebrated it for eight days with gladness, like Sukkot, and recalled how a little while before, during the Sukkot festival they had been wandering in the mountains and caverns like wild animals. So carrying wands wreathed with leaves and beautiful branches and palm leaves too they offered hymns of praise to Him Who had brought to pass the purifying of His own place. So it seems that Sukkot, more than the other festivals, was tied up with affirming the sanctity of the Temple, and re-affirming our connection to it. Interesting that a festival that celebrates portability, temporariness, the vulnerability of the structures we build, is the same festival that affirms the centrality in our spiritual life of a particular place and a particular building.

f. Simchat Torah

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There is evidence that in Mishnaic times in Eretz Yisrael, the Torah was divided into approximately 154 sections, so that it took three years to complete the cycle of weekly readings. See: http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/view.jsp?artid=327&letter=T The custom of reading the whole Torah in a year seems to have originated in Babylonia. Sometime in the middle ages, the custom developed of celebrating the annual renewal of the reading on the second day of Shemini Atzeret (in the Diaspora, of course). Thus, our Simchat Torah holiday is Diaspora based in two ways: it was based on a Babylonian Torah reading cycle, and it was observed on a day that in Eretz Yisrael was not a holiday. Today, in Israel, Simchat Torah is observed on the day of Shemini Atzeret itself, although in many communities a second, public celebration is held on the following evening (the same evening as Simchat Torah in the Diaspora; since it is no longer yom tov, people may drive, using instruments and amplification, etc., thus encouraging he secular population to participate. This is an interesting example of the power of the Diaspora communities to determine practice even in Israel. Meanwhile, in recent years, many Conservative congregations have adopted a modified version of the ancient triennial Torah reading cycle, as a way of shortening the weekly reading (presumably to make it easier to prepare and sit through). See http://learn.jtsa.edu/topics/diduknow/responsa/trichart.shtml With the reestablishment of the state of Israel, perhaps a return to the ancient triennial system makes sense? 5. Thoughts on practical applications in the classroom, materials Our purpose is to help the teachers become naturals at including the Israel dimension of Sukkot whenever they teach about it. Thus, it would seem that a solid familiarity with the basic texts Torah and Mishnah defining the holiday as celebrated in Israel should be the bottom line of this unit, along with discussion of their own feelings regarding the various themes and ideas linking Sukkot to Israel.

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Sources: Mishnah Sukkot 4:1 The lulav and the willow branch sometimes six and sometimes seven days; the Hallel and the rejoicing eight days; the Sukkah and the water libation seven days; and the fluteplaying sometimes five and sometimes six days. 4:9 The water libation: How so? A golden flagon holding three log (a log is about 1.5 pints) was filled from the pool of Shiloah. When they arrived at the Water Gate they sounded a prolonged blast. [The priest] went up the ramp and turned to his left, where there were two silver bowls. R. Judah says, They were of plaster, but their surfaces were blackened because of the wine. And they each had a hole like a narrow spout, one wide and the other narrow, so that both were emptied out together, the one to the west was for water and that to the east for wine. If one emptied out that for water into the one for wine or that for wine into the one for water, it was valid. R. Judah says, With one log they could carry out the libations all the eight days. To him who performed the libation they used to say, Raise thy hand! - for on one occasion he poured it over his feet and all the people pelted him with their etrogim. 5:1 The flute-playing sometimes five days and sometimes six days. This was the flute playing at the Water-drawing celebration which overrode neither a Sabbath nor a Holiday. They said that anyone who had not witnessed the rejoicing at the Water-drawing celebration had never seen rejoicing in his life. 5:2 At the close of the first Holy day of the festival of Sukkot they went down to the Court of the Women where they had made an important re-arrangement. And golden candlesticks were there with four golden bowls at their tops and four ladders to each one, and four youths from the young priests with pitchers of oil, holding 120 logs, in their hands, which they used to pour into every bowl. 5:3 From the worn-out trousers and girdles of the priests they made wicks and with them set alight; and there was not courtyard in Jerusalem that was not lit up with the light of the Waterdrawing celebration. 5:4 Pious men and men of good deeds used to dance before them with burning torches in their hands and sang before them songs and praises. And the Levites on harps, and on lyres, and on cymbals, and with trumpets and with other instruments of music without number upon the fifteen steps leading down from the court of the Israelites to the Womens court, corresponding to the fifteen songs of ascent in the Psalms (Ps. 120-134); upon them the Levites used to stand with musical instruments and sing hymns. And two priests stood at the Upper Gate which led down from the Israelites court to the court of the Women with two trumpets in their hands. At cockcrow they sounded a prolonged blast, a quavering note, and a prolonged blast

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L e s s o n 27:
Tu Beshvat
1. Outline: a. A summary of the halachic roots and implications of Tu Beshvat. b. The development of the mystic celebration of the day in 16th century Safed. c. Exploring the Zionist adaptation and interpretation of the day. d. The evolving meaning of Tu Beshvat in Israel today. 2. Introduction: Tu Beshvat is mentioned in the Mishna not as a holiday but as the cut off date in determining tithes and orlah. (See lesson 9 on the mitzvot of the land of Israel). Despite these humble beginnings the day has evolved into a holiday commemorating our connection to the land of Israel and its natural bounty. In this class we will trace the evolution of the day and the different meanings it has acquired throughout the ages. We will try to understand the reasons behind the significance each age chose to emphasize and how the different interpretations reflect a changing connection to the land of Israel. 3. Goals: a. To familiarize the students with the halachic relevance and recall the connection between the land of Israel and the people of Israel signified by the agricultural mitzvot. b. To compare different interpretations and meanings given to Tu Beshvat by different Jewish communities throughout Jewish history. c. To explore the possible underlying influences and circumstances that led to the development of new traditions on Tu Beshvat. d. To understand how Tu Beshvat reflects changing attitudes toward the land of Israel e. To study how Tu Beshvat is celebrated today in the state of Israel and the Diaspora and the implications of such celebrations regarding our connection to the land of Israel. 4. Expanded Outline: a. The Halachic Sources i. On its most basic level Tu Beshvat simply means the 15th day of the month of Shvat. "Tu" is formed from the letters tet and vav which are equivalent to 15. This date is not mentioned in the

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Bible as a holiday and first appears in Tannaitic sources where its significance is only as the cut off date in determining to which year the fruit belongs. The Bible sets out a 7 year cycle in which there are different tithes owed each of the first six years and the seventh is shmitah. Since there are different recipients for the various tithes (the Levite received every year but on the first, third, fifth and sixth years there was a tithe given to the poor also, and on the second and fourth years this second tithe was designated for the owners personal use in Jerusalem), it is necessary to know to which year each fruit belongs. The rabbis established the 15th day of the Hebrew month Shvat (halfway between Sukkot and Passover) as the relevant date. All fruit that blossomed before this date belongs to the previous year. All fruit that blossomed after it, to the next. There are sources that use Tu Beshvat to determine which fruits are designated as produce of the shmitah year and which grew after. The 15th of Shvat also determines the age of a new tree in regards to the mitzvah of orlah. Any tree planted before the 15th of Av enters its second year the following Tu Beshvat. As such Tu Beshvat originally was significant only as a technical date in determining the halachic status of fruit grown in the land of Israel. (see source 1-3). ii. The sages in the Talmud and the Midrash offer different agricultural explanations of why this specific date was chosen. They are connected with the annual rainfall in Israel. (see sources 4-5). It is interesting to note that the Zodiac sign for Shvat is Aquarius the water carrier - or in Jewish tradition Dli - a bucket of water. The sages saw this as a reflection of the fact that Shvat is the height of the rainy season in Israel. iii. It is likely that the term Rosh Hashanah allowed for an analogy between the trees new year and that of people and gave rise to the legend that on Tu Beshvat a heavenly court judges the trees and pronounces sentence, much the same as it does in regard to humans on Rosh Hashanah [the first of Tishrei], when man's fate is believed to be decided. iv. Although Tu Beshvat is primarily a technical date, the day is essentially connected with the land of Israel, its climate and agriculture. It is this connection, between the mitzvot and the agricultural reality of the land, symbolized by the 15th of Shvat, that gave rise to the significance of Tu Beshvat in Jewish consciousness.

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v. Suggestions for classroom activities and discussion: Studying the Mishna and suggesting other possible new years. A live reenactment of tithing a basket of fruit using either students or dolls to represent the recipients. As an elementary school student in Toronto I was taught that even though Tu Beshvat came out in the dead of winter when the only thing growing on the trees was icicles, in Israel it was the beginning of spring and everything was blooming. Living in Israel over the last twenty years I have found this to be less than accurate. Tu Beshvat is still in the dead of winter. It is cold and rainy. However in Israel winter is the one season when everything is green. It is true that a few trees have started budding, the most famous one being the almond tree which has become a holiday icon. An interesting discussion can focus on different perceptions of winter and spring in different places in the world and how Jews connected to the seasons of Israel no matter where they were in the world (e.g. the prayer for rain on Shemini Atzeret). b. The Mystical Development of Tu Beshvat i. Paradoxically it was in the exile, after the date had lost all its practical relevance, that Tu Beshvat developed into a special day dedicated to the fruits of Israel and came to symbolize the nations longing for the land. After the people was exiled from the Land of Israel, the physical connection between man, trees and the earth turned into one of consciousness. Hymns were written in honor of the holiday and various traditions and customs were set including eating fruits of the land. In the European Diaspora dried fruit - the only fruits that are available when the holiday occurs, at the end the European winter, were symbolically eaten on the day. Nuts where also eaten, almonds in particular. Being, traditionally, the tree to herald the spring, the almond is the symbol of rebirth and purity. A modern example of equating eating the fruits of Israel with longing for the land can be found in Naomi Shemers song The Fruits of the15th of Shvat (See source 6) ii. It was predominantly the kabbalists in 16th centaury Safed, Rabbi Isaac Luria and his disciples, who emphasized the custom of eating fruit on the 15th of Shvat, as a symbol of man's participation in the joy of the trees. The Kabbalists added to the eating of fruit the notion of a Seder for the Fifteenth of Shvat, celebrating the rebirth of trees. Their Seder, designed as a parallel to the Passover Seder, was built around fruits and nuts and cups of wine of different colors, which became for them edible symbols of the mystical Four Worlds as well as invocations 231
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of God's Holy shefa, all of life's abundance. Sections from mystical sources about nature and the land were studied (The most popular being from Chemdat Hayamim; later the section containing the tikkun for Tu Beshvat was published separately as Pri Eitz Hadar. See source 7 for a small extract). Variations of this custom spread to different communities throughout the Jewish world. (See source 8 for links to Seders based on mystical texts). Today the custom of having Tu Beshvat Seders has resurfaced in Israel and the Diaspora. Different communities and schools put together booklets of sources of their choice adding songs, poems, rabbinic texts, dances and customs they find meaningful and relevant. iii. The mystical sources compiled for Tu Beshvat deal primarily with Kabbalistic representations of the world, the inherent holiness of the land of Israel, the seven species. c. The Zionists and Tu Beshvat i. When the Zionist pioneers started to settle in the land of Israel at the end of the 19th century, Tu Beshvat took on a new and vital significance. No longer a symbol of passive longing for the land, the Zionists identified the date with the active redeeming, replanting and cultivating the land that reflected their own hopes and efforts. Amid afforestation activities Tu Beshvat became a day of tree planting. The first to identify Tu Beshvat with tree planting was the educator Ze`ev Ya'avets. In 1892 he took his pupils to plant trees in Zichron Ya'acov. ii. In 1908 the Jewish National Fund and Jewish education system adopted the custom of school children and their teachers going out to the fields and mountains to plant saplings. The planting of trees was turned into a symbol of the participation of the individual in the national project of redemption and rebuilding. Biblical and Talmudic texts emphasizing the importance of tree planting were quoted as the Zionists sought to connect their new custom of tree planting with the tradition of celebrating Tu Beshvat. For example, the Knesset website, when describing the pioneers tradition of tree planting, explains that it was a symbol of national redemption as in the olden days when Rabbi Yohanan Ben Zakai said: "If you have a sapling in your hand and are told that the Messiah has arrived - plant the sapling and then go to greet him." (Avoth DeRabbi Nathan' b' ch.31). (see source 9)

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iii. By 1913, the tradition was so well established that the Israel Teacher's Association, along with 1500 Jewish students, traveled to the Jewish colony of Motza, three miles west of Jerusalem, where the students planted trees and exchanged fruits with each other. This Jewish Arbor Day was further cultivated by the Jewish National Fund in an effort to combat the deadly disease of malaria in the swamplands of the Hula Valley (see source 10) by planting eucalyptus trees. Such campaigns succeeded in establishing Tu Beshvat as a holiday that embodied the very essence of the Zionist enterprise (see source 11). iv. As such the date was also chosen as an inaugural date by various institutions since it was perceived as the day which symbolized the renewed ties between the Jewish people and its land. The cornerstone of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem was laid in 1918; the Technion in Haifa in 1925; The Knesset - the Parliament of Israel in 1949. (See source 12) v. This emphasis on tree planting continues until today in Israel, but as time went on and Zionist ideals of redeeming the Land began to loosen their hold on the national psyche the day has once again taken on new shades of meaning. d. Tu Beshvat in Israel Today i. As the new state grew and became more and more urbanized the tradition of planting trees became a symbolic activity rather than one that was actually needed, as it had been in the early Zionists day. As tree planting became less relevant Tu Beshvat began to encompass broader themes including a general appreciation of nature, ecology and conservation. (see source 13) ii. In the last decade the custom of having a Seder Tu Beshvat has become popular. No longer necessarily based on Kabbalistic texts, different communities have adapted and designed their own version of the Tu Beshvat seder choosing songs, texts, themes and customs that they find relevant and meaningful. (see source 14) iii. In recent years, in reaction to the greening of Tu Beshvat, Religious Zionist rabbis have started speaking about how Tu Beshvat is losing its meaning and the need to return to the true meaning of the day. They suggest that the day should also include studying of the agricultural mitzvot - both the laws and their significance - as an expression of the Jewish peoples connection to the land. Is this a closing of the circle? (see source 15) 233
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Conclusion and Questions for Discussion: The changing character of Tu Beshvat reflects the changing circumstances of the Jewish people, their perception of the land of Israel and their relationship to it. How do you think the holiday will continue to evolve? Are any interpretations more authentic than others? What texts and customs would you include in your Tu Beshvat Seder?

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Sources 1. Mishna Rosh Hashanah Chapter 1 Mishna 1: "There are four New Year days: The first of Nissan, the New Year for kings and the festivals; The first of Elul, the New Year for the tithing of animals; The first of Tishrei, the New Year for the counting of years, the Sabbatical year (shemitah), and the Jubilee, and planting and vegetation; and The first of Shvat, the New Year for Trees - according to the followers of Shammai. Those who follow Hillel say (and we abide by this ruling): it is on the fifteenth of Shvat."

2. Tosefta Shveeit 4/13: All trees that blossomed before the 15th day of Shvat they are of the previous year; after the 15th of Shvat they are of the next year. 3. Babylonian Talmud , Tractate Rosh Hashanah 14b: "If one picked fruit from an etrog tree on the eve of the 15th of Shevat before the sun went down, and he then picked more of its fruit after the sun went down, we may not separate the tithes from one batch for the other... either from the new crop for the old or from the old crop for the new one..." 4. Babylonian Talmud Tractate Rosh Hashanah 14a: Rabbi Eliezer says in the name of rabbi Oshiya: Since most of the rains for the year have fallen (the Rabbis chose the 15th of Shvat) Rashi explains: Since most of the rains have fallen the sap has started running in the trees and fruits have begun to blossom. 5. Jerusalem Talmud, tractate Rosh Hashanah Chapter one Halacha 2: Rabbi Zeira says until now (the 15th of Shvat) the trees lived off the rains of the previous year from now on they live off the rains of the next year. 6.

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Snow is falling on my city through the night, My beloved is in warmer lands. Snow is falling and the night is cold, From the warmer lands he will bring me a date. Honey of figs and sweetness of carobs, Caravans of camels loaded with goods, From there the sun will return to my heart And bring me a golden fruit. Snow on my city and on my face, And all my longings are embodied in this fruit. To hear the song open by title at: http://shironet.gpg.nrg.co.il/homepage.aspx?homep=1
7. From Chemdat Yamim, a kabbalistic text on the holiday

On this day the earth in Eretz Yisrael renews its ability to produce grain, to bear fruit, to flow in oil and honey. It is a day of great joy for all of Am Yisrael. On this day Am Yisrael eat the fruit of the land and enjoy its bounty, blessing He who gave them this Eretz Chemda- beloved land - and they pray to go up to the land and rejoice in its rebuilding. May it be Your will, O Lord our G-d and G-d of our ancestors, by virtue of the fruits which we shall now eat and over which we will make blessings, that You abundantly bestow on the fruit trees Your grace, blessing, and favor. May the angels appointed to rule over the fruit trees be strengthened by Your glorious grace, causing the trees to sprout and grow once again, from the beginning to the end of the year, for good and for blessing, for good life and for peace. And let us say: Amen. 8. http://hillel.myjewishlearning.com/holidays/Tu_Bishvat/TO_Tu_Beliefs/Kabbalah_ 365.htm http://www.shemayisrael.co.il/tubishvat/index1.htm
www.aish.com/holidays/tu_bshvat/last/seder1.htm

http://www.aish.com/tubshvat/tubshvatcustoms/Kabbalistic_Tu_Bshvat_Seder.as p
orld.std.com/~muffin/design/judaica/tubshvat.pdf

9. Another example of tying Biblical texts with tree planting is the popular song Ki Tavou el Haaretz which is based on the Biblical verse in Leviticus 19/23:

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Ki Tavou el Haaretz ue netatem

kol Eitz Maachal Venatan haEitz Priyo VeHaaretz yevulah Eit lentoa ilanot

Eit lentoa ve livnot

And when you come to the land you shall plant fruit trees And the trees shall give their fruit and the land its produce A time to plant trees A time to plant and build 10. The history of the Hula Valley provides an interesting example of the changing attitude in Israel toward the land and its development that have also effected Israeli perception of Tu Beshvat. The draining of the hula swamp was seen as one of the major accomplishments of the State. The main aims of the drainage plan were to eradicate malaria and to convert the swamp into arable land. The project became the standard bearer of the entire Zionist movement to resettle the land and re-establish the Jewish National Home in the Holy Land. The project was only partially successful. The environment was negatively impacted. The quality of the soil deteriorated and eventually the quality of water in Lake Kinneret was threatened. In the early 90s the decision was taken to partially reflood the Hula valley. The aim of re-flooding was to rehabilitate the diverse wetland ecology and create an area attractive to eco-tourism (the Hula Valley is on the main migration route of birds between Africa and Europe), as well as to create a clear water body, to help clean the water flow to the Lake of Kinneret. Where once clearing the land and developing agriculture were the ideals today ecology, environment and developing tourism have become important in determining Israels decisions in land use and development. See : www.migal-life.co.il/history.htm 11. For example, the prominent historian and educator, Joseph Klausner, wrote in 1920: 237

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[Tu Beshvat] is a reminder to us that we will not leave father nature and mother earth; that the land is holy in the most exalted religious national sanctity; that the people and the tree will be bound together and will not be separated, on the good land that was given to our ancestors and to us to eat of its fruit and to be satisfied with its plenty and in the end, that as long as we have a closeness and sensitivity to nature as expressed in the holiday of Tu Beshvat, we will be rooted in the soil and all the evil winds that blow on us from all sides will not move us from our place. Let this minor holiday arouse in us the desire to be rooted in our land like a green tree in the earth of its orchard and then the spring will come also for us, then a new year will begin for us as for the trees in our beloved land, after the cold winter of exile. 12. http://www.knesset.gov.il/tubishvat/ebday.htm 13. From the JNF site: http://www.jnf.org/site/PageServer?pagename=CR_tu_bshevat_2004 Tu Beshvat - the New Year for Trees - is a time when trees start drinking the New Year's rainwater and the sun renews itself. As the Jewish Arbor Day, Tu Beshvat embodies the strong dedication to ecology, environmentalism and conservation that Jewish National Fund has championed since its inception in 1901. "Tu Beshvat reminds us that no matter what happens, we all have to share this planet and care for it," said Russell F. Robinson, CEO of Jewish National Fund. "Over the years, Tu Beshvat has taken on the theme of planting trees in Israel, making it JNF's holiday," he added. "Perhaps no other organization is as strongly associated with a holiday as JNF is with Tu Beshvat." Since its founding, JNF has planted more than 240 million trees in Israel to protect the land, prevent soil erosion, green the landscape and preserve vital ecosystems. The trees maintain forest health, combat desertification, protect watersheds and manage water flow. Additionally, they create a green lung' to combat carbon dioxide emissions in the region. JNF's success at planting trees in Israel has resulted in naturally expanded forests and reclaimed deserts. During the early pioneer movement in late 18th and early 19th century Palestine, Jewish pioneers linked the environmentalism of Tu Beshvat with the practice of planting trees in the land of Israel. In recent years, Jewish environmentalists adopted Tu Beshvat as a "Jewish Earth Day," with organized Seders, tree-plantings and ecological restoration activities, as a way to express a specifically Jewish commitment to caring for nature and protecting the land..

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In Israel, Tu Beshvat is a time for families to get together, visit forests and plant trees. A 2002 poll showed that 93% of Israelis believe that Tu Beshvat tree plantings are essential to enlarging the country's green belts. More than two million trees are planted annually in Israel during Tu Beshvat alone. Or: http://www.jnf.org/site/PageServer?pagename=Celebrate_Tu_BShevat On Tu Beshvat we celebrate the New Year for the trees. We eat the wonderful fruits that grow in Israel and we pray for a fruitful and bountiful year. As Jews we have two homes - Israel and planet Earth, and we are responsible for each. Join over 250,000 other students like yourself and celebrate your relationship with both by planting trees in Israel. Trees help Israel's environment by providing green spaces throughout the country. They make the land beautiful, prevent soil erosion, and produce oxygen. 14. Some examples of modern Haggadot or Tikkun for Tu Beshvat: A version of a "Ma Nishtana" (the Four Questions) for Tu Beshvat composed by Nogah Hareuveni of Neot Kedumim (1979):

"Why is the seder of the night of Tu Beshvat different from the seder of the night of Passover ? Because at the Passover seder we eat Matzot (unleavened bread), on this night: only fruit. At the Passover seder we drink wine of any color, on this night: white and red wine. At the Passover seder we tell of the exodus from Egypt, on this night: we speak of the fruits of the trees". In his "Seder Chamisha Asar Beshvat" (Seder of the Fifteenth Day of Shvat), Rabbi Y. Ariel, of Yeshivat Yamit (Neve Dekalim, 1988) gave symbols to the seder of Tu Beshvat along the lines of Kadesh U-rehatz of Passover:

"Reading, washing, blessing, eating, The olive, the date and the vine One should eat and drink the wine; Pour the wine well; eat a nut from its shell; With pomegranates and figs from their trees to eat 239
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Our seven kinds of fruit are complete; End with an apple and new wine to give praise; In song and prayer each voice to raise And blessing upon G-d we call Other haggadot: http://learn.jtsa.edu/topics/kids/together/tubshevat/ (from the JTS site) http://sixthirteen.org/images/tubishvat/haggadah5763.pdf (an Orthodox site) http://www.mosaicoutdoor.org/form-files/Tu-B-Shvat_Seder.pdf http://www.coejl.org/tubshvat/documents/tub_haggadah.php (from the Coalition of Environment and Jewish life: COEJL is the leading Jewish environmental organization in the United States.)

15. From: http://www.kipa.co.il/jew/show.asp?id=3475 Rabbi Yuval Sherlo- Rosh Yashiva of the Hesder Yeshiva in Petach Tikva and a member of Rabbanei Tzohar Tu Beshvat is an essentially a significant date in halacha. important for establishing the halachic status of the fruit.This is the original significance of the date. The world of halacha created this datenot the Keren Kayemet [JNF]. Therefore it is incumbent on us to do two things. Firstly to bring back, at least for ourselves, the original significance of the day. This is done by studying the laws pertaining to the day (the laws of orlah, tithes, etc.) on Tu Beshvat as well as laws concerning the holiness of the land in connection with the mitzvot, the different categories of holiness, their definitions and relevance. This way we can educate our children and accustom them to connect to the original meaning of the day and not its adopted one. Once we know the original meaning of the day we can join in the planting and enjoy..This way we tie its essential roots with todays reality... (my translation).

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 " . , . , " , ; , " ; , " " . , , . , . , , . ) : , ( , , , " " . , . " , , , , . , .

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L e s s o n 28:
Megilat Esther, Exile, and Zionism
1. Outline Reading Megilat Esther thought Zionist glasses Purim in Israel today 2. Introduction Purim is generally viewed as a particularly happy holiday, characterized by a number of customs designed to make us laugh, to make us push the envelope of what is permitted and what is acceptable, in the direction of wild celebration. The story behind the holiday, contained in Megilat Esther, is an entertaining drama, with suspense, irony, sexual innuendo, cartoon violence, and a happy ending. So we read the scroll, but parts we drown out with noise; and we sing, and clown, and masquerade, and party and move on to the more serious joy of Pesach. This picture is true in the Diaspora as well as in Israel, and part of this unit will look at Purim observance in Israel. However, it is possible to see in the Esther narrative a darker view of the events, which all the merriment, perhaps, comes to cover up. Perhaps the Purim story can be seen as a dark satire on the Diaspora, as a Zionist tract, emphasizing the vulnerability of the Jews when they are not in their own land. Thus, it can give us some insight into the meaning of Exile and the necessity of national sovereignty. 3. Lesson goals 4. Awareness of the Zionistic reading of Megilat Esther and its implications for our self-understanding as Diaspora Jews 5. Knowledge of Purim observance in Israel 6. Expanded outline 7. Reading Esther: a few suggestions for interpretation of particular passages 8. Chapter 1: the setting: a world of hedonism and perverted values. This is the culture in which we are a minority, in which we need a degree of acceptance in order to survive. 9. Chapter 2: a queen is chosen Vss. 5-6: we are dealing with the descendants of the exiles from the Babylonian conquest 3 generations after the exile presumably thus after Cyrus proclamation allowing the Jews to return: these are the Jews who chose to remain in the Diaspora.

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10-11: Esther is sent by her cousin/foster father Mordecai to enter the harem competition, with instructions to keep her Jewish identity secret. 14-16: Esther spends the night with the king, wins the competition, and is crowned queen. What is clear so far is that this is not a beauty contest, as we like to teach it. It is, if we think about it in terms of our values, a terrible story, about a foster father who prostitutes his charge (what for? To gain power and favor for himself at the court?), sending her into the harem of a king who is not only not Jewish, but is a disgusting caricature of a Levantine despot. Of this we are supposed to be proud? And yet, as Diaspora Jews, it is just such perverse victories that often make us proud (so the book seems to be saying). We love Jewish celebrities even gangsters. 21-23: a secondary plot, showing us that Mordecai is indeed a court insider, and uses Esthers connection to ingratiate himself with the king. 10. Chapter 3: the plot thickens Vss. 1-6: Mordecai refuses to bow to his competing courtier, Haman; he doesnt say this is because he only bows to God; that is our interpretation. Perhaps he, as a descendant of Saul, refuses to bow to a descendant of Agag, the Amalekite (see Ex. 17:14-16, Deut. 25:1719, and I Sam. 15). In any case, he says he wont bow because he is a Jew so Haman decides to get rid of the Jews. 8-11: Haman brings the classic anti-Semitic claim: a people whose laws are different from those of any other people and who do not obey the kings laws. And that plus a bribe of 10,000 talents of silver is enough to seal the fate of the Jews. A power struggle between two courtiers and the Jews are sentenced, gratuitously and meaninglessly, to death. Life in the Diaspora. 11. Chapter 4: Mordecai has an ace (actually a queen) up his sleeve Vss. 1-9: Mordecai seeks to exploit Esthers position to save the Jews. 10-11: But Esther has paid a high price for her position, and it is still precarious; she is unwilling to risk it.

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12-14: Mordecai brings her down to earth: you may think you have made it, but youre really just one of us. If we go down, you go down with us. 15-16: Esthers moment of truth, of heroism. She could just walk away, but she fulfills our Diaspora fantasy, and accepts her identity, takes the risk. 12. Chapters 5-6: The tension builds, the conflict between Haman and Mordecai sharpens. 13. Chapter 7: sex trumps money. Haman and his plan are crushed by Esthers personal appeal to the king. 14. Chapter 8: Mordecai replaces Haman The Jews go from powerless to powerful, from slated for annihilation to wielders of the sword against their helpless enemies. Vs. 17 and many of the people of the land professed to be Jews, for fear of the Jews had fallen upon them. 15. Chapter 9: consolidation of the victory Vs. 4: For Mordecai was now powerful in the royal palace, and his fame was spreading through all the provinces; the man Mordecai was growing ever more powerful. 16. Chapter 10: We might say that Mordecai is the first court Jew, ranking next to the king and using his rank for the welfare of all of his kindred except that we have seen that Joseph was already in a similar position, centuries earlier. 17. Chapter 11: It is interesting to make up a next chapter of the Megila. What happens when Esther falls out of favor like Vashti? Or when after further palace intrigue, a new Haman arises and displaces Mordecai? Or the king dies? It is in thinking about what comes next that we realize the darkness of this happy story. The Jews in the Diaspora are as secure as their current protector and s/he is never very secure. Not only that, but even to gain that protection we have to make horrendous compromises, to prostitute ourselves, to live by the values of a culture that we find repulsive. We are, in short, powerless in a world that is run by power. We can have the illusion of power for a moment or a lifetime, but in the end, we are vulnerable to the whim of every king and to the machinations of every petty court conniver.

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Could it be that the laughter of Purim is the laughter of the author of the Megila laughing at us for thinking it can ever be otherwise? Or is it our own nervous laughter, as we think about the next chapter is it happened time and again in Jewish history. Except, of course, when we are sovereign in our own land. 18. Purim in Israel 19. Endless holiday. From a minor one day holiday, Purim in Israel has been transformed into nearly a week of festivity: 20. There is of course no school on Purim, so Purim parties in school must be held the day before. 21. But the day before is Taanit Esther, when it is customary to fast, in identification with Esthers order to the Jews to fast before she goes to the king (4:15-16); that is not an appropriate day for parties. 22. So school parties are moved back to two days before Purim. 23. But according to custom cities that are believed to have been walled since the time of Joshua observe Purim a day later (Shushan Purim 9:17-19 see http://www.ou.org/chagim/purim/when.htm ); today this includes only Jerusalem; but since there cant be different days off in different cities in a proper modern state, Purim is a two-day vacation from school. 24. Thus, we end up with a least a four day sequence, not to mention various private parties, festivals, etc., before and after. 25. Public holiday: Purim is modern Israel is reminiscent of Carnival or Mardi Gras in Christian countries: a public festival of masquerade, wild partying, drinking. For years the central event was a huge parade and fair in Tel Aviv, called the Adloyada (from the traditional term for a Purim celebration based on the Talmudic statement that one is obligated to drink enough on Purim so as not to know [ad dlo yada] to differentiate between cursed is Haman and blessed is Mordecai.). Today the Tel Aviv Adloyada is not always held, but there are others. See http://www.virtualtourist.com/travel/Middle_East/Israel/Tel_Aviv_District/Tel_Aviv _Yafo-1708077/Local_Customs-Tel_Aviv_Yafo-Purim_holiday-BR-1.html and http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3063333,00.html and here are some weird pictures: http://www.hatzolah.org.il/gallery/61/ 26. Of course, in synagogues, the Megilah is read evening and morning (often with cap pistols in place of graggers). But for most Israelis, Purim is a secular celebration, primarily for children. The buying and making of costumes is a big deal, and the range of possibilities is endless, from pop culture figures to traditional costumes. You know youre in the Jewish state when you meet all these characters on the bus and on the street during Purim week.

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27. Hamantaschen (Haman pockets in German; apparently based on mohntaschen poppyseed pockets) are called Oznei Haman in Israel (Hamans ears). 28. A number of recent Purims in Israel have been associated with historical events that seemed to have a connection to the content of the holiday: 29. The end of the first Gulf war in 1991 30. Baruch Goldsteins massacre in Hebron, 1994 31. A brutal terror attack at Dizengoff center in Tel Aviv, 1996

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L e s s o n 29:
Pesach
1. Outline a. The first Pesach in Eretz Yisrael b. Evolution of the Haggadah in ancient times c. Transformation of the Haggadah in the kibbutzim 2. Introduction In this unit we will trace Pesach from its first celebration, by Joshua and the people of Israel immediately upon entering Eretz Yisrael, to its transformation in modern times by the pioneers of the kibbutzim in Israel. From Joshua's time onwards, while the tabernacle and then the Temples existed in Israel, Pesach was celebrated by the sacrifice of the Paschal lamb, to commemorate the meal eaten by the children of Israel on their last night in Egypt. When the Second Temple was destroyed, Pesach (along with the other festivals, and indeed the whole of Judaism) was transformed by the sages into something completely different a family celebration, comprising a festive meal and learned discussions on the topics of the day (the proportions between the two differ from family to family). The Haggadah, the text that accompanies the seder, began to take shape during that period, but continued to develop throughout the ages. The pioneers of the kibbutzim, trying to design a celebration which would express their commitment to Zionism, socialism and communal life, transformed the Haggadah in new and interesting ways. We will examine a large collection of excerpts from different kibbutz Haggadot to see how the values of the members shaped the texts they used. Pesach is the holiday that celebrates our deliverance from slavery in Egypt. It is strange that the culmination, as it were, of that event, namely the entry into Eretz Yisrael, is not celebrated neither on Pesach nor on any other traditional holiday. As we shall see, the editors of the kibbutz Haggadot tried to remedy this omission by transforming Pesach into a festival which celebrates their modern-day exodus and return to the land. 3. Lesson goals a. Reflection on the development of the Pesach celebration, and in particular the text of the Haggadah, through the ages b. Familiarity with some of the unique characteristics of the kibbutz haggadot, as a reflection of the values of the kibbutz 4. Expanded outline

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a. The first Pesach in Eretz Yisrael The book of Joshua (and the first few chapters in particular) tells the end of the story which began with the exodus. After 40 years of wandering, the children of Israel have done their penance in the desert and are ready to enter the Land. The parallels in the process are striking: Joshua 3, 5-17, in which the crossing of the Jordan reminds us of the crossing of the Red Sea. How are the people crossing the Jordan different from the people who crossed the Red Sea? 40 years have passed, and the slaves who left Egypt have all (except Joshua and Kalev ben Yefune) died in the desert. Joshua is leading now, not Moses a war leader, not a law-giver . The people carry with them the Ark with the tablets of Law, and the river parts when the Ark-bearers feet touch it, and not as a response to Moses' raised staff. There is no sense of hesitation and fear in the passage the story exudes a sense of confidence and purposefulness lacking in the escape from Egypt. Joshua 4:4-9, 20-24. At the site of the passage, Joshua erects a monument to the event. The reason he gives echoes the reason given for various commandments that commemorate the exodus (Exodus 12:26, Exodus 13:14 the phrases used are identical) to raise questions from the children who have not undergone the formative experience themselves. Why was the exodus commemorated in commandments, while the entrance is commemorated by a monument? Perhaps because the children who ask the questions will see the monument when they walk by it in their Land, and have their interest piqued, whereas a monument left in Egypt will hopefully never be seen by children of Israel again. Joshua 5:2-12. What are the first events that take place in Eretz Yisrael? The covenant (literally, the Brit) which they have not been practicing during all their years in the desert, needs to be renewed, so all the males undergo circumcision. After this ceremonial act is done, they celebrate the Pesach, and the next day, they eat of the fruits of the Land for the first time. The manna, which has been feeding them for all the desert years, ceases. What is the symbolism behind each of these events? The entrance into the land is marked by a renewal of the covenant with God (which also commemorates Abraham the first Jew), and then a commemoration of the journey's beginning, with Exodus. Then the children of Israel part from their life in the desert by weaning themselves from the manna, which has nourished them for forty years, and starting to eat a "grownup diet" from the crops of Eretz Yisrael. A national rebirth? The long journey which began exactly 40 years ago ends symbolically with the celebration of the Pesach - for the first time as a commemoration and not as the event

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itself but also for the first time as the agricultural festival described in the Torah (Leviticus 23:4-14). b. Evolution of the Haggadah in ancient times What we know as the traditional Haggadah of today began to evolve during the end of the time of the Second Temple, or after its destruction. As part of the revolution of Rabban Yochanan Ben Zakkai, who created a Judaism that could be transported to exile and survive without a temple, the Haggadah replaces the rituals of the pilgrimage and the temple sacrifice with an educational ritual performed by each family at home. The main body of the Haggadah is a long midrash on Deuteronomy 26:1-10, as specified by the Mishnah (Pesachim 10:4): " and one should interpret from 'My father worked'. As you can see in Deuteronomy, this "short history of the Jewish people" was recited by people who brought their first fruits to the Temple. The biblical text starts with the forefathers and ends with the entrance to the Land; but curiously, the Haggadah discusses all the verses except the last one, which tells of the entrance to the Land! Why is this so? Did the Rabbis want to spare the Jews in exile the salt on their wounds, and so omitted what could have been a long midrash extolling the virtues of the Land? Were they trying to suggest that the miracle of the exodus, and later the giving of the Torah in the desert, were the real high points of the story, and the entrance just the tail end? Were they leaving the completion of the midrash to the Rabbis in the age of the Third Temple? It is interesting to note that the text of the Haggadah changed over time, affected by local customs, historical events and contemporary fashions. To see an example of early evolution, examine sources 1-3 (see also the summarizing table). All three are versions of the questions asked by the child at the beginning of the seder. Sources 1 and 2 are different versions of the Mishnah, while source 3 is from the traditional Haggadah we use today. What are the differences between the versions, and why do they occur? The first version (which contains only 3 questions!) contains a question about roast meat, which refers to the Pesach lamb, a sacrifice which each family roasted on an open fire and ate on Pesach eve. After the destruction of the temple, this sacrifice could no longer be brought, the ritual of the Paschal lamb ceased, so the question no longer applied in reality. As Maimonides says: "These days one does not say ' this night only roasted ', as we have no sacrifice" (Mishneh Torah, Hametz u'Matzah, 8, 3). This question was replaced by the question about the maror, which used to be a part of the Pesach sacrifice, but was continued even after the Pesach lamb was retired. The question about reclining was apparently added even later, in Babylonia, reflecting the

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surprise of Babylonian children at the custom (copied by the Rabbis of the Mishnah from Greco-Roman nobility) of reclining during the seder meal. The difference in the "dipping question" stems again from a difference in the eating customs between Eretz Yisrael (as reflected in the Mishnah) and Babylonia (as reflected in the traditional version, taken from the Talmud). In Eretz Yisrael, under the influence of Greco-Roman culture, it was customary to eat vegetables dipped in salt water as appetizers. This was not the case in Babylonia. c. Transformation of the Haggadah in the kibbutzim As we saw in the above exercise, former generations saw fit to alter and change the Haggadah to adapt it to their circumstances. When the Zionist pioneers came to Palestine and founded new kibbutzim, in the beginning of the 20th century, a wave of new Haggadot began to appear. The pioneers were fueled by youthful rebellion against the tradition of their forefathers, yet retained a measure of nostalgia for the old rituals they had left behind, along with family and traditional community. There followed a period in which each kibbutz published its own version of a Haggadah, used by kibbutz members in a communal seder. It is estimated that about 1000 Haggadot, a fifth of the Haggadot ever to be published throughout history, were produced by the kibbutzim. Examine the attached excerpts from a collection of kibbutz Haggadot, to see some differences from the traditional versions. Some differences to note: The stress on Pesach as a spring festival, including songs extolling the beauty of nature in Eretz Yisrael, and agricultural references to the season of harvest; frequent quotations from Song of Songs. Eretz Yisrael itself, omitted from the traditional Haggadah, is ushered back in the kibbutz Haggadot. The biblical story, glossed over in the traditional Haggadah, became the foundation of many kibbutz Haggadot. Similarly, Moses, who does not appear at all in the traditional Haggadah, makes a comeback in the kibbutz version. Contemporary questions, about the status of the world, the Jewish people and the kibbutz, replace the traditional four (Methodological note: an interesting activity is for students to write their own four questions, after examining some of the kibbutz versions). The emphasis on the parallels between the story of the exodus from Egypt concluding with the entry to Eretz Yisrael, and the exodus from Europe culminating in the birth of the Jewish State. References are made to current events, with heavy emphasis on the Holocaust. The words of contemporary poets (Bialik, Tshernichovsky, Rachel) are incorporated into the Haggadah. The artistic styles depart from the traditional Haggadot, depicting scenes from nature, influenced by the oriental style affected in Bezalel (the first art school in Israel).

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Sources 1. Mishnah Pesachim 10:4 according to (among others) the Parma manuscript, one of the most reliable ancient manuscripts. Look, how different this night is from all other nights! On all other nights, we dip once, this night twice. On all other nights, we eat chametz or matzah, this night only matzah. On all other nights, we eat meat roasted, fried or cooked, this night only roasted. 2. Mishnah Pesachim 10:4 according to the printed versions of the Mishnah and Talmud. Look, how different this night is from all other nights! On all other nights, we eat chametz or matzah, this night only matzah. On all other nights, we eat all kinds of vegetables, this night only maror. On all other nights, we eat meat roasted, fried or cooked, this night only roasted. On all other nights, we dip once, this night twice. 3. The Four Questions, from the traditional Haggadah (translation from the Open Source Haggadah Project at http://www.opensourcehaggadah.com/). What makes this night different from all [other] nights? On all nights we need not dip even once, on this night we do so twice On all nights we eat any kind of vegetables, and on this night maror On all nights we eat sitting upright or reclining, and on this night we all recline Mishnah, Parma manuscript On all other nights, we dip once, this night twice On all other nights, we eat chametz or matzah, this night only matzah On all other nights, we eat meat roasted, fried or cooked, this night only roasted Mishnah and Talmud, printed versions On all other nights, we eat chametz or matzah, this night only matzah. On all other nights, we eat all kinds of vegetables, this night only maror On all other nights, we eat meat roasted, fried or cooked, this night only roasted On all other nights, we dip once, this night twice. Traditional Haggadah On all nights we need not dip even once, on this night we do so twice! On all nights we eat chametz or matzah, and on this night only matzah On all nights we eat any kind of vegetables, and on this night maror On all nights we eat sitting upright or reclining, and on this night we all recline

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Translations of excerpts from: . - ,( ) .2004 Note: words from the traditional Haggadah are underlined. p. 57 Ha'Kibbutz Ha'Artzi. (From Bialik's "The last dead of the desert", 1897) Arise, desert wanderers, and leave the wilderness, The road is long, the battles are many. Cease your rootless drifting in the wasteland, Before you lies the great, open road. Forty years we have wandered between the mountains Six hundred thousand corpses we have buried in the sand. Let not the corpses of the falterers delay us, They died in slavery, let us pass over them! They shall rot in their shame, sprawled over their parcels Carried on their shoulders from Egypt. Let them dream pleasantly of onions, garlic, Huge tureens of meat. Today or tomorrow the wind shall share With the vulture the corpse of the last of the slaves. Arise, therefore, wanderers! Leave the wilderness, But do not raise your voices, tread silently! Lest your footsteps anger the desert and its sleepers Let every man hearken in his heart to the echo of his tread! Let every man hear in his heart the voice of God speak: "Go! Today you pass to a new land! No! Not worthless bread, quails and the fruit of the heavens, You shall eat the bread of sorrow, the fruit of your labor! No, not a flyaway tent, or a heavenly loft, You shall build a different house, For besides the desert, under the sky, God's world is wide. And besides the howl of the desert, the silence of the void, A beautiful land lies under the sun. p. 70 Ein Gev, 1944 This Passover seder night of the year 1944 is the ninth seder on our land, this strip of land between the Kinneret in the west and the Golan mountains in the east. 252
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This Passover seder night Is the ninth of our kibbutz as one body, uniting our people from the different diasporas. Let us commemorate our devoted comrades who were uprooted from us in the prime of their youth: at work, in defense, in disease and in the depths of the sea may their memory be always present in our endeavors! p. 73 Ein Gev, the 1940's. (Note the tower and stockade) This is the bread of affliction that our fathers ate in the land of Egypt. Whoever is hungry, let him come and eat; whoever is in need, let him come and conduct the Seder of Passover. This year [we are] here; next year: we will all be together, with our soldier comrades, with the new olim in our rebuilding land. This year the whole world is in the flames of war and oppression. Next year freedom. How is this night different from all other nights? On all other nights and days we are engrossed in everyday matters. This night we raise the memory of redemption and the vision of salvation. p. 81 Ashdot Yaakov, 1942 (From a song by Rachel) I did not plow, neither did I sow, I did not pray for rain. But suddenly, see: my fields have spouted Blessed wheat instead of thorns. p. 83 Beit Hashita 1939 (Song of Songs, 2:11-13) p. 86 -Na'an, 1942 (translation from Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, JPS, Philadelphia 1975) Why does this night differ from all other nights? For on all other nights the children eat in their own dining hall; but on this night we are all seated together, parents, children and comrades. Why is the position of the Jews different from that of all the nations? For every nation dwells in its house and homeland, but the Jews are scattered throughout the world, hated, persecuted, and even to the Land of Israel, their homeland, they are not permitted to come without hindrance. Why are there in the world poor and rich, well-fed and hungry, workers and idlers? And why do men fight instead of giving a helping hand to one another so as to be happy and joyful together? When shall the day come in which Na'an will be large, beautiful, expanded with much land about, and many brothers from exile will come to build it together with all its comrades?

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p. 101, Ayelet Hashachar, 1953 Excerpts from Numbers 13 the story of the spies sent to explore the land, who return with word of the difficulties they foresee in conquering and inhabiting it. The excerpt ends with Kalev's words: "Let us go up at once, and possess it; for we are well able to overcome it!" p. 113 Hamadia 1943 illegal immigration to Palestine was the only way to save the Jews from their fate. If we cannot save those who are being led to their deaths we, the saved, are responsible for the remnants of Israel. No other shoulders can take the burden. No back to hide behind. The fact that we, standing here today, were washed by the fate of Israel to the shore is binding upon us. It cannot but be binding. In exile a man of Israel would turn to Zion. In Zion a man of Israel must turn to the fallen Sukkah of Israel, that is falling everywhere. On every day a man must see himself as tilting the balance: either exodus or the extension of exile. May all our deeds be directed towards parting the sea and receiving the prodigals. p. 138 Ein Gev 1945 Pour out thy wrath upon the heathen that have not known thee For they have devoured Jacob, And laid waste his dwellingplace. Persecute and destroy them in anger From under the heavens of the Lord. Those who survived the terrible destruction have resolved no longer to live in the shadow of the goyim, and to set off for the land of their forefathers, now coming alive. p. 142 Ein Gev 1949 Nathan Alterman's poem "The Silver Platter" (see translation in http://www.aj6.org/jpbo/410/page2.html), glorifying the fallen soldiers in the battle for the Jewish State. p. 165 Givat Brenner , the 1950s Chad Gadia, the song that ends the Haggadah with a tale of various creatures eating, hitting, quenching and killing each other, is replaced in the kibbutz version with this vision of universal peace, cooperation and a high work ethic. Notice the omission of the butcher, the angel of death, and God himself:

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On a high hill, A shepherds' flute sings A new song for Israel. The shepherd had but a cloth tent And a kid, one kid, Chad gadia, chad gadia Who came along? A plant-rod: "Plant me, comrades, on the hill, I will give fruit and shade!" They answered in song, in unison, "Fruit and shade how nice!" Chad gadia, chad gadia Along came a bull "I plow the whole hill, Is there any as hardworking as I?" They answered in song, in unison, "As long as we have bread, we shall not fear!" Chad gadia, chad gadia

Along came a meowing cat "Make room for me too, I will not sit idly" They answered in song, in unison, "Gladly, hunter cat!" Chad gadia, chad gadia And a fire leapt from the dark: "Let there be light and fire on the hill, To roast, bake, cook!" They answered in song, in unison, "Welcome, light!" Chad gadia, chad gadia On a high hill, A scythe glitters and rings Sounds of harvest in Israel. Let us raise our voices in unison, And raise the sheaf in song, Chad gadia, chad gadia

Along came a dog, eager to please, "Is there room for me too I will guard day and night!" They answered in song, in unison, "Give us a hand, comrade, give us a hand!" Chad gadia, chad gadia A quiet spring whispered: "Divert me to the hill, and build a farm to give praise for!" They answered in song, in unison, "We have found water to raise our spirits!" Chad gadia, chad gadia

p. 193 Ha'Kibbutz Ha'Artzi 1945 On the right excerpts from Bialik's "The Dead of the Desert", describing the group who rebelled against God's punishment of Israel, in which he condemns them to wander 40 years in the desert for their reluctance to enter the land after the reports of the spies: They suddenly rouse themselves, the stalwart men of war, "We are the brave! Last of the enslaved! First to be free! With our own strong hand, our hand alone, we tore from our neck the heavy yoke. In the desert imprisoned, to misery abandoned by an avenging God, a mere whispered song of defiance and revolt stirred us to rise. 255

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To arms, comrades! Seize sword and lance, spear and javelin advance! Heaven's rage defy and in storm reply. The storm calls: Dare! Take lance, take spear. Let the mountains break up, the hills collapse, or our bodies lie heaped corpse upon corpse. Onward to the hills arise, ascend!". Source: Chaim Nachman Bialik Selected Poems, translated by Ruth Nevo. Dvir and The Jerusalem Post. See the full poem in http://www.jafi.org.il/education/anthology/english/gate5/e5b-metey_midbar.html. On the left, excerpts from the song which the children of Israel sang after the parting of the Red Sea (the Song of the Sea Exodus 15).

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L e s s o n 30:
Yom Hashoah
1. Outline Yom haShoah in Israel Israeli youth expeditions to Holocaust sites 2. Introduction In this unit we will address some of the unique aspects of the relationship between Israel (and Israelis) and the Holocaust. Some say that the state of Israel would never have been born were it not for the Holocaust, but whether or not this is true, the relationship is fundamental, complex and evolving. The Holocaust is mentioned daily in the media in a variety of contexts, and is an important part of the Israeli consciousness. The Holocaust is commemorated in Israel by law, and in recent years is one of the guiding principles of the educational system. Thousands of Israeli teenagers go each year on pilgrimages to Holocaustrelated sites in Poland, and return infused with the conviction of the vital role of Israel as a haven for worldwide Jewry. By examining Yom Hashoah, a yearly event which affects the lives of every citizen in the state, and the expeditions to Poland, a significant and formative experience for many young Israelis, we will try to understand some of the distinctive features of Israel's relationship to the Holocaust. 3. 4. 5. 6. Lesson goals Familiarity with Yom haShoah in Israel Knowledge about the development of Israelis' regard of the Holocaust Reflection on the educational dilemmas associated with Israeli youth expeditions to Holocaust sites.

7. Expanded outline a. Yom Hashoah in Israel The Holocaust and Ghetto Revolts Day was first announced by the Knesset in 1951, and later was mentioned in the Yad vaShem law as Holocaust and Heroism Memorial Day. In 1959, it was made into law (see source #1). The date, the 27th of Nissan, was chosen as it is close to the date of the Warsaw Ghetto revolt. The day is observed in Israel by official ceremonies in Yad vaShem and in Kibbutz Lochamei Hagetaot14, a 2minute siren during which all work and traffic stops and all stand in silence, media
14

Translating to "Ghetto fighters", the kibbutz was founded by survivors of the Warsaw Ghetto revolt, and runs a museum and education center Beit Lochamei Hagetaot.

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coverage of related topics, and sad music on the radio. Reading the law, several questions arise: Does Israel really need a law to commemorate the Holocaust? And should the law be so explicit in its listing of the ways in which the day must be marked? Does the late entry of the day into the law books signify a strengthening of the commitment to remember, or a step taken to hold on to the memories when they began to fade? Would you add to or change anything in the law? Why is the day called "Holocaust and Heroism Memorial Day", with equal stress on the Holocaust and the Heroism? What is the significance of the date chosen? During the Holocaust and for years after it had ended, the Israeli public regarded the majority of the Holocaust victims, who had not resisted the Nazis, with a mixture of shame and disgust. Why had these people gone "as sheep to the slaughter"? Products of years of Shlilat Hagolah, the "negation of the Diaspora," the younger generations of Israelis were inclined to blame the Jews in the diaspora for not arriving at the obvious conclusion that they should join the Zionist effort in Palestine, and, that mistake having been made, for not resisting bravely to the end. As the Nazi armies advanced in Egypt, the yishuv began to organize "the Masada Plan" - a desperate heroic defense in the mountains of the Carmel. The rhetoric implied: "We, the brave sabras, will not be meek and willing victims like our diaspora brethren, but rather fight bravely to the death." The Jews who revolted in the ghettos and camps or joined the partisan fighters in the forests were warmly embraced by the members of the yishuv, who did not wish to hear the stories of the others. In addition to looking down on the broken survivors, seen as representing all that was reprehensible in diaspora Jews, the Israelis also felt guilt for having lived normal lives while the Holocaust raged in Europe, remorse for not doing enough during the war to save the victims, resentment of the survivors for staying alive when so many had not, apprehension about hearing their stories and doubt whether they could be partners in building the state. Many survivors complained that the Israelis "just didn't want to listen," and they were left with their stories pent up inside. Amos Oz summarizes this succinctly in his recent autobiographical book:
"the refugees, the survivors we generally treated with compassion and a certain revulsion: miserable wretches, was it our fault that they chose to sit and wait for Hitler instead of coming here while there was still time? Why did they allow themselves to be led like sheep to the slaughter instead of organizing and fighting back? And if only they'd stop nattering on in Yiddish, and stop telling us about all the things that were done to them over there, because all that didn't reflect too well on them or on us for that matter. Anyway, our faces here are turned towards the future not the past, and if we do have to rake up the past, surely we have more than enough uplifting Jewish history, from biblical times, and the Hasmoneans, there's no need to foul it up with this depressing Jewish history that's nothing but a bundle of troubles (they always used the Yiddish word tsores, with an expression of disgust on their

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faces, so the boy realizes that these tsores are a kind of sickness that belonged to them, not to us)."15

This attitude changed gradually during the 60's and 70's, after many Israelis heard detailed descriptions of the events for the first time at the Eichmann trial, which was widely broadcast. In that period, the "Heroism" component was moved to back stage, and a new definition of courage, one that included the Jews' spiritual resistance, took over. In recent years, the day is universally called Yom haShoah, with the "Heroism" component quietly dropped. Was the reception the survivors received in the US different from the one described above? Are there differences in the way the Holocaust is commemorated between Israel and the US? The Holocaust is still very present in Israeli consciousness. Some recent examples from news reports of the past few years: Israeli settlers uprooted from Gaza wore orange stars to evoke Holocaust imagery (see http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/4115505.stm) World leaders are led on obligatory tours to Yad vaShem on state visits (e.g. http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3208083,00.html) Squabbles over Holocaust reparations money between various Israeli government bodies, banks, survivor organizations and Jewish organizations are periodically reported (e.g. http://www.haaretzdaily.com/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=148986&contr assID=2&subContrassID=5&sbSubContrassID=0&listSrc=Y&itemNo=148986) Occasionally musicians will attempt to play music by Richard Wagner, invariably provoking loud protests (e.g. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/entertainment/arts/1311347.stm) A good survey of the Israel-Holocaust relationship can be found in Israeli historian Tom Segev's book The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust (translated by Haim Watzman). b. Israeli youth expeditions to Holocaust sites Since the onset of diplomatic relations between Israel and Poland, Israelis have gone on visits to sites connected with Jewish existence and extermination in Poland. Since the 1980s, many groups of teenagers, organized by the Ministry of Education, schools, youth movements and independent travel agents, are sent on these expeditions. The trips have gained immense popularity for the first decade, 1985-95, it has been estimated that approximately 50,000 youths went on the trip, and the numbers have grown since.

15

Amos Oz, A Tale of Love and Darkness, Nicholas deLange (trans.), London, 2004, p. 13.

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Source #2 is an excerpt from a circular by the head of the Education Ministry of Israel, concerning trips of youth delegations to Poland, listing the goals of the expeditions (it may be interesting to compare this to source #3 a brochure to prospective "March of the Living" participants). Would you add more goals to the list? Perhaps getting to know modern Polish Jewry, both as a general example of a Jewish community in the diaspora, and as a special community living on the ashes of one of the largest communities in the past? Getting to know modern Poland, with its recent history of transition from communism? Meeting Polish youth, and hearing what they know and think about the Holocaust? Can and should the Holocaust be used to "strengthen the ties of young Israelis with their communal Jewish identity"? How about the "understanding of their personal commitment to the sovereign existence of the State of Israel"? See source #4, an article by Rabbi Professor David Hartman, who calls for making Sinai, not Auschwitz, the "orienting category shaping our understanding of the rebirth of the State of Israel". Do you agree? The circular proposes two main moral lessons to be learnt from the Holocaust; a national lesson, and a universal one. Sources 5 and 6 are cited, in one textbook used in Israeli schools16, as personal testimonials of young people who reached these conclusions. Which moral lesson do you think should be stressed more? Should we even attempt to learn from the Holocaust? Do you think there may be risks associated with the "Holocaust pilgrimages" in particular, and Holocaust education in general? Do you think the high level of "Holocaust-consciousness" in Israel affects its policies? See source #7, an article by Professor Yehudah Elkanah, in particular the sections in bold. Elkanah suggests that the imperative command to "Remember!", dinned into Israeli youth, causes them a deep-seated anxiety and causes some of them to use the Holocaust as a justification for violent attacks against people they perceive as threatening their existence. In his book The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust, Israeli historian Tom Segev claims that three of modern Israel's landmark decisions were predominantly affected by Israeli leaders' perception of the Holocaust: - The decision to bring large populations of Jews from Arab countries was motivated by fear for their future, and Israeli leaders' wish to avoid repeating what they viewed as their insufficient efforts to save the Jews in Europe. They were also brought to supplement the relatively small Jewish population in Israel, after the reserves of potential olim from Europe had been depleted by the Nazis.

16

Shalom Hartman Institute's "Arachim BeMoadam" (Values in Holidays).

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Israel's determination to manufacture and stockpile atomic bombs stemmed from a fear of being caught again by surprise, this time by a neighboring Arab country's achievement of nuclear power status. Israel's preemptive strike against the Arab countries in the Six Day War was a response to the widespread perception of Nasser, leader of Egypt, as a new Hitler, and deep-seated fears of a repetition of the Holocaust.

Sources 1. The law of Holocaust and Heroism Memorial Day (Yom HaShoah VehaGvura) - 1959 The 27 of Nissan is Holocaust and Heroism Memorial Day, dedicated, every year, to communing with the memory of the Holocaust that the Nazis and their helpers perpetrated upon the Jewish people, and the memory of the acts of heroism and revolt in those days On Memorial Day there will be a two-minute silence throughout the state in which all work and traffic will be stopped; memorials, public gatherings and commemorative ceremonies will be held in army camps and educational institutions; the flags on public buildings will be flown at half mast; radio broadcasts will express the distinct character of the day, and houses of entertainment will hold events in its spirit. Public celebrations will not be held on Memorial Day, and on Memorial Day eve the caf's will be closed Yitzhak Ben-Zvi, president David Ben-Gurion, prime minister

(available in Hebrew at http://www.knesset.gov.il/shoah/heb/memorial_law.htm)

2. Goals of the journey to Poland Getting to know the spiritual and cultural richness, the extent and vitality of Jewish life in Poland before World War II by visiting sites and meeting remnants of Jewish life spread across the breadth of Poland Feeling and attempting to grasp the meaning, depth and extent of the destruction and loss of the Jews murdered, and the Jewry uprooted Getting to know the main tenets of Nazi ideology, understanding the motives and circumstances that brought about Nazism's rise , and deeds of cruelty and bestiality unprecedented in human history; to understand the foundations of the totalitarian regime under which Nazi Germany declared a war of extermination against the Jewish people and murdered a third of our people, and also committed other crimes against humanity, and to reflect upon the national moral lesson of the need for a sovereign and strong Jewish state, and also the universal moral lesson of the duty to protect and defend democracy and fight all forms of racism Getting to know and appreciate the full significance of the brave stand and the hopeless struggle of the Jews who set out to fight the bitter enemy and his evil intent

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Strengthening the ties of young Israelis with their communal Jewish identity, deepening their identification with the fate of the Jewish people and strengthening their feeling and understanding of their personal commitment to the continuity of Jewish life and the sovereign existence of the State of Israel Getting to know and understand the complexity of relations between Jews and Poles throughout their joint history, with its positive and negative aspects, and understanding the history and legacy of the Jews of Poland against the background of Polish history and culture Bringing about a reevaluation and rethinking of concepts, basic assumptions and patterns of thought connected to the history of Israel, Jewish behavior during the Holocaust, the values of Zionism, Gentile-Jewish relations, ethics and humanism. Providing the youths with the opportunity to act to reconstruct, rebuild, clean and restore Jewish sites and remains scattered throughout Poland

Excerpt from circular by the head of the Education ministry, concerning trips of youth delegations to Poland (available in Hebrew at http://www.education.gov.il/edun_doc/se4bk7_6_10.htm).

3. March of the Living brochure http://www.motl.org/docs/2005_March_brochure.pdf 4. Rabbi Professor David Hartman, Auschwitz Or Sinai? http://www.hartmaninstitute.com/ShowContent.asp?id=89 5. I have just finished reading a horror book about the Holocaust: House of Dolls, and I feel with all my soul the horrors of this awful Holocaust I feel that out of all the horror and helplessness there arises and grows within me a huge power to be strong; strong to tears; sharp as a knife; quiet and terrible; I want to know that never will those bottomless eyes look at me from behind the barbed wires! They will not look at me like that if only I am strong! If we are all strong! Strong and proud Jews! Never led again to the slaughter.
From the letters of Ofer Fenigger, a kibbutznik from Givat Haim, who fell in the battle for Ammunition Hill near Jerusalem, in the Six Days War.

6. I would like to ask you not to forget the dead. I would like to beg you, and fervently ask that you avenge us, that you take revenge upon those criminals whose cruel hand removed us from among the living. I would like you to erect a monument for us a monument that will reach the sky, a monument the whole world will see a statue, not of marble or stone, but of good deeds. For I believe wholeheartedly that only such a monument may promise you and your children a better future, and then the same evil which took over the world and made it a living hell will never return.
Donya Rosen, Friends of the Forest (Hebrew), Yad vaShem, Jerusalem, 1988, pp 93-94. Written by Donya Rosen at age 12, hiding in the forest after the murder of her family. She survived and made Aliyah to Israel.

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7. As a 10 year old I was taken to Auschwitz and went through the Holocaust. I was liberated by the Russians and spent a few months in a Russian "liberation camp". Later I told myself, that similar behavior characterized many of the people I had encountered: Germans, Austrians, Croats, Ukrainians, Hungarians, Russians and more. It was clear to me that what happened in Germany could happen anywhere, and to any people, including my own. On the other hand, I was aware that it was possible to prevent events like these by proper education, and a suitable political climate. There is, and never has been, an inevitable historical process that unavoidably brings about the murder of one nation by another. For decades after my Aliyah (I arrived with the founding of the state) I did not consciously reflect upon the question of whether the Holocaust has a pure educational-political lesson. I must have been building my future, and did not attempt to generalize theoretically about the use of the past. It was not that I repressed my memories or refused to talk about them. I often discussed the past and my personal conclusions from it with my four children. I shared my feelings and thoughts with them but did it strictly on a personal level. I recoiled from following the Eichmann trial17, and my strong objections to the Demjanjuk trial18 and to accompanying my children on visits to Yad vaShem, I attributed to a personal, somewhat idiosyncratic tendency. Today I see things differently. In the last few weeks, in conversations with my friends, I feel a strange advantage over those born in Israel, who did not go through the Holocaust. Every time a "deviation"19 is reported, they initially refuse to believe, and only when reality strikes their face do they surrender to the facts; many lose all proportions, and are ready to believe that "everyone behaves this way" or that "the IDF behaves this way," and some have hearts filled with hatred both for the perpetrators and for the Arabs who bring us to this. Existential fear Many think that most of the nation is devoured with deep hatred, and on the other hand are sure that the Arabs really hate us deeply. This does not happen to me. First, there is no "deviation" which I have not witnessed with my own eyes. This is no passing remark; I was an eyewitness time after time: I have seen a bulldozer bury living people, I have seen a group running amok, snatching respirators from old people in a hospital, I have seen soldiers in a frenzy breaking the arms of civilians, including children. None of this is new to me. Still, I will not generalize, I do not believe everyone hates us, I do not believe all the people of Israel hate Arabs, and I don't even hate the perpetrators of the "deviations" not that I condone them, of course, or that I do not expect them to be handled within the full extent of the law.
See details at http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/article.php?lang=en&ModuleId=10005179 18 See details at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Demjanjuk 19 This phrase was used to designate reported violent behavior of Israeli soldiers and settlers towards Palestinians during the Intifada (the Palestinian uprising).
17

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On the other hand, I wonder about the roots of the matter. I do not belong to those who believe that half this nation are brutal beasts. Most emphatically I do not belong to those who see frenzy and brutality as a matter of ethnic background. There is no connection in my eyes between uncontrolled behavior and ideological extremism. On the other hand, ideological extremism is more characteristic of the Jewry from Russia, Poland and Germany than the Jewry from Africa or Asia. Some think the economical, social and security pressures have created a generation the majority of whom are frustrated and do not see a future for themselves on the simple level of personal existence the ability to gain an education and a profession, the ability to make an honorable living and attain suitable accommodation and living standards. It is hard to estimate the truth of this conjecture, and especially the size of the population for which such frustration holds true. It is well known that personal frustration can bring about any deviant behavior. Recently I am becoming convinced that not personal frustration, as a socio-political force, motivates Israeli society in its relations to the Palestinians, but a deep existential fear, fed by a specific interpretation of the lessons of the Holocaust, and a willingness to believe that the whole world is against us and we are the perpetual victims. I see this ancient belief, which so many hold today, to be Hitler's tragic and paradoxical triumph. From Auschwitz, two nations emerged, symbolically: a minority who claim "It will never happen again," and a frightened and apprehensive majority who claim "It will never happen to us again." A danger to democracy Of course, if these are the only two possible lessons, I have adhered all my life to the first, and have seen the other as disastrous. But my words here do not aim at supporting one of these beliefs, but to the normative claim that any lesson or view of life that is rooted in the Holocaust is disastrous. Without overlooking the historical importance of collective memory, an atmosphere in which a whole nation decides its attitude towards the present and molds its future by making major reference to the lessons of the past is disastrous to a society that wishes to live in relative peace and security like all the nations. Collective history and memory are an inseparable part of the culture of a people, but the past should not be let to control and decide the future of a society, and the fate of a people. The existence of democracy is in danger when the memory of the victims of the past participates as an active force in the democratic process. All the ideologues of fascist regimes well understood this. It is no coincidence that most of the research on Nazi Germany is concerned with the political myths of the Third Reich. Leaning on the lessons of the past in order to build a future, using the suffering of the past as a political argument, are like inviting the dead to participate in the democratic process of the living.

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Jefferson, one of the founding fathers of the American nation, expressly wrote in one of his political letters, that democracy and worship of the past are incompatible. Democracy is the cultivation of the present and the future, cultivating remembrance and an addiction to the past undermine the foundations of democracy. In my opinion, if the Holocaust was not so deeply engrained in the national consciousness, the conflict between Jews and Palestinians would not bring about so many "deviations", and possibly even the political process would not reach a dead end. A call to hate I do not see a greater danger to the future of the State of Israel than the fact that the Holocaust has been systematically and powerfully inculcated into the consciousness of the entire Israeli public, even that very large sector who did not experience the Holocaust, and into the generation of sons who were born and raised here. For the first time I understand the enormity of our actions, when for decades we sent every child in Israel to visit again and again at Yad vaShem. What did we want these tender children to do with this experience? We recited with unswayable minds and hearts, without explaining "Remember!" what for? What is the child supposed to do with these memories? For many the horrific pictures may serve as a call for continuing, blind hatred. It may be important that the world remember. I'm not even sure of that, but in any case this is not our concern. Every nation, even the Germans, will decide in its own way and for its own reasons if it wishes to remember. We, on the other hand, must forget. I do not see a more important political and educational task for the leaders of this nation today than to stand by the living, to devote themselves to building our future, and not occupy themselves, morning and night, with the symbols, ceremonies and lessons of the Holocaust. They must uproot the dominance of the historical "Remember!" over our lives. *** I have written harsh words, uncharacteristically for me, black on white. It is no coincidence or passing mood. I did not find a better way to emphasize the gravity of the situation. I do know that a nation does not, should not completely forget its whole past. And of course, some myths are necessary to build our future, like the myth of excellence or the myth of creativity. And of course I do not mean that history should no longer be taught. I tried to fight the continuation of the pivotal role of the Holocaust in our national existence.
Professor Yehuda Elkanah20/ In Favor of Forgetfulness (Ha'aretz, 2.3.1988)

At the time of writing, Professor Yehudah Elkanah was the head of the Institute for the History and Philosphy of the Sciences at the University of Tel-Aviv, and headed the Van-Leer Institute in Jerusalem.

20

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L e s s o n 31:
Yom Yom Ha-Atma'aut
1. Outline: a. A summary of the origins of the day and its establishment as a holiday in the State of Israel. b. An examination of the connection between Yom HaZikaron (Memorial Day for Fallen Soldiers and Victims) and Yom HaAtzmaut and Israeli ambivalence to the proximity of the dates. c. Exploring the religious connotations of the day and its celebration as a religious holiday. 2. Introduction: Yom HaAtzmaut Israels Independence Day -has become an accepted almost universally in the Jewish world as a day of celebration and identification with the State of Israel. Jewish communities the world over mark the day with gala dinners, Israel parades, picnics, youth activities etc. This date, more than any of the traditional holidays, expresses Jews connection to the State and the land. In this lesson we will examine some of the issues and different perceptions of Yom HaZikaron and HaAtzmaut in various segments of Israeli society. This study will help illustrate issues and ideologies discussed in Israel today and question how these might be relevant to Diaspora Jewrys perception of the state as well as the day. 3. Goals: a. To familiarize the class with how Yom HaAtzmaut is perceived and celebrated in Israel in general. b. To examine the connection between Yom HaZikaron and Yom HaAtzmaut in Israeli and its changing meaning in Israeli society. c. To examine the religious significance given to the day and its expression in emerging rituals. d. To explore if and how these expressions of Israeli society are relevant to Jews outside of Israel. 4. Expanded Outline: a. Historical Summary i. The State of Israel was proclaimed on the day the British High Commissioner left Palestine and ended the British Mandate several months before its official deadline. In order to prevent a vacuum of authority David Ben Gurion convened the peoples

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representatives in the Tel Aviv Museum, proclaimed the establishment of the State of Israel and installed a provisional government. The date was Friday the 14th of May 1948 corresponding to Hebrew date of (see calendar lesson) 5th of Iyar 5708. The establishment of the State of Israel at that time was not an obvious course of action as a guerilla war against the local Arabs had been in progress for months, claiming many lives, and it was clear that the armies of the neighboring Arab States would invade the infant state as soon as it was proclaimed. Ben Gurion was under both international and domestic pressure to delay the official establishment of the State. He felt that if the historical opportunity was lost it might not return and chose to declare the State despite the situation. (See source 1) Discussion: It is always fun to second guess history and an interesting discussion can be what if? What if the state was actually proclaimed later as a result of diplomacy, without the War of Independence how would that affect the character of the State? The myth of an embattled people triumphant against all odds? Would that effect the Jewish perception of the State of Israel? 1. The following year the first Knesset enacted a law declaring the 5th day of the month of Iyar as a national holiday called Yom HaAtzmaut - Independence Day. (see source 2) The 5th of Iyar was chosen over the 20th of Tammuz - the anniversary of Herzls death - or the 11th of Adar which was Yom HaHagana commemorating the battle of Tel Chai. Discussion: What were the possible reasons/significance for suggesting each of these dates? Why do you think they werent chosen? Why was the 5th of Iyar chosen? Note how different dates are important in different eras. Today almost no one remembers the 11th of Adar. Would we have remembered the 5th of Iyar if a different date had been chosen? 2. In Israel Yom HaAtzmaut is an official day off (much appreciated in a country lacking in Sundays). In the earlier years of the State the main celebrations centered on public gathering and celebrations in the streets at night, military parades in the day. Today public Israeli rock and pop concerts in city squares and parks are more common in the evening. Most Israelis spend the day itself going on picnics and having BBQs, hiking and nature walking, visiting etc. All national parks, archeological and historical sites are open to the public free of charge as are army bases and police training centers. Military museums are also opened free of charge. Annual events include the ceremony of granting the "Israel Prize, recognizing individual Israelis for their unique contribution to the country's culture, science, arts, and the humanities, and the World Bible Contest, both of which are televised.

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Discussion: Do the ways Israelis choose to celebrate officially and personally reflect their feelings toward the State? In what ways? b. Yom HaZikaron and Yom HaAtzmaut i. Yom HaZikaron is observed on the 4th of the Hebrew month of Iyar. This state holiday honors veterans and fallen soldiers of the State of Israel and the Israel Defense Force who died in the modern Arab Israeli conflict. In recent years Yom HaZikaron also commemorates civilians murdered by Palestinian acts of terror. ii. In 1949 the army decided to investigate the possibility of dedicating a specific date to consolidate all the different memorial services for the fallen of the various military branches. The choice of dates was not obvious. Three dates were suggested: Lag BOmer (a date that recalls Jewish valor in Roman Times), the 11th of Adar (the Hagana Day- recalling the battle Tel Chai and the modern Jewish fighters), or as part of Yom HaAtzmaut. At first Ben Gurion decided to combine the day with Yom HaAtzmaut by including a memorial ceremony at the beginning of the festivities (as exists in many communities in the Diaspora today) and adding the laying of wreaths as one of the days activities. In 1950 such was the intention but the Organization of Bereaved Parents objected. They argued that the memory of the fallen deserved a day in its own right and not just an addition to Yom HaAtzmaut. As a result a compromise was reached in which the memorial ceremonies were separated from Independence day events and moved up to Thursday the 3rd of Iyar (the 5th fell that year on Shabbat). Thus was set the custom of commemorating the fallen near but not on Yom HaAtzmaut. In 1951 an official decision was made to commemorate Yom HaZikaron always on the day before Yom HaAtzmaut. iii. The day includes many national ceremonies for the fallen soldier, in which senior public officials and military officers are present. Yom HaZikaron opens the preceding evening at 8:00 pm, with a one-minute siren during which most Israelis stand in silence, commemorating the fallen and showing respect. Many communities hold community services right after the siren, recalling the fallen through personal stories, singing songs about war and loss and saying prayers for the souls of the fallen soldiers. A two-minute siren is heard the following morning, at 11:00, which marks the opening of the official memorial ceremonies and private remembrance gatherings which are held

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at each cemetery where soldiers are buried. Schools hold their own services and children are dressed in blue and white. iv. The media that day is dedicated to shows depicting fallen soldiers and victims as well as their families coping with their loss. The radio plays sad music from a large repertoire of ballads and music written about the wars and their victims found in Israeli music. (see source 3) v. Memorial day in Israel is a day of raw emotions of sorrow and loss. In Israel time has not dulled the pain and many losses are relatively new, being recalled first-hand by family and friends. It is not as much about a nation paying respect to its forbears as a day of mourning for fallen children, parents and brothers. (see source 4) vi. The official "switch" from Yom HaZikaron to Yom HaAtzmaut takes place a few minutes after sundown, with a ceremony on Mount Herzl in Jerusalem in which the flag is raised from half staff (due to Yom HaZikaron) to the top of the pole. The president of Israel delivers a speech of congratulations, and soldiers representing the army, navy, and air force parade with their flags. In recent decades this small-scale parade has replaced the large-scale daytime parade, which was the main event during the 1950s and '60s. The evening parade is followed by a torch lighting (hadlakat masuot) ceremony, which marks the country's achievements in all spheres of life. vii. The message of linking these two days is clear: Israelis owe their independence--the very existence of the state--to the soldiers who sacrificed their lives for it. This sentiment is expressed movingly in Natan Altermans poem The Silver Platter which is traditionally read at memorial services. (see source 5). Despite the strong feeling of connection between the two days in recent years, perhaps because unfortunately more and more families are joining the ranks of the bereaved, or due to a change in public sentiment and sensitivity, there have been suggestions of separating the two days. It is argued that the sudden swing from mourning to celebrations is too much for the bereaved to bear. (see source 6) viii. Another interesting question raised by the proximity of dates is a change in perception about which day impacts Israeli society more strongly. It is clear that the founding fathers of the state

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envisioned Yom HaAtzmaut as the focus and Yom HaZikaron as a preliminary leading up to it. Yom HaAtzmaut was legally declared a national holiday in which there is officially no work. Yom HaZikaron was established when the government accepted the recommendation of the Committee for Memory of the Fallen Soldiers. It is not an official day off. However, partially due to it being the eve of Yom HaAtzmaut and partially since many have memorial services to attend it has turned de facto into a partial day of work with most businesses closing early as on Erev Shabbat. It can be argued that the hope of the early years was that Israel would follow in the path of most Western nations, whose memorial days gradually lost their importance and impact as the years pass and the fallen are forgotten. However the Israeli reality has been one of continual war and losses with more and more of the population being directly affected. At the same time the ideals of nationalism and Zionism have become less evident on the national psyche as the Zionist dream became reality. As such the emotional impact and relevance of Yom HaZikaron has increased over the years and it has acquired a quasi-religious aura as a holy day meaningful to secular Israeli society. There are some who say that as such it eclipses the celebrations of Yom HaAtzmaut in Israeli consciousness today. c. The Religious Significance of Yom HaAtzmaut i. Jews with a religious outlook on life find religious significance in the renewal of Jewish Independence. The State of Israel is perceived as the answer to millennia of prayers for a renewal of Jewish political power in our ancestral land. It is recognized as a divine kindness allowing the Jewish people a measure of safety in an often anti-semitic world. For some it is seen as a herald of the final redemption. (see for instance in the prayer for the State of Israel composed by S.Y. Agnon- source 7). These perceptions of the day and the events it signifies elicit in the believer feelings of thanksgiving and joy that require religious expression. This need for a religious framework for the day has generated both debate and ritual. In Israel, this side of the day has evolved mainly among the religious Zionists and it is interesting to examine the questions, debates and forms it has given rise to. ii. The first halachic difficulty posed by establishing the 5th of Iyar as Yom HaAtzmaut was that this day falls in a period known as Sfirat Haomer (the days between Passover and Shavuot); since tannatic times this period as been observed as a period of mourning. (The official reason for the mourning is the death of

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24,000 students of Rabbi Akiva in a plague. Some explain the plague as defeat at the hands of the Romans during the Bar Kochba revolt). Observant Jews refrain from wearing new clothes, holding celebrations or attending public forms of entertainment, cutting their hair etc. During such a time the celebrating of Yom HaAtzmaut requires rabbinic recognition that the miracles celebrated are of such significance and importance to all of the Jewish people that they override the mourning observed due to Sfira. (see source 8) iii. Even once the day is recognized as a holiday worthy of celebrating, the question arises of what form such celebrations should take. The most debated question is whether or not to recite Hallel. Hallel is a set of Psalms, a prayer of thanksgiving, traditionally added to the morning service on the three regalim, Rosh Hodesh, Chanukah and Purim. The Babylonian Talmud states: Our Rabbis have taught: who composed Hallel? The prophets decreed it for Israel, to be recited on festivals, and also whenever they are delivered from trouble." The ensuing halachic debate concerns whether Yom HaAtzmaut answers this criterion or not and whether Hallel should be recited with or without a blessing. For those who rule against saying Hallel the question of what to do about Tachanun (a penitential section of the morning service omitted on holidays or congregational celebrations) arises. The varying responsa are a mix of legalistic concerns and ideology (see source 9). Officially the Chief Rabbinate has declared the day a holiday with an obligation to say Hallel with a blessing. Most, but not all, religious Zionist communities in Israel act accordingly. Many (especially outside of Israel) try to equate halachic rulings on this issue with Zionist fervor. While there is definitely an ideological influence on the halachic discourse it is not only about ideology but also about legalistic interpretations which lead to some anomalies. The most obvious of these is the practice of Yeshivat Merkaz Harav Kook (the very source the ideology that sees the State as something intrinsically holy) where Hallel is said without a blessing (due to a different legal interpretation). It is interesting also to note that these issues are much more fervently debated by the modern religious communities outside of Israel than those within, who seem to have reached a modus vivendi on a community by community basis. iv. Last years events surrounding the Gaza withdrawal caused renewed debate on the Hallel issue as a reflection of the

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questions troubling the religious Zionist community regarding their relationship to a State that they felt had turned on Jews, forcefully expelling them from their homes, betraying the ideals of Zionism and the right of Jews to settle the land. There were some who called for not celebrating Yom HaAtzmaut or saying Hallel but most authorities and people continued to celebrate as before, believing that the state itself is essentially a miracle, worthy of our thanks and praise to G-d, regardless of its present policies or government. (see source 10) v. Alongside the halachic debate, rituals and traditions have evolved to make the day one of festive thanksgiving. On the eve of Yom HaAtzmaut festive services are held as part of the Maariv (evening) prayer (see source 11). The congregation dresses in holiday clothes, sometimes in blue and white. After the services families or communities gather for a Seudat Hodaah, Meal of Thanksgiving. The table may be decked in white and blue, candles lit. there have been creative attempts to compose a special Kiddush for the meal or special haggadot. As opposed to the evening prayer no standard texts have been widely accepted to date. The following day Shacharit, the morning prayer, contains festive additions and a special Haftorah from Isaiah 10-11 is read. The rest of the day is usually spent hiking and picnicking along with the rest of the populace. Conclusion: Yom HaZikaron and Yom HaAztmaut are intrinsically Israeli holidays. As such the way Israelis celebrate, the content and form they give to these days reflect the changing realities and sentiments in contemporary Israeli society. However, the fact that Jews all over the world have adopted Yom HaAtzmaut as a holiday of their own is a sign of the connection between Jews the world over as well as an indication of the impact that the State of Israel has on Jewish life. Understanding and discussing Israeli perceptions, concerns and customs connected with this day can help Diaspora Jews understand Israeli society and perhaps enrich their own celebrations by adding new elements or awareness about the State of Israel, its role in Jewish life and its meaning for every individual Jew. Suggestions: An interesting classroom activity can be to devise a program for Yom HaAtzmaut or to compose a special prayer, Kiddush for the day. Another possibility is to use the day to explore personal attachments, meaning toward Israel (see source 12)

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Sources

1. The Declaration of the establishment of the State of Israel ERETZ-ISRAEL (the Land of Israel) was the birthplace of the Jewish people. Here their spiritual, religious and political identity was shaped. Here they first attained to statehood, created cultural values of national and universal significance and gave to the world the eternal Book of Books. After being forcibly exiled from their land, the people kept faith with it throughout their Dispersion and never ceased to pray and hope for their return to it and for the restoration in it of their political freedom. Impelled by this historic and traditional attachment, Jews strove in every successive generation to re-establish themselves in their ancient homeland. In recent decades they returned in their masses. Pioneers, ma'pilim (immigrants coming to Eretz-Israel in defiance of restrictive legislation) and defenders, they made deserts bloom, revived the Hebrew language, built villages and towns, and created a thriving community controlling its own economy and culture, loving peace but knowing how to defend itself, bringing the blessings of progress to all the country's inhabitants, and aspiring towards independent nationhood. In the year 5657 (1897), at the summons of the spiritual father of the Jewish State, Theodore Herzl, the First Zionist Congress convened and proclaimed the right of the Jewish people to national rebirth in its own country. This right was recognized in the Balfour Declaration of the 2nd November, 1917, and re-affirmed in the Mandate of the League of Nations which, in particular, gave international sanction to the historic connection between the Jewish people and Eretz-Israel and to the right of the Jewish people to rebuild its National Home. The catastrophe which recently befell the Jewish people the massacre of millions of Jews in Europe was another clear demonstration of the urgency of solving the problem of its homelessness by re-establishing in Eretz-Israel the Jewish State, which would open the gates of the homeland wide to every Jew and confer upon the Jewish people the status of a fully privileged member of the community of nations. Survivors of the Nazi holocaust in Europe, as well as Jews from other parts of the world, continued to migrate to Eretz-Israel, undaunted by difficulties, restrictions and dangers, and never ceased to assert their right to a life of dignity, freedom and honest toil in their national homeland.

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In the Second World War, the Jewish community of this country contributed its full share to the struggle of the freedom- and peace-loving nations against the forces of Nazi wickedness and, by the blood of its soldiers and its war effort, gained the right to be reckoned among the peoples who founded the United Nations. On the 29th November, 1947, the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution calling for the establishment of a Jewish State in Eretz-Israel; the General Assembly required the inhabitants of Eretz-Israel to take such steps as were necessary on their part for the implementation of that resolution. This recognition by the United Nations of the right of the Jewish people to establish their State is irrevocable. This right is the natural right of the Jewish people to be masters of their own fate, like all other nations, in their own sovereign State. ACCORDINGLY WE, MEMBERS OF THE PEOPLE'S COUNCIL, REPRESENTATIVES OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF ERETZ-ISRAEL AND OF THE ZIONIST MOVEMENT, ARE HERE ASSEMBLED ON THE DAY OF THE TERMINATION OF THE BRITISH MANDATE OVER ERETZ-ISRAEL AND, BY VIRTUE OF OUR NATURAL AND HISTORIC RIGHT AND ON THE STRENGTH OF THE RESOLUTION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY, HEREBY DECLARE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A JEWISH STATE IN ERETZ-ISRAEL, TO BE KNOWN AS THE STATE OF ISRAEL. WE DECLARE that, with effect from the moment of the termination of the Mandate being tonight, the eve of Sabbath, the 6th Iyar, 5708 (15th May, 1948), until the establishment of the elected, regular authorities of the State in accordance with the Constitution which shall be adopted by the Elected Constituent Assembly not later than the 1st October 1948, the People's Council shall act as a Provisional Council of State, and its executive organ, the People's Administration, shall be the Provisional Government of the Jewish State, to be called "Israel". THE STATE OF ISRAEL will be open for Jewish immigration and for the Ingathering of the Exiles; it will foster the development of the country for the benefit of all its inhabitants; it will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture; it will safeguard the Holy Places of all religions; and it will be faithful to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. THE STATE OF ISRAEL is prepared to cooperate with the agencies and representatives of the United Nations in implementing the resolution of the General Assembly of the 29th November, 1947, and will take steps to bring about the economic union of the whole of Eretz-Israel. WE APPEAL to the United Nations to assist the Jewish people in the building-up of its State and to receive the State of Israel into the comity of nations. 274
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WE APPEAL in the very midst of the onslaught launched against us now for months to the Arab inhabitants of the State of Israel to preserve peace and participate in the up building of the State on the basis of full and equal citizenship and due representation in all its provisional and permanent institutions. WE EXTEND our hand to all neighbouring states and their peoples in an offer of peace and good neighbourliness, and appeal to them to establish bonds of cooperation and mutual help with the sovereign Jewish people settled in its own land. The State of Israel is prepared to do its share in a common effort for the advancement of the entire Middle East. WE APPEAL to the Jewish people throughout the Diaspora to rally round the Jews of Eretz-Israel in the tasks of immigration and up building and to stand by them in the great struggle for the realization of the age-old dream the redemption of Israel. PLACING OUR TRUST IN THE ALMIGHTY, WE AFFIX OUR SIGNATURES TO THIS PROCLAMATION AT THIS SESSION OF THE PROVISIONAL COUNCIL OF STATE, ON THE SOIL OF THE HOMELAND, IN THE CITY OF TEL-AVIV, ON THIS SABBATH EVE, THE 5TH DAY OF IYAR, 5708 (14TH MAY,1948). David Ben-Gurion, Rabbi Kalman Kahana, Aharon Zisling, Yitzchak Ben Zvi, Saadia Kobashi, Daniel Auster, Rachel Cohen, David Zvi Pinkas, Mordekhai Bentov, Moshe Kolodny, Eliyahu Berligne, Rabbi Yitzchak Meir Levin, Eliezer Kaplan, Fritz Bernstein, Abraham Katznelson, Rabbi Wolf Gold, Meir David Loewenstein, Felix Rosenblueth, Meir Grabovsky, David Remez, Yitzchak Gruenbaum, Zvi Luria, Berl Repetur, Dr. Abraham Granovsky, Golda Myerson, Mordekhai Shattner, Nachum Nir, Ben Zion Sternberg, Eliyahu Dobkin, Zvi Segal, Bekhor Shitreet, Meir Wilner-Kovner, Rabbi Yehuda Leib Hacohen Fishman, Moshe Shapira, Zerach Wahrhaftig, Moshe Shertok, Herzl Vardi 2. http://www.knesset.gov.il/laws/special/eng/independence_day_law.htm 3. For a selection of such songs see: http://www.wujs.org.il/activist/learning/festivals/yom_hazikaron/yom_hazikaron_ poems.shtml

4.

For a personal account of Yom HaZikaron see: http://www.jewishsf.com/bk030523/supp13a.shtml

5. The Silver Platter

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Nathan Alterman (translated by David P. Stern) ...And the land will grow still Crimson skies dimming, misting Slowly paling again Over smoking frontiers As the nation stands up Torn at heart but existing To receive its first wonder In two thousand years As the moment draws near It will rise, darkness facing Stand straight in the moonlight In terror and joy ...When across from it step out Towards it slowly pacing In plain sight of all A young girl and a boy Dressed in battle gear, dirty Shoes heavy with grime On the path they will climb up While their lips remain sealed To change garb, to wipe brow They have not yet found time Still bone weary from days And from nights in the field Full of endless fatigue And all drained of emotion Yet the dew of their youth Is still seen on their head Thus like statues they stand Stiff and still with no motion And no sign that will show If they live or are dead Then a nation in tears And amazed at this matter Will ask: who are you?

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And the two will then say With soft voice: We-Are the silver platter On which the Jews' state Was presented today Then they fall back in darkness As the dazed nation looks And the rest can be found In the history books. 6. http://www.jerusalemdiaries.com/article/12 7. Our Father in Heaven, Rock and Redeemer of Israel, bless the State of Israel, the first manifestation of the approach of our redemption. Shield it with Your lovingkindness, envelope it in Your peace, and bestow Your light and truth upon its leaders, ministers, and advisors, and grace them with Your good counsel. Strengthen the hands of those who defend our holy land, grant them deliverance, and adorn them in a mantle of victory. Ordain peace in the land and grant its inhabitants eternal happiness. Lead them, swiftly and upright, to Your city Zion and to Jerusalem, the abode of Your Name, as is written in the Torah of Your servant Moses: Even if your outcasts are at the ends of the world, from there the Lord your God will gather you, from there He will fetch you. And the Lord your God will bring you to the land that your fathers possessed, and you shall possess it; and He will make you more prosperous and more numerous than your fathers. Draw our hearts together to revere and venerate Your name and to observe all the precepts of Your Torah, and send us quickly the Messiah son of David, agent of Your vindication, to redeem those who await Your deliverance. Manifest yourself in the splendor of Your boldness before the eyes of all inhabitants of Your world, and may everyone endowed with a soul affirm that the Lord, God of Israel, is king and his dominion is absolute. Amen forevermore.

8. Rav Shlomo Yosef Zevin (Moadim BaHalacha p.371) in a celebrated passage, rules that we do not tear (our garments in a sign of mourning) upon seeing Arei Yehuda (cities of Judah) after the establishment of our beloved Medinat Yisrael. This ruling appears to be supported by the Magen Avraham (561:1) and Mishna Brura (561:2) who rule that one should tear upon Arei Yehuda even if Jews inhabit these cities, if non-Jews maintain sovereign control of the area. The implication is if Jews enjoy sovereign control over Arei Yehuda then 277
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there is no need for Kria (rending of garments). .This Halacha has enormous implications for our observance of Yom Haatzmaut. This Halacha teaches that we mourn the loss of Jewish sovereignty over Eretz Yisrael. Thus, we must celebrate the restoration of Jewish sovereignty over portions of Eretz Yisrael.Moreover, Rav Yehuda Amital, Rav Menachem Genack and others have noted that the Rambam Hilchot Chanukah 3:1, which is cited by the Mishna Brura in his introduction to Hilchot Chanukah, notes that we celebrate Chanukah in part because of the restoration of Jewish sovereignty over Eretz Yisrael for more than two hundred years. See also relating to a relationship between Yom HaAtzmaut is during sfira: http://www.torahmitzion.org/eng/resources/show.asp?id=180 For the religious significance of Yom HaAtzmaut see. http://www.vbm-torah.org/yyerush/atz59.htm 9. An excellent (if long and legalistic) survey of the halachic and ideological considerations about saying Hallel : http://www.midreshetharova.org.il/onlinetorah/archive/holidays/yomhaatzma ut5764.php 10. http://www.yeshiva.org.il/ask/Eng/print.asp?id=2183 and www.rza.org/sbs%5CSBS%20Behar%201066.pdf 11. From the Rinat Yisrael Prayer Book (Orthodox): "Festival clothing is worn and then the community gathers in the synagogue... the evening prayer is recited in a festive melody.. .The cantor recites the following, and the congregation repeats: Hear 0 Israel! The Lord is our God, the Lord is one. The Lord is God (3 times) The cantor recites the following, and the congregation repeats: May He who has performed miracles for our ancestors and for us and Who has redeemed us from slavery to freedom, redeem us speedily with the ultimate redemption. May He gather our scattered ones from the four corners of the earth, all of Israel becoming comrades. Now let us respond: Amen The cantor reads: (from Numbers 10:9-10) When you are at war in your own land against an aggressor who attacks you, you shall sound short blasts on the trumpets, that you may be remembered before the Lord your God and be delivered from your enemies. And on your joyous occasions, your fixed festivals and new moon days, you shall sound the trumpets over your burnt

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offerings and your sacrifices of well-being. They shall be a reminder of you before the Lord your God: I the Lord am your God." The Shofar is blown with one long blast and all declare: Next year in rebuilt Jerusalem The entire congregation recites: "May it be your will, Lord, our God and the God of our forefathers, just as we have merited the start of the redemption, may we also be worthy to hear the sound of the Shofar of the Messiah, speedily in our days." The following Psalm (126) is sung to the tune of Hatikvah: A Song of Ascents. When the Lord restores the fortunes of Zion - we see it as a dream - our mouths shall be filled with laughter, our tongues, with songs of joy. Then shall they say among the nations, "The Lord has done great things for them!" The Lord will do great things for us and we shall rejoice. Restore our fortunes, 0 Lord, like water courses in the Negev. They who sow in tears shall reap with songs of joy. Though he goes along weeping, carrying the seed-bag, he shall come back with songs of joy, carrying his sheaves" The "Ani Maamin" is sung: I believe with complete faith in the coming of the Messiah, and even though he may tarry, nevertheless I anticipate every day that he will come. Congregants greet each other: Joyous holidays towards full redemption! A festive meal is eaten accompanied by songs of praise. During the meal candles should be lit" See also: A source book for Yom HaAtzmaut from the UJR: http://urj.org/_kd/Items/actions.cfm?action=Show&item_id=5119&destination=ShowI tem A Yom HaAtzmaut haggada from the kibbutz site on holidays: http://www.chagim.org.il/atz30.html 12. Educational activities for Yom HaAtzmaut from WUJIS dealing with personal connection with the State): http://www.wujs.org.il/activist/programmes/programmes/index.shtml#yomha

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L e s s o n 32
Counting down to Shavuot
1. Outline Barley and wheat and the harvest calendar First fruits and Matan Torah The Omer period and its special days In modern Israeli culture 2. Introduction Perhaps more than any other holidays, the shalosh haregalim the three pilgrimage festivals of Sukkot, Pesach and Shavuot are rich in physical associations with Eretz Yisrael. All three were originally festivals of thanksgiving for the bounty of the land, so they speak of the produce of Israel and the seasons of Israel and, because they involved a pilgrimage to the Temple in Jerusalem, they speak of the geography of the land as well. As we observed them in their somewhat abstract, attenuated form in exile, they served as a constant link, a sort of virtual reality connection, between Jewish life throughout the world and the physical reality of Eretz Yisrael. And when we consider that Sukkot is eight days, and the period from the beginning of Pesach through Shavuot is over seven weeks, we realize that for two full months of the year the Diaspora Jew lives through a symbolic reenactment of the experience of farming in Eretz Yisrael. This is a powerful form of Israel engagement; it is of interest for us consider what kind of relevance and meaning it can have for non-orthodox urban/suburban Diaspora Jews living in the plastic age. This unit focuses on the agricultural origins of the Omer counting and of Shavuot, and explores the place of these days in modern Israeli culture. 3. Lesson goals 4. To understand the agricultural basis of Shavuot and the Omer period in Eretz Yisrael 5. To be aware of the later rabbinical additions to the meanings of these days 6. To be familiar with the modern Israeli observance of these days 7. Expanded outline 8. Barley and wheat and the harvest calendar 9. The instructions for the ritual associated with the barley and wheat harvest are found in Leviticus 23:9-21. It seems that barley, the coarser grain, ripens first; the barley harvest was begun at Pesach the new years crop was not eaten until a first thanksgiving offering was brought [ Lev. 23:14] (and all old grain products were cleaned out for Pesach). According to the traditional

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interpretation, the phrase in verse 23:15, after the sabbath, means after the first day of the Pesach holiday. While the barley was being harvested, for the next seven weeks, the wheat was ripening; on the 50th day, an offering from the new wheat crop was brought, and a festival observed, as the wheat harvest was officially begun wheat was considered a finer, more nutritious grain, and the danger that the ripening grain would be struck by a hailstorm or a pest was probably an important concern. Note that according to Joshua chapter 5, throughout the 40 years wandering, the Children of Israel did not practice circumcision, nor did they observe Pesach. Only after they had crossed into the land and begun to harvest its grain, did Pesach become relevant: it marked the end of the manna and the beginning of agriculture. Thus, each year, Pesach carries with it this symbolism that gets a bit lost in the smoke and thunder of the Exodus: matzah can be seen not only as a symbol of leaving Egypt in a hurry, but also as a symbol of the agricultural cycle of Eretz Yisrael; it is about cleaning out the old grain and celebrating the new harvest; it is about having a land in which we can grow grain, and in which we are responsible for the economy (Let all who are hungry come and eat at Pesach and notice the interesting juxtaposition of the instructions for Shavuot with the commandment of leaving grain for the gleaners, in Leviticus 23:22). For more on barley and wheat and these practices, see these Galilee Diary entries: Barley: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4053&pge_prg_id=15515&pge_i d=1698 Wheat: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4007&pge_prg_id=15515&pge_i d=1698 Nutritional and cooking information about barley: http://waltonfeed.com/self/barley.html 10. It is also interesting to note that the date of Shavuot is not given in the Bible: it is simply the 50th day after the bringing of the first sheaf of barley, the omer. However, as indicated above, the day of the bringing of that first offering of grain is a little vague in the text: it is not intuitively obvious that after the sabbath means after the holiday, and not, for example, after the Sabbath within Pesach. This was a subject of debate in Second Temple times. The ritual for harvesting the first sheaf, for the omer offering, after the first day of Pesach, is elaborated in the Mishnah, Menachot 10:3):

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Once it gets dark, he says to them: Has the sun set? They say: Yes! Has the sun set? Yes! With this sickle? Yes! With this sickle? Yes With this basket? Yes With this basket? Yes Shall I reap? Reap! Shall I reap? Reap! Three times for each and every matter. And they say to him, Yes, Yes, Yes. All of this for what purpose? Because of the Boethusians, for they insist that the reaping of the omer is [done after Shabbat] and not immediately after the [first day of the Pesach] festival. The Boethusians were apparently Sadducees who disagreed with the Pharisees (i.e., the rabbis) interpretation of the word after the Sabbath in Leviticus 23:15; thus this elaborate ritual was a public affirmation of the Pharisees control of the calendar. In any case, the Pharisaic interpretation became the only one, and Shavuot thus always comes out on the 6th of Sivan. 11. First fruits and Matan Torah 12. A different picture of Shavuot is found in Deuteronomy 26:1-11. Here we have the bringing of the first fruits not just grain as an offering, accompanied by a liturgy (26:5-10) that happens to be the core text of the Pesach Haggadah. An entire tractate of the Mishnah is devoted to the laws regarding the selection and offering of the bikkurim, or first fruits, in a colorful public celebration. This part of the Shavuot observance was lost from Diaspora experience, except in the text of the Mishnah. An interesting example of the way text and archaeology sometimes complement each other is the picture attached below, from the mosaic floor of the 6th century synagogue at Zippori, in the Galilee. The floor shows a number of objects from Temple worship at a time when the Temple was not standing apparently to show faith in the promised restoration. Among them is this illustration of a basket of bikkurim. Notice the two birds hanging from the rim. Rabbi Yossi taught: They did not put pigeons on top of the basket, to avoid spoiling the fruit, but suspended them outside the basket. (Jerusalem Talmud, Bikkurim 3:4, 65d)

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(Note: this illustration is from a student project posted at http://www.mehalev.org.il/zipori/knst/syngg.files/frame.htm Note that the heading superimposed on the picture is incorrect, referring to an adjacent part of the mosaic.) It is also interesting to note that this illustration shows that the basked seems to contain fruits that belong to the seven species listed as characterizing the bounty of the land (Deuteronomy 8:8, where honey is understood as date honey). Though the Bible does not specify it, the law developed that the bikkurim offering consisted only of fruits from these seven (Mishnah Bikkurim 1:3). For an analysis, see the article by Nogah Hareuveni of the Neot Kedumim biblical botanical garden: http://www.jhom.com/topics/seven/species.html Studying the Mishnah tractate Bikkurim, and using art and/or drama to bring its descriptions to life, makes a good way to help students find the connection between the holiday and the land of Israel. 13. According to Exodus 19:1, On the third new moon after the Israelites had gone forth from the land of Egypt, on that very day, they entered the wilderness of Sinai. The rabbis understand this to mean the beginning of the third month, counting the month of the Exodus (Nisan), so it is Rosh Chodesh Sivan; from there, it takes only a little fudging to get the giving of the Torah to come out on Shavuot. Hence, in the liturgy and in folk custom, Shavuot became chag matan torateinu the festival of the giving of the Torah, and took on various customs associated with this, like studying all night, holding confirmation, etc. Clearly, this set of meanings was perfect for helping the holiday keep its importance in the Diaspora, when the agricultural aspects had become distant from our experience. 14. The Omer countdown 15. Though there is no reference to it in the Bible, there is a tradition that the 49 days of the counting from omer to Shavuot are treated as a time of mourning. It seems fair to say that no one knows why. A few possibilities:

16. The traditional view is based on this passage, from the Babylonian Talmud, Yebamot 62b: It was taught: Rabbi Akiba had 12,000 pairs of students, from Gevat to Antipatris, and they all died at the same time

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because they did not show respect for each other And they all died between Pesach and Shavuot. Medieval commentators understood this rather cryptic account as referring to religious persecution after all, Rabbi Akiba himself was killed in the Bar Kochba revolt. Thus, today, most people believe that the mourning of the omer period is somehow based on the sufferings of the Bar Kochba revolt. 17. It seems, however, that the mourning custom really arose in the middle ages, in response to persecutions in Europe; see for example, http://www.ucalgary.ca/~elsegal/Shokel/950518_Omer_ Mourn.html 18. And there are those who see an anthropological basis to the custom: during the sensitive and vulnerable time of the ripening of the grain, we have to be careful not to be too cocky or happy, as that would attract bad luck. 19. Omer traditions, special days 20. There are a variety of different traditions regarding dividing the omer period between mourning and relief, and about the exact prohibitions of the mourning days. For different divisions of the period, see http://www.ucalgary.ca/~elsegal/Shokel/950518_Omer_ Mourn.html In terms of what is prohibited, the main thing is weddings; regarding music, and haircuts, etc., there are a variety of customs and opinions. 21. For reasons that are not known, one of the days accepted by all communities as a respite from (or the end of) the omer mourning period is the 33rd day, or lag (the numerical value of lamed gimel is 33). Needless to say, there are a lot of weddings in Israel on Lag Bomer. A particularly important tradition relating to this day in Israel is the belief that Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai, according to folk tradition the author of the Zohar, the central text of kabbalah, was born and died on Lag Bomer. Hence, his tomb in the village of Meiron is the site of a mass pilgrimage and celebration on that day. And there is a custom for boys to have their first haircut there, at age 3. Typically, 250,000 people converge on this sleepy little village of a few hundred inhabitants. See, for example, http://www.photographersdirect.com/stockimages/yoch ai.asp http://chaptzem.blogspot.com/2005/05/meron-lagbomer-video-for-all-of-those.html

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This celebration attracts in particular those groups who have a tradition of studying the Zohar (e.g., Hasidim) or of venerating the graves of important rabbis (e.g., Jews from North Africa). There is a custom to light bonfires and play with bows and arrows on Lag Bomer. Some say this is to commemorate the Jews pretending to be picnicking and hunting in order to study Torah under the Romans noses; others connect these customs with mystical teachings and events associated with Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai.

22. In modern Israeli culture 23. One of the best-known revaluations of a lapsed tradition is the creation of bikkurim festivals by kibbutzim: On many kibbutzim, Shavuot is a time to celebrate the agricultural (and later, industrial) harvest of the past year, with a colorful field day and pageant, with parade floats, dance troupes, childrens choirs, displays of produce, all decorated with a harvest motif. The observance on most kibbutzim, of course is completely secular a celebration of the communitys achievements, not really a pageant of thanksgiving to God. But in any case, the participants see themselves as restoring a biblical tradition. For pictures, look at Google Images for Shavuot on kibbutz. For two short stories for primary grades depicting Shavuot in Israel (and lots of general material about the holiday), look here: http://learn.jtsa.edu/shavuot/shavuotguide2.shtml 24. A medieval custom, associated with Shavuot as the holiday of the giving of the Torah, popular throughout the Diaspora, is the Tikkun Layl Shavuot, when people gather to study through the night. Interestingly, this has caught on in Israel in recent years and some would even say it has replaced the kibbutz bikkurim festival as a symbol of the holiday as we have moved away from agriculture, perhaps, the religious side of the holiday has moved back to the center. See, for example http://www.masorti.org/media/archive2004/05272004_h.html 25. The omer period is a good example of the distance between religious and secular Jews in Israel today: while the various orthodox communities take great care to observe various mourning customs, growing their hair and beards, avoiding concerts, etc., the secular public sees this as bizarre, if they see it at all. It impinges on them mostly in the prohibition of weddings, which is universal, as rabbis wont officiate during the omer counting, and civil marriage does not exist. One point of intersection is Lag Bomer, when the custom of lighting

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bonfires has morphed into a fiery night for every child and teenager; construction sites are raided for days in advance, and the pall of smoke hangs over the land for a day after. Bikkurim basket rom the Zippori synagogue floor

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L e s s o n 33
Shabbat in Israel
1.Outline Shabbat in the Diaspora Shabbat in secular Zionism Current issues Looking to the future 2. Introduction Shabbat is one of the hallmarks of Judaism, and can be seen as perhaps the central institution of Jewish life and symbol of Jewish identity. From ancient times until today the sanctifying of the Sabbath has set Jews apart from the other nations and afforded them a holy space in time. Although different streams of Judaism observe Shabbat differently, all are united in viewing it as a precious and unique day. From the beginning of the Zionist revolt against the Jewish religious tradition, Shabbat has provided the focus of many unresolved questions pertaining to the role of Jewish religion in the State. What makes it a Jewish state? How is that Jewishness to be reflected in the public realm? Can a democratic state legislate Jewishness? The issue of Shabbat and the ongoing debates, tensions and disputes it has caused in Israel make it a relevant and salient case study for exploring these issues and dilemmas. Compared to all the other holidays we have considered, Shabbat is the most universal, the least tied directly to Eretz Yisrael and its landscape. The study of Shabbat in Israel focuses not on our historical memories of Israel, but on our struggle to find the place of Jewish values in a real-life Jewish state. 3. Lesson goals 4. Awareness of the issues arising regarding the place of Shabbat in Israel 5. Knowledge of highlights of historical development of place of Shabbat in Israeli law and culture 6. Awareness of the status quo and major ideas for future solutions 7. Expanded outline 8. Shabbat in the Diaspora 9. One of best known modern work exploring the centrality of Shabbat in Jewish life through the ages is Abraham Joshua Heschels The Sabbath. There he argues that what is distinctive about the Jews is their preference for sanctifying time over space (perhaps a byproduct of our exile??) and the key symbol of this preference is the Shabbat, which has no referent in nature or in the land. For an excerpt look here:

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http://www.myjewishlearning.com/daily_life/Shabbat/Shabbat_The mes_and_Theology/Shabbat_Sanctuary_in_Time.htm 10. There is a huge amount of literature polemic, homiletic, fiction, poetry, etc., dedicated to showing the impact of and importance of Shabbat as a key halachic, spiritual, and sociological component of Jewish life, sustaining the individual and the community. Shabbat observance was traditionally taken as a symbol of adherence to Jewish law at large and of loyalty to the community it served as a criterion for admitting the credibility of a witness in court. 11. In a way, as the famous (or infamous) concept of the Shabbes-goy suggests, it is easier to observe the Shabbat in a non-Jewish environment. The fact that the non-Jewish majority is not obligated to observe Sabbath makes life easier for Jews, who dont have to think about who is running the generators in the electric power station, or policing the streets, etc., on Shabbat. Shabbat as an observance within a minority Jewish community, while it has its frustrations (conflicts regarding work, school, cultural life wherein Jews observing Shabbat can be excluded from opportunities), overall serves as a uniting and strengthening factor, a peaceful island in time. The abovementioned conflicts remain essentially dilemmas for the individual and his/her conscience. If the entire population were Jewish, the dilemma would be more difficult, and could not be seen as only personal And indeed, that is what we face in the Jewish state. 12. Shabbat in secular Zionism 13. There were powerful streams within the early Zionist movement that saw Jewish religious observance as a temporary measure, needed to preserve the Jewish people in exile, but becoming irrelevant with the restoration of our status as a nation, whose Jewishness would be defined by cultural attributes like land and language. For example, see the excerpt by Jacob Klatzkin among the sources below. And for a discussion of the secular-religious conflict in early Zionism, see these two chapters in Steve Israels overview of Zionist history: http://www.jewishagency.org/JewishAgency/English/Jewish+Educati on/Eye+on+Israel/Story_Zionism/Zionism+in+Practice++The+Organ isation+and+its+Tensions.htm http://www.jewishagency.org/JewishAgency/English/Jewish+Educati on/Eye+on+Israel/Story_Zionism/Different+Models+of+Zionism.htm 14. The crucial question became, of course, what should become of Shabbat and the Jewish holidays in general in the new secular nation state: are they part of Jewish religion and hence to be discarded, or part of Jewish culture and hence to be preserved and renewed? Can Jewish religion be separated from Jewish culture? See the famous answer of one of the most influential thinkers in the movement, Achad Haam, in the sources below

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15. Throughout the pre-state period there was a three way struggle among the Orthodox, who argued that the public halachic observance of Shabbat in a Jewish state was a sine qua non; the secular traditionalists (disciples of Achad Haam) who believed that Shabbat had to be a part of Jewish culture, but with updated definitions and observances, without the strictures of halachah; and those who argued that Zionism must reject the Jewish religion and its observances, relics of the Diaspora life we were abandoning. For an example of the rhetoric of this conflict, see the proclamation of the rabbinate, in the sources below, concerning one of the secular Zionists most beloved new religious activities: the folk dance. 16. Perhaps it was our gut feeling that Shabbat and the Jewish tradition must be part of a Jewish state without a clear definition of what part that led to a century of conflict. For example, see the passage below, in the sources, from the American textbook Guide to Zionism, by the prominent American Zionist educator Jesse Sampter, from 1920. 17. Current issues 18. When the United Nations delegation came to Palestine in 1947 to negotiate the details of the partition resolution, it was crucial that there be unanimous acceptance by the various subgroups of the Yishuv (the Jewish community). In order to gain the acceptance of the Agudat Yisrael faction (what we call today ultra-Orthodox, or non-Zionist Orthodox, the Jewish Agency wrote a letter of commitment that later became known as the status quo agreement, and which has governed, at least officially, religion-state relationships ever since. The letter stated: 19. It is clear that the legal day of rest in the Jewish state will be the Shabbat, with the understanding the Christians and members of other religions shall have permission to rest on their weekly holy day. 20. All necessary measures must be taken to insure that in every governmentsponsored kitchen serving Jews, the food will be kosher. 21. With respect to personal (marital) status, all the members of the executive recognize the seriousness of the problem and the great difficulties, and on the part of all the bodies that the Jewish Agency executive represents, the maximum will be done in order to provide for the deep needs of the religious, and to avoid, God forbid, the division of the House of Israel in two. 22. With respect to education, full autonomy is promised to every stream in education and there will be no infringement by the government on the religious conscience of any part of Israel. The state will, of course set minimum requirements in the area of Hebrew language, history, science, etc., and will oversee the fulfillment of these requirements, while granting complete freedom to each stream to run its education system according to its views, and will avoid any infringement of religious conscience.

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23. Clearly, there were some vague statements in this agreement sufficient to sustain almost 60 years of acrimonious debate. The agreement was understood to include some interesting anomalies, as it was accepted by the sides that the actual status quo on the ground at the end of the Mandate would be binding. For example in Haifa, a mixed city, the buses ran on Shabbat and so they do to this day, while in other cities they do not. 24. The conflict that became part of Israeli culture before 1948 seems only to have become more entrenched and polarized once the Jewish state came into existence. The battlefield constantly shifts from opening movie theaters on Shabbat to opening shopping malls, from cabinet crises over moving giant electric generators on empty roads on Shabbat to El Al flights landing on Friday night. Here are four essays that present our current dilemma: http://www.wzo.org.il/en/resources/view.asp?id=1833 http://www.wzo.org.il/en/resources/view.asp?id=1834 http://www.juf.org/news_public_affairs/article.asp?key=2916 http://www.jcpa.org/dje/articles/sabbobs.htm 25. Looking to the future 26. In recent years there have been several proposals for redefining the status quo that have achieved a lot of public attention. Perhaps the best known is that set forth by Dr. Ruth Gavison, a secular judge, and Rabbi Y. Medan: www.gavison-medan.org.il/english/faq/ 27. And here is another, from the liberal-religious party, Meimad: http://www.wujs.org.il/activist/programmes/programmes/shabbat/r appendix2.shtml 28. And another http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3180388,00.html 29. But the question arises, can this be resolved by law, or is there a deeper problem of identity, of tolerance and respect, that remains outside whatever elaborate choreography we create? See, for example, http://www.jewishmediaresources.com/article/606/ www.jewishsf.com/content/2/module/displaystory/story_id/10159/e dition_id/194/format/html/displaystory.html And two Galilee Diary entries on this dilemma: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=8128&pge_prg_id=28355&pge_id=1697 http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=4014&pge_prg_id=17074&pge_id=1698

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And some interesting numbers: A Portrait of Israeli JewryBeliefs, Observances and Values Among Israeli Jews 2000, Guttman Center of the Israel Democracy Institute for the Avi Chai Foundation. Findings: Between 48-55% of Israeli Jews observe Shabbat with some ritual (e.g. candle lighting or Kiddush, Sabbath meal). 24-27% attend synagogue, dont travel or use electricity or attend entertainment requiring payment. 41% refrain from working publicly outside the house. 37% refrain from working in the house or kindling a fire. The large majority of Jewish Israelis spend Shabbat together with family 70% answered that generally there was a need for a public expression of Shabbat but on specific questions most are for opening up public entertainment on Shabbat with 61% supporting opening shopping centers within cities but only 17% said they would shop on Shabbat. Sources Jacob Klatzkin, Boundaries (1914) What is really new in Zionism is the territorial-political definition of Jewish nationalism. Strip Zionism of the territorial principle and you have destroyed its character and erased the distinctions between it and the preceding periods. This is its onginality that Judaism depends on form and not on content. For it the alternatives are clear: Either the Jewish people shall redeem the land and thereby continue to live, even if the spiritual content of Judaism changes radically, or we shall remain in exile and rot away even if the spiritual tradition continues to exist. In longing for our land we do not desire to create there a base for the spiritual values of Judaism. To regain our land is for us an end in itself - the attaining of a free national life. The content of our life will be national when its forms become national. Indeed, let it not be said that the land is a precondition for a national life; living on the land is ipso facto the national life. It is no accident that the theory of Judaism as a spiritual outlook, even in its nationalist form, has fought hard against the territorialist conception of Zionism. It feared, correctly, that from such Zionism it would receive its deathblow. All the varieties of "spiritual" thought, including the nationalist, have joined in combating political Zionism in the name of the spirit of Judaism, i.e., the ethics of the prophets, and have asserted that the ultimate goal of the Jewish people is not a political state but the reign of absolute justice. All these schools of thought mocked Herzl, the hero and genius of our renaissance, by saying: We are a priest people, a nation of prophets -

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what does he mean coming to us talking about political action? Tlie "spiritists" all cited the Galut as evidence that the basis for our life is the eternal content of Judaism. Zionism stands opposed to all this. Its real beginning is The Jewish State and its basic intention, whether consciously or unconsciously, is to deny any conception of Jewish identity based on spiritual criteria. Zionism began a new era, not only for the purpose of making an end to the Diaspora but also in order to establish a new definition of Jewish identity - a secular definition. I am certain that the builders of our land will in the future sacrifice themselves for national forms, for land and language, as our ancestors accepted martyrdom for the sake of the religious content of Judaism. But we are, as yet, standing at the crossroads and do not yet see the distinction between one period and another. The Galut figure of Ahad Ha-Am still obscures the nationalist light of Herzl. The "spiritual" criterion is a grave danger not only to our national renaissance but, even more, to our renaissance as individuals. It binds our spirit with the chains of tradition and subordinates our life to specific doctrines, to a heritage and to the values of an ancient outlook. We are constrained by antiquated values, and, in the name of national unity and cohesiveness, our personalities are crippled, for we are denied freedom of thought. Moreover, the "spiritual" definition of what is a Jew leads to national chauvinism. National freedom is meaningless unless it fosters the freedom of the individual. There can be no national renaissance worth fighting for unless it liberates and revives human values within the national ethos. Echad Haam, Shabbat and Zionism, 1898 (responding to a discussion in the Berlin community about postponing Shabbat to Sunday) We see great men, secular researchers, who are far removed from religious belief and freely admit that they do not keep Shabbat or any other religious laws nevertheless vehemently defending the Shabbat, as a historical institution of the whole nation, and without a shadow of religious hypocrisy that used to take a central place in these debates, opposing the idea of adding a second Shabbat for the Diaspora: Is there better evidence than this for the awakening of the national Jewish spirit, among our western brethren even outside the Zionist camp? There is no need to be a Zionist or to be a strict observer of the mitzvot in order to recognize the value of the Shabbat, one of the leaders of the community stated. And he is right. Whoever feels in his heart a true connection to the life of the nation through the generations cannot possibly even if he denies the world to come and the Jewish state imagine the reality of the People of Israel without the Shabbat queen. It can be said with no exaggeration, that more than Israel kept the Shabbat the Shabbat kept them, and without it and its return to them of their soul and its renewal of their spiritual life each week, the tribulations of the work week would have

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pulled them farther and farther down into the depths of materialism and moral and intellectual degradation. A rabbinical proclamation, 1947 regarding the folk dance festival that attracted 25,000 people to Kibbutz Dalia in 1947, held on a weekend This is high-handed desecration of the Shabbat, an insult to the land and to the Yishuv, and the desecration of the memories of the nations sacred dead, done in a crude and offensive manner. This is the content of the folk dances held on Friday night the 2nd of Tamuz 5707 in Dalia, which stands on the land of the nation, in imitation of the primitive Aryan pagan custom that the Nazi tyrant renewed in the years of his rule Wipe the dust from your eyes, holy and pure brothers, and see how you are memorializing them in our land in the presence of 30,000 people with the desecration of the Shabbat, the glory of the nation, which was dearer to them than life, and with the mocking dances of male and female dancers to the music of an orchestra, just a short time after the Holocaust of the Jews in Maidanek, Auschwitz, and Bergen Belsen We protest and reject in shame the culture center of the Histadrut, organizer of these dances, which ignored all of the appeals made to it to cancel these folk dances or at least postpone them to a weekday. By their actions they are deviating from the Torah of the nation, attacking its living soul, and undermining the foundations of the culture of Israel. Jesse Sampter, Guide to Zionism, 1920 There will be no State Church. The State Church tyranny grew out of Christianity, where a religion was thrust from above upon a people which had not developed it. From the day of Protestantism the State Church was imperiled, and democracy cannot endure it. However, national religion is very different from a State Church. Our national religion will be Judaism not because it will be forced upon anyone for indeed minority religions and other interest must be carefully safeguarded but because it will be the natural expression of the life of the Jewish people. If the community observes the Sabbath in its public life, the national festivals and holy days, if Jewish law is embodied in the law and moral and social code and public opinion of the country, if Jewish ideals of internationalism and justice are practiced in our dealings with foreign powers, will not the Jewish nation be living by the Jewish faith? A new conception of religion is attracting the attention of psychologists and sociologists, the conception of religion as the soul of a people, as a corporate manifestation of group life, not merely, in the Christian sense, as a form of personal belief. That new conception is the ancient Jewish conception which must now be tested by modern experience.

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L e s s o n 34
Israel in the Liturgy
1. Outline Prayer as replacement for the sacrifices References to the land in the liturgy Longing for redemption in the form of return 2. Introduction Probably the one text with which most of our students are likely to have continued and maybe even frequent contact is the siddur. The siddur provides opportunities for teaching about our connection to Israel on a number of different levels, each of which might be appropriate for different age levels and different ideologies. This lesson seeks to chart several different Israel connections in the standard weekday and Shabbat liturgy. Note that for purposes of illustrating these connections we use the traditional prayerbook; some of the passages may not be present, or may have been edited, in Reform and Conservative and Reconstructionist liturgy; these changes themselves can serve as teaching opportunities. 3. Lesson goals 4. To stimulate thinking about the spiritual significance of Eretz Yisrael in Jewish religious identity 5. To raise awareness of the specific Israel links in the siddur 6. To stimulate thinking about the place of Israel in the siddurs vision of redemption 7. Expanded outline 8. Prayer as replacement for the sacrifices 9. While there are certainly examples of personal prayer in the Bible, the overwhelming emphasis is on the sacrificial cult as the main means of communication with God. And, of course, that means that initially that communication can occur only at the Mishkan in the desert and ultimately, at the Temple in Jerusalem. 10. The opening chapters of Leviticus describe the rules for various ad hoc sacrifices, for a sin, or in thanksgiving. Chapter 17 emphasizes the law that sacrifices of any kind can only be offered at the Mishkan not in ones back yard or any other shrine. And 23 describes the sacrifices for the holidays. Then, Numbers 28 recapitulates the holidays, and adds the sacrifices for every day (vss. 3-8), Shabbat (vss. 9-10), and Rosh Chodesh (vss. 11-15). Note that the daily sacrifices are two, one in the morning and one at twilight, and on Shabbat there are the regular two daily sacrifices plus an extra two lambs.

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11. Sacrifices, really? The question arises, of course, how we are supposed to feel about this glorious period in our history, when we worshipped God by a ceremony that seems to many of us today barbaric and disgusting. Perhaps the best known discussion of this problem is not modern, but medieval, in Rambams Guide for the Perplexed, where he suggests what seems to be an evolutionary approach which actually might work for modern perplexed Jews as well. The whole chapter (Part III chapter 32) is appended to this outline. 12. Consolidation: During the period of the Judges there was no central shrine, and religious life seems to have been somewhat chaotic. In the last chapter of Judges and the first of Samuel, it appears that there was a major shrine where people went to sacrifice from at least some of the tribes, at Shiloh, in Samaria. As soon as David assumes power, he conquers Jerusalem from the Jebusites and makes it his capital (II Samuel 5) and begins a process of centralizing the government and cult of the whole nation there, a process that reaches its peak in Solomons dedication of the Temple in I Kings 8. When the northern tribes rebel after Solomons death, a major act of the rebels king, Jeroboam, is to create a new sacrificial center to wean the people away from the centrality of Jerusalem (I Kings 12:25-33). But later, it seems, even in Judah, there were those who deviated from the absolute centrality of the Temple, as we see from Josiahs cleanup of competing shrines in his reform, not long before the end of the Judean kingdom (II Kings 23:4-25). 13. The destruction: crisis and response The destruction of the Temple represented a religious crisis for if it was the only place God could be worshipped (by means of sacrifices), and it was gone, what would become of our relationship to God? And so began the process which continued even after the restoration and the rebuilding of the Temple, of shifting the emphasis from sacrifice to prayer, and the creation of the institution of the synagogue, and a ritual of prayer that ultimately replaced the sacrifices completely. The early synagogue, and the early development of prayer are huge fields of archaeological and historical research and there are lots of unanswered questions. We will not go into the details in this unit. For our purposes, what is important is that by the time of the destruction of the Second Temple, the institution of the synagogue was ready to take over, and within the century, the core of the liturgy of regular communal prayer in the synagogue had been set.

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It seems that the groundwork for the decentralization and/or spiritualization of worship was already laid in Josiahs time if it is true, as many scholars believe, that the book of Deuteronomy was written in the context of Josiahs reform, then in his consolidation of the sacrificial cult in Jerusalem he simultaneously had to permit secular slaughter, since people couldnt come to Jerusalem every time they wanted to eat meat. Thus, Deuteronomy 12:13-28. The traditional view is that the basic structure of the liturgy was set by the Great Assembly established by Ezra during the restoration, in the 5th century BCE this is stated in the Talmud, Berachot 33a. And the Mishnah describes a service performed by the kohanim in the Second Temple, not so different from our own, in Tamid 5:1. 14. The Talmud in Berachot 26b offers two explanations for three daily prayers, morning, afternoon, and evening (beyond the reference to three prayers in Daniel 6:11): 15. The Patriarchs instituted them: 16. Shacharit Abraham Genesis 19:27 17. Mincha Isaac Genesis 24:63 18. Maariv Jacob Genesis 28:11 19. They correspond to sacrifices 20. Shacharit the morning sacrifice Numbers 28:3-4 21. Mincha the twilight sacrifice Numbers 28:4 22. Maariv the remnants that continue to burn all night 23. Musaf on Shabbat the extra sacrifice Numbers 28:9 The fact that the Maariv service is not based on a specifically commanded sacrifice explains the difference with respect to the recitation of the Amidah in Shacharit and Mincha, it must be recited out loud, whereas in Maariv it is prayed silently. The bottom line, conceptually: every time we participate in public worship, in one of the three services, we are in a way reenacting the sacrificial service in the Temple. And note, it is customary to face in the direction of the Temple when we pray, lest we forget that connection. God may be everywhere, but we aim our prayers to the Temple Mount. See, the summary of the halacha in this matter in this advertisement for a Kosher Compass: http://koshercompass.com/catalog/information.php?info_id=4&osCs id=f62d69ffcac2544c0cdb2bbab90ab981 24. References to the land in the liturgy 25. The Shma While the Shma is of course seen as a universal declaration of faith, the fine print contains rather specific references to our covenantal

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relationship to the land of Israel. The second paragraph of the recitation of the Shma consists of Deuteronomy 11:13-21, which is an explicit restatement of the concept of covenant regarding the land itself: obey the commandments, and the rain will fall and you will prosper; be tempted to serve other gods and you will soon perish from the good land What do we think when we read this? What is its referent for us? A historical memory? A universal equation (effective anywhere)? A warning regarding the modern state of Israel? 26. Seasonal references Aside from holiday references to the seasons in Israel, the daily and Shabbat liturgy contains a few reminders of where we are: 27. In the second blessing of the amidah: from Shemini Atzeret until Pesach, Jews everywhere in the world add the words who makes the wind blow and the rain fall. (referring, of course, to the wind and rain in Eretz Yisrael). And in Israel (only), from Pesach until Shemini Atzeret, they replace that phrase with who brings down the dew. 28. In the ninth blessing, Bless for us, O Lord our God, this year and and all the varieties of its produce for our good From Pesach to December 4: Bestow a blessing on the earth and satisfy us with Your goodness From Dec. 4 to Pesach: Bestow dew and rain for a blessing on the earth and satisfy us with Your goodness [where dew and rain apparently means rain] This blessing, in general, refers to the agriculture of Eretz Yisrael. 29. Of the Psalms included in the standard liturgy, one stands out for its geographical emphasis. A common interpretation of Psalm 29, which is included both in Kabbalat Shabbat and in the Torah Service on Shabbat morning, is that it is a description of a thunderstorm moving across Israel, coming in from the Mediterranean from the northwest, sweeping from Lebanon to the desert, breaking trees and reminding us of the Flood. 30. The Birkat Hamazon (grace after meals) contains a number of links to the land. In particular: 31. The second blessing opens with the words: We thank you O Lord our God, for having given to our fathers such a desirable, good and spacious land as a heritage and ends with Blessed are You, O Lord, for the land and for the food. This blessing seems to be based on our agricultural relationship to the land of Israel: our universal prayer of thanks for food, after every meal, reminds of the good old days when our food was derived from the soil and rain of Eretz Yisrael; hence every time we eat, we think about those days and that place. Our gratitude for food in general connects to all land but through it, to the

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specific land of Israel. It could be said that not only with every visit to the synagogue does the traditional Jew remind him/herself of the connection to Israel past and future but even with every bite of food s/he takes. Israel is nature to us, the soil, our roots, the source of our sustenance even if we live elsewhere and eat bread made of wheat from Kansas (indeed, in Israel today most grain is imported) 32. The third blessing, asking for redemption, also emphasizes a specific geographical reference: Have mercy, O Lord our God, on Israel Your people, on Jerusalem Your city, on Zion the abode of your glory, on the royal house of Davidetc. After every meal, no matter where we eat it, we remember where we wish we had eaten it 33. Note that versions of the Birkat Hamazon printed since 1948 include among the short prayers at the end: May the All-merciful one bless the State of Israel, the first flowering of our redemption. This of course bring us to a discussion not about our connection to the land, but about the meaning of the modern state in Jewish history: is it indeed the first stage of the redemption? 34. Longing for redemption in the form of return 35. In the second blessing preceding the Shma: O bring us home in peace from the four corners of the earth, and lead us upright to our land 36. The daily amidah contains several prayers reminding us of our exiled state and asking for return/restoration: 37. Tenth blessing: Sound the great shofar of our freedom, raise the signal to gather our exiles 38. Fourteenth blessing: Return in mercy to Jerusalem Your city, and dwell in it as You have promised. Rebuild it soon in our days 39. Seventeenth blessing: Restore the service to Your most holy house and receive in love and with favor the sacrifices of Israel and their prayer 40. And on Shabbat: 41. Lecha Dodi in Kabbalat Shabbat: O royal city, sanctuary of the King, arise and go forth from your ruins etc. 42. Musaf on Shabbat middle blessing: lead us in joy back to our land and plant us within our borders [By the way, the early Reform movement decided to eliminate Musaf, as the movement wanted to cleanse the service of things they didnt believe in like the longing for restoration but in the end realized that if they eliminated it, most people would arrive in time for Kiddush] 43. There are of course many more references to redemption and return in the holiday liturgy the high holy days and the three pilgrimage festivals.

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However, these days have been treated in different units, and our focus here is on the everyday or every week repetition of texts that connect the worshipper with the land and our exile from it and longing for return. Appendix: Maimonides on sacrifices Guide for the Perplexed, Part III, Chapter 32 CHAPTER XXXII ON considering the Divine acts, or the processes of Nature, we get an insight into the prudence and wisdom of God as displayed in the creation of animals, with the gradual development of the movements of their limbs and the relative positions of the latter, and we perceive also His wisdom and plan in the successive and gradual development of the whole condition of each individual. The gradual development of the animals' movements and the relative position of the limbs may be illustrated by the brain. The front part is very soft, the back part is a little hard, the spinal marrow is still harder, and the farther it extends the harder it becomes. The nerves are the organs of sensation and motion. Some nerves are only required for sensation, or for slight movements, as, e.g., the movement of the eyelids or of the jaws; these nerves originate in the brain. The nerves which are required for the movements of the limbs come from the spinal marrow. But nerves, even those that come directly from the spinal cord, are too soft to set the joints in motion; therefore God made the following arrangement: the nerves branch out into fibres which are covered with flesh, and become muscles: the nerves that come forth at the extremities of the muscles and have already commenced to harden, and to combine with hard pieces of ligaments, are the sinews which are joined and attached to the limbs. By this gradual development the nerves are enabled to set the limbs in motion. I quote this one instance because it is the most evident of the wonders described in the book On the use of the limbs: but the use of the limbs is clearly perceived by all who examine them with a sharp eye. In a similar manner did God provide for each individual animal of the class of mammalia. When such an animal is born it is extremely tender, and cannot be fed with dry food. Therefore breasts were provided which yield milk, and the young can be fed with moist food which corresponds to the condition of the limbs of the animal, until the latter have gradually become dry and hard. Many precepts in our Law are the result of a similar course adopted by the same Supreme Being. It is, namely, impossible to go suddenly from one extreme to the other: it is therefore according to the nature of man impossible for him suddenly to discontinue everything to which he has been accustomed. Now God sent Moses to make [the Israelites] a kingdom of priests and a holy nation (Exod. xix. 6) by means of the knowledge of God. Comp." Unto thee it was showed that thou mightest know that the Lord is God (Dent. iv. 35):" Know therefore this day, and consider it in thine heart, that the Lord is God" (ibid. v. 39). The Israelites were commanded to devote themselves to His service; comp." and to serve him with all your heart" (ibid. xi. 13):" and you shall serve the Lord your God" (Exod. xxiii. 25);" and ye shall serve him" (Dent. 299
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xiii. 5). But the custom which was in those days general among all men, and the general mode of worship in which the Israelites were brought up, consisted in sacrificing animals in those temples which contained certain images, to bow down to those images, and to bum incense before them; religious and ascetic persons were in those days the persons that were devoted to the service in the temples erected to the stars, as has been explained by us. It was in accordance with the wisdom and plan of God, as displayed in the whole Creation, that He did not command us to give up and to discontinue all these manners of service; for to obey such a commandment it would have been contrary to the nature of man, who generally cleaves to that to which he is used; it would in those days have made the same impression as a prophet would make at present if he called us to the service of God and told us in His name, that we should not pray to Him, not fast, not seek His help in time of trouble; that we should serve Him in thought, and not by any action. For this reason God allowed these kinds of service to continue; He transferred to His service that which had formerly served as a worship of created beings, and of things imaginary and unreal, and commanded us to serve Him in the same manner; viz., to build unto Him a temple; comp." And they shall make unto me a sanctuary" (Exod. xxv. 8): to have the altar erected to His name; comp." An altar of earth thou shalt make unto me" (ibid. XX. 2 1): to offer the sacrifices to Him; comp." If any man of you bring an offering unto the Lord" (Lev. i. 2), to bow down to Elim. and to bum incense before Him. He has forbidden to do any of these things to any other being; comp." He who sacrificeth unto any God, save the Lord only, he shall be utterly destroyed * (Exod. xxii. 19):" For thou shalt bow down to no other God" (ibid. xxxiv. 14). He selected priests for the service in the temple; comp." And they shall minister unto me in the priest's office" (ibid. xxviii. 41). He made it obligatory that certain gifts, called the gifts of the Levites and the priests, should be assigned to them for their maintenance while they are engaged in the service of the temple and its sacrifices. By this Divine plan it was effected that the traces of idolatry were blotted out, and the truly great principle of our faith, the Existence and Unity of God, was firmly established; this result was thus obtained without deterring or confusing the minds of the people by the abolition of the service to which they were accustomed and which alone was familiar to them. I know that you will at first thought reject this idea and find it strange: you will put the following question to me in your heart : How can we suppose that Divine commandments, prohibitions, and important acts, which are fully explained, and for which certain seasons are fixed, should not have been commanded for their own sake, but only for the sake of some other thing: as if they were only the means which He employed for His primary object ? What prevented Him from making His primary object a direct commandment to us, and to give us the capacity of obeying it ? Those precepts which in your opinion are only the means and not the object would then have been unnecessary. Hear my answer, which win cure your heart of this disease and will show you the truth of that which I have pointed out to you. There occurs in the Law a passage which contains exactly the same idea; it is the following :" God led them not through the way of the land of the Philistines, although that was near; for God said, Lest peradventure the people repent when they see war, and they return to Egypt; but God led the people about, through the way of

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the wilderness of the Red Sea," etc. (Exod. xiii. 17). Here God led the people about, away from the direct road which He originally intended, because He feared they might meet on that way with hardships too great for their ordinary strength; He took them by another road in order to obtain thereby His original object. In the same manner God refrained from prescribing what the people by their natural disposition would be incapable of obeying, and gave the above-mentioned commandments as a means of securing His chief object, viz., to spread a knowledge of Him [among the people], and to cause them to reject idolatry. It is contrary to man's nature that he should suddenly abandon all the different kinds of Divine service and the different customs in which he has been brought up, and which have been so general, that they were considered as a matter of course; it would be just as if a person trained to work as a slave with mortar and bricks, or similar things, should interrupt his work, clean his hands, and at once fight with real giants. It was the result of God's wisdom that the Israelites were led about in the wilderness till they acquired courage. For it is a well-known fact that travelling in the wilderness, and privation of bodily enjoyments, such as bathing, produce courage, whilst the reverse is the source of faint-heartedness: besides, another generation rose during the wanderings that had not been accustomed to degradation and slavery. All the travelling in the wilderness was regulated by Divine commands through Moses; comp." At the commandment of the Lord they rested, and at the commandment of the Lord they journeyed; they kept the charge of the Lord and the commandment of the Lord by the hand of Moses" (Num. ix. 23). In the same way the portion of the Law under discussion is the result of divine wisdom, according to which people are allowed to continue the kind of worship to which they have been accustomed, in order that they might acquire the true faith, which is the chief object [of God's commandments]. You ask, What could have prevented God from commanding us directly, that which is the chief object, and from giving us the capacity of obeying it ? This would lead to a second question, What prevented God from leading the Israelites through the way of the land of the Philistines, and endowing them with strength for fighting ? The leading about by a pillar of cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night would then not have been necessary. A third question would then be asked in reference to the good promised as reward for the keeping of the commandments, and the evil foretold as a punishment for sins. It is the following question: As it is the chief object and purpose of God that we should believe in the Law, and act according to that which is written therein, why has He not given us the capacity of continually believing in it, and following its guidance, instead of holding out to us reward for obedience, and punishment for disobedience, or of actually giving all the predicted reward and punishment ? For [the promises and the threats] are but the means of leading to this chief object. What prevented Him from giving us, as part of our nature, the will to do that which He desires us to do, and to abandon the kind of worship which He rejects ? There is one general answer to these three questions, and to all questions of the same character: it is this : Although in every one of the signs [related in Scripture] the natural property of some individual being is changed, the nature of man is never changed by God by way of miracle. It is in accordance with this important principle that God said," 0 that there were such an heart in them, that they

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would fear me," etc. (Dent. v. 26). It is also for this reason that He distinctly stated the commandments and the prohibitions, the reward and the punishment. This principle as regards miracles has been frequently explained by us in our works: I do not say this because I believe that it is difficult for God to change the nature of every individual person; on the contrary, it is possible, and it is in His power, according to the principles taught in Scripture; but it has never been His will to do it, and it never will be. If it were part of His will to change [at His desire] the nature of any person, the mission of prophets and the giving of the Law would have been altogether superfluous. I now return to my theme. As the sacrificial service is not the primary object [of the commandments about sacrifice], whilst supplications, Prayerss and similar kinds of worship are nearer to the primary object, and indispensable for obtaining it, a great difference was made in the Law between these two kinds of service. The one kind, which consists in offering sacrifices, although the sacrifices are offered to the name of God, has not been made obligatory for us to the same extent as it had been before. We were not commanded to sacrifice in every place, and in every time, or to build a temple in every place, or to permit any one who desires to become priest and to sacrifice. On the contrary, all this is prohibited unto us. Only one temple has been appointed," in the place which the Lord shall choose" (Deut. xii. 26): in no other place is it allowed to sacrifice: comp." Take heed to thyself, that thou offer not thy burntofferings in every place that thou seest" (ibid. v. 13); and only the members of a particular family were allowed to officiate as priests. All these restrictions served to limit this kind of worship, and keep it within those bounds within which God did not think it necessary to abolish sacrificial service altogether. But prayer and supplication can be offered everywhere and by every person. The same is the case with the commandment of zizit (Num. xy. 38); mezuzah (Dent. vi. 9; xi. 20); tefillin (Exod. xiii. 9, 16): and similar kinds of divine service. Because of this principle which I explained to you, the Prophets in their books are frequently found to rebuke their fellow-men for being over-zealous and exerting themselves too much in bringing sacrifices: the prophets thus distinctly declared that the object of the sacrifices is not very essential, and that God does not require them. Samuel therefore said," Hath the Lord as great delight in burnt-offerings and sacrifices as in obeying the voice of the Lord" (I Sam. xv. 22) ? Isaiah exclaimed," To what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me ? saith the Lord" (Isa. i. 11): Jeremiah declared:" For I spake not unto your fathers, nor commanded them in the day that I brought them out of the land of Egypt, concerning burnt-offering or sacrifices. But this thing commanded I them, saying, Obey my, voice, and I will be your God, and ye shall be my people" (Jer. vii. 22, 23). This passage has been found difficult in the opinion of all those whose words .1 read or heard; they ask, How can Jeremiah say that God did not command us about burnt-offering and sacrifice, seeing so many precepts refer to sacrifice ? The sense of the passage agrees with what I explained to you. Jeremiah says [in the name of God) the primary object of the precepts is this, Know me, and serve no other being;" I will be your God, and ye shall 302
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be my people" (Lev. xxvi. 12). But the commandment that sacrifices shall be brought and that the temple shall be visited has for its object the success of that principle among you; and for its sake I have transferred these modes of worship to my name; idolatry shall thereby be utterly destroyed, and Jewish faith firmly established. You, however, have ignored this object, and taken hold of that which is only the means of obtaining it; you have doubted my existence," ye have denied the Lord, and said he is not" (Jer. v. 12): ye served idols;" burnt incense unto Baal, and walked after other gods whom ye know not. And come and stand before me in this house" (ibid. vii. 9-10); i.e., you do not go beyond attending the temple of the Lord, and offering sacrifices: but this is not the chief object.-- I have another way of explaining this passage with exactly the same result. For it is distinctly stated in Scripture, and handed down by tradition, that the first commandments communicated to us did not include any law at an about burnt-offering and sacrifice. You must not see any difficulty in the Passover which was commanded in Egypt; there was a particular and evident reason for that, as will be explained by me (chap. xlvi.). Besides it was revealed in the land of Egypt; whilst the laws to which Jeremiah alludes in the above passage are those which were revealed after the departure from Egypt. For this reason it is distinctly added," in the day that I brought them out from the land of Egypt." The first commandment after the departure from Egypt was given at Marah, in the following words," If thou wilt diligently hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God, and wilt do that which is right in His sight, and wilt give ear to His commandments" (Exod. xv. 26)." There he made for them a statute and an ordinance, and there he proved them" (ibid. ver. 25). According to the true traditional explanation, Sabbath and civil laws were revealed at Marah:" statute" alludes to Sabbath, and" ordinance" to civil laws, which are the means of removing injustice. The chief object of the Law, as has been shown by us, is the teaching of truths; to which the truth of the creatio ex nihilo belongs. It is known that the object of the law of Sabbath is to confirm and to establish this principle, as we have shown in this treatise (Part. II. chap. xxxi.). In addition to the teaching of truths the Law aims at the removal of injustice from mankind. We have thus proved that the first laws do not refer to burnt-offering and sacrifice, which are of secondary importance. The same idea which is contained in the above passage from Jeremiah is also expressed in the Psalms, where the people are rebuked that they ignore the chief object, and make no distinction between chief and subsidiary lessons. The Psalmist says:" Hear, 0 my people, and I will speak; 0 Israel, and I will testify against thee : I am God, even thy God. I will not reprove thee for thy sacrifices or thy burnt-offerings, they have been continually before me. I will take no bullock out of thy house, nor he-goats out of thy folds" (Ps. 1. 29).-- Wherever this subject is mentioned, this is its meaning. Consider it well, and reflect on it.

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L e s s o n 35
Childhood
1. Outline a. Circumcision b. Pidyon Haben c. Halakeh d. Kabalat Hatorah e. Bar/bat mitzvah f. Army enlistment 2. Introduction Israelis who define themselves as "chiloni" (non-religious) nevertheless choose to undergo traditional Jewish lifecycle events, circumcising their sons, celebrating bar/bar mitzvah ceremonies and weddings, and burying their dead according to traditional practice. Some of this participation is enforced by Israeli law (more on that in the lessons on marriage and death), but the rituals of childhood are entered into voluntarily (at least by the parents). While the circumcision ceremony has remained largely identical to the traditional one, the bar/bat mitzvah ceremony has evolved and changed perhaps because it is a relative newcomer on the scene. Other ceremonies contain different mixes of tradition and new invention. In terms of the Israel connection in life cycle observances in the Diaspora, the liturgy of the brit, and of bar/bat mitzvah, does not contain explicit references to Israel or the hope of return. However, pidyon haben is wholly bound up with preserving the role of the kohanim and thus serves as a reminder of the Temple and its centrality. 3. Lesson goals 4. Knowledge of current practices and dilemmas of childhood lifecycle events in Israel 5. Awareness of the role of pidyon haben as a link to the Temple cult and the hope of restoration 6. Knowledge about the evolution of the bar/bat mitzvah ceremony in Israel 7. Reflection on the meaning of the bar/bat mitzvah ceremony 8. Expanded outline Jews in Israel define themselves across a spectrum of religious belief and observance. According to a recent study21, Israeli Jews define themselves:
21

Beliefs, Tradition and Values of Jews in Israel, 2000, funded by the Avichai Foundation, carried out by http://www.avi-the Guttman Center of the Israeli Institute of Democracy, available in Hebrew at chai.org/Static/Binaries/Publications/guttman_0.pdf

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Definition Ultra-Orthodox ("charedi") Religious ("dati") Traditional ("masorti") Non-religious ("chiloni") Anti-religious

Percentage 5% 12% 35% 43% 5%

On the other hand, when participants in the survey were asked about the importance in which they held Jewish lifecycle rituals, it turned out that a majority of Israeli Jews hold most of these rituals to be "very important". The percentages have fallen slightly over the past decade, except for those pertaining to bar/bat mitzvah ceremonies, which have actually become important to a larger percent of the population. Percentage of those who answered it was "very important" to have: Brit in a religious ceremony Bar mitzvah in synagogue Bat mitzvah in synagogue Wedding led by a Rabbi Religious funeral service 1991 74% 63% 46% 69% 70% 1999 70% 66% 47% 64% 66%

Below is a short description of several childhood rites of passage in Israel, going into more detail on the bar/bat mitzvah: a. Circumcision (Brit) Boys in Israel are almost invariably circumcised, for the usual religious and cultural reasons (this applies to Muslim and Druze males too), and also because parents are afraid of stigmatizing their sons in a society in which circumcision is the norm (army shower-rooms are cited as a prime situation of potential embarrassment). However, in the last few years a tiny but vocal minority has started actively advocating against circumcision, and in 1998 one organization petitioned the High Court of Justice to outlaw circumcision, alleging that it contradicts the Basic Law of Human Dignity and Freedom (1992). The petition was turned down, but in such a way that similar petitions may be submitted in the future. While Jewish practices such as ritual slaughter and circumcision have been adjudicated in courts of various countries recently, the possibility of a ruling by the High Court of Israel against the basic Jewish ritual of circumcision boggles the mind b. Redeeming of the Firstborn (Pidyon Ha'Ben) This ceremony is explained in the bible: "God said to Moses: Consecrate to me every firstborn male. The first offspring of every womb among the Israelites belongs to me, whether man or animal." (Exodus
13, 2)

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And in a commandment to the priests: "But you must redeem every firstborn sonWhen they are a month old, you must redeem them at the redemption price set at five shekels of silver, according to the sanctuary shekel, which weighs twenty gerahs." (Numbers 18, 15-16) The ceremony is one of the few instances in which descendants of the priests (kohanim), descendants of Aharon, are still sought out today to fulfill a special role. In the ceremony, a kohen symbolically accepts 5 coins of a certain value (although other valuables may be used, it is customary in Israel to use specially minted coins, made for this purpose by the Israel Government Coins and Medals Corporation) to redeem the firstborn son. While in general kohanim live ordinary lives since the Temple was destroyed, from time to time these odd reminders crop up, reminiscent of their onceimportant role - Kohanim are called to bless the congregation in synagogue on some special days, and they are held to more stringent laws of purity (they may not enter graveyards, and cannot marry divorcees). This in spite of the fact that after the destruction (and indeed even in the preceding years) the priestly elite was gradually replaced by an elite distinguished not by birth but by talent specifically in studying the Torah. Are these distinctions just an anachronism, or yet another way in which we (symbolically?) yearn for the rebuilding of the Temple and the renewal of its rituals? c. Halakeh Many ultra-orthodox families do not cut their sons' hair until they are 3 years old, and then do it ceremonially on Lag Ba'Omer near Rabbi Shimon Bar Yochai's grave in Meron, near Safed. This ceremony is called halakeh. The gravesite and surroundings are visited on Lag Ba'Omer by hundreds of thousands of people, who camp out for several days, slaughter and barbecue sheep brought for the purpose, pray and petition on the grave of the Rabbi. See, for example, http://www.jewishsf.com/content/2-0/module/displaystory/story_id/3857/edition_id/69/format/html/displaystory.html or for a more academic presentation: http://www.ucalgary.ca/~elsegal/Shokel/010503_Upshern.html d. Receiving the Torah (Kabalat HaTorah) For students in 2nd grade, schools often organize a ceremony to celebrate their beginning steps to study the Torah. Students often spend some time preparing for this event, in the classroom and outside it, meeting a scribe (sofer stam) who explains and demonstrates his craft, and studying some biblical stories. This preparation process culminates in a ceremony (sometimes loosely modeled after the receiving of the torah at Mount Sinai) in which each child receives his/her own copy of Bereshit, which will be used from now on in the classroom. In some schools, parents are involved in preparing a special cover for the book, embroidered or decorated according to the skills and interest of the individual parents.

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e. Bar Mitzvah The bar mitzvah ceremony has undergone a series of transformations since its inception. While the age of 13 (for boys 12 for girls) has been recognized since the time of the Mishnah as the age in which Jewish boys become obligated to fulfill the commandments, the formalization of the bar mitzvah ceremony was apparently a gradual process. In contrast to rites of passage in African or Indian tribes, where boys were called upon to prove their prowess in hunting and survival skills, the "initiation rite" for Jewish boys consisted of the boy showing his ability to read from the Torah. In Reform congregations, the bar mitzvah ceremony was often superseded by the confirmation ceremony, which marked the culmination of a child's formal Jewish education. In Israel, many non-religious families chose (and choose today) to retain the traditional ceremony, even though the ceremony marks a solitary departure from the family tradition of non-participation in synagogue life, instead of an embarkation upon a lifetime of synagogue participation. True to their general attitude of evolving traditional Jewish customs to take on new meanings, the kibbutz movement created different incarnations of the bar mitzvah ceremony. Since reading Torah was not a meaningful ceremony for kibbutz children, a different initiation ceremony was designed. Source #1 tells of such a ceremony. How is the kibbutz ceremony described different from the traditional one? How is it similar? Would you adopt some of the changes made in the kibbutz? The author mentions the disconnection from religious significance, and the transformation of the individual celebrations to a celebration by the group, true to the collectivist aspirations of the kibbutz. The author does not even mention the fact that the kibbutz ceremony makes no distinction between boys and girls. The traditional Jewish custom of initiating the boy into Torah-reading is replaced by initiation into other realms secular studies, group life, knowledge of other forms of Jewish life. Source #2 lists other examples of tasks proposed in different kibbutzim. What can be learned about the lives of kibbutz children from the tasks they were set for their bar mitzvah? If you were to design a list of bar/bat mitzvah tasks for children of your community, what would be the same? What tasks would you omit? What tasks would you add? Do the differences stem from different values, different emphases on the same values, or differences in surrounding lifestyle and culture? Is the ceremony more reminiscent of the traditional ceremony, which marks the start of a life of obligation, or of the Reform confirmation ceremony, which marks the end of formal Jewish education? What do you think the Bar Mitzvah celebration in your community should symbolize? Some important values that educators sought to instill in kibbutz children were (in no particular order):

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 Connectedness to Jewish history Importance of study Work ethic Social responsibility Awareness of other lifestyles Commitment to the (armed, if necessary) defense of the kibbutz and the State Responsibility for younger children Filial duties With the gradual decline of the kibbutz way of life, ceremonies like these have been replaced in most kibbutzim with more traditional, synagogue-based ceremonies. Bar Mitzvah at the Western Wall Many families in Israel (and indeed from abroad) choose to celebrate their sons' bar mitzvah at a ceremony at the Western Wall. At any time during Monday and Thursday mornings, when a Torah portion is read during the Shacharit service, one sees many groups of men standing in the men's section of the Wall plaza, huddled around a table on which a Torah scroll is laid, accompanying their boy in his first fumbling attempts to put on tefillin, and listening to him reading from the Torah. Women participants sometimes climb on chairs in the women's section, craning their necks to watch from afar. Some ethnic groups provide a colorful spectacle, dressing in traditional costumes and escorting the boy with singing, dancing and the playing of traditional instruments as he approaches the plaza. The ceremony is often concluded with toasts and blessings, and in recent years it has become customary for the family and guests to tour the "Western Wall tunnels" adjacent to the plaza. What are the pros and cons of the Western Wall bar mitzvah ceremony? Pros The Wall is considered the holiest place in Israel (for Jews, that is) The Wall is one of the most powerful symbols of our connection to the past, and our connection to Eretz Yisrael The simultaneous reading from the Torah of so many bar mitzvah boys, of so many traditions and cultures, also strongly symbolizes our connection to the Jewish people, in all its many-colored varieties

Cons While the close family of the bar mitzvah will surely travel from the ends of the earth to participate, the larger community will not, and therefore the boy and the family will be celebrating this rite of passage disconnected from their natural community

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The Western Wall is run by strictly Orthodox rules, so girls who wish to read from the Torah will have to use the "Southern Wall" area, set apart for egalitarian services Women of the family will be able to participate in the ceremony only from afar

Some Diaspora families choose to hold a bar or bat mitzvah in Israel, not at the Wall but at a synagogue (of the denomination of their choice) or historical site (like Zippori or Metsada). This can, on the one hand, be a powerful experience for the child and the family, and clearly helps build a strong relationship with Israel; on the other hand, it suffers from one of the cons of the Wall ceremony - the distance from family and community in most cases. There are travel agents who specialize in family bar/bat mitzvah tours. Other modes of celebration Bat mitzvah's have also begun to be explored in Israel. While traditionally the ceremony did not exist for girls, the need for a ceremony parallel to the bar mitzvah began to be felt in many communities in Orthodox communities, as awareness to women's issues rose to the fore, and in non-religious circles, as children who were accustomed to equality in all areas suddenly confronted inequality in this domain. While some non-religious Israeli families celebrate bat mitzvah's in egalitarian Conservative and Reform synagogues, others, both religious and non-, explore new ways to mark the day, in study, ritual, or ceremony. Yet sadly, for some families (even those who would celebrate a bar mitzvah in a religious setting) a bat mitzvah is celebrated with a large party or a family trip abroad, with no religious or ideological overtones. In schools, students in the 7th grade (in which many turn 12/13) customarily are required to embark upon a project to explore their family history, in what is called a "Roots project." Students interview grandparents, collect documents, certificates, maps and pictures, research and produce a family tree. Often parents also become involved, and family discussions ensue. In addition to the ways described above, people are adding a variety of new ways to celebrate children's coming of age. Some families organize a hike on the "Israel trail" an 850-km-long trail that crosses Israel from north to south, traversing many of the most well-known trails in the country, crossing different terrains, passing through villages inhabited by a variety of ethnic groups and religions. Non-religious organizations fostering a "Judaism as culture" viewpoint organize parent-child seminars, focusing on the meaning of coming of age in today's modern society. One girl, an ardent dancer, was joined by her friends in dancing their interpretation of the Scroll of Ruth in the ancient amphitheatre in Zippori, on her 12th birthday close to Shavuot. As Israeli society becomes more individualistic, more new ways are invented, but as shown in the survey, a majority of Jews in Israel are choosing (sometimes in

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addition to other ways of marking the event) to celebrate their child's bar/bat mitzvah the traditional way. Interesting to think about: should we in the Diaspora Jewish community seek to insert into the bar/bat mitzvah liturgy some ritual emphasizing connection to Israel? Perhaps on the order of the custom of twinning from the days of the Soviet Jewry struggle Should we encourage our families to take their bar/bat mitzvah celebrations to Israel? f. Army enlistment The rite of passage in Israel, which catapults tender high-school graduates into instant adulthood, is enlistment in the army. Kids have some contact with the army through the last years of high school, as they are summoned for physical and psychological tests to decide where they will be posted. Often, the day of enlistment is known months in advance, but it is frequently shifted back and forth according to mysterious "army needs." When the day finally arrives, the new enlistee is brought by his proud and apprehensive parents to the appointed base, last-minute pictures are taken, and the kid joins the throng. When he comes home on his first furlough, hair shorn, awkwardly wearing an ill-fitting uniform, it is clear that a threshold has been crossed. Still, with the advent of cellular phones and changing perspectives on the age of adulthood, soldiers nowadays are still regarded, in some ways, as children. In some sense, the army has always extended the period of dependency join the army and you can postpone most of your decisions for another 2-3 years, as you are provided with food, shelter, a small income and a purpose in life for the duration, the army acting "in loco parentis." Today, army and parents "share custody." Army commanders will give out their numbers to parents, who dont hesitate to call and inquire if their son is eating and sleeping properly; soldiers enlist parents' help in negotiating with difficult officers; parents agonize over the effect soldiers' duties have on their tender souls; retired soldiers in their 20's express remorse over things they've done in army service, excusing themselves for "being only children at the time." As in the rest of the Western world, kids in Israel are postponing their adulthood until later in life. 9. Looking back on the journey we have described, from birth to adulthood in Israel what are the similarities and differences to the parallel journey experienced by youngsters in your community?

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Sources 1. Bar-what? Yossi Amir, Kibbutz Mizra, 1964 It is customary in Israel today, in non-religious circles too, to hold a Bar-Mitzvah party for 13-year-olds. This trend, like any other, has quickly become popular among groups whose connections to religion are extremely weak, but who fulfill this commandment with great devotion. I do not wish to describe in detail these "festivals", that are held in rented halls with invited guests and festive meals and so on, when the young star of the party does not yet truly understand all the tumult around him. Moreover, most of the celebrants have no connection to Jewish tradition. The child learns the haftarah and the laying of tefillin out of a necessity connected to the celebration, and the day after the celebration he truly "lays down" the tefillin in a closet and the whole religious aspect is quickly forgotten. Some say that the bar mitzvah ceremony is catching on in the non-religious public around us as they grasp at crumbs of a tradition which they do not keep or carry out, and so they see the fulfillment of this mitzvah as a sop to unity. Others say, that this disease is rooted in sociological rules and the structure of society in Israel, and that this celebration of bar mitzvah is a status symbol that cannot be missed, etc, etc. Whatever the reason, the question must be asked what have we to do with this? Barwhat (son of what) is a son of ours when he reaches the age of 13? Do we say of him, as the believing (truly religious) father says "Blessed is he who has freed me from the responsibility for his sins" we are not "rid of their responsibility" even after their army service, if it is even possible to speak of it in these terms. Even so, I do not think we can close our eyes to habits and customs that penetrate us from outside. There have been luxurious bar mitzvah parties here, which were followed by unnecessary talk and gossip. Do our children need such festivals at such a young age? (Do their parents)? But, as I said, we must not say "this does not suit us" and therefore ignore the problem; we will not celebrate, and thus solve the issue. In the attempt to find a solution more fitting to our mentality and way of life, we followed a slightly different path in this celebration. Actually, we brushed aside the "main motives" of this celebration, which are: the exact date of each child, and also the religious element. We said: let us celebrate together, the whole group, not a bar mitzvah celebration but a celebration of the group! A celebration that symbolizes our passage from the young children's houses to the youth houses to the kibbutz educational institution. A celebration that will mark the yoke of more serious studies, the yoke of work and of social activities of a different form than those we were accustomed to. A celebration in which each child, or group of children, will receive a task which he must perform from start to finish; A celebration in which the children will go out to know the lives of children their age in other places; a celebration in which they will prepare a large party for themselves and their parents. In a sentence a celebration in which they prove that they can and want to take an active part in the youth group which they have just joined. 311
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The "celebration of the group" which we celebrated last Shabbar in the Tomer group was held according to these principles. The group focused on this enterprise for 5-6 weeks. The children received in advance a list of tasks, which included: lectures about different topics, models of subjects which they were studying (a model of the Second Temple, a model of a water wheel), and visual educational aids like "the times table according to different bases", a humidity meter and a map of the national water carrier. The children took upon themselves the preparation of a large party (choir, dancing, music, skit) and also embarked upon a two-day trip in the neighboring settlements. On Motzei Shabbar the parents and children, along with other guests, congregated and in a pleasant and friendly atmosphere celebrated, each child receiving a present from the educational institution according to his choice. I do not think this is the best or most appropriate way to celebrate this occasion; there may be other variations and emphases, different from the ones we chose, but it is clear to me, that if we want to achieve some form of celebration that is suitable to our lives, then the starting-point, at least, must be that which we embarked from. 2. List of suggested "bar mitzvah tasks", kibbutzim in the 50s and 60s 1. A night of guard duty in the kibbutz 2. First-aid course 3. A trip to the city without adult accompaniment, for the fulfillment of some task 4. A visit to a neighboring kibbutz to get to know the lives of children there 5. Writing an essay on a topic related to literature, society or the kibbutz 6. Weeding a flower bed with the whole group 7. Travel to a youth group in a slum area 8. "Robinson Crusoe" day a day's survival in a natural area 9. A day's work in the kibbutz 10. A study project on a topic related to the history of our people, in Israel or abroad. 11. Learning to milk a cow, harness a horse, plow a field 12. Biology research project 13. Familiarizing oneself with a weapon 14. Preparing a present for parents 15. Preparing an activity for younger children in the kibbutz 16. Preparing an activity for children in a new immigrants camp

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L e s s o n 36
Youth and coming of age in Israel
1. Outline The New Jew The school systems Informal education: youth movements, volunteer service The army 2. Introduction Many of the founding fathers (and mothers) of modern Israel came to the country as twenty-somethings (or younger), in the Second Aliyah (1904-1914) and the Third Aliyah (1919-1923). While they were small in number, their cultural influence was far-reaching and long-lasting, and it is perhaps largely due to their experience that Israels self-image is that of a young society, a society whose youth are its heroes and its leaders. There is an ironic reversal here of the traditional respect accorded to age and wisdom. And needless to say, this self-image affects many aspects of cultural life, from child-rearing to education to politics not always in constructive ways. Another factor contributing to this youth-centeredness is the central place of defense in the collective consciousness the near-universal conscription of both genders means that the army is a major rite of passage and a huge cultural influence. This unit will examine the perception of and the experience of youth in Israeli society in several important contexts. The materials and background are presented straightforwardly not as a comparative examination with the North American Jewish experience; however, exploring the comparison is recommended as a useful and effective educational method for using this material. 3. Lesson goals 4. Understanding the educational implications of Israeli societys origins in a revolutionary movement 5. Understanding the ambivalent attitude toward youth and Jewish identity in Israel 6. Knowledge of some of the basic institutional frameworks affecting young people in Israel 7. Expanded outline 8. The New Jew 9. From the beginnings of modern Zionism, the hope of a Jewish return to sovereignty in Zion was accompanied by a parallel vision of a revitalized Jewish

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life based on the notion of a New Jew. One of the movements earliest leaders, Max Nordau, coined the phrase muscular Judaism that came to symbolize this concept of Zionism as an anthropological revolution a revolution not only against the fact of the Exile, but against the type of the Exilic Jew (see: http://www.jafi.org.il/education/100/concepts/sport/2.html ). In a sense, many Jews accepted the anti-Semitic characterization of the Jew as pale, weak, timid, and parasitic, and dreamed of a new race of Jews who would be just the opposite: tanned, strong, bold, and self-reliant. It is this image that morphed into the Sabra, as seen, for example, in Leon Uris Ari benCanaan (Paul Newman in Exodus). An examination of the rise (and fall) of the New Jew in Hebrew literature can be found in this lecture by Prof. Arnold Band: http://isanet.org/judaic/bilgray/band/Band2.htm And this obituary for author Moshe Shamir gives some insight into the values of the New Jew and how they can lead in different directions: http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,2763,1292010,00.html And for something of the historical context the aliyah of the chalutzim and their concept of renewal by settling the land, see: http://www.jewishagency.org/JewishAgency/English/Jewish+Educati on/Eye+on+Israel/hityashvut/The+socialist+pioneers.htm 10. It is of interest to consider our own stereotypes of Israelis and of Jews and what their emotional impacts on us are. To what extent does the image of the New Jew fulfill fantasies for us? To what extent are we disappointed to discover that Israelis are in fact just like us? 11. Below (source 1) is a poll taken in 2002 that gives a sense of what Israeli young people are like today; it is interesting to see how it fits and doesnt fit the New Jew stereotype. 12. By the way, it is interesting to note that the Sabra (prickly pear) cactus is not native to the Israel; its origin is Mexico. The Conquistadores noticed that the Indians used a bright red dye, which they made from insects that infested cacti. The Spaniards took cuttings of these home, and the plants spread all around the Mediterranean. In the middle east they were often used as a living fence. Today, in Israel, the tell-tale sign of an Arab village that was abandoned in 1948 is the luxuriant growth of Sabras. 13. Despite (or perhaps partly because of) the centrality of young people to the Zionist revolution and the Zionist vision of a New Jew who will build the New Jewish State, Israel suffers from a full spectrum of the problems of children and youth: poverty, abuse, homelessness, drug abuse, crime, etc. These occasionally cause public outcry, and are much sensationalized by the tabloids. And there are many serious and dedicated persons and institutions working to

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remedy these social ills. In any case, it is important to be aware of Israels normality in this realm, for better or for worse. See, for example, http://www.iyfnet.org/section.cfm/76/90/102 and http://www.ias.org.uk/publications/theglobe/02issue1/globe0201_p 14.html and some examples of attempts to respond http://www.elem.org/about/about-elem.php and http://www.jdc.org/p_is_ps_youth_roie.html There have been, over the years, hundreds of glib attempts to attribute the problems of Israeli youth to the various circumstances of life here; e.g., the threat of terror, the occupation, the expectation of military service, the climate, the experience of immigration, ethnic discrimination, permissiveness, provincialism, the loss of religious faith, etc. Any or all of these may contain some truth; on the whole however, it is not clear that young people in Israel are really significantly different from their peers in other developed countries, reflecting primarily the sufferings generic to adolescents in modern, modernizing, and post-modern societies. 14. Schools 15. The institutional setting most affected by the concept of the New Jew was the education system. The generation of the founders saw their task as to create the new type by means of education. From the beginning of the Zionist movement, education was a hot topic; indeed, the very creation of a religious Zionist movement (Mizrachi) as a subdivision within the Zionist movement came (in 1902) as a response to the decision of the Fifth Zionist Congress to make cultural work a part of the Zionist agenda instead of limiting Zionism to the political work of securing a state, the movement decided to get involved in educating Jews to strengthen their national identity; this led to a split, as the Orthodox were not prepared to support educational programs that were secular-national. Ultimately, this led to the formation of two separate school systems in the Yishuv, in 1922, which were recognized by the state in 1948. Today there are three parallel government school systems: secular Jewish, religious Jewish, and Arab, and various recognized private or semi-private networks of schools, the largest of which are the ultra-orthodox yeshivot and ulpanot (girls schools). For a compact summary of historical developments and a description of the system, see: http://countrystudies.us/israel/59.htm . And/or: http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFAArchive/2000_2009/2001/8/Educati

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on%20for%20Democracy%20at%20the%20Start%20of%20the%20T wenty Interestingly, there are many thousands of ultra-Orthodox children in private schools because of the religious milieu; a few thousand Arabs (mostly Moslem) attend private Christian schools because of the quality of the general education there. There are no private Moslem schools all Israeli Arabs except for the minority attending private Christian schools study in schools operated in Arabic by the ministry of education. 16. Note that in only a very few cases do Jewish and Arab children attend school together; there are a total of about four integrated schools in Israel. See http://www.handinhand12.org/ and http://nswas.org/rubrique22.html 17. As in many modern societies, only, perhaps, more so, in Israel the schools which began as tools of the Zionist revolution, and saw themselves as responsible for creating New Jews and hence, the New Jewish society and state are seen as responsible for the perpetually dismal state of our youth. Lack of Jewish knowledge, unclear Jewish identity, lack of commitment to democracy, ignorance of math and science, violence, draft-dodging, drug usage, sexual permissiveness, street kids, social fragmentation, socio-economic gaps, ethnic tensions, etc. are all blamed by the popular culture on the failings of the schools; already in 1912 such complaints were voiced by Zionist leaders. Hence throughout the years there have been countless commissions of inquiry, new curricula, reforms, etc. - and, due to the proletarization of the teachers, almost yearly (sometimes more often) strikes and a constant feeling that the education system lacks the resources to do its job properly. On top of this, due to the parliamentary system of government, every time the government changes or the coalition is renegotiated, the education minister changes; control of the schools is seen as an important political position, and the tone that is set for the system is influenced by the ideology of the ministers party. All of this means that school teaching is not a high status or highly paid profession, is governed by a user-unfriendly bureaucracy, and is fraught with professional and personal frustrations. 18. In 1993, the Shenhar Commission examined the whole area of Jewish education and came to the conclusion that the secular school system was failing to foster Jewish cultural identity. In the years since, many programs have been created in response, and a whole network of secular schools with increased Jewish studies (the Tali schools) established (actually, the Tali network antedates the Shenhar Report, but its most significant expansion has

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been in the past decade). See, on this, for example: http://www.masorti.org/media/archive2004/01132004.html http://www.jewishsf.com/content/2-0/module/displaystory/story_id/4461/edition_id/81/format/html/dis playstory.html The discourse surrounding the Shenhar Report is part of the ongoing discussion, since the early 20th century, on just what should be the Jewish content of Israeli education. What should be the place of, for example, rabbinic literature in the curriculum of a society that denies the relevance of halachah? The dominant philosophy of Jewish education, over the years, has been the approach of Achad Haam that Jewish culture has a life of its own that can continue and flourish even without religious belief (Mordecai Kaplan was a disciple); he believed that the building of an authentic, independent Jewish culture in Israel would rejuvenate Jewish culture world wide, rescuing it from the degeneration that had come to characterize Diaspora Orthodox Jewish life. See below, from one of his essays. This philosophy allowed the general culture of Israel, and the schools in particular, to develop a public Judaism that was independent of religion: from Purim carnivals to Chanukah pageants, from Tu Beshvat plantings to Shavuot first-fruits festivals. The result, in many cases, has been a reduction of the tradition to these public ceremonies, without any spiritual or even ethical components attached to it in the students consciousness. 19. One of the most frequent criticisms of the school system, since before 1948, relates to the centrality of the bagrut, or matriculation, exams nationally standardized achievement tests administered at the end of high school, serving as the basis of the college admissions system and serving as a way of insuring nationally standardized curriculum. However, the result is often an intensity of teaching for the test that precludes any freedom, any enrichment, any efforts to deal with value questions, with building community in the school, after about 10th grade. In recent years there have been changes that have loosened the system somewhat, giving students and teachers more curricular choices; however, the general atmosphere in 11th and 12th grade is one of dont distract us from our bagrut preparations; real life will have to wait. Of course, most students then move directly from high school to the army, without a serious opportunity to prepare for the serious personal and moral challenges that await them in this next phase.

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20. Three Galilee Diary entries on education in Israel: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=3579&pge_prg_id=15531&pge_i d=1698 http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=3578&pge_prg_id=15531&pge_i d=1698 http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=3577&pge_prg_id=15531&pge_i d=1698 21. Informal education 22. As over against the self-perception by the teachers, in the period of the Yishuv, as cultural revolutionaries, there has existed a distinct strand in Israeli culture that views schools as purveyors of knowledge and skills only while value education is the province of the informal educational institutions, primarily the youth movement. Many olim, from the earliest days, were products of Zionist youth movements secular socialist, revisionist, religious and saw the movements as the seat of the true revolution. Unlike the model of NFTY and other American educational youth organizations, run by adults for children, the Zionist youth movements are based on an ethos of the self-reliance of youth. Adult supervision is rejected. Each age level serves as the leaders/teachers/coaches for the level beneath it. In the Yishuv period and to a significant extent today the movements were and are ideologically driven, and take their role as purveyors of ideology seriously. For a good historical survey, and a discussion of the decline of the youth movements in recent years, see: http://www.wzo.org.il/en/resources/view.asp?id=1665 For positive examples of how the movements continue to be a force for good in Israeli society, see: http://www.wzo.org.il/en/resources/view.asp?id=1611&subject=29 Some movement websites: http://www.hamahanot-haolim.org.il/profile-e.asp http://www.noal.co.il/eng.htm http://www.bneiakiva.net/Index.asp?CategoryID=192 http://www.betar.org.il/english/index.htm http://www.zofim.co.il/about_tnua_english.asp 23. Perhaps the most significant impact of the youth movements today is the phenomenon of young people postponing their draft date by a year and devoting a year to volunteer community service. This practice is very much a youth movement tradition, but there are opportunities for kids who did not grow up through the movements. In addition, there are many who enter prearmy work/study programs, also requiring a one-year draft postponement, and which feature intensive group living, pluralistic Jewish study, and community

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service. While the majority of kids dont choose these options, the minority (under 2%) who do volunteer represent an impressive demonstration of idealism and leadership, in a generation often accused of being materialistic and apathetic. See: http://www.carmelinstitute.org.il/YouthService/nysinisrael.htm and http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3238314,00.html 24. The army 25. Every 3 months, large signs are hung on public billboards all youngsters born between the published dates are called to report to the induction centers for initial tests. Most kids also receive personal notices by mail. From this moment until army enlistment, they are officially termed "intended for security service," restricted from freely leaving the country army property. In the year or two until enlistment, kids report to induction centers at least twice for a series of tests, and many are repeatedly invited for additional assessments in preparation for enlistment in various courses or units. For some background material see http://www.jafi.org.il/education/juice/2000/israeli_society/is9.html. Draft day is a major rite of passage; typically, the whole family drives the inductee to the induction center in a nearby city early in the morning, where an auditorium full of similar families sits and waits for a female soldier serving in the induction center to mount the podium and begin to call off names, one bus-load at a time. As the names are called, the families accompany their draftees out to the parking lot and cry and laugh and call through the windows of the buses until they drive away. Generally, after a few days in an induction base getting processed, the new soldiers are sent home for Shabbat before beginning basic training. Note that the Israeli army does not generally do laundry: soldiers are expected to have their families launder their uniforms when they are home for Shabbat leave. 26. The high school period in Israel is permeated with consciousness of the army period which typically follows, and high schools are officially required to actively encourage their students to enlist. A circular from the head of education ministry (1999) stresses: "The central goal which the IDF and the Ministry of Education share: Preparing all youth for [service in] the IDF, while strengthening their readiness and motivation for meaningful and contributive army service, every person according to his/her capabilities and preferences,

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and stressing the importance of service in combat units". We will examine some of the issues raised by ubiquitous army service in Israel by reading an excerpt from the circular (see source 3 below), which lists the goals of the army preparation program. (Goals 1-2, 7-8) the fact that a stated goal of the Israeli education system is to encourage army service and improve kids' readiness for it causes uneasiness in some circles, which argue that this causes a surfeit of militarism in Israeli society. See the following for information about New Profile, an organization calling for the "Civil-ization of Israeli society". http://www.newprofile.org/showdata.asp?pid=740&language=e n Feminists argue that the militarization of Israeli society has farreaching consequences for the status of women in Israeli society. See the following for an interesting analysis: http://www.eurowrc.org/13.institutions/3.coe/en-violencecoe/11.en-coe-oct99.htm (Goal 3) the IDF is viewed as a "people's army" one of the important institutions of Israeli society. Signs that the high participation level is beginning to erode are unwelcome. The level of motivation to serve in the army is followed anxiously, and statistics about enlistment rates, in-service dropout rates and percentages of those preferring combat units are often published in the media, followed by soul-searching and committees tasked with improving the rates. Some current statistics (from a paper presented for discussion in the Knesset education committee, 2001 - http://www.knesset.gov.il/MMM/data/docs/m00132.doc (in Hebrew)): Jewish men who received exemptions Reason for exemption Ultra-orthodox exemption Medical exemption Unfit Abroad Total 1999 7.8% 5.2% 2.7% 3.8% 19.5% 1996 6.7% 4.9% 2.7% 5.2% 19.5%

In 2000, 19% of soldiers who joined the army dropped out without completing their full term of service. See more data, on attitudes to service, in Source 4 below.

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(Goal 6) army service, especially in the last decades which have been characterized by a low-grade war on terrorism, pose many ethical dilemmas to soldiers. Some argue that at their young age, the soldiers are not ready to face them. The situations which they find themselves in may come back to haunt them in later years. One explanation given for the "after-army trip" many Israelis undertake, backpacking in far-off countries for periods from a few months to a few years, is the need to escape these ghosts. Another fear that has been raised is that soldiers who spend their formative years in army service internalize violent standards of behavior, contributing to a violent atmosphere within Israeli society. For an interesting discussion of some of these issues, see the following articles: http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2005/07/11/listening_post/ma in708205_page2.shtml http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A544482003Nov17?language=printer (Goal 12) several sectors do not typically serve in the army ultra-religious men, religious women, and Arabs. While many Israelis view members of these sectors with enmity, envying them the extra years which they do not contribute to serving the state, not to mention the reduced risk of death in combat, the flip side of the coin is often not considered. Army service does offer benefits to the individual some bestowed by the government (such as housing benefits, preference in certain jobs, etc.) and some resulting from the characteristics of army service. Soldiers in the army often receive valuable professional training and experience; soldiers gain opportunities to fill jobs that often, in civilian life, require many more years of experience operating sophisticated equipment, commanding units and bearing high levels of responsibility; the army is the main hothouse for Israel's "old boy network", invaluable in later life in countless ways. Members of sectors who don't serve, already marginalized from mainstream Israeli society, are doubly marginalized by these effects. (Goal 13) the "hesder" program was developed especially for religious soldiers. It combines periods of army service with periods of yeshiva study, in units composed solely of religious soldiers who go through the program together. This makes it easier for religious soldiers to fulfill their army service duty while retaining their commitment to a religious way of life; on the other hand, it lessens their exposure to other sectors of society, and reduces the army's ability to act as Israel's great "mixer",

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which some see as an important role. Recently, the question of hesder soldiers' possible "double loyalty" (split between their army commanders and their yeshiva rabbis) has been raised, especially in the context of the disengagement plan. (Goal 14) most religious girls are exempted from army service, and most of those exempted undertake national service for one or two years. Most religious Zionist rabbis recommend this option, feeling that it poses for the girls fewer challenges to their religious way of life. Once again, this impinges on the army's "mixing" role. It also raises the question of whether the time has not come for all youngsters to be able to choose between national service and army service, and not limit the option solely to religious girls. See research on national service at http://www.carmelinstitute.org.il/YouthService/nysresearch.htm l

27. A few Galilee Diary entries dealing with the role of the army in growing up in Israel: http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=3622&pge_prg_id=16071&pge_i d=1698 http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=3602&pge_prg_id=15657&pge_i d=1698 http://urj.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=3596&pge_prg_id=15510&pge_i d=1698 And two more entries, no longer available on the URJ archive, are appended below. Source 1: Poll of Israeli teenagers, 2002, by Dr. Mina Tzemach
Question: What is the most important thing for you to do in life?
To raise a family To find love To help others To serve the country To make money 33% 24% 21% 16% 5%

Question: In the framework of military service, which kind of unit would you like to serve in?

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Combat unit Administrative unit Professional unit Undecided

55% 15% 29% 1%

Question: In the framework of military service, do you prefer to serve in a unit close to home or far from home?
Close to home Far from home Doesn't matter Undecided 72% 21% 6% 1%

The pollsters' comment in comparing the above two results was: "Even though most Israeli high school students are prepared to serve in a combat unit, even so they don't want to be far from their mothers." Question: What profession do you want to practice in the future?
Doctor Hi-tech Teacher Security services Actor, singer, or D.J. Business Lawyer Rabbi Clerk Media Technician or electrician Housewife 12% 10% 7% 6% 5% 5% 4% 3% 3% 3% 2% 0%

Question: In your opinion, should marijuana be legalized?

Yes No Undecided 15% 84% 1%

Question: Have you ever had sexual relations?

Yes No Didn't answer 33% 62% 5%

Question: If you had the choice, would you prefer to continue to live in Israel, or would you prefer to move to a different country?

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Continue to live in Israel Move to a different country

84% 16%

Source 2: Ahad Haam: Jewish State and Jewish Problem, 1897 And now Judaism finds that it can no longer tolerate the Diaspora form which it had to take on, in obedience to its will-to-live, when it was exiled from its own country, and that if it loses that form its life is in danger. So it seeks to return to its historic centre, in order to live there a life of natural development, to bring its powers into play in every department of human culture, to develop and perfect those national possessions which it has acquired up to now, and thus to contribute to the common stock of humanity, in the future as in the past, a great national culture, the fruit of the unhampered activity of a people living according to its own spirit. For this purpose Judaism needs at present but little. It needs not an independent State, but only the creation in its native land of conditions favorable to its development: a good-sized settlement of Jews working without hindrance in every branch of culture, from agriculture and handicrafts to science and literature. This Jewish settlement, which will be a gradual growth, will become in course of time the centre of the nation, wherein its spirit will find pure expression and develop in all its aspects up to the highest degree of perfection of which it is capable. Then from this centre the spirit of Judaism will go forth to the great circumference, to all the communities of the Diaspora, and will breathe new life into them and preserve their unity; and when our national culture in Palestine has attained that level, we may be confident that it will produce men in the country who will be able, on a favorable opportunity, to establish a State which will be a Jewish State, and not merely a State of Jews. Source 3: Excerpt from a circular from the head of the Ministry of Education, 1999 (http://www.education.gov.il/mark01/h0004825.htm#TQL). Goals of the army preparation program in Israeli high schools: 1. Encouraging the students' feeling of connectedness to the State of Israel and the people of Israel and their identification with them, and bringing to their consciousness their duty and right, as citizens, to guard the security of the state and nation 2. Making the students conscious of the importance of the IDF's central role in securing the existence of the state of Israel and the peace process 3. Encouraging the students' willingness to serve in the army

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4. Raising students' consciousness to the moral and ethical questions and the responsibility of each individual in his/her decisions in questions pertaining to his/her military service 5. Supplying students with information about the enlistment process and possible options of army service 6. Developing students' moral and ethical judgment while discerning between legal and patently illegal orders 7. Fostering a high standard of physical fitness and awareness in preparation for the stresses expected during service 8. Developing students' basic knowledge of physical training theory, so they can prepare themselves for meaningful army service 9. Fostering a feeling of readiness and personal capability to handle the process of transition from parents home and school to army service 10. Allaying fears of the unknown which enlistment often raise 11. Encouraging positive parental participation in their children's preparation and enlistment process 12. Clarifying the opportunities that meaningful army service can offer the individual 13. Fostering in religious boys the readiness for meaningful and contributory service in the "hesder" units, and informing them of the contribution of prearmy programs 14. Fostering in religious girls the readiness for meaningful and contributory service in the National Service organizations 15. Preparing religious students for their encounter with different sectors, while retaining their commitment to a religious way of life while serving the State of Israel in the army or National Service 16. Individually preparing religious girls who wish to serve in the army

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Source 4:

Intend to enlist after high school Intend to serve for the full 3 years Intend to serve in a combat unit

Attitudes to army service

Intend to serve as an officer in a combat unit Intend to become a career army officer 1986 1990 Years 1995

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

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Attitudes

Galilee Diary #11; February, 2001 Marc Rosenstein Present Arms Just returned from Lev's beret ceremony for paratroopers: graduation from basic training. This, it turns out, is a major rite of passage for Israeli males (except, of course, for ultra-orthodox and most Arabs). No matter what you have scheduled for that day, if you tell people you have your sons beret ceremony, you are expected to cancel your plans and go. And so we packed up snacks and umbrellas and picnic blankets and set off for the three hour drive to Jerusalem, on a cold, showery day. Having done extensive research among veteran parents about the appropriate fare for the postceremony picnic, we stopped at one of the hole-in-the-wall steakiot in the Machaneh Yehuda market on the way into town. The proprietors, upon learning our destination, treated us as honored guests, filling styrofoam containers with salads and sauces and soggy french fries to go with the grilled steaks. Arriving at Ammunition Hill, the memorial park where the paratroopers heroically overcame the well-fortified Jordanians in 1967, we found the kid waiting for us in dress uniform, hobbling around painfully like all his colleagues, having marched 50 miles overnight from the coast to Jerusalem - the institution of the beret march. After half an hour of hearing stories from the march, and being introduced to the buddies and officers we had heard about for the past six months, the parents were directed to seats in an amphitheater while the army organized the kids into loosely lined-up companies in the center. The pot-bellied master sargeant called us to order, goose-stepped to the microphone, and emceed the ceremony - flag raising, recognition of outstanding trainees, trite but appropriate inspirational speech by the base commander, lots of company, attention and company, at ease, and then company commanders, present berets! And then, with Israeli easy-listening songs playing on the loudspeaker, songs that conjured up images of good old days of heroism and simplicity, each commander himself just a year older than his charges - presented each new paratrooper with the trademark maroon beret and gave him a slap or a hug of affection. At one point, when the slaps and hugs were taking too long, the master seargant barked, company commanders, hurry up! Then, Hatikvah was sung along with the taped choir, and with a whoop, all the berets were tossed in the air, and the smiling troops hobbled off to dine with their families on luke-warm steaks on the wet grass. Looking over the crowd, I was reminded again what a great leveler the army is here. The families represented every ethnic and socio-economic grouping, from professors to executives to laborers, religious and non, city and kibbutz, left and right. We were jockeying for camera angles, annoyed in a good natured way by each others umbrellas. Our kids were learning to depend on each other and support each other, to take on responsibility for each other and for all of us in ways that seem unimaginable to me.

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As a rite of passage and a leveler, the army with its silly ceremonies can make one feel proud. You find yourself qvelling to the taped military march music, and eagerly photographing your kid with his beret and rifle. And you know we have no choice. You know we have a right to exist. You know history. You know we live in a violent world. And yet you wonder what you are doing, and if it has to be this way. You wonder how our democracy might be if it werent led by generals. You wonder about the effect of learning how to kill as a rite of passage, as the one thing that unites us. And you wonder how it is that you decided to move to a place where your child is learning hand-to-hand combat while his classmates from elementary school in Philadelphia are learning liberal arts. And then the kid tells you with great enthusiasm that next week they move on to paratroop training - i.e., jumping out of airplanes. And you understand that armies are for kids. And you wonder if it has to be this way. Galilee Diary #45; October, 2001 Marc Rosenstein College Days Our daughter is starting college this year, and the other day we drove her and a vanload of miscellaneous used furniture and housewares to her new apartment in Beersheba. Having lived through the American college process myself, and then experienced it as a high school principal for middle class Jewish kids, it is hard for me to get used to the experience here, which is so different. 1. No essay, no interview, no alumni representatives, no need to accumulate an impressive list of extracurricular activities and honors. You simply enter your final 12th grade average, your average score on the matriculation (end-of-high-school achievement) exams, and your score on the psychotechnical exam (an aptitude test) into a formula, and compare the resulting number to the chart published by each department in each university, showing the admission cutoff score. Thus, you can figure out whether you will be accepted without waiting for an envelope to arrive on April 15. 2. Forget liberal arts. You must be accepted by the department in which you plan to major. There are minimal distribution requirements outside your major. A BA takes three years. 3. Perhaps the main difference: university study is not the immediate continuation of high school. It is not the students first experience living away from home. The university does not see itself in loco parentis. Boys arrive after at least three years in the army - and often an additional year or more traveling and/or working; our daughter, who is fairly typical, comes to the college experience four years after graduating high

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school - two years of army service and two years working, studying, and traveling in Europe. Students are adults, often in a hurry to get on with careers and lives, not looking for a moratorium, often not even interested in enrichment or broadening. The university does not address mail to the parents, but to the student. There is no orientation week - or day. It is up to the student to read all the fine print, fill out the registration form, pay tuition at the bank, and find housing. And so, the university community feels very different from an American campus; and taking our daughter to college felt very different from the experience we remember. Not a rite of passage, but merely an adventure in moving. In a way, therefore, the trip was a kind of disappointment; when your kid has already been living independently in her own apartment thousands of mile away for a couple of years, and when the university couldnt care less about your involvement, there is something anticlimactic about the sending off. Here, I guess, the rite of passage for most kids happens at the induction center, when their names are called on the loudpeaker to board the bus to basic training, and all the parents and siblings and friends crowd around the buses, waving and crying and joking until they pull away. Weve experienced the identical scene three times. By the time they get to college, the innocence of adolescence is far behind them, and they have seen the world and faced dilemmas and made decisions that will give them true insights into the classics of literature they will be reading in college (if they happen to major in literature and not, say, biology). There is a price, of course, for everything. There is something to be said for associating the excitement of new-found independence with the intellectual challenge of university, so that ones personal growth is integrated with intellectual growth. But there is also a case to be made for not wasting college on kids, who are so busy growing up that they miss a lot of the deep content. Serious grappling with ideas, dedication to disciplines, connecting learning with life - these are projects for adults. And so, much as nostalgia makes me feel that something has been lost, at the same time I envy my daughter the privilege of diving into university study as a grownup. And grownup or not, shell be home on weekends with a sack of dirty laundry...

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L e s s o n 37
Marriage
1. Outline: a. A study of elements in the marriage ceremony and customs that reflect a connection to the land of Israel. b. Laws that set the value of marriage against the value of living in the land of Israel. c. A discussion of some of the issues and dilemmas involving marriage and the state in Israel today (the fact that there is no civil marriage or divorce in Israel and the problem of mamzerut) and their implications and relevance to different approaches to Jewish nationhood. 2. Introduction Marriage and family life are central values in Judaism. Jewish law and custom is family oriented and transmitting eternal truths to ones children is the mainstay of Jewish thought. Israel, as we have seen, is also a central value in Judaism. It is therefore interesting to see how these two important principles reflect and reinforce each other. References to the land of Israel are intentionally included in the wedding ceremony itself. On the other hand, what happens when these two principles come into direct conflict with each other? The centrality of marriage in Judaism also makes it a lightning rod for issues in Israel today dealing with religion and state, Jewish identity and nationhood. If marriage is the Jewish framework for families and families are the bricks out of which the Jewish nation is built then the question of what constitutes a marriage is not just a personal one but a national one as well and one which the state today is struggling answer. 3. Goals: a. To make the class aware of the references to Israel embedded in the traditional wedding ceremony and other customs and texts related to marriage. b. To study the competing values of sanctity of marriage and living in Israel when a conflict arises between them. c. To study the issues surrounding marriage in modern Israel and to try to understand why marriage more than any other lifecycle ritual has become the business of the state, as well as the implications of the different arguments on the Jewish identity of the state and the concept of nationhood. 4. Expanded Outline: 330

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a.

References to Israel in the Marriage Ceremony. 1. The traditional Jewish wedding ceremony is a combination of symbolic acts representing the sanctity of the union and the new home being created, together with the contractual legal undertakings of each side to the other within marriage. (See source 1). As such there is no obvious need to mention or commemorate the land of Israel - yet certain customs and blessings do just that. 2. Seven blessings are traditionally recited under the wedding canopy. The blessings begin with praising G-d for His creation in general and creation of the human being and proceed with praise for the creation of the human as a "two part creature," woman and man. The blessings express the hope that the new couple will rejoice together forever as though they are the original couple, Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. Both the fifth and seventh blessings recall the land of Israel, linking and drawing a parallel between the joys of the new couple with that of a rebuilt Zion. The fifth blessing reads: The barren city shall rejoice as her children are gathered within her in joy. Blessed are Thou G-D who causes Zion to rejoice with her children. The seventh states: Blessed art Thou G-D who created joy and happiness, the bride and the groomSoon may we hear in the cities of Judah and the streets of Jerusalem the voice of happiness and the voice of joy, the voice of the groom and the voice of the bride, the happy shouts of wedding parties from their canopies and the music of youths from their feasts of song (see source 2). 3. The well known custom of breaking the glass at the end of the ceremony is also thought to symbolize the destruction of the Temple. Although there are other sources to the custom the most popular explanation is that the breaking of the glass is meant to symbolize the destruction of the Temple thus enacting the verse I will hold Jerusalem above my chiefest joy. Moreover, a common custom among the Orthodox in Israel is to sprinkle ashes on the grooms head at this point and have him recite the verse If I forget thee O Jerusalem. (It is rather ironic that it is precisely this moment, the breaking of the glass, that is most associated with the wedding celebration and joy, always causing a loud round of Mazel Tovs) 4. It is considered a great mitzvah to celebrate a wedding and bring joy to the bride and groom. In order to emphasize how important and meaningful this is the Talmud likens the one who has

331

Ksharim

gladdened the heart of a bridegroom to one who has rebuilt the ruins of Jerusalem. On the opposite end of the spectrum the Talmud reports that the very altar in the Temple weeps for one who divorces his first wife. (See source 3). 5. Another custom connected with weddings is that of the Aufruf or Shabbat Chatan - the Grooms Sabbath which for Ashkenazim occurs on the Shabbat preceding the wedding, while the Sephardim observe it on the Shabbat after the wedding. On that Shabbat the groom is given the honor of being called to the Torah; he sometimes chants the Haftorah and is usually showered with candies and sweets. One of the sources for this custom links it with the special gate designated for bridegrooms at the entrance to the Temple. Anyone who walked through this gate was automatically identified as a bridegroom thus enabling the rest of the people present to wish him well, bless him and share in his joy. In its place, after the destruction of the Temple, Shabbat was designated as the time to give the entire community a chance to bless the new couple and share in its joy. (See source 4). 6. Question for Discussion: Why are blessings recalling a rebuilt Zion included in the marriage service? What type of connection is being recalled? How is the marriage being linked with the land of Israel? There is no parallel custom to breaking the glass at either a brit or bar mitzvah. Why specifically at a wedding is a sign of mourning in honor of the Temple included? (Another custom commemorating the destruction is leaving a small part of a new house unplastered, how does this connect to the wedding custom?). How can the joy of a marriage be compared or related to the joy of rebuilding Jerusalem? What role does the Temple play in the story of the gates? Is that a role the land of Israel is meant to play in Jewish consciousness? b. The Land of Israel vs. the Sanctity of Marriage 1. Both the sanctity of marriage and the land of Israel are important values in Jewish thought and practice. What happens then when a conflict arises between them? The Talmud deals with several such issues. 2. The sages ruled that a person living in the land of Israel was not permitted to leave it. (There are some Orthodox Jews today who

332

Ksharim

do not travel abroad for this reason). They listed three exceptions to the rule. One is permitted to leave the land in order to: 1) to learn Torah, 2) to make a living, 3) to find a wife. (See source 5). 3. Another ruling deals with the fate of an existing marriage when one spouse wishes to live in the land of Israel and the other does not. According to halacha a man may divorce his wife if she refuses to move with him to the land of Israel, and is exempt from paying her ketuba (i.e., she is at fault in the divorce). Likewise a woman may sue for divorce and is entitled to her ketuba if she desires to live in Israel and her husband does not. (See Source 6) 4. Questions for Discussion: Is it clear from these sources which value takes precedence over the other? Why do you suppose one is permitted to leave the country to find a spouse while an existing marriage may be broken to allow one spouse to live in Israel? How do these laws reflect the value given to the land of Israel? There are parallel laws allowing a son to disobey his father in order to live in the land is it the same thing? c. Issues of Marriage and Divorce in Israel Today In the following section I will try to briefly and objectively describe the status quo in Israel today regarding the laws of marriage and divorce as well as the issues involved. Besides the actual debate itself the class can also discuss why it is that marriage alone out of all life cycle events and rituals has generated such debate and state involvement. 1. In Israel today marriage and divorce are governed by religious law. In other words the law of the land recognizes only religious authorities and law as binding in these areas. There is no civil law pertaining to either marriage or divorce. All citizens are married according to their religious affiliation. Jewish law in these areas is defined as halacha which is determined by the Chief Rabbinate, i.e., Orthodox Jewish law. This situation originated in Ottoman Law which defined personal status law by religious affiliation. In regard to Jews it was legislated into Israeli law in 1953 in the The Law of Rabbinical Courts (Marriages and Divorces) 1953 (see source 7). The rabbi performing the wedding is considered, according to the Law of Population Registry - 1965 and the Law of the Chief Rabbinate - 1980, the official Marriage Registrar. The notice of the marriage is transmitted directly from the regional rabbinate to the Interior Ministry. The rabbi performing the wedding is also authorized, according to the Law of Financial Relations Between Couples - 1973, to put into effect a financial agreement between the couple, if they have agreed to arrange such a document. After the marriage, such an action will require

333

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certification by a court. There is no religious or legal obligation to write such an agreement. 2. This situation has caused many difficulties and much controversy. As Israel absorbs more non-Jews, both Russian Olim who are non-Jews and foreign workers who live in the country, the lack of civil marriage means that there is no authority empowered to perform marriages or divorces between Jews and non-affiliated people or between themselves unless they belong to a recognized religious group. Also according to halacha there are certain marriages that are forbidden: a cohen and a divorced women or convert, a mamzer with another Jew, a divorced women with a man identified as her lover while she was still legally married. As these marriages are prohibited by halacha the rabbinate will not perform them. However if the couple manages to get married (for example, by civil marriage in another country) the marriage is recognized de facto. (see source 8) 3. Another source of discontent is the fact that many Israelis feel alienated and unhappy with the traditional ceremony as offered or performed by the Rabbinate-approved rabbis. They perceive the rabbi as a functionary of the state bureaucracy, who generally does not have any kind of personal relationship with the couple, and often represents a culture that is foreign to them. They would prefer a liberal, innovative or personalized ceremony instead, ceremonies which are not officially recognized. (see source 9) 4. There are many attempts to bypass the Rabbinate by getting married out of the country, known in Israel as a Cypriot marriage since Cyprus is the preferred destination for such trips, being close and inexpensive. This works because a foreign marriage certificate is recognized by the ministry of interior. Those who want an alternate Jewish ceremony then do it separately and rely on their foreign certificate to register as a married couple. (see source 10) Other couples choose to marry in alternate ceremonies and remain officially unmarried. Approximately 30,000 Jewish marriages are registered annually in Israel. 82% of these are registered with the rabbinate and are performed in accordance with Jewish tradition. 81% of Jewish Israelis consider it 'very important' or 'important' to be married with a rabbinic blessing. Almost half (49%) of this population believe that there should be legal civil marriage in Israel, though only 26% would opt for this alternative. (These statistics are compiled from the Central Bureau of Statistics and the study of the Avi Chai Foundation, February, 2002; other studies suggest that a higher percentage of couples would opt out). 5. In an attempt to address the dissatisfaction with the Rabbinate a group of Religious Zionist Rabbis have formed an organization called Tzohar, (skylight) dedicated to making the traditional ceremony more meaningful and personal

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for all couples within the bounds of halacha. They also refuse to accept any money for officiating at weddings, which helps ease the added frustration of having to pay for a service you really dont want and arent at all pleased with. (see source 11) 6. The problems get worse with the issue of divorce. Here the rabbinical courts have often proven inefficient and unresponsive to the sensibilities of the general population. There is much criticism about the status of women within the existing framework since by Jewish law a husband must grant his wife divorce and while she can sue for divorce the halacha is reluctant to force a husband to grant one against his will. 7. Many organizations and lobby groups are pushing for a reform and the legislation of civil marriage and divorce in Israel. At first glance this demand seems not only justified but inevitable. Stopping the Rabbinates monopoly on marriage and divorce would allow all people as well as all Jews to act in accordance with their personal beliefs. (see source 12). Such is the case in the Jewish world outside Israel. Jews choose the type of Jewish wedding they want (if any) and are married by their respective rabbis in accordance with that movements laws and customs. Furthermore even in Israel, Orthodoxys stranglehold on marriage is unique. There is no state law requiring that a child be circumcised or called to Torah on his bar mitzvah or that a person be buried according to Jewish law, so why in regard to marriage must religious law be enforced nationally? 8. There is a complication. The halacha mandates that any child born of an illicit relation (one prohibited in Leviticus Chapter 18) is considered a mamzer. A mamzer is prohibited to marry any other Jew except another mamzer. One of the illicit relationships that produce a mamzer is one between a married woman and a man who is not her husband. According to halacha as long as a women does not receive a valid get or Jewish divorce then she is still married to her first husband, even if she has been granted a civil divorce. Any children produced in her second marriage will be classified as mamzerim. Observant Jews are forbidden from marrying them. Therefore allowing Jews to divorce outside the halacha is likely to create a situation where Orthodox Jews will not marry other Jews. It is this scenario that is used to justify the status quo despite its many shortcomings. 9. The problem of mamzerut was one of the reasons some rabbis required the Ethiopian Jews to convert. The accepted mode of divorce among Ethiopian Jews did not comply with accepted halacha and therefore there was a real chance that many would be classified mamzerim. Since a convert is considered as a newborn, conversion was one way of saving many from such a

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classification that would have prevented them from marrying other Jews in Israel. 10. Once again the argument can be made that in the rest of the world Jews act according to their religious consciousness and affiliation and in the case of marriage between Orthodox and other Jews the specific couple and their community choose whether to accept the marriage or not. Why not in Israel? 11. The answering argument is that while in the Diaspora the fact that an Orthodox Jew may see himself as forbidden from marrying a reform Jew is a cause of division between the different steams of Judaism and may be the cause of personal tragedies, it doesnt threaten the nationhood of the Jewish people. Judaism continues to exist as a pluralistic religion within the host nation. In Israel where there is an attempt being made to create a nation of Jews, where Judaism is conceived in terms of nationality and not just religion such fragmentation of the society may pose a real threat not just to Jewish unity but to Jewish nationhood. The claim that is usually raised is that such a move would lead to the creation of two separate nations in the country. 12. This issue is currently being debated at all levels of Israeli society with different proposals. It seems that the ultimate solution will be an indication of the ability of different types of Jews to work together in the interest of Jewish unity and nationhood. (see source 13) Conclusion: Marriage holds a unique and significant place in Judaism. It is the framework of the Jewish home and family, the bearers of Jewish tradition. It is this special status that on one hand encourages comparisons and connections with the imagery of the land of Israel, another central value and framework in Judaism. On the other hand it is because marriage is so highly valued and the family perceived as the basis of the Jewish nation that the laws governing marriage have become concerns not of just the rabbis but of the state itself.

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L e s s o n 37
Marriage
1. Outline: d. A study of elements in the marriage ceremony and customs that reflect a connection to the land of Israel. e. Laws that set the value of marriage against the value of living in the land of Israel. f. A discussion of some of the issues and dilemmas involving marriage and the state in Israel today (the fact that there is no civil marriage or divorce in Israel and the problem of mamzerut) and their implications and relevance to different approaches to Jewish nationhood. 2. Introduction Marriage and family life are central values in Judaism. Jewish law and custom is family oriented and transmitting eternal truths to ones children is the mainstay of Jewish thought. Israel, as we have seen, is also a central value in Judaism. It is therefore interesting to see how these two important principles reflect and reinforce each other. References to the land of Israel are intentionally included in the wedding ceremony itself. On the other hand, what happens when these two principles come into direct conflict with each other? The centrality of marriage in Judaism also makes it a lightning rod for issues in Israel today dealing with religion and state, Jewish identity and nationhood. If marriage is the Jewish framework for families and families are the bricks out of which the Jewish nation is built then the question of what constitutes a marriage is not just a personal one but a national one as well and one which the state today is struggling answer. 3. Goals: g. To make the class aware of the references to Israel embedded in the traditional wedding ceremony and other customs and texts related to marriage. h. To study the competing values of sanctity of marriage and living in Israel when a conflict arises between them. i. To study the issues surrounding marriage in modern Israel and to try to understand why marriage more than any other lifecycle ritual has become the business of the state, as well as the implications of the different arguments on the Jewish identity of the state and the concept of nationhood.

337

Ksharim

4.Expanded Outline: j. References to Israel in the Marriage Ceremony. 1. The traditional Jewish wedding ceremony is a combination of symbolic acts representing the sanctity of the union and the new home being created, together with the contractual legal undertakings of each side to the other within marriage. (See source 1). As such there is no obvious need to mention or commemorate the land of Israel - yet certain customs and blessings do just that. 2. Seven blessings are traditionally recited under the wedding canopy. The blessings begin with praising G-d for His creation in general and creation of the human being and proceed with praise for the creation of the human as a "two part creature," woman and man. The blessings express the hope that the new couple will rejoice together forever as though they are the original couple, Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. Both the fifth and seventh blessings recall the land of Israel, linking and drawing a parallel between the joys of the new couple with that of a rebuilt Zion. The fifth blessing reads: The barren city shall rejoice as her children are gathered within her in joy. Blessed are Thou G-D who causes Zion to rejoice with her children. The seventh states: Blessed art Thou G-D who created joy and happiness, the bride and the groomSoon may we hear in the cities of Judah and the streets of Jerusalem the voice of happiness and the voice of joy, the voice of the groom and the voice of the bride, the happy shouts of wedding parties from their canopies and the music of youths from their feasts of song (see source 2). 3. The well known custom of breaking the glass at the end of the ceremony is also thought to symbolize the destruction of the Temple. Although there are other sources to the custom the most popular explanation is that the breaking of the glass is meant to symbolize the destruction of the Temple thus enacting the verse I will hold Jerusalem above my chiefest joy. Moreover, a common custom among the Orthodox in Israel is to sprinkle ashes on the grooms head at this point and have him recite the verse If I forget thee O Jerusalem. (It is rather ironic that it is precisely this moment, the breaking of the glass, that is most associated with the wedding celebration and joy, always causing a loud round of Mazel Tovs) 4. It is considered a great mitzvah to celebrate a wedding and bring joy to the bride and groom. In order to emphasize how important

338

Ksharim

and meaningful this is the Talmud likens the one who has gladdened the heart of a bridegroom to one who has rebuilt the ruins of Jerusalem. On the opposite end of the spectrum the Talmud reports that the very altar in the Temple weeps for one who divorces his first wife. (See source 3). 5. Another custom connected with weddings is that of the Aufruf or Shabbat Chatan - the Grooms Sabbath which for Ashkenazim occurs on the Shabbat preceding the wedding, while the Sephardim observe it on the Shabbat after the wedding. On that Shabbat the groom is given the honor of being called to the Torah; he sometimes chants the Haftorah and is usually showered with candies and sweets. One of the sources for this custom links it with the special gate designated for bridegrooms at the entrance to the Temple. Anyone who walked through this gate was automatically identified as a bridegroom thus enabling the rest of the people present to wish him well, bless him and share in his joy. In its place, after the destruction of the Temple, Shabbat was designated as the time to give the entire community a chance to bless the new couple and share in its joy. (See source 4). 6. Question for Discussion: Why are blessings recalling a rebuilt Zion included in the marriage service? What type of connection is being recalled? How is the marriage being linked with the land of Israel? There is no parallel custom to breaking the glass at either a brit or bar mitzvah. Why specifically at a wedding is a sign of mourning in honor of the Temple included? (Another custom commemorating the destruction is leaving a small part of a new house unplastered, how does this connect to the wedding custom?). How can the joy of a marriage be compared or related to the joy of rebuilding Jerusalem? What role does the Temple play in the story of the gates? Is that a role the land of Israel is meant to play in Jewish consciousness? k. The Land of Israel vs. the Sanctity of Marriage 1. Both the sanctity of marriage and the land of Israel are important values in Jewish thought and practice. What happens then when a conflict arises between them? The Talmud deals with several such issues.

339

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2. The sages ruled that a person living in the land of Israel was not permitted to leave it. (There are some Orthodox Jews today who do not travel abroad for this reason). They listed three exceptions to the rule. One is permitted to leave the land in order to: 1) to learn Torah, 2) to make a living, 3) to find a wife. (See source 5). 3. Another ruling deals with the fate of an existing marriage when one spouse wishes to live in the land of Israel and the other does not. According to halacha a man may divorce his wife if she refuses to move with him to the land of Israel, and is exempt from paying her ketuba (i.e., she is at fault in the divorce). Likewise a woman may sue for divorce and is entitled to her ketuba if she desires to live in Israel and her husband does not. (See Source 6) 4. Questions for Discussion: Is it clear from these sources which value takes precedence over the other? Why do you suppose one is permitted to leave the country to find a spouse while an existing marriage may be broken to allow one spouse to live in Israel? How do these laws reflect the value given to the land of Israel? There are parallel laws allowing a son to disobey his father in order to live in the land is it the same thing? l. Issues of Marriage and Divorce in Israel Today

In the following section I will try to briefly and objectively describe the status quo in Israel today regarding the laws of marriage and divorce as well as the issues involved. Besides the actual debate itself the class can also discuss why it is that marriage alone out of all life cycle events and rituals has generated such debate and state involvement. 13. In Israel today marriage and divorce are governed by religious law. In other words the law of the land recognizes only religious authorities and law as binding in these areas. There is no civil law pertaining to either marriage or divorce. All citizens are married according to their religious affiliation. Jewish law in these areas is defined as halacha which is determined by the Chief Rabbinate, i.e., Orthodox Jewish law. This situation originated in Ottoman Law which defined personal status law by religious affiliation. In regard to Jews it was legislated into Israeli law in 1953 in the The Law of Rabbinical Courts (Marriages and Divorces) 1953 (see source 7). The rabbi performing the wedding is considered, according to the Law of Population Registry - 1965 and the Law of the Chief Rabbinate - 1980, the official Marriage Registrar. The notice of the marriage is transmitted directly from the regional rabbinate to the Interior Ministry. The rabbi performing the wedding is also authorized, according to the Law of Financial Relations Between Couples - 1973, to put into

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effect a financial agreement between the couple, if they have agreed to arrange such a document. After the marriage, such an action will require certification by a court. There is no religious or legal obligation to write such an agreement. 14. This situation has caused many difficulties and much controversy. As Israel absorbs more non-Jews, both Russian Olim who are non-Jews and foreign workers who live in the country, the lack of civil marriage means that there is no authority empowered to perform marriages or divorces between Jews and non-affiliated people or between themselves unless they belong to a recognized religious group. Also according to halacha there are certain marriages that are forbidden: a cohen and a divorced women or convert, a mamzer with another Jew, a divorced women with a man identified as her lover while she was still legally married. As these marriages are prohibited by halacha the rabbinate will not perform them. However if the couple manages to get married (for example, by civil marriage in another country) the marriage is recognized de facto. (see source 8) 15. Another source of discontent is the fact that many Israelis feel alienated and unhappy with the traditional ceremony as offered or performed by the Rabbinate-approved rabbis. They perceive the rabbi as a functionary of the state bureaucracy, who generally does not have any kind of personal relationship with the couple, and often represents a culture that is foreign to them. They would prefer a liberal, innovative or personalized ceremony instead, ceremonies which are not officially recognized. (see source 9) 16. There are many attempts to bypass the Rabbinate by getting married out of the country, known in Israel as a Cypriot marriage since Cyprus is the preferred destination for such trips, being close and inexpensive. This works because a foreign marriage certificate is recognized by the ministry of interior. Those who want an alternate Jewish ceremony then do it separately and rely on their foreign certificate to register as a married couple. (see source 10) Other couples choose to marry in alternate ceremonies and remain officially unmarried. Approximately 30,000 Jewish marriages are registered annually in Israel. 82% of these are registered with the rabbinate and are performed in accordance with Jewish tradition. 81% of Jewish Israelis consider it 'very important' or 'important' to be married with a rabbinic blessing. Almost half (49%) of this population believe that there should be legal civil marriage in Israel, though only 26% would opt for this alternative. (These statistics are compiled from the Central Bureau of Statistics and the study of the Avi Chai Foundation, February, 2002; other studies suggest that a higher percentage of couples would opt out).

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17. In an attempt to address the dissatisfaction with the Rabbinate a group of Religious Zionist Rabbis have formed an organization called Tzohar, (skylight) dedicated to making the traditional ceremony more meaningful and personal for all couples within the bounds of halacha. They also refuse to accept any money for officiating at weddings, which helps ease the added frustration of having to pay for a service you really dont want and arent at all pleased with. (see source 11) 18. The problems get worse with the issue of divorce. Here the rabbinical courts have often proven inefficient and unresponsive to the sensibilities of the general population. There is much criticism about the status of women within the existing framework since by Jewish law a husband must grant his wife divorce and while she can sue for divorce the halacha is reluctant to force a husband to grant one against his will. 19. Many organizations and lobby groups are pushing for a reform and the legislation of civil marriage and divorce in Israel. At first glance this demand seems not only justified but inevitable. Stopping the Rabbinates monopoly on marriage and divorce would allow all people as well as all Jews to act in accordance with their personal beliefs. (see source 12). Such is the case in the Jewish world outside Israel. Jews choose the type of Jewish wedding they want (if any) and are married by their respective rabbis in accordance with that movements laws and customs. Furthermore even in Israel, Orthodoxys stranglehold on marriage is unique. There is no state law requiring that a child be circumcised or called to Torah on his bar mitzvah or that a person be buried according to Jewish law, so why in regard to marriage must religious law be enforced nationally? 20. There is a complication. The halacha mandates that any child born of an illicit relation (one prohibited in Leviticus Chapter 18) is considered a mamzer. A mamzer is prohibited to marry any other Jew except another mamzer. One of the illicit relationships that produce a mamzer is one between a married woman and a man who is not her husband. According to halacha as long as a women does not receive a valid get or Jewish divorce then she is still married to her first husband, even if she has been granted a civil divorce. Any children produced in her second marriage will be classified as mamzerim. Observant Jews are forbidden from marrying them. Therefore allowing Jews to divorce outside the halacha is likely to create a situation where Orthodox Jews will not marry other Jews. It is this scenario that is used to justify the status quo despite its many shortcomings. 21. The problem of mamzerut was one of the reasons some rabbis required the Ethiopian Jews to convert. The accepted mode of divorce among Ethiopian Jews did not comply with accepted halacha and therefore there was a real

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chance that many would be classified mamzerim. Since a convert is considered as a newborn, conversion was one way of saving many from such a classification that would have prevented them from marrying other Jews in Israel. 22. Once again the argument can be made that in the rest of the world Jews act according to their religious consciousness and affiliation and in the case of marriage between Orthodox and other Jews the specific couple and their community choose whether to accept the marriage or not. Why not in Israel? 23. The answering argument is that while in the Diaspora the fact that an Orthodox Jew may see himself as forbidden from marrying a reform Jew is a cause of division between the different steams of Judaism and may be the cause of personal tragedies, it doesnt threaten the nationhood of the Jewish people. Judaism continues to exist as a pluralistic religion within the host nation. In Israel where there is an attempt being made to create a nation of Jews, where Judaism is conceived in terms of nationality and not just religion such fragmentation of the society may pose a real threat not just to Jewish unity but to Jewish nationhood. The claim that is usually raised is that such a move would lead to the creation of two separate nations in the country. 24. This issue is currently being debated at all levels of Israeli society with different proposals. It seems that the ultimate solution will be an indication of the ability of different types of Jews to work together in the interest of Jewish unity and nationhood. (see source 13) Conclusion: Marriage holds a unique and significant place in Judaism. It is the framework of the Jewish home and family, the bearers of Jewish tradition. It is this special status that on one hand encourages comparisons and connections with the imagery of the land of Israel, another central value and framework in Judaism. On the other hand it is because marriage is so highly valued and the family perceived as the basis of the Jewish nation that the laws governing marriage have become concerns not of just the rabbis but of the state itself.

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Sources:

1. http://www.itim.org.il/bin/en.jsp?enDispWho=CeremonySubTopic^l15&enPag e=BlankPage_E&enDisplay=view&enDispWhat=object&enVersion=0&enInfolet =ViewObject_E.jsp&enZone=CeremonySubTopic: - this is an excellent site dealing with the realities and possibilities of different life cycle events and celebrations in Israel today from a modern Orthodox view. http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Judaism/marriage.html#Ceremony http://www.aish.com/literacy/lifecycle/Guide_to_the_Jewish_Wedding.asp these two sites detail a traditional orthodox ceremony. http://www.weddingdetails.com/lore/jewish.cfm#top http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jewish_view_of_marriage Reform_and_Conservative_adaptations these sites include conservative and reform details as well 2. http://www.ou.org/wedding/7brachot.htm - for a list and translation of all the blessings. http://www.todays-weddings.com/planning/readings/seven_blessings.html An alternate seven blessings suggested by Anita Diamant in her book The New Jewish Wedding note that there is no mention of Jerusalem or Zion etc. What is the significance of the omission? 3. Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Brachot Folio 6 Side B And if he does gladden him what is his reward? R. Nahman b. Isaac says: It is as if he had restored one of the ruins of Jerusalem. And Babylonian Talmud Tractate Sanhedrin Folio 22 side A R. Eliezer said: For him who divorces the first wife, the very altar sheds tears, as it is written: And this further ye do, ye cover the altar of the Lord with tears, with weeping and with sighing, in so much that he regardeth not the offering any more, neither receiveth it with good will at your hand (Malachi 2) 4. Pierkei DRabbi Eliezer Chapter 17: Solomon saw that acts of kindness were dear to the Holy One and so when he built the Temple he built two gates; one for grooms and one for mourners. On Shabbat the people of Israel would go and sit between these two gates. Whoever entered through the gate of groom, they knew he was a bridegroom and they would say to him May He Who dwells in this House cause you to rejoice you with sons and daughters. And whoever entered the other gate unshaven they would know he was a mourner and say to him May He Who dwells in this House comfort

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you. And from the day that the Temple was destroyed our sages enacted that bridegrooms and mourners should go the synagogue and the houses of learning that the people of the place may see the groom and rejoice with him and see the mourner and sit on the earth with him so that all of Israel may fulfill their obligation of acts of kindness 5. Babylonian Talmud; tractate Avoda Zarah Folio 13 Side A: If he be a priest he may incur the risk of defilement by going outside the [Holy] Land for the purpose of arguing the matter with them and have it tried in court. . Likewise, one may incur similar defilement for the sake of studying the Torah or taking a wife. Maimonides The Laws of Kings Chapter 5 Halacha 9: It is always forbidden to leave the land of Israel and go to the Diaspora except to learn Torah, or to marry a women, or to save himself from the hands of the gentiles and then he should return to the land, and also for commerce 6. Mishna Ketubot Chapter 13 Mishna 11 [A MAN] MAY COMPEL ALL [HIS HOUSEHOLD] TO GO UP [WITH HIM] TO THE LAND OF ISRAEL., BUT NONE MAY BE COMPELLED TO LEAVE IT. [ONES ENTIRE HOUSEHOLD] MAY BE COMPELLED TO GO UP TO JERUSALEM BUT NONE MAY BE COMPELLED TO LEAVE IT. [THIS APPLIES TO] BOTH MEN AND WOMEN Babylonian Talmud Tractate Ketubot Folio 110 side B Our Rabbis taught: If [the husband] desires to go up and his wife refuses she must be pressed to go up; and if [she does] not [consent] she may be divorced without a ketuba. If she desires to go up and be refuses, he must be pressed to go up; and if [he does] not [consent] he must divorce her and pay her ketuba. If she desires to leave and he refuses to leave, she must be pressed not to leave, and if [pressure is of] no [avail] she may be divorced without a ketuba. If he desires to leave and she refuses he must be pressed not to leave, and if [coercion is of] no [avail] he must divorce her and pay her ketuba. 7. Rabbinical Courts Jurisdiction (Marriage and Divorce) Law (5713-1953): 1. Matters of marriage and divorce of Jews in Israel, being nationals or residents of the State, shall be under the exclusive jurisdiction of rabbinical courts. 2. Marriages and divorces of Jews shall be performed in Israel in accordance with Jewish religious law.

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8. http://www.irac.org/article_e.asp?artid=16 a background article by an action organization advocating civil marriage 9. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/this_world/4215160.stm human interest article describing the dilemmas faced by one couple. 10. http://www.schechter.edu/askrabbi/marriageceremony.htm 11. http://www.tzohar.org.il/nisuim_show.asp?id=6183 unfortunately there is no English site 12. http://www.hemdat.org/freedom_of_choice.htm http://www.nif.org/content.cfm?id=2037&currBody=1 the homepages of organizations lobbying for civil marriage 13. http://www.irac.org/article_e.asp?artid=351 Gavison-Meidan proposal From the current press (3/06): http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull&ci d=1139395660493 http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/697045.html a BBC

14. http://www.itim.org.il/bin/en.jsp?enDispWho=CeremonySubTopic^l15&enPag e=BlankPage_E&enDisplay=view&enDispWhat=object&enVersion=0&enInfolet =ViewObject_E.jsp&enZone=CeremonySubTopic: - this is an excellent site dealing with the realities and possibilities of different life cycle events and celebrations in Israel today from a modern Orthodox view. http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Judaism/marriage.html#Ceremony http://www.aish.com/literacy/lifecycle/Guide_to_the_Jewish_Wedding.asp these two sites detail a traditional orthodox ceremony. http://www.weddingdetails.com/lore/jewish.cfm#top http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jewish_view_of_marriage Reform_and_Conservative_adaptations these sites include conservative and reform details as well 15. http://www.ou.org/wedding/7brachot.htm - for a list and translation of all the blessings. http://www.todays-weddings.com/planning/readings/seven_blessings.html An alternate seven blessings suggested by Anita Diamant in her book The New Jewish Wedding note that there is no mention of Jerusalem or Zion etc. What is the significance of the omission?

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16. Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Brachot Folio 6 Side B And if he does gladden him what is his reward? R. Nahman b. Isaac says: It is as if he had restored one of the ruins of Jerusalem. And Babylonian Talmud Tractate Sanhedrin Folio 22 side A R. Eliezer said: For him who divorces the first wife, the very altar sheds tears, as it is written: And this further ye do, ye cover the altar of the Lord with tears, with weeping and with sighing, in so much that he regardeth not the offering any more, neither receiveth it with good will at your hand (Malachi 2) 17. Pierkei DRabbi Eliezer Chapter 17: Solomon saw that acts of kindness were dear to the Holy One and so when he built the Temple he built two gates; one for grooms and one for mourners. On Shabbat the people of Israel would go and sit between these two gates. Whoever entered through the gate of groom, they knew he was a bridegroom and they would say to him May He Who dwells in this House cause you to rejoice you with sons and daughters. And whoever entered the other gate unshaven they would know he was a mourner and say to him May He Who dwells in this House comfort you. And from the day that the Temple was destroyed our sages enacted that bridegrooms and mourners should go the synagogue and the houses of learning that the people of the place may see the groom and rejoice with him and see the mourner and sit on the earth with him so that all of Israel may fulfill their obligation of acts of kindness 18. Babylonian Talmud; tractate Avoda Zarah Folio 13 Side A: If he be a priest he may incur the risk of defilement by going outside the [Holy] Land for the purpose of arguing the matter with them and have it tried in court. . Likewise, one may incur similar defilement for the sake of studying the Torah or taking a wife. Maimonides The Laws of Kings Chapter 5 Halacha 9: It is always forbidden to leave the land of Israel and go to the Diaspora except to learn Torah, or to marry a women, or to save himself from the hands of the gentiles and then he should return to the land, and also for commerce

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19. Mishna Ketubot Chapter 13 Mishna 11 [A MAN] MAY COMPEL ALL [HIS HOUSEHOLD] TO GO UP [WITH HIM] TO THE LAND OF ISRAEL., BUT NONE MAY BE COMPELLED TO LEAVE IT. [ONES ENTIRE HOUSEHOLD] MAY BE COMPELLED TO GO UP TO JERUSALEM BUT NONE MAY BE COMPELLED TO LEAVE IT. [THIS APPLIES TO] BOTH MEN AND WOMEN Babylonian Talmud Tractate Ketubot Folio 110 side B Our Rabbis taught: If [the husband] desires to go up and his wife refuses she must be pressed to go up; and if [she does] not [consent] she may be divorced without a ketuba. If she desires to go up and be refuses, he must be pressed to go up; and if [he does] not [consent] he must divorce her and pay her ketuba. If she desires to leave and he refuses to leave, she must be pressed not to leave, and if [pressure is of] no [avail] she may be divorced without a ketuba. If he desires to leave and she refuses he must be pressed not to leave, and if [coercion is of] no [avail] he must divorce her and pay her ketuba. 20. Rabbinical Courts Jurisdiction (Marriage and Divorce) Law (5713-1953): 1. Matters of marriage and divorce of Jews in Israel, being nationals or residents of the State, shall be under the exclusive jurisdiction of rabbinical courts. 2. Marriages and divorces of Jews shall be performed in Israel in accordance with Jewish religious law. 21. http://www.irac.org/article_e.asp?artid=16 a background article by an action organization advocating civil marriage 22. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/this_world/4215160.stm human interest article describing the dilemmas faced by one couple. 23. http://www.schechter.edu/askrabbi/marriageceremony.htm 24. http://www.tzohar.org.il/nisuim_show.asp?id=6183 unfortunately there is no English site 25. http://www.hemdat.org/freedom_of_choice.htm http://www.nif.org/content.cfm?id=2037&currBody=1 the homepages of organizations lobbying for civil marriage 26. http://www.irac.org/article_e.asp?artid=351 Gavison-Meidan proposal From the current press (3/06): http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull&ci d=1139395660493 http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/697045.html a BBC

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L e s s o n 38
Women in Israel
1. Outline a. A historical survey of womens roles and key female figures among the Zionist pioneers and in the early years of the State b. Women and the army c. Women in Israel today d. A study of women in minority groups - Israeli Arab, Haredim e. Conclusions 2. Introduction: The formation of the modern State of Israel occurred in parallel to the evolution of womens movements. While its roots are traced to the French and American Revolution, feminism emerged as a social and political force at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. This is the period in which Zionism developed and Jews began to settle the land of Israel hoping to create a Jewish State. Since both Zionism and feminism grew up together, the early Zionist experience and the State of Israel provide an interesting case study of the changing roles and rights of women. Unique aspects of Israeli society, such as the central role of the defense forces and the mosaic of different populations highlight the complexity of the issues surrounding womens rights. As a Jewish State, Israel has had to address the disparity between the traditional role of women in Judaism and Jewish law and contemporary concepts of equality. Conversely, the issue and development of womens rights in Israel can illustrate the social, economic, cultural and military issues that characterize the Jewish State. In this lesson we try to give a survey of womens roles and status from the early Zionists until today. 3. Goals: a. b. c. d. To familiarize the class with the feminine side of Israeli history To demonstrate how Zionist and feminist history dovetail To introduce prominent women in Israeli history and /or Israel today To discuss various issues and dilemmas involving women in Israel

4. Extended Outline a. Women Pioneers. 1. Many of the pioneers of the First Aliya in the late 1880s and 90s were religious, but even so they were influenced by new ideas that led them to establish new Jewish agricultural communities in Israel for the first time in almost two millennia. The First Aliyah was

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almost entirely an aliyah of families, and while the decision-makers were usually the husbands, the lives of their wives and children were also drastically changed and influenced by the new ways of thinking. The women who came with their husbands and families to Israel often did so at the risk of their lives due to the disease and poor conditions in the country. 2. Famous women of this era include Hemdah Ben Yehuda, the second wife of Eliezer Ben Yehuda. She married Ben Yehuda after her older sister, his first wife, died. An emancipated woman of great drive and conviction, she made it her life's work to support Eliezer and his enterprise. She took the Hebrew name Hemdah, quickly learned Hebrew, became a reporter for his paper, and later became its editor, allowing her husband to focus on his research. She published Ben Yehuda, Hayyav u-Mifalo (1940), a life of Ben Yehuda, and Noseh ha-Degel (1944) on her stepson Itamar Ben-Avi. She continued work on Ben Yehudas dictionary after his death. 3. Another prominent woman of the era was the writer Nehamah Pukhachewsky. Pukhachewskys writings begin with a critique of the womens role in the exotic but extremely conservative Yemenite community in Palestine and graduate to a damning critique of the men in her own Ashkenazi society, who subject their women to scorn and ridicule whenever they try to assert their independence. 4. There were women who were born into the families of the First Aliyah who struck out on their own independent path, such as Sarah Aaronson, the sister of Aaron Aharonson, agronomist, botanist and founder of NILI spy ring. During WWI NILI was a Jewish organization that acted as spies on behalf of the British. They acted out of the small town Zichron Ya'akov in northern Israel and provided the British with information about the Ottoman forces. The most notorious member of NILI was Sarah Aharonson. Sarah, her father, her brother, and almost every other member of NILI, were captured by the Turks on October 2, 1917. After being subjected to torture by the Turkish police Sarah shot herself during interrogation. (see source 1) 5. The Second Aliyah, at the beginning of the 20th century was organized by the Zionist movement after its formal foundation and characterized by immigration of workers and the establishment of communal settlements. Most of its members were young people inspired by socialist ideals. Many models and

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components of the rural settlement enterprise came into being at this time, such as "national farms" where rural settlers were trained; the first kibbutz, Deganya (1909); and Hashomer, the first Jewish self-defense organization in Palestine, and Tel Aviv, the first modern all-Jewish city. The socialist and worker ideals espoused equal rights for women and the romantic ideal of women pioneers tilling the fields is widely held. In reality though the women were often relegated to kitchen duty and cleaning up. (see source 2) In response the women who came to Israel in the Second Aliyah from 1904 to 1914 expecting equality organized the Moetzet Hapoalot (the Working Women's Council, later to become Naamat) in 1921, making it the first feminist movement in Palestine. Protesting a society in which women were relegated to the kitchens while men worked the land and built the country, the womens goal was to become full partners in the life of the Labor movement, the founding of the state. (see source 3) 6. One of the results of socialist egalitarian ideals in the early kibbutzim was the creation of the childrens house. In order to free parents to work, children were raised in a communal childrens home. Until the 1970s children were raised together by nurses and teachers in the Hevrat Hayeladim (children's community). They lived, and even slept, apart from their nuclear families. The virtual elimination of motherhood as an occupation had a profound impact on kibbutz women. In the 1920s, kibbutz women were performing the same duties as their male counterparts even guard duty. However, according to some researchers, despite being liberated from traditional roles kibbutz women were still were primarily relegated to sex-typed jobs. The unique structure of the kibbutz, especially in its early years, provides an interesting testing ground for many theories of gender roles. (see source 4 ) b. Subsection Two: Women in the Army 1. Women played a vital role in the underground struggle for Israel's independence, including participation in signals and combat roles in the pre-state militias: Haganah, Irgun, and Lehi. Famous female fighters include Hanna Senesh, a partisan fighter who parachuted into the occupied Hungary during World War II and was captured. Hanna withstood torture and was executed. She is remembered as a heroine not only for her bravery but also as a poetess and lover of the Israel (see source 5 )

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2. In 1948, the IDF began to reorganize its front-line brigades, and the issue was raised as to whether women should be integrated into men's units, or whether separate battalions of women should be formed. The second option was decided upon, and the Women's Corps was founded on May 16, 1948. Within a year, however, the Women's Corps was restructured, and female soldiers were dispersed throughout various units. For many decades women were drafted to the military but were not permitted to serve in combat positions. The rationale for this policy was that should a woman be captured by the enemy, the effect on national morale would be devastating. Women served in positions such as clerks, drivers, nurses, radio operators, flight controllers, and course instructors. 3. The Defense Service Law of 1959 defines and regulates the obligation of service in the Israel Defense Forces. According to the Law, all citizens and permanent residents of the State of Israel are required to perform military service. All women between the ages of 18 and 26, who are physically fit, unmarried, have not borne children, and have not objected on religious grounds or grounds of conscience must fulfill their military obligation. 4. In November 1995, the High Court of Justice in Israel delivered a landmark decision granting women the right to volunteer for pilot-training courses in the Israel Air Force. The petition was submitted by Alice Miller, who had been denied the right to take exams for the pilots training course. She was represented by the Israel Women's Network and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel. Ezer Weizman notoriously told Alice Miller, Maydeleh, have you ever seen a man darning socks? The Court ruled that the Israel Air Force must allow Alice Miller to take the qualifying tests for pilot training and, if found eligible, to participate in the pilot training program. The court also ordered the Air Force to initiate an experimental program to facilitate integration of women into pilot training courses. 5. In 1999, Israel announced that women would begin serving as combat soldiers in the year 2000. In early 2000, the IDF decided to deploy women in the artillery corps, followed by infantry units, armored divisions and elite combat units. The Navy has also decided to place women in its diving repair unit. On August 1, 2001, the existing Women's Corps was incorporated into the General Staff rather than acting as an independent unit.

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6. Altogether, at the beginning of 2004, about 450 women were in combat units. Female soldiers are supposed to be trained and responsible for the same duties as their male counterparts. Those recruited for combat units have to serve for 30 months instead of the current mandatory period for women of 21 months. (See source 6). The vast majority of women still serve in the support positions listed above. Note that while women from combat units are sometimes called for reserve duty, in general, the onus of reserve duty (as much as a month per year) falls almost entirely on men. 7. Although women have always served in the IDF, the army offers a predominantly male environment that spills over into civilian society by means of the "old boys network". This in turn can hinder womens advancement in Israeli society especially in politics and business where connections are important and where experience as a leader in the military can be translated into a leadership position in civilian life. c. Subsection Three: Women in Israel Today 1. While many women are professionally trained and hold prestigious and prominent posts in such fields as education, medicine and law, the general situation of women in Israel today is still far from ideal. (see source 7) 2. Women in the Labor Force: In 2000, 45.44% of the labor force were women, of whom only 15.8% worked full time, compared to 34.1% of the men. The average monthly salary for women was 60.18% of men's wages. The average wage-per-hour was 80.5% of that of men. In general, women work mostly in lower-paying jobs, in services, education, health, welfare and clerical positions, and are significantly less represented in prestigious and lucrative occupations such as hi-tech, management and engineering. 3. Poverty: The economic gap between rich and poor has deepened during recent years. 16% of the women in Israel today live in poverty, compared to 14% of the men. The difference may lie in the fact that most single families are those of single women. 4. Education: Measured by years of schooling in the Jewish population, there is no educational gap between men and women. But many more boys study in the technical tracks that prepare them for well-earning professions. Among non-Jewish

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groups there is a slight difference between men and women in years of schooling, which is, however, closing swiftly. In the Bedouin community, there is a high drop-out rate for girls. While 57% of all academic degrees are earned by women, and 46% of the doctoral students are women, only 22% of senior faculty members and 7.8% of full professors are women. 5. Politics: One aspect of womens lacking power in Israel, as well as their limited ability to influence the public agenda, is their low representation in politics in general and in government in particular. During the terms of 16 governments since the establishment of the State, including that of Prime Minister Sharon, only nine women have served as cabinet ministers: Golda Meir, Shoshana Arbeli-Almozlino, Shulamit Aloni, Sara Doron, Ora Namir, Limor Livnat, Dalia Itzik, Yael (Yuli) Tamir and Zippi Livni (several served in more than one government). Although Golda Meir served as Prime Minister, not even one woman held a ministerial post in her government, despite the fact that her cabinet was one of the largest to date (24 cabinet ministers). Ariel Sharons first government included the largest number of female cabinet ministers - 11.5%. Since the establishment of the State and up to the 14th Knesset (1949-1996), the number of female Knesset members (MKs) declined, ranging from 8-11 women in each Knesset - a representation rate of 6.6% - 9.1%. This rate is lower than that of women in parliaments in Scandinavian countries, western and southern European countries and industrialized countries. 6. A serious issue related to womens rights and status in Israel is the increasing number of women trafficked into Israel for prostitution. According to the U.S. State Dept Trafficking in Persons Report, (June 2005) Israel is a destination country for women trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation and men and women trafficked for the purpose of labor exploitation. Women from European and former Soviet countries are trafficked to Israel, often through Egypt, and sold to brothel operators, after which they are forced to work off debts through involuntary sexual servitude. Most trafficking victims for sexual exploitation originate from Uzbekistan, Moldova, Russia, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine. In a new trend, traffickers in Ukraine reportedly have begun exploiting the Israeli law that allows all Jews to immigrate to Israel, by providing victims with false Jewish identity documents. The Government of Israel does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making 354
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significant efforts to do so. A de-facto coordinator has continued to work on trafficking in persons by coordinating information and anti-trafficking initiatives between various government agencies and NGOs. The government lacks a law against trafficking for the purpose of labor exploitation, although such a law was drafted in 2003 and awaits approval. In 2004, Israel changed the Parliamentary Inquiry Committee on Trafficking in Persons into a Permanent Committee on Trafficking in Persons. This Committee drafted laws to enable closure of brothels, provide national health insurance to trafficking victims, grant witness protection for nonIsraeli citizens and residents, and postpone the deportation of trafficking victims. (See source 8) 7. A striking feature of Israeli culture is the extent to which sexual innuendo is used in advertising, to an extent that surpasses North America. Occasionally ultra-orthodox vigilantes deface posters in bus stations etc., and while this causes an outcry from those who oppose religious coercion and support freedom of expression, many non-religious Israelis are silently appalled by the crudeness of the sexual exploitation employed by the advertising industry. (See source 9). d. Women in minority groups 1. While at least in the national consciousness if not in reality, there is an image of the strong female Sabra, many women in Israel belong to different minority groups where their roles are defined in traditional and paternalistic terms. Efforts are being made to empower the women within their own communities as well as to allow them assess to the opportunities available in the wider Israeli society. 2. Haredi Jewish women: The ultra-orthodox woman is often stereotyped in Israeli society as being relegated to mothering many children. In reality many ultra-orthodox women study professions and are bread-winners. However this does not necessarily mean they have a higher status in their society which values scholarship over financial independence or success. The most respected men of the community study Torah all day (for which they receive minimal stipends), while their wives work, take care of the home, and raise their usually large brood of children. They are the female infrastructure of the haredi world. Women take great pride in their spouses' accomplishments, and men's learning is valued above material possessions in the community at

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large. Women, however, are not encouraged to study. Many women, though, believe their private role as mother and homemaker is the proper role for a Jewish women and do not want to change it. All the same there are interesting initiatives to better the lives of women as well as examples of prominent women within the haredi society (see source 10). Note that the role of haredi women is to some extent distorted and forced upon the society by a particular Israeli law: haredi society strongly opposes military service by its young men, as it fears that the experience will weaken their attachment to traditional values and ways of life, and introduce them to the temptations of modern western life. The law allows full time yeshiva students to receive a draft exemption and a living stipend but only if they study full time and do not work. Therefore, in order to avoid the army, haredi men must also avoid gainful employment, forcing their wives to be sole breadwinners in addition to their other obligations. It has been argued that without this law, many more haredi men would adopt a more traditional life style involving a combination of study and work - except for the exceptionally gifted Talmud students. Israel also has to contend with conflicts arising between traditional Jewish values as espoused by the rabbinate and changing womens roles. In 1988 The Israeli Supreme Court overruled the nation's rabbis and ordered the appointment of Leah Shakdiel of Yeroham as the first woman on a religious council that administers synagogues and ritual baths. (see source 11) In the mid eighties women began training and acting as toanot rabbaniot rabbinical court advocates. Since accredited lawyers are allowed to appear before the rabbinical courts and an extensive knowledge of halacha is required most women who entered this field were religious women. The entrance of women into the field has helped to bring the plight of agunot and women refused a religious divorce to public consciousness. Women advocates also spearhead the legal and political battles on these issues. They are the catalyst for much needed awareness and change in these areas. (see source 12) 3. Israeli Arab women: Israeli Arab women are a minority within a minority. As well as sharing the difficulties shared by all women in Israel they are members of the Arab minority in a Jewish state and women in a patriarchal society based on traditional authority;

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These sources of marginalization all have severe consequences on the political participation of Arab women in Israel who comprise approximately 10% of the country's citizenry, and they combine to make Arab women in Israel the lowest paid, least educated, and least represented portion of Israeli society.( See source 13) The history of Arab women in Israel is different from that of Jewish women. The Zionist ethos at least advocated equal opportunities and education for women. Until 1948, Arab women were part of an agrarian society. They were locked into the function that had imprisoned women for millennia: to produce hands to work in the fields. They were also essential to the household economy (cooking, cleaning, milling, baking, sewing, making cheeses and soap). After 1948, however, the agrarian economy disappeared. What little farming remained could not compete with the scientific agriculture practiced by the Jewish collectives. Arab women were condemned to lives devoid of social or economic significance. The shrinking of agriculture reduced the need for so many children and household cheeses, bread, soap, and clothing were replaced by factory products. Women became socially superfluous. Israeli law provides compulsory free education between the ages of 4 and 15, and it remains free through the twelfth grade. Despite the opportunities that education should provide for younger Arab women they are faced with two impediments. One is the general discrimination against Arabs. This is manifest in the lack of Arab industry, jobs and organizational infrastructure (such as childcare centers) that would enable women to work. The other is Arab society itself, which subordinates women in all aspects of life. According to Samya Nasser, Chairperson of the Workers Advice Center (WAC) and womens activist in Nazareth, No one will stop an Arab woman from getting a drivers license, but once she has it, she will have to get permission from her family-head, be it father, brother or husband, to drive from one place to another. She can learn a profession, but once shes married, there is little chance shell be permitted to work in it. An exception to this picture is provided by a minority of educated Arab women with good family connections who have been able to find jobs in certain government offices (Education, Welfare, etc.) or in regional councils as teachers, welfare workers and clerks. In the 1990s, there was also a mushrooming of NGOs

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in the Arab sector. A small number of female college graduates found work in them. But the vast majority of Arab women lack higher education. In the Arab sector, the participation of women in the labor force is significantly lower than that of Jewish women - only 22%, and the rate of unemployment is higher than in the Jewish population -11.7%. The average salary of Arab women is only 71% of that of Jewish women. When almost 80% of women do not have jobs, they are deprived of all influence social, political and domestic. The disappointment with secular solutions has fueled an Islamic revival. The Islamic movement encourages Arab society to close in on itself. It downplays the things of this world. Women now find it harder than ever to get permission from their patriarchs to work. More and more are married off as minors. The question arises as to why there is little feminist awareness among Arabs in Israel. A principal reason is that the women have always made common cause with the men against Israeli discrimination. For many years, Hadash (the Arab-Jewish party led by the Communists), as well as the national parties, raised the banners of Jewish-Arab equality and an end to the Occupation. Throughout the national struggle, the status of women remained a side issue. In many respects, to stand up to ones family and demand personal emancipation is more difficult than to join the fight for equality within a national framework. If an Arab woman rebels against her family, insisting on her right to marry whom she pleases, or to work outside her village, or to divorce her husband, she will be ostracized from the society. There are however some women trying to improve the situation. Kayan is a feminist organization for Arab women in Haifa and the Galilee. (see source 14) Among the Bedouin in the Negev Sidreh is an organization dedicated to their empowerment and education. Lakiya Negev Weaving is Sidrehs core project. Its purpose is to enable social change by building a foundation for local economic development. As a vehicle of empowerment it channels traditional skills into a profitable cottage industry, restoring womens contribution to their familys earning power. While educating participants with the tools of earning an income in modern society, the project at the same time revitalizes and preserves a craft which is central to Bedouin heritage. (see source 15)

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Another example of successful female entrepreneurship is Savta Gamila an illiterate Druze woman who has established an international company manufacturing olive oil soap. She is being honored this year as a torch lighter on Independence Day in recognition of her accomplishments. (see source 16)

Conclusions: In this lesson we have just given a sample of womens issues in Israeli history and today. As with most aspects of life in Israel, the issues involved are many and complex with different cultures, beliefs, needs and values being thrown together. Together they must find a way to co-exist , develop and build the modern Jewish State of Israel for all its citizens. A few more resources are listed at the end of the source list below.

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Sources 1. http://www.ithl.org.il/book_info.asp?id=327 (This is an Israeli childrens classic; its author has been awarded the Israel prize for literature this year) 2. The following is an excerpt from Sarah Malkins diary from the early days of Kvutzat Kinneret: I went to the chores. The oven was not working at all. There were very few kitchen utensils or foodstuffs but I didnt mind, nor did I notice the heat. I was totally immersed in the important job I cook outside over a stone fire, in the heat without any shade. I cooked for 30 people over a stone fire in the rain the rain fell into the pots. No one discussed building the kitchen and I didnt want to bring it up since we are only starting out and all beginnings are difficult. .. There are thousands of francs being spent on this farm but they cant find 20 to build an oven so that I wont have to cook in the heat and the rain. http://www.degania.org.il/eng/malkin.htm 3. http://www.naamat.org/History.htm 4. http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2294/is_n5-6_v29/ai_14777211 http://www.tau.ac.il/~agass/judith-papers/kibbutz.pdf 5. http://www.jewishgates.com/file.asp?File_ID=360 israel.com/bio/biography_hannah_senesh.htmhttp://www.jewishmag.com/55 mag/senesh/senesh.htm One of Hannas most famous poems which has become a classic Israeli song is A walk to Caesarea (Eli Eli) , My God, my God May these things never end: The sand and the sea The rush of the water The lightning of the heavens The prayer of Man

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This is what she wrote about that walk to Caesarea: In the morning, I roam through the ancient ruins; in the afternoon, I walk in the fields, or to be more precise, on the land designated to become our fields. When I see with what fury the foamy waves rush against the shore and how they become silent and peaceful upon crashing against the sand, I think that our enthusiasm and anger is not much different. As they roll, they are powerful and vigorous and when they touch the shore, they break, they calm down and they begin to play like small children on the golden sand. 6. http://www.mahal2000.com/information/background/content.htm#women Statistics of 2003 in the army: http://www.kokhavivpublications.com/2003/israel/05/0305201551.html http://www.joegrossberg.com/archives/002630.html - photo exhibit of Women soldiers. A review of a newly released Israeli movie on women combat soldiers called Karov LeBayit (Close to Home) http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/694709.html 7. http://www.iwn.org.il/iwn.asp?subject=Archive&id=110 statistics about women in 2002 http://israel.jcca.org/articles.htm?y=620051118152348 8. www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3062297,00.htm http://www.uri.edu/artsci/wms/hughes/israel.htm 9. Excerpt from International Womens Rights Action Watch report on Israel, http://iwraw.igc.org/publications/countries/israel.htm In advertising, negative stereotypes of women abound. Relatively inexpensive items are advertised by women filmed at home, while more expensive products are advertised by men at work or outdoors. A content analysis of advertising reveals that the body of a woman in commercials is often accompanied by sexual innuendo. Much advertising carries a diluted form of pornography that finds its way into the mass media. Turning the woman and her body into a marketing tool is another step in the process of creating an inferior image of the role of women in society. 10. http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3101594,00.html publications for Haredi women 361
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An insider (male) view of Haredi women: http://www.jewishmediaresources.org/article/58/ http://www.kavlaoved.org.il/katava_main.asp?news_id=1201&sivug_id=4 about Haredi women programmers Initiatives for professional training of Haredei women: http://www.jewishmediaresources.com/article/583/ 11. http://www.irac.org/article_e.asp?artid=22 12. www.ou.org/publications/ja/5765/5765winter/WOMENADV.PD http://www.jofa.org/speaker.php?sid=32 13. http://www.arabhra.org/factsheets/factsheet5.htm statistics and information The most severe consequence of their vulnerable status is tradition of honor killings: http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=649254&contrassI D=2&subContrassID=15&sbSubContrassID=0&listSrc=Y 14. http://www.nif.org/content.cfm?id=1218&currBody=1 http://www.pbs.org/wnet/wideangle/printable/galilee_briefing_print.html Organization to help women open businesses a recent survey of Arab Israeli women in the Galilee done by Haifa Unversity http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1145961264859&pagename=JPost %2FJPArticle%2FShowFull 15. http://www.cjaed.org.il/Index.asp?CategoryID=97&ArticleID=79 www.nif.org/content.cfm?id=1374&currBody=1 www.nif.org/content.cfm?id=1374&currBody=1 http://www.oxfam.org.ni/what_we_do/issues/gender/links/0402art3.htm 16. http://www.onejerusalem.com/2005/12/14/savta-gamila-of-pqiin http://www.jewishaz.com/jewishnews/050218/arab.shtml

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Additional resources Teaching tool: Quiz on Famous Jewish women: http://www.funtrivia.com/playquiz/quiz115090d2f178.html Time line of women and womens issues in the Yishuv and Israel, with bibliography http://www.brandeis.edu/hbi/pubs/wp2.pdf http://www.jewishagency.org/JewishAgency/English/Jewish+Education/Eye+on+I srael/Israeli+Culture/Gender+Roles+The+Changing+Role+of+Women.htm http://www.jewishagency.org/JewishAgency/English/Jewish+Education/Eye+on+I srael/Women+in+Israel

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L e s s o n 39
Death and Mourning
1. Outline a. Burial customs and their development b. Israel in the liturgy of mourning c. Burial practices in Israel today d. Graves as holy sites 2. Introduction One of the first symbolic acts in the Torah connecting the Jewish people to the land of Israel is Abrahams purchase of a burial cave in Hebron for Sarah (Genesis 23). Since burial represents a deeply emotional and long-term connection to a particular piece of land, it stands to reason that in studying the beliefs and customs centered around burial, we will discover various dimensions of our connection to the land of Israel. Beyond the historical and halachic questions, thinking about burial practices and places leads to a discussion of the nature of holy ground: what makes a place holy? 3. Lesson goals a. Awareness of Israel connections in the liturgy and customs of burial and mourning b. Familiarity with similarities and differences between burial practices in Israel and the diaspora c. Awareness of the concept and the problematics of holy ground 4. Expanded outline a. Burial customs and their development i. When visiting any of the many burial caves in Israel most familiarly, perhaps, the complex at Bet Shearim near Haifa Jewish tourists often wonder how the existence of elaborate stone sarcophagi lined up in large caves is congruent with the requirement of burial in the ground in a biodegradable coffin. It turns out that Jewish burial practice has varied widely over time and space, and that modern North American customs are not necessarily universal. As mentioned in the introduction, Genesis 23 refers to burial in a cave a family cave which became a holy site that has given rise to experiences of spiritual elevation and territorial violence for around 3,000 years. ii. In biblical and rabbinic times, it seems that most Jewish burials were simply in the ground; caves like Hebron and Bet Shearim were

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reserved for the wealthy but interestingly, though the halacha now forbids burial in a mausoleum, and requires returning to the soil, this restriction was not interpreted then as forbidding burial in stone sarcophagi and in niches in caves. Even Rabbi Judah Hanasi, the redactor of the Mishnah, was apparently laid to rest in a cave in Bet Shearim. See: http://www.jewishmag.com/97mag/betshearim/betshearim.htm And of course, we have a number of examples of burial in caves, of important persons, in Jerusalem: http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Archaeology/jerburial.ht ml iii. The Jerusalem Talmud, Moed Katan 80c, mentions that there used to be a custom of laying the dead to rest in a pit or trough and then collecting and burying the bones after the body had decomposed; this seems to accord with the use of troughs and sarcophagi in places like Bet Shearim. However, note that this custom is mentioned in past tense, suggesting that sometime by the time the Talmud was edited which is around when Bet Shearim, as it happens, stopped being used (4th cent.), the accepted custom was simple burial in the ground. See a good summary of research on this topic: http://www.ucalgary.ca/~elsegal/Shokel/021219_Ossuaries.html The biblical basis for burial is Deuteronomy 21:22-23 Perhaps the emphasis in later tradition on burial only in the earth and not in caves is a reflection of the economic-status concern reflected in the famous account of Rabban Gamaliels establishment of the law that burial must be in a plain shroud. See the text below in Sources: Bab. Talmud, Moed Katan 27b. According to the halacha, once buried, a body is not supposed to be moved/reburied, unless it is to Eretz Yisrael (Shulchan Aruch, Yoreh Deah 363). Which suggests, of course, that burial in Israel is somehow better than burial elsewhere. Note that in Bet Shearim, a number of caves were found that had been devoted to burials of Jews from various Diaspora communities and this does not refer to those who had immigrated while alive. See, of course, the examples of Jacob and Joseph (Gen. 49:29-50:14; Ex. 13:19; Josh. 24:32). And here is a survey of the custom through the ages: http://www.biu.ac.il/JH/Parasha/eng/beshalah/are.html But why?

iv. v.

vi.

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vii.

There is a well-known belief, found in apocryphal and rabbinical literature, that the resurrection of the dead will occur only in Israel or even, specifically at the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem and that those buried outside of Israel will have to make their way through underground tunnels to Jerusalem to be resurrected or, in other traditions, to wait 40 years after those buried in Israel. The most accessible text relating this tradition is in the Bab. Talmud, Ketubot 111a (see below, sources)

b. Israel in the liturgy of mourning i. The first paragraph of the special burial kaddish is different from the standard kaddish: Extolled and hallowed be the name of God in that world which He is to create anew, and to revive the dead and to raise them to an everlasting life. Then will the city of Jerusalem be rebuilt, the Temple will be erected therein, the worship of idols eradicated, and the only true heavenly worship restored to its dignity. O, may this happen in your lifetime, and in the lifetime of the whole house of Israel, speedily and without delay and say, Amen. ii. The standard formula of condolence recited by those comforting the mourners: May God comfort you together with all the mourners of Zion and Jerusalem The custom of placing a little bag of dirt from Israel in Diaspora graves or of placing soil from Israel on the eyes, heart, and hands of the deceased - apparently is based on the belief described above that those buried in Israel will be resurrected, resurrected sooner, or resurrected with less hassle; so, by bringing some of Eretz Yisrael to the deceased, perhaps the same effect can be attained. If you thought the Kosher Compass was a little weird, look at this: http://www.holyburial.com/sac_jer.htm

iii.

c. Burial practices in Israel today i. While basic funeral laws and practices are the same in Israel as in the Diaspora, there are some interesting technical differences: 1. There is no funeral home industry all arrangements are done by the Hevra Kadisha what had been a voluntary agency in the Diaspora but is now a part of the government religious bureaucracy. They pick up the body and take care of tahara and any other preparations, like digging the grave. The eulogy is the responsibility of the particular family or community most Israelis dont

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ii.

belong to a synagogue, and there is no official responsibility for the funeral service or the eulogy some families invite a local rabbi, others do it themselves. 2. On kibbutzim and other rural communities, that have their own cemeteries, these are often very green and beautiful and esthetically maintained. Urban cemeteries, on the other hand, are dusty and industrial in atmosphere, with almost no vegetation just contiguous gravestones, with various stone or concrete retaining walls, partitions, and pathways. 3. Though there are geographical variations within the country, and exceptions for cases of violent (bloody) death, most burials are in a shroud with no coffin. The body is simply brought to the grave on a stretcher. 4. It is quite common, even expected, especially at funerals of secular families, that the grave will be piled with flowers and wreaths after it is filled. Mourners often bring an individual flower; employers, organizations, communities often bring standard wreaths with a ribbon identifying the group these can be ordered at any florist shop. 5. The stone-setting usually takes place around a month after the burial. 6. At the stone setting and at the memorial ceremony at the grave after a year (and in some cases, on succeeding anniversaries of the death), a mainstay of the liturgy is the reading of the sections of Psalm 119 spelling out the name of the deceased, alternating with the letters of neshama. The sections are often assigned to different friends or family members to read. Because cemeteries are under the control of the religious establishment, with the attendant restrictions on who qualifies for burial, how the burial must be done, how the gravestone may be inscribed, etc., there has been increasing agitation in recent years to open alternative secular cemeteries that would be free of such control. There has been some success, finally, and there are a few such cemeteries now. See: http://www.irac.org/sub_topics_e.asp?topic=25 Burial of Diaspora Jews in Israel is still quite common especially in the Orthodox world, and Jewish funeral homes serving such communities have standard procedures for providing that service. For example http://www.jewish-funerals.org/israelburial.htm

iii.

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Traveling with a dog on El Al can be a problem, as a dog cannot ride in the cargo hold if there is a dead body on board, which, it turns out, there often is. d. Graves as holy sites i. For a fascinating and in-depth review of research on the veneration of the graves in Judaism, see: http://www.yarzheit.com/heavensregister/galileegiller.htm ii. It is interesting to consider our concept of holiness with regard to land: is a cemetery hallowed ground? Is Israel holy? Within which borders? Consider: 1. In the desert of Midian Exodus 3:5 2. The prohibition of anyone entering the Holy of Holies other than the High Priest on Yom Kippur is well-known. In the middle ages and today there is a debate as to whether we should be able to walk around on the Temple mount due to its holiness; see, for example the discussion of the sources in two conflicting responsa of Conservative rabbis: http://www.responsafortoday.com/engsums/1_1.htm 3. See the passage from Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook, first chief rabbi of Israel, in Sources below. 4. The halacha is pretty clear that a cemetery may not be sold nor may those buried there be moved in order to sell the land, nor may part of the land as yet unused by sold off. See Shulchan Aruch Yoreh Deah 363. 5. See the words imputed to Chief Seattle in Sources below. It is also interesting to consider the extent to which Israel is seen by visitors (and by Israelis) as one huge memorial site, as we shlepp from Metsada to Mt. Herzl to Davids Tomb to Rachels Tomb to Yad Vashem to Yad Mordecai to Kinneret Cemetery to Rambams Tomb to Tel Hai etc. etc. See Yehuda Amichais famous poem addressing the relationship between the living and the dead in Israel, below, in sources. To what extent is Israel for us Diaspora Jews merely a whirlwind tour of graves and memorials?

iii.

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Sources and references: General: http://www.myjewishlearning.com/lifecycle/Death.htm http://www.jewish-funerals.org/index.htm On stacked burial due to crowding http://www.jewishsf.com/content/2-0/module/displaystory/story_id/8254/edition_id/156/format/html/displaystory.html On reburial of Jews from Gaza cemeteries at time of withdrawal in 2005 http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/objects/pages/PrintArticleEn.jhtml?itemNo=617763 Bab. Talmud, Soncino Translation, Ketubot 111a R. Eleazar stated: The dead outside the Land58 will not be resurrected; for it is said in Scripture, And I will set glory59 in the land of the living,60 [implying] the dead of the land in which I have my desire61 will be resurrected, but the dead [of the land] in which I have no desire will not be resurrected. R. Abba b. Memel objected: Thy dead shall live, my dead bodies shall arise;62 does not [the expression] 'Thy dead shall live' refer to the dead of the Land of Israel, and 'My dead bodies shall arise' to the dead outside the Land;63 while the text,64 And I will give glory65 in the land of the living60 was written of Nebuchadnezzar concerning whom the All-Merciful said, 'I will bring against them a king who is as swift as a stag'?66 The other replied: Master, I am making an exposition of another Scriptural text: He that giveth breath unto the people upon it,67 and spirit to them that walk therein.68 But is it not written, My dead bodies shall arise?69 That was written in reference to miscarriages.70 Now as to R. Abba b. Memel, what [is the application] he makes of the text,71 'He that giveth breath unto the people upon it'? He requires it for [an exposition] like that of R. Abbahu who stated: Even a Canaanite bondwoman who [lives] in the Land of Israel is assured of a place in72 the world to come, [for in the context] here it is written, unto the people73 upon it,74 and elsewhere it is written, Abide ye here with75 the ass76 [which may be rendered]77 people that are like an ass'.78 And spirit to them that work therein74 [teaches], said R. Jeremiah b. Abba in the name of R. Johanan, that whoever walks four cubits in the Land of Israel is assured of a place79 in the world to come. Now according to R. Eleazar,80 would not the righteous outside the Land81 be revived?82 R. Elai replied: [They will be revived] by rolling [to the Land of Israel]. R. Abba Sala the Great demurred: Will not the rolling be painful to the righteous? Abaye replied: Cavities will be made for them underground.

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Thou shalt carry me out of Egypt and bury me in their burying-place.83 Karna remarked: [There must be here] some inner meaning. Our father Jacob well knew that he was a righteous man in every way, and, since the dead outside the Land will also be resurrected, why did he trouble his sons?84 Because he might possibly be unworthy to [roll through] the cavities.85 Similarly you read in Scripture, And Joseph took an oath of the children of Israel, [saying ye shall carry up my bones from hence],86 and R. Hanina remarked: [There is here] an inner meaning. Joseph well knew himself to be a righteous man in every way, and, since the dead outside the Land87 will be revived, why did he trouble his brothers [with a journey of] four hundred parasangs? Because he might possibly be unworthy to [roll through] the cavities.88

Bab. Talmud Moed Katan 27b It used to be that the burial of the dead was harder for the family than the actual death; it reached the point where they would put down the body and run away but then Rabban Gamaliel came and set an example by having himself buried in a linen garment, and all the people followed him and were buried in linen garments. Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook, Eretz Yisrael Eretz Yisrael is not something apart from the soul of the Jewish people; it is no mere national possession, serving as a means of unifying our people and buttressing its material, or even its spiritual survival. Eretz Israel is part of the very essence of our nationhood; it is bound organically to its very life and inner being. Human reason, even at its most sublime, cannot begin to understand the unique holiness of Eretz Yisrael. ...The hope for the return to the Holy Land is the continuing source of the distinctive nature of Judaism. The hope for the Redemption is the force that sustains Judaism in the Diaspora; the Judaism of Eretz Yisrael is the very Redemption. Chief Seattle [Washington Territory, 1877] Every part of this country is sacred to my people. Every hillside, every valley, every plain and grove has been hallowed by some fond memory or some sad experience of my tribe. Even the rocks, which seem to lie dumb as they swelter in the sun along the silent seashore in solemn grandeur, thrill with memories of past events connected with the lives of my people. The very dust under your feet responds more lovingly to our footsteps than to yours, because it is the ashes of our ancestors, and our bare feet are conscious of the sympathetic touch, for the soil is rich with the life of our kindred.

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Yehudah Amichai, Tourists They come to make condolence calls upon us, Sitting at Yad Vashem, somber at the Western Wall And laughing behind heavy curtains in hotel rooms, Taking each others pictures with the distinguished dead at Rachels tomb And Herzls tomb and Ammunition Hill, Weeping for the beauty of the heroism of our boys And lusting for the toughness of our girls And hanging their underwear To dry quickly In a cool blue bathroom. Once I sat down on the steps by the gate of Davids Tower; I set my two heavy baskets down beside me. A group of tourists was standing around their guide and I served as a reference point for them. Do you see that man with the baskets? A little to the right of his head there is an arch from the Roman period. A little to the right of his head. But he is moving, he is moving! I said in my heart: redemption will come only when the guide says to them: Do you see that arch there, from the Roman period? It is not important; but next to it, a little to the left and down, is sitting a man who has bought fruit and vegetables for his family.

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L e s s o n 40
Medieval Connections to the Land of Israel
Outline: 1. Rabbi Judah Halevi 2. The Kabbalists 3. The Baal Shem Tov and Rabbi Nachman of Breslav Introduction: Jews in the middle ages lived a balancing act, juggling loyalty to the Jewish faith and survival both personal and as autonomous communities within the Christian or Moslem world. It was a time of strong communal institutions and philosophical debate as Jews tried to comprehend and articulate (primarily to themselves) their continued exile and persecution as well as the basic tenets of their faith which set it apart from the surrounding religions that saw it at best as primitive or forsaken by G-D if not downright corrupt and evil. Always at the mercy of Christian or Moslem rulers who intermittently sought forcibly to convert them, Jews suffered discrimination, persecution, and exile after exile. Despite these hardships in Diaspora, or perhaps because of them, there was no mass movement to return to the land of Israel. That land too was under foreign rule (alternatively Moslem/Christian/Moslem as the Crusaders came and went) and there too Jews suffered. Although there was a continued, tiny and impoverished Jewish presence in the land of Israel, for the majority of Jews the land of Israel was always present in the liturgy (piyutim, kinot) as a cornerstone of faith but not as a physical alternative. The Holy Land acquired an almost mythical nature in Jewish consciousness as an unattainable paradise. Even the numerous false messiahs that surfaced in different countries throughout the middle ages remained localized phenomena never succeeding in enflaming the masses to actually consider moving to Israel (until Shabbetai Zevi). Paradoxically though, throughout the era there was a continuous flow of individuals including scholars and leaders making the difficult journey at least to die if not to live in the Holy Land. . This lesson will study some of those individuals, their stories and their writings, examining their varied motivations to go up to Israel. Are these individual responses to each ones specific circumstances or a reflection of the ongoing relationship between the Jew and the land of Israel? How do their responses compare to the feelings of Diaspora Jews who make aliyah today?

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Goals: 1. Familiarity with medieval models of connection to Israel 2. Exploration of the spiritual significance of the land in Jewish belief and practice 3. Comparison and discussion of the different personalities and their motivations, to our own conceptions of the significance of Israel. Expanded Outline: Suggested Methodology: Divide the class into 3 groups. Each group reads the biographies and writings of one of the following personalities or groups as presented in the subsections. Each group must try to answer the question, what motivated their personality to move to Israel? What was their personalitys perception of the Jews tie to the land? Each group can summarize in a class discussion comparing the motivations of the medieval personalities with those of Jews today to journey to or settle in Israel. 1. Judah Halevi Biography: Judah Ha-Levi (lived ca. 1080-1141) was one of the greatest Spanish Jewish poets and philosophers. He was born in Toledo, Spain while it was still under Islamic rule but lived most of his life in Cordova, a center of Jewish life at the time. His primary occupation throughout his life was as a physician to the king of Spain but he was a prolific writer of both Arabic and Hebrew poetry. His writings are very diverse and cover such topics as love, friendship, religious devotion, hope, wisdom, and sorrow. He was known as the "Sweet Singer of Zion since many of his poems were paeans to the Land of Israel and mourning the loss of the Land to the Jews. (See source 2 for examples of his Zionistic poems) In Halevi's day, Jews were caught in the incessant wars between Christians and Muslims for control of the Iberian Peninsula. He himself felt constrained to remain in Spain most of his life, however, because of family attachments. Although personally he occupied an honored position as a physician, he felt the intolerance of the Almoravid fanatics toward his coreligionists. He had long yearned for a new, or rather for the old, homefor the Holy Land. In 1141 on the death of his wife, he bade farewell to daughter, grandson, pupils, friends, rank, and affluence and set off to the land of Israel (aliya or a pilgrimage?). After a stormy passage he arrived in Alexandria, where he was enthusiastically greeted by friends and admirers. At Damietta he had to struggle against the promptings of his own heart and the pleadings of his friend Halfon ha-Levi that he remain in Egypt. He, 373
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however, resisted the temptation to remain there, and started on the tedious land route. There are records of his arrival in Tyre and Damascus. Here authentic records end; but Jewish legend has it that he made it to the holy land and as he came near Jerusalem, overpowered by the sight of the Holy City, he sang his most beautiful elegy, the celebrated "Zionide," "Zion ha-lo tish'ali." At that instant he was ridden down and killed by an Arab, who dashed forth from a gate The Kuzari: Judah Halevi was fascinated by the stories circulating about the conversion of the Khazars, a tribe in the Caucasus region, in the 8th centaury. Since, however, no hard evidence existed as to just how Khazaria became Jewish, Halevi was free to exercise his creativity. The product of his imagining was The Kuzari: A Book of Proof and Argument, An Apology for a Despised Religion, written in Arabic, which became (and remains) one of the most popular and best-known works of medieval Jewish philosophy. In it, Halevi imagined that the king had a dream indicating that his pious commitment to his pagan religion, while well-intended, was misguided. Therefore, he summoned a philosopher, a Christian scholar, and a Moslem scholar to present their systems of belief. Each was rejected after one brief interchange, and the king felt he had no choice but to turn to a Jew. It didnt take long for the king to be convinced of the truth of Judaism, and he converted in short order. The Kuzari consists primarily of the kings ongoing conversation with the rabbi following his conversion, as he challenges his teacher, seeking a deeper understanding of Jewish beliefs. This creative format is unique in our literature. If the Rambam (Maimonides) is always seen as the prime representative of the attempt to harmonize Judaism with rationalism, Halevi is seen as a leading proponent of the rejection of this attempt. For him, miracles, revelation, and chosen-ness dont need to be explained away by seeking the rational, scientific phenomena that underlie them; instead, our collective memory of these experiences is proof enough of their reality. No apologies needed. Halevi emphasizes throughout the book the specialness of the Jewish people as the people chosen to receive Gods revelation and the specialness of the land of Israel, the land specifically promised to our people by God. (see Source 1 for excerpts from the Kuzari dealing with living in the land of Israel) Questions for discussion: Does the rabbi offer an explanation/justification for staying in exile? Does the decision of the rabbi (and of Halevi himself) to personally travel to the land of Israel indicate or symbolize a general obligation or need for Jews to do so? Notice the King reverses his stand when his friend actually decides to leave, why? Is this a familiar reaction?

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2. The Kabbalists of Safed One of the results of the Spanish Expulsion in 1492 was an increase in the number of Jews who chose to emigrate to the Holy land. For example in 1488 there were 70 Jewish families in Jerusalem. By 1495 it increased to 200 and by 1521 to 500 (from A History of the Jewish People, Margolis and Marx p. 518). The major center to emerge from this influx of Jews was the city of Safed in the Galilee. In 1492 Joseph Sargossi came to Safed and found but a handful of Jews and a rabbi who kept a small shop to earn a living. A hundred years later there were 18 yeshivas in the city and 21 synagogues. Especially drawn to Safed were scholars who specialized in mystical learning (Kabbalah). This branch of scholarship had been prominent in Spain (The Zohar was compiled and written down first in Spain by Moshe de Leon in the 13th centaury). Apparently, one reason for Safeds attraction of kabbalists was its proximity to Meron, where Rabbi Shimon bar Yochais grave is located; R. Shimon was believed to be the author of the Zohar. In the 16th century Safed became the spiritual and economic enter of the Jewish community in Eretz Yisrael and its influence was felt throughout the Jewish world. Among its leading personalities were poets, kabbalists and halachists including Rabbi Joseph Karo who fled Spain as a child and was a major halachic authority as well as the author of the Shulchan Aruch, Moses Cordovero, author of Pardes Rimonim which organized mystic thought, Rabbi Yitzchak Luria, the Lion and his student R. Haim Vital who popularized kabbalah, Rabbi Shlomo Alkabetz who authored Lecha Dodi the prayer said Friday night to welcome the Sabbath.(see source 3) Rabbi Joseph Karo: Born in 1488; fled Spain with his parents at the age of four to Constantinople. Was a recognized scholar at a young age, authored the Kesef Mishna, a commentary on the Rambams Mishna Torah, the Beit Yosef and the Shulchan Aruch all of which are halachic codes. In 1530 Karo moved to Safed, where he was appointed as a member of the rabbinic court of Rabbi Yaakov Beirav. He established a yeshiva, counting among his students the great Rabbi Moshe Alshech and the illustrious kabbalist Rabbi Moshe Cordovero Upon the death of Rabbi Yaakov Beirav, he succeeded him as chief of the rabbinic court in Safed, which served as the main bet din (court) for worldwide Jewry. The city of Safed was the only city in the country that had a printing press. The first printing of the Shulchan Aruch was in the year 1565, and it has been reprinted many hundreds of times since then, each one with additional comments by later scholars printed in the margins. Karos fame quickly spread far and wide and thousands of people from around the world would write to him, seeking his opinion on Jewish law. Karo was also a mystic. Legend has it that he was taught by a Maggid an angelic teachermentor/power who gave him daily instruction and encouraged him to move to the Holy Land.(see source 4) He died at the age of 87 in 1565 and is buried in Safed.

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Isaac Luria the Lion (the Holy Ari or the Arizal): Luria was born in Jerusalem in 1534 to a German father and a Sefardic mother; his father died when he was a young child, and his mother moved to be near her family in Egypt, where Luria grew up, and studied Jewish law and rabbinic literature. Luria's teachers considered him outstanding in non-mystical study. In addition to study, Luria earned a living through commerce. In his twenties, he concentrated his studies on the Zohar and the works of earlier kabbalists. He was also particularly interested in his contemporary, kabbalist Moses Cordovero. It was at this time that Luria wrote his commentary on the Sifra DiZenivta section of the Zohar. Luria believed that deceased teachers of the past spoke to him and that he had frequent interviews with Elijah the prophet. In one of these "interviews," Luria believed that Elijah instructed him to move to the land of Israel, so, in 1569, he moved to Safed where he studied kabbalah with Cordovero until Cordovero's death in 1570. Luria originally won fame as a mystical poet. He later started teaching kabbalah in a yeshiva, and would occasionally speak in Ashkenazi synagogues. He was friendly with other Safed scholars, and formed a group of kabbalists who met each Friday to confess their sins to each other. He revealed to his disciples the locations of graves of rabbis that he claimed to have discovered through spiritual revelations. He taught his students orally, teaching both theoretical kabbalah and methods to communicate with the souls of tzaddikim (righteous people). He was conservative in interpreting Jewish law and believed that each commandment had a mystical meaning. He respected all strains of tradition and customs in Judaism and although he was of Ashkenazic descent, preferred Sephardic prayer liturgy. Lurianic kabbalahh refers often to messianism and many say that his messianic ideas paved the way for the false messiah, Shabbetai Zevi. Luria died in an epidemic in the summer of 1572 and was buried in Safed. His teachings were recorded by his disciples, particularly Rabbi Chaim Vital. Questions for Discussion: Safed became a Jewish center after the expulsion from Spain. Why? Was it in hope of finding a home from which the exiles could not be banished? Was it the relative openness of the Ottoman empire that allowed them to develop a community there both economically and religiously? Was it a desire for holiness? Were the mystics drawn to the Holy Land or did the Holy Land make mystics of men? Why? It is interesting to note that the mystic thought that emanated from Safed does not address per se the question of the holiness of the land or the need/obligation to settle it. (As opposed to writings of the twentieth century in which the role of the State of Israel and the Land of Israel - in religious thought is much discussed). Rather, it seems the mystics were drawn to it due to the belief that in the Holy Land one could better succeed in holy study. The kabbalah developed in Safed emphasized the cosmic shattering that allowed a flawed world to be created. The great historian of kabbalah, 376
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Gershom Scholem, sees a clear connection in the upheaval of the times and the Lurianic school of thought. He argues that this study gave hope and meaning to the Jews after the destruction of Spanish Jewry that was as disastrous as the destruction of the Temple. The kabbalistic belief in the correspondence of the human and the divine led to the daring doctrine that the disaster of exile and expulsion was not just part of Jewish history but part of the biography of G-d. In order to create the world, G-d had had to exile part of Himself from Himself; and this creative withdrawal (tzimtzum) or exile was what was being reenacted on earth by Israel. This gave a positive function to the exile that both comforted and stimulated hope; and new attention was given to the stages of tikkun - restoring or fixing the world. Questions for Discussion: In the legends of both Rabbi Karo and Rabbi Luria it is a supernatural element that urges them to go to Israel? Why? What does this mean? 3. Hasidism The development of Hasidism in Europe in the 17th century can be seen as one of the direct results of Lurianic thought and the growing influence of mystical thought in Judaism. However as opposed to the kabbalists center in the land of Israel, the new movement was firmly rooted in the Diaspora. It taught that even the simplest Jew can achieve closeness to G-D . Hasidism emphasized the desire and hope for the messiah and the obligation of each Jew to hasten his coming, yet all its great centers were entrenched in Eastern Europe. It is interesting therefore to note the ambivalent relationship of some Hasidic leaders to the question of going to Israel, as seen in some of their tales and writings. Baal Shem Tov: Founder of Hasidism. He was born approximately 1700 in Okop, a small village in the Ukraine on the Polish-Russian border. When he was thirty-six years old in the year 1734, Rabbi Yisrael revealed himself to the world. He settled in Talust and rapidly gained a reputation as a holy man. He became known as the Baal Shem Tov Master of the Good Name. (The title Baal Shem (Master of the Name) was used for holy men who were known as miracle workers since they used the power of the Name of God to work miracles.) Later he moved to Medzeboz in Western Ukraine, where he lived for the rest of his life. Rabbi Israel's fame spread rapidly. Many important scholars became his disciples. It was during this period that the movement, which would eventually be known as Chassidut (piety), began. The Baal Shem Tov's teachings were largely based upon the kabbalistic teachings of the Rabbi Yitzchak Luria, but his approach made the benefits of these teachings accessible even to the simplest Jew. He emphasized the profound importance and significance of prayer, love of God, and love of one's fellow Jews. He taught that even if one was not blessed with the ability or opportunity to be a Torah scholar, one could still reach great spiritual heights through these channels.

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The Baal Shem Tov felt a powerful love for the land of Israel and his entire life he wanted to immigrate there. Many times he attempted to do so, once even reaching Constantinople, but always something prevented him from fulfilling his dream. (see source 5). Despite his personal inability to move to the land of Israel, the Baal Shem Tov succeeded in inspiring many of his disciples and followers to do so. In mid-1700s a student of the Baal Shem Tov by the name of Gershon Kitover started the first Hassidic community in Israel. This community was part of what came to be called, with the advent of modern Zionist settlement, the Old Yishuv. (the old settlement). The Old Yishuv saw its purpose as the study of Torah on behalf of the Jews in the Diaspora, who were expected to support this scholarship by donations. Questions for Discussion: How does the tale (source 5) describe the Baal Shem Tovs relationship to Israel? What does it say about personal affinity for the land as opposed to collective affinity? How do you understand the paradox of on one hand sending students but on the other hand not going himself? What was the purpose of sending his students? What kind of existence did they have there? Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav: Rabbi Nachman was the great grandson of Rabbi Israel, the Baal Shem Tov. He was born in 1772 in the Ukrainian town of Medzeboz. He became an outstanding Tzaddik: i.e., Torah sage, mystic, teacher, Hassidic master and storyteller. During his lifetime he attracted a devoted following of Hassidim who looked to him as their prime source of spiritual guidance in the quest for G-d. For them he was `the Rebbe.' After being ill with tuberculosis for several years, Rabbi Nachman passed away in 1810 at the age of thirty-eight. He had moved to the Ukrainian town of Uman a few months earlier, and there he was buried. His gravesite is visited by many Jews until today. When Rabbi Nachman passed away his followers saw no one on the same outstanding level to take his place. Instead of appointing a new Rebbe, they continued to turn to Rabbi Nachman's teachings for inspiration and guidance and still looked on him as `the Rebbe.' The Bratslaver Hassidim have done so ever since, studying his writings and endeavoring to follow his teachings in their day-to-day lives. In this sense Rabbi Nachman is still the leader of the Bratslaver Hassidim. Rabbi Nachmans Journey to Israel: Many of Rabbi Nachmans sayings praise the Land of Israel and its holiness and express a yearning to be there (see source 6). And indeed Rabbi Nachman did make a strange trip to the land of Israel, in 1799. On Passover, Rabbi Nachman announced to his followers, "This year I shall certainly be in the holy Land." To his wifes objections and pleading of poverty, he only replied: "As long as my soul is within me, as long as I breathe, I shall totally dedicate myself to travel to the Land of Israel." How would she and her daughters survive? "You be a

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cook in someone elses home, and let the girls be servants. But whatever is in the house, I must sell to pay for expenses on the way." The journey was hard and long. Nachman purposely chose the sea route via Odessa, usually avoided as dangerous. In Istanbul, he encountered problem after problem, from personal degradation to plague, all of which his faithful traveling companion, Rabbi Nathan, recorded. His amazing persistence can be understood only in the light of his later writings, wherein the Hassidic master records his vision of Israel. For Rabbi Nachman, Israel was the reward granted only those who observe the commandments. It was the source of all blessing, the quintessence of divine pleasantness. For him, the bread of Israel encompassed the sweetness of all the foods in the entire world. To achieve victory, to see the downfall of evil, or even to make progress as a human being, the Jew had to go to the Land of Israel. It was for that reason, he explained, that the pronouncing of Gods true name, the essence of His identity, had been restricted to the holy Temple, while it stood. The puzzle of Rabbi Nachman is not why he traveled to Israel, but why he returned. He chose to be a pilgrim, not an immigrant. The minute he arrived in Israel, Nachman was willing to turn back, applying literally the rabbinic dictum, "Whosoever walks four cubits (six feet) in the Land of Israel, is assured a place in the world-to-come." "I have walked my four cubits," said the rabbi let us return." Although he was persuaded to stay and tour the Land, he did return to Europe, there to spend the rest of his days . (see source 7) Questions for Discussion: What did Israel represent to Rabbi Nachman? What wasnt the land intended to be? Why do you think he wanted to leave without even seeing the holy sites? Can you reconcile his behavior with his teachings? Conclusion: Several common conclusions can be made from the personalities above that may be said to characterize Jews tie to the Land of Israel during the middle ages. 1. All of them acted out of deep personal , religious feelings towards the Land of Israel. The concept of autonomy, rule, or statehood were not relevant to their world view. Such matters were for the messiah. 2. Nonetheless, despite the physical difficulties and distance, Israel remained prominent in Jewish awareness. Its mythical presence was so real as to allow for the reality of going there. Once there even the grim reality did not lessen the emotional attachment the Jew felt for the land. 3. The Jewish presence in Israel was maintained and from the 16th century began to grow, although it was still characterized by religious sentiments and not nationalistic goals. 379
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Discussion: Are these spiritual elements present in contemporary American Jews desire to visit/connect with Israel? Does the issue of statehood complicate or simplfy things?

Sources 1. The Kuzari Book II At one point The Rabbi goes on at some length about the holiness of Eretz Yisrael, quoting a number of different passages from the rabbinic literature; then 15. The Kuzari: Continue thy discourse about the advantages of Eretz Yisrael. 16. The Rabbi: The land was appointed for the instruction of mankind and apportioned to the tribes of Israel from the time of the confusion of tongues, as it is said: 'When the Most High divided among the nations their inheritance, when He separated the sons of Man, He set up the frontiers of the nations according to the number of the sons of Israel' (Deut. 32:8). Abraham, also, was not fit to be associated with the Divine power and to enter into a covenant with Him - the covenant 'of the pieces of sacrifice' (Gen. 15) - until he had reached that land. And what is now thy opinion of a 'picked community' which has merited the appellation 'people of God', in a land, called 'the inheritance of God' (I Sam. 26:19; Ps. 79:1)., 17. The Kuzari: In such a way we may expect the glory of God to be manifest. 20. The Rabbi: Thus the knowledge of the 'sabbath of the Lord' and the 'festivals of the Lord' (Lev. 23:2 and 38) depends upon the country which is called 'the inheritance of the Lord', and, as thou didst read, 'His holy mountain', 'His footstool', gate of Heaven (Gen. 28:7); it is now also said 'for the Torah goes out from Zion' (Micah 4:2). How greatly did the Patriarchs strive to live in the country, whilst it was in the hands of pagans, how they yearned for it and ordered their bones to be carried thither as, for example, Jacob and Joseph (Gen. 47:30; 50:25). Moses prayed to see it; he considered it a misfortune when this was denied him, and as an act of grace, when the land was shown to him from the summit of Pisgah. Persians, Indians, Greeks, and other nations begged to have sacrifices offered and prayers to be said for them in that Holy House, and they spent their wealth on it, though they believed in other religions, since the true religion did not admit them. Today, also, the country is honoured, although the Shekhinah no longer appears in it; all nations make pilgrimages to it, long for it excepting we ourselves, being oppressed and homeless. 23. The Kuzari: If this be so, thou fallest short of thy religious duty, by not endeavouring to reach that place, and making it thy abode in life and death although thou sayest: 'Have mercy on Zion, for it is the house of our life', and thou believest that the Shekhinah will return thither. And had it no other distinction than that the

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Shekhinah dwelt there nine hundred years, this would be sufficient reason for the souls to trust in it and to purify themselves there, as it has been done near the abodes of the pious and the prophets; moreover, it is the gate of Heaven; all nations agree on this point: Christians believe that the souls are gathered there and then lifted up to heaven; Islam teaches that it is the place of Mohammed's Ascension and that prophets are made to ascend from there to heaven, and further, that it is the place of gathering on the day of Resurrection. Everybody turns to it in prayer and visits it in pilgrimage. Thus, thy bowing and kneeling in the direction of it is either hypocrisy or thoughtless practice. Yet thy earliest forefathers chose it as an abode in preference to their birthplaces, and lived there as strangers rather than as citizens in their own country. 24. The Rabbi: That is a justified reproach, O King of the Khazars! It was that sin which kept the Divine promise with regard to the second Temple from being fulfilled: 'Sing and rejoice, O daughter of Zion; for I come to dwell in the midst of thee' (Zechariah 2:14). For the Divine power was ready to prevail in Zion as it had in the first place, if they had all willingly consented to return. But only a part of the people were prepared to do so; the majority and the men of rank remained in Babylon, preferring dependence and slavery, because they were unwilling to leave their houses and their easy circumstances. The power of the promises was weakened in accordance with their weakness. For the Divine power inspires human power only in such measure as the latter is prepared to receive it: if the readiness is little, little will be obtained, and much will be obtained, if it be great. Were we prepared to meet the God of our forefathers with a pure mind, we should find the same salvation as our fathers did in Egypt. But when we only say: 'Bow to His holy hill, bow to His footstool' (Ps. 99:5, 9), 'He who restoreth His glory to Zion', and similar words, this is but as the chattering of the starling and the nightingale. We do not realize what we are saying through these and other words, as thou observest, O Prince of the Khazars. Kuzari: Book V 22. After this the Rabbi resolved to leave the land of the Khazars and to betake himself to Jerusalem. The King regretted the parting, and he began a conversation with him. 'What can be sought in Palestine nowadays, since the Shekhinah is absent from it? Through pure intention and strong desire we may approach to God in every place! Why dost thou expose thyself to the dangers of land and sea and to risks incurred by contact with other people? 23. The Rabbi: To be sure, the visible Shekhinah has disappeared, revealing itself only to a prophet or to a community pleasant to God in the distinguished place; we look for that, as it is said 'they shall see, eye to eye, the Lord returning to Zion' (Isa. 52:8) and as we say in our prayer, 'Let our eyes behold when Thou returnest to Zion, Thy residence'. But the invisible and spiritual Shekhinah is with every born Israelite of pure life, pure heart and sincere devotion to the Lord of Israel. And Palestine has a special relation to the Lord of Israel. Pure life can be perfect only there; many of the Israelite laws lose their force for him who does not live in Palestine. Sincere devotion 381
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and purity of life reach perfection only in a place which is believed to have a special relation to God, even though this belief be founded on an imaginary or comparative conception; how much more so if it is right, as we have shown! Then the yearning is bound to be strengthened, and the desire for God must be sincere, especially in him who travels to the Land from a great distance; still more in one who wishes to atone for past transgressions!... Even if he incurs greater risks on account of his ardent desire of God and in order to obtain forgiveness, he is free from reproach for the sake of the dangers; it is as if he had closed the account of his life, expressed his gratitude for his past life and his contentment with it, and devoted to his Lord the rest of his days. Running into danger, he praises God if he escapes; and should he perish through his sins, he forbears and acquiesces in his fate, being confident that he has obtained atonement for most of his sins through his death. 24. The Kuzari: I thought that thou didst love freedom; but now I see thou strengthenest thy bondage by imposing duties which are obligatory only if thou residest in Palestine and bidest not here. 25. The Rabbi: I seek freedom-from the service of those numerous people only whose favour I shall never obtain even if I work for it all my life and which would not profit me, even if l could obtain it: I mean the service of men and the courting of their favour. But I seek the service of One whose favour is obtained with the smallest effort and profits in this world and the next: this is the favour of God; His service is freedom, and humility before Him is true honour. 26. The Kuzari: If thou meanest all thou sayest, God certainly knows thy pious intention; and intention is sufficient before God, who knows the intentions and discloses what is hidden. 27. The Rabbi: This is true - only when action is impossible. But man is able to endeavour and also to work! He deserves blame when he does not apply for visible reward through visible action...... Prayerful thoughts also are to be pronounced in the most imploring and submissive manner. Only when intention and action are brought to perfection are they rewarded. Actions without intention and intentions without action are vain, except in that which is impossible; in such cases it is useful to bring to the fore the good intention and to exculpate before God the omission of action, as we do saying 'on account of our sins have we been driven out of our land' and in similar prayers. If we provoke and instill love of this sacred place among men, we may be sure of obtaining reward and of hastening the (Messianic) aim; for it is written: 'Thou shalt arise and have mercy upon Zion; for it is time to favour her, the moment is come. For Thy servants love her stones and pity her dust' (Ps. 102:14-15). This means: Jerusalem can only be rebuilt when Israel yearns for it to such an extent that we sympathize even with its stones and its dust. 28. The Kuzari: If this be so, it would be a sin to hinder thee; it is, on the contrary, a merit to assist thee. May God help thee: may He be thy protector and friend, and favour thee in His mercy! Peace be with thee!

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2. A Longing to Return to the Land of Israel

A poem by Judah ha-Levi My heart is in the east, and I in the uttermost west. How can I find savor in food? How shall it be sweet to me? How shall I render my vows and my bonds, while yet Zion lieth beneath the fetter of Edom, and I in Arab chains? A light thing would it seem to me to leave all the good things of Spain Seeing how precious in mine eyes to behold the dust of the desolate sanctuary.
Translated by Nina Salaman, reproduced in Essential Texts of Zionism (Jewish Publication Society of America, 1924).

From Zion, Wont You Ask? Yehuda Halevi (Translated by Dennis Silk) Zion,won't you ask if your prisoners have peace That want your peace? They're the last of your flock. Peace from the Yemen, and the sea, from the far-off And close-at-hand, from west and north and peace From desire's prisoner, he gives his tears like dew Of Hermon, he wants them to fall on your hills. Jackal-like I howl for you, but when I dream Of your prisoners' return, I am your songs' harp.

On the Sea
A poem by Judah ha-Levi translated by Nina Salaman (Excerpts from a poem thought to be written on his sea journey to Egypt on his way to the land of Israel.)
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My God, break not the breakers of the sea, Nor command to the deep, "Become dry". Until I thank Your mercies, and I thank The waves of the sea and the wind of the west; Let them propel me to the place of the yoke of Your love, And bear far from me the Arab yoke. And how shall my desires not find fulfillment, Seeing as I trust in You, and You are pledged to me? and I have no care for worldly goods, Nor for treasures nor for any perishables Even so far that I can leave behind [in Spain] her that went forth of my loins, Sister of my soul - and she my only daughter And I can forget her son, though it pierces my heart, And I have nothing left but his memory for a symbol Fruit of my loins, child of my delight Ah! How should Yehudah forget [my grandson] Yehudah? But this is a light thing compared to Your love, Since I may enter Your gates with thanksgiving, And sojourn there, and count my heart A burnt offering bound upon Your altar; And may make my grave in Your land, So that it be there a witness for me. For more see: www.angelfire.com/ct/halevi/ 3. Lechah Dodi by Shlomo Alkabetz Come, my beloved, with chorus of praise; Welcome Shabbat the bride, Queen of our days. "Keep" and "remember," both uttered as one By our Creator, beyond comparison. The Lord is One and His name is One, Reflected in glory, in fame, and in praise. Come, let us all greet Shabbat, Queen sublime, Fountain of blessings in every clime. Anointed and regal since earliest time, In thought she preceded Creation's six days. Holy city, majestic, banish your fears. Arise, emerge from your desolate years. Too long have you dwelled in the valley of tears.

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He will restore you with mercy and grace. Arise and shake off the dust of the earth. Wear glorious garments reflecting your worth. Messiah will lead us all soon to rebirth. Let my soul now sense redemption's warm rays. Awake and arise to greet the new light For in your radiance the world will be bright. Sing out, for darkness is hidden from sight. The Lord through you His glory displays In your redemption you will never be shamed; Be not downcast, you will not be defamed. Sheltered by you will my poor be reclaimed. The city renewed on its ruins will He raise, Then your destroyers will themselves be destroyed; Ravagers, at great distance, will live in a void. Your God then will celebrate you, overjoyed, As a groom with his bride when his eyes meet her gaze. Break out of your confines, to the left and the right. Revere the Lord in whom we delight. The Messiah is coming to gladden our sight, Bringing joy and rejoicing in fullness of days. Come in peace, soul mate, sweet gift of the Lord, Greeted with joy and in song so adored Amidst God's people, in faith in accord. Come, Bride Shabbat; come, crown of the days.

4. Joseph Karo a. described in Shivchei Haari: every time he recited the Mishnah by heart, the Maggid appeared to him and people would hear his voice through the door or at the back of the house saying: 'Peace upon thee, Rabbi Joseph Karo. I am the Mishnah which thou hast studied. I came forth to teach thee understanding. The Holy One, blessed be His Name, praises thee greatly in the celestial academy, saying, "my son Joseph, such and such are his deeds, such and such are his ways, such his diligence in his studies. Blessed is he and blessed she who bore him and blessed those who sit in his company." I the Mishnah have seen the place that is prepared for thee in Paradise. How great are the joys and delights awaiting thee there! Be strong and courageous in the fear of the Lord. And

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now I have come to reveal the following kabbalistic mystery....' And all the revelations of the Maggid he collected in a book entitled The Book of the Maggid b. from the Book of the Maggid (See R.J. Zwi Werblowsky, Joseph Karo, Lawyer and Mystic, JPS 1977): and I shall favour you to go up to Palestine this year to be united there with the Torah and to rejoice with the brethren and whatever shall be doubtful to you [in your studies], four-winged angels shall teach it to you. I shall privilege thee to go up to Palestine, to be united with the brethren to raise many disciples and make many repent. Thereafter I shall favour you to be burned for the sanctification of my Name. (Note: Karo did go to live in Palestine. He was not burnt at the stake). 5. A Tale about why the Baal Shem Tov turned back in Constantinople (as retold by Rabbi Chaim Sabbato): The Baal Shem Tov yearned to go to the Land of Israel. He took his daughter and rabbi Tzvi Sofer and sailed to Constantinople. They arrived at that great city on the eve of Passover and no one recognized them. On the first intermediate day they hired passage to the land of Israel. A storm broke on the sea and their boat tossed in the waves for days. On the third day the boat landed on an island. On the island the Baal Shem Tov, his daughter and Rabbi Tzvi met a group of pirates who captured them and tied them up. The bandits started to sharpen their knives. Rabbi Tzvi pleaded with the Baal Shem Tov: Do something. Use your powers and save us. The Baal Shem Tov answered: My powers are gone. I remember nothing but you must remember something of what I taught you - do something. But Rabbi Tzvi answered; I too remember nothing except for the Aleph Bet. What are you waiting for? yelled the Baal Shem Tov, Start saying them! Together they recited the Aleph Bet again and again until the Baal Shem Tov regained his powers and saved them. The Baal Shem Tov then understood that Heaven was preventing him form entering the land of Israel, so he returned home. 6. Prayer of Rabbi Nachman: From the end of earth I call to You . . . have mercy and compassion upon me, and aid me and grant me the merit to depart and arrive quickly in the holy land which is the source of our sanctity. For You know, O Lord our God, that all our holiness and purity, and all our Jewishness are contingent upon the Land of Israel. . . . Lord of the Universe, have mercy upon us in Your great compassion and arouse in our hearts, in the hearts of our children and in the hearts of all Your people Israel desires, longings and great yearnings for the Land of Israel.

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Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav used to say, "Wherever I walk, my steps turn toward Eretz Yisrael From the writing of rabbi Nachman: Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav said that when he was in Eretz Yisrael, many of the more prominent people with whom he spoke, among those that had come to make their home there, told him that prior to coming to Eretz Yisrael they could not have pictured to themselves that it was an actual place in this world. And that they were convinced that Eretz Yisrael existed in another world completely, because of the degree of holiness that attached to it according to the explanations in books and the descriptions in the Torah and because of this they could not imagine that it was really of this world, until they came there and saw that Eretz Yisrael really is part of this world. Because physically, Eretz Yisrael is like all other countries, and the dust of the land is like the dust of all other countries. There is no difference. Nevertheless it is extremely holy - its holiness is absolute and very aweinspiring. 7. Rabbi Nachmans disciples record his reasons for going to Israel (in Tormented Master, A Life of Rabbi Nahman of Bratslav, by Arthur Green, Schocken 1981) 1. I heard in his name that he said before his journey to Eretz Yisrael that he wanted to go in order to attain supernal wisdom. There exist higher and lower forms of hochmah; the lower he had already acquired, but he was yet to attain the higher. For this he had to go to the Land of Israel. 2. It was heard from his holy mouth during the Passover season that preceded his journey from Medvedevka to the Land of Israel that he wanted to go to Eretz Yisrael in order there to fulfill all of the six hundred and thirteen commandments, including those which are dependent upon the land together with those which may be fulfilled outside it, fulfilling them all spiritually so that afterward he would be able to fulfill them all physically. 3. He then told R. Yudil that he wanted to go to the Land of Israel. R. Yudil offered him his blessing and said to him: 'Our master! Surely you want to perform some great thing there. May it be God's will to help you do that which you intend.' Our master nodded in response to his blessing and afterwards said: 'I could fulfill that which I seek and desire to do in Eretz Yisrael right here by means of prayer and supplication alone. Then I would not have to travel to Eretz Yisrael. The difference is that if I merit to be in Erez Israel I will receive my understanding in "garments," whereas if I stay here I will receive it without the "garments." This is also the difference between the holiness of the Sabbath and that of the festival. He opened the prayerbook of the ARI of blessed memory for R. Yudil and showed him in the kawwanot that this was the difference between Sabbath and festival: that on Sabbath the light is clothed in garments, while on festivals it does not have this garb, as is known. 387
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4. He said that he was very happy to have merited to be in Eretz Yisrael. For on the way to Eretz Yisrael he had undergone many obstacles, confusing thoughts, delays, and struggles, including financial obstacles. But he had overcome them all and had brought the matter to completion by reaching Eretz Yisrael. He.further said this: I believe, and indeed I know well, that of all the movements, thoughts and deeds that one undertakes in order to perform some holy act, not a single one is ever lost. For after all the obstacles have been broken through and the act has been completed, all those confusing thoughts and movements which had taken place while one was still weighing the act . . . are elevated to the highest state of holiness. Everything is recorded above for good, including every move one had to make along the way. Blessed are those who manage to overcome all the obstacles and to complete some good deed.

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L e s s o n 41
The Origins of Zionism
Outline: 1. Historical background and influences: Emancipation, Enlightenment, nationalism and persecution. 2. Proto Zionists: Rabbi Judah Alklai, Rabbi Tzvi Kalischer, Moshe Hess 3. The first Zionists: Pinsker & Herzl. Introduction: Zionism has changed the face of Judaism and the course of Jewish history. Was the development of Zionism a revolution a break with all Jewish ideology that went before it, the birth of a new Jew as master of his own destiny? Or, was it a realization of the unbroken loyalty the Jewish people held for their ancestral land? Was it a Jewish manifestation of nineteenth century state nationalism or a yearning for socialist utopia? Or maybe it was just another way to survive? Its origins, like Zionism itself, are complex and varied. In this lesson we will study the different ingredients and personalities that gave rise to modern Zionism and ask ourselves: did Zionism/the State of Israel provide the solutions to the problems its originators envisioned. Goals: 1. Study of Jewish history in the 19th century and the various Jewish responses to the upheavals felt by a changing world. 2. Familiarity with proto-Zionists and some of their writings. 3. Examination of the beginnings of modern Zionism. 4. Discussion of Zionism as a revolution or a culmination and the repercussions of each perception. Expanded Outline: 1: Historical Background and Influences 1. Jews of Western Europe: From the end of the 18th century on more and more countries in Western Europe repealed laws that discriminated against Jews allowing them to enter the general society as equal citizens of their respective countries. This new freedom came at the cost of Jewish communal autonomy. It replaced the concept of Jewish nationhood with that of Judaism as a religion only thus allowing Jews to be equal members of any nation, loyal to their fatherland. One of the most interesting examples is Napoleons reconvened Sanhedrin. In 1807, fifteen years after the emancipation of the Jews in France, Napoleon, recognizing the dangers of continued Jewish autonomy as well as the benefits of

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unlocking Jewish wealth and enterprise, established the Great Sanhedrin (71 members 46 Rabbis and 26 layman. Rabbi David Sinzheim of Strassburg was its President.) They were presented with 12 questions regarding the positions of Jewry regarding polygamy, divorce, usury, other faiths, and most important whether they considered France to be their Fatherland (see source 1). Napoleon demanded and received from the Sanhedrin affirmations that rabbinical jurisdiction would be limited to matters of religion, tradition and practice, that France alone had claim on their political allegiance and that the dream of a return to Israel had been renounced forever. (It is interesting to note that later Napoleon used these answers as a justification for limiting Jews rights and passing decimator laws.) This perception of Jewishness, approved by the Sanhedrin became accepted in Western Jewish communities where Jews sought to integrate fully into society. These Jews, now equal or almost equal citizens in their respective in states, were free to live where they pleased, engage in business and professions as they chose. The Jews proved themselves loyal, productive citizens, sure that this was the basis for their equality. They saw themselves as Germans or Frenchmen or Americans of Mosaic faith and gradually dropped the references to Zion in their ritual (ritual itself became less meaningful as more and more left religious life altogether). The messianic period was perceived as an era of universal brotherhood as opposed to a time of return to the land of Israel. They were educated and wealthy, organized and influential. They were concerned with the well-being of Jews in other places and succeeded at times in intervening on their behalf; for example during the Damascus Blood libel of 1840. These Jews were the minority of the Jewish people but they were the elite. Paradoxically, while these Jews had had no Zionist sentiments and indeed were striving for the very opposite goal of integration in their countries, their success, wealth and influence served as both an inspiration and means for the first Zionist thinkers. Questions for Discussion: Read source 1: How would the participants answer those questions if they were asked now of American Jews? Last year the French Government was outraged when Israeli ministers called for massive aliya from France in the face of growing anti-Semitism. How does that relate to the Sanhedrins assurance of loyalty to the French fatherland in Napoleons times? How would you feel as a French/American citizen today in response to such a call? Does the existence of the State of Israel ease or exacerbate the question of Jewish national identity? 2. Jews of Eastern Europe: In Eastern Europe, where the majority of Jews resided, life was not so good. Most were living under the repressive Romanov rule in Russia where they were confined to the Pale of Settlement and suffered many restrictions

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in opportunity for livelihood. Most lived very traditional lifestyles in small villages, shut off from all modern influences and ideas. Here Zion was a cherished dream and hope always present in liturgy and ritual. The messianic ideal was a return to the Holy land the Jewish people transplanted to a Zion physically restored. Yet at the same time as a result of the disaster of false messiahs there was an equally entrenched belief against forcing the end. Redemption would be a physical revival in the Land of Israel but it would happen miraculously. In 1855 Alexander the Second became Czar and repealed some of the more repressive laws. He allowed Jews to move out of the Pale, allowed Jews into the Universities and practice professions. This period was the beginning of Eastern European enlightenment (Haskalah). Humanism and secularism became popular, urging Jews to become productive members of larger society. Liberalism, humanism and secularism influenced many Jews as they left the shtetl. At the same time Russian Jews placed more value on their heritage than their Western European counterparts. For example there was a revival of Hebrew as many Haskalah writers chose it as their language of expression instead of Yiddish. Others urged Jews not to reject their ancestral loyalties in their quest to become citizens of the world. (see source 2). In 1881 Alexander the Third became Czar after his father was assassinated by revolutionaries. He was a reactionary, almost immediately enacting the May Laws that closed all further rural areas to Jews even within the Pale, thus forcing many out of countryside and into the city slums. Rural Jews were the object of enforced Russification. Quotas were put on high schools and universities and professions closed once again to Jews. At the same time the Jews were equated with revolutionaries and a series of pogroms erupted throughout Russia and the Ukraine. This is the time of the infamous "policy to rid Russia of its Jews as reported by the minister of Interior: a third of the Jews will die, a third will emigrate and a third will assimilate. The majority of European Jews once again found themselves in a desperate situation with their very continued existence in question. This renewed persecution shattered Russian Jewrys illusions of equality. Even their faith in enlightenment was destroyed as academics and intellectuals joined in the anti-Jewish campaign. (See source 3). There was a strong awareness of the need to leave. Most saw the United States as the best refuge yet a minority of Jewish thinkers argues that to continuing being a minority anywhere was no longer the answer. (see source 4) 3. Nineteenth century Europe was replete with nationalist movements. Between 1850 and 1914, strong nation-states developed. France under Napoleon III, Germany was united under Bismarck, Italy united. Pan-Slavic movements, Hungarian and Slovakian nationalisms emerged. These movements and their successes inspired early Zionist thinkers who asked Why should we be any less worthy or capable than other people? (see source 5)

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Questions for discussion: Do you see Zionist thinking arising as a vision of an ideal Jewish identity or as an answer to a pressing need for Jewish existence? Notice the same question arises about the establishment of the State of Israel itself that was realized only on the heels of the Holocaust. If persecution and discrimination were forces behind the emergence of Zionism why didnt it evolve before the late 19th century There was plenty of Jewish suffering before? Compare the conclusions of the first Zionists to those of the medieval philosophers and Jews who went to the land of Israel on the heels of the expulsion from Spain; what similarities find, what differences?

2: Proto-Zionists Decades before Herzl, there began to appear treatises and articles outlining the need for establishing a Jewish presence in the Holy Land. These writers drew mainly from the Orthodox world and the messianic dream but where as their predecessor spoke of a mystical redemption they urged and implemented practical initiatives to bring about the return of large numbers of Jews to their ancestral land. These writings can be seen as catalysts that helped set the ideological stage for the emergence of political Zionism. 1. Rabbi Judah Alklai: Born at the end of the 18th century R. Alkali served as a preacher in the Sephardic community of Semlin, near Belgrade. In 1839 he published a book in Ladino-Hebrew called Darchei Noam (Pleasant Paths) in which he wrote of the need to establish Jewish colonies in the Holy Land as a prelude to the Redemption. Later he published a book called Shema Yisroel (Hear O Israel) where using proof texts he argued that human initiative and effort were justified as means needed to bring the redemption. In 1843 He published a booklet called Minchat Yehuda (the Offering of Judah) calling on twenty two thousand Jews to settle the land as a pre-requisite or initial stage of the final redemption. (based on the Biblical passage Return O L-rd, unto the tens and thousands of families in Israel which the Talmud says proves that the Divine Presence can be felt if there are at least two thousand and two tens of thousands of Israelites together). R. Alkali published his ideas extensively and settled himself in Palestine where he managed to organize a small group of followers including Simon Leob Herzl Theodor Herzls grandfather. R. Alkalai saw in the miracle of Jewish intercession for the victims of the Damascus blood libel a precedent for utilizing the wealth and influence of the wealthy Western European Jews to settle Jews in the Holy land. A forerunner of the ideas that Herzl later realized, R. Alkalai envisioned

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encouraging Jewish unity through an all embracing organization a Great Assembly and the creation of a national fund to purchase land. (see source 6). 2. Rabbi Tzvi Hirsch Kalischer: Born in 1795 in a village in western Poland. He grew up on the border between western and eastern Poland, influenced both by the Orthodoxy of the east and enlightenment of the west. He was recognized as an outstanding Talmudic scholar, known for his saintliness. R Kalischer was also versed in both Jewish and general philosophy as well as Kabala. He served as the Rabbi of a large congregation in Thorn, Prussia. He too saw the triumph of Western emancipation as a harbinger of messianic redemption in Palestine. In 1843 R. Kalischer first published his views in two volumes called "Emunah Yesharim (An Honest Faith) and in 1862 published Drishat Zion (The Search for Zion). Using proof texts from the Bible and Talmud R. Kalischer argued that the salvation of the Jews as foretold by the prophets could take place through natural means, by selfhelp as opposed to waiting for the messiah. Therefore the settlement of Palestine should start immediately and even the revival of sacrifices was permissible in the Holy land. Only when many pious Jews lived in the land would G-D heed their prayers and speed the days of the redemption. R. Kalischer was a man of action, not just words and prayers. He urged the formation of a society of rich Jews to undertake the colonization of Zion, including settling Jews in the land, training them in self-defense and even establishing an agricultural school. In 1836 he petitioned Anschel Rothchild to purchase the Land of Israel or at the very least the Temple Mount. Rabbi Kalischer saw these practical acts as necessary for bringing the redemption. Later, together with a few influential contemporaries, R. Kalischer formed a Society for the Colonization of the Land of Israel At R. Kalischers initiative the Alliance Israelite Universelle - French Jewish philanthropy, provided the initial subsidy for a Jewish Agricultural school which was established in 1870 near Jaffa and called Mikveh Yisrael (The Hope of Israel). In 1872 R. Kalischer was asked to serve as the religious overseer at Mikveh Yisroel but due to his age and infirmity was unable to travel. R. Kalischer died in 1874 in Thorn. (see source 7)

3. Moses Hess: Moses Hess was born in Bonn to an Orthodox family in 1812. He received a traditional Jewish education but as an autodidact learned German and French as a means to secular learning. Initially, Hess was a utopian socialist but following his acquaintance with Marx he moved from philosophy to ideological politics. Influenced by the Damascus blood libel, the writings of Mazzini and the unification of Italy and the emergence of German anti-Semitism, Hess eventually returned to his Jewish roots. His

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booklet Rome and Jerusalem; The Last National Question, written in 1862, is evidence of this change. In it he argues: (1) The Jews will always remain strangers among the European peoples, who may emancipate them for reasons of humanity and justice, but will never respect them so long as the Jews place their own great national memories in the background and hold to the principle, "Ubi bene, ibi patria." (2) The Jewish type is indestructible, and Jewish national feeling can not be uprooted, although the German Jews, for the sake of a wider and more general emancipation, persuade themselves and others to the contrary. (3) If the emancipation of the Jews is irreconcilable with Jewish nationality, the Jews must sacrifice emancipation to nationality. Hess considered that the only solution of the Jewish question lies in the colonization of Palestine. He confidently hoped that France would aid the Jews in founding colonies extending from Suez to Jerusalem, and from the banks of the Jordan to the coast of the Mediterranean. Hesss proposed Jewish State was to be socialist in nature. Rome und Jerusalem met with a cold reception. Hess died 1n 1875 in Paris although at his request was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Cologne. In 1961 his remains were transferred to Israel where they were buried in the Kinneret cemetery alongside other Socialist-Zionists such as Nahum Syrkin, Ber Borochov, and Berl Katznelson. Questions for Discussion: Most of the main themes of modern Zionism are present in Alkalai, Kalischer and Hesss writing yet at the time their work had little influence on their respective audiences and seemed to have no lasting effect. Why? Was the difficulty in their personalities or the surrounding audience? The Zionists writers that arose twenty years later were unfamiliar with these men and their works even though the arguments set forth are very similar. The second time these ideas were set forth they set off a continuous, growing process that became Zionism, why didnt it start with these personalities? Do their arguments convince you today? Why or why not?

3: The First Zionists: From Pinsker to Herzl. The Proto-Zionists lived and wrote at the height of mid-century liberalism, in a time of optimism on the future of Jewish emancipation in Europe. Most of their argument and philosophy were based on messianic beliefs or renewed nationalism. They lacked urgency. Hess was the first to argue that not only Jewish religious or national ideals needed fulfillment in the land but that physical survival also demanded it; but in his day the climate was of emancipation, enlightenment and liberalism, which held only promise for the future - not threats - making such arguments less than convincing.

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Most of these writers hailed from the Orthodox world (even Hess, who left it, returned to his Jewish roots) and so they failed to reach or have relevance for the secular, liberal, enlightened Jews. It took the renewed persecution in form of the May Laws, the pogroms that erupted in Russia and eastern Europe, and outbreaks of antiSemitism in western Europe to crystallize Zionist thought into a form meaningful to the secular liberal Jew. The continuous history of Zionism can be traced from 1881. Leon Pinsker: Born in to an enlightened family in Odessa, Pinsker studied first law in the University of Odessa and then Medicine in the University of Moscow. Until the pogroms in 1871 Pinsker was an adherent of emancipation and enlightenment. He was one of the founders of a Russian-language weekly which encouraged Jews to speak Russian and was later a contributor to a weekly which urged Jews to assimilate. After the events of 1881, government-sponsored anti-Semitism caused Pinsker to make a complete about-face. He no longer viewed the Enlightenment and Haskalah movement as the correct course for Russian Jews and no longer believed that humanism would defeat hatred of the Jews. He came to think that anti-Semitism was rooted in the fact that Jews were foreigners, and that they should emigrate to Eretz Yisrael. He traveled to western Europe where he tried to convince Jewish leaders of his plan for Jewish survival. In 1882 Pinsker published his essay Auto-Emancipation (originally written in German). It was the first time that the vulnerability of the Jews as a homeless people was systematically demonstrated. Pinsker argued that Jews would never be treated with respect until they attained national equality with the other nations in their own land with their own government and representation as opposed to being an unnatural phantom people among the nations. (see source 9) In 1884 Pinsker summoned a national conference of the various Zionist study groups that had begun to function in many of the Pales towns and cities, known since the 1870s collectively called Chovevei Zion (Lovers of Zion). Thirty four delegates met in the German city of Kattowitz and reached a consensus to finance Jewish settlement in Palestine. The organizations central office was established in Odessa with Pinsker as its president. Chovevei Zion grew rapidly in the 1890s with branches in many parts of Europe and even in the States. Pinsker died in 1891, pessimistic about the reality of settling Palestine after the Ottomans outlawed Jewish immigration. He began to consider forming a Jewish country in Argentina. In 1934 his remains were moved to Mount Scopus in Jerusalem. Theodor Herzl: Born in 1860 to a prosperous, emancipated Budapest family, he was fluent in German and French but lacked Hebrew, Yiddish, and Russian; he was secular, cosmopolitan intellectual, a doctor of law, a successful journalist and editor and a minor playwright. Preoccupied with the Jewish question form the early 1890s what catalyzed Herzl's conversion to Zionism was the Dreyfus affair in France. In 1894-95 Alfred Dreyfus, a French Jewish officer, was wrongfully convicted of treason and confined to Devil's Island. The trial triggered a wave of anti-Semitism in France. Herzl himself wrote that it 395
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was the crowd shouting at Dreyfus A la Mort les Juifs that caused his own critical moment of recognition. In 1895 Herzl met with Baron de Hirsch and tried to unsuccessfully convince him to support Jewish political education for self-support and ultimately self-government in a land of their own. Undiscouraged by Hirschs refusal Herzl continued to meet influential Jews and in 1896 he published Der Judenstaat, or The Jewish State:An Attempt at a Modern Solution of the Jewish Question. In it Herzl argued that antiSemitism was a fact that could not be wished away and that the Jewish question was neither social nor religious but national. All attempts to merge with national communities have failed and therefore the only solution was to gather all Jews from all over the world into a land of their own. Most of the essay detailed in practical terms, how to go about this Jewish exodus and transplantation. He argued that gradual settlement, which had been advocated until now, was not enough but first there must be international recognition of the right of the Jews to collective national settlement. While Palestine was the logical first choice because of historic ties, Herzl was prepared to consider other locations such as Argentina or later Uganda. While scorned by the liberal European press and Jews, Herzl met with the Turkish grand vizier and foreign minister, to whom he offered what he had outlined in his essay: Jewish financiers would relieve the economic distress off the Ottoman Empire in exchange for a charter of Jewish settlement in Palestine. The Sultan refused. In 1896 he met with Baron Edmond De Rothschild in Paris who was also less than impressed with Herzls scheme. Meanwhile his essay had made its way to eastern Europe where it was enthusiastically received. Chovevei Zion asked Herzl to accept leadership of the movement. As a result of the growing mass support Herzl decided to organize a general Zionist day; after being refused cooperation in Munich, Herzl organized the first Zionist congress in Basel, Switzerland on August 29, 1897. 204 delegates from 15 countries participated. The congress established the Zionist Organization. Herzl kept up his international efforts to secure a charter for Jewish settlement. He hoped to win the support of Kaiser Wilhelm and eventually the Sultan himself, but was unsuccessful due first to the Sultans refusal and later to the refusal of the Jewish philanthropists to finance the project. Later Herzl tried to convince the British to allow Jewish settlement in Cyprus or el Arish. In 1903 Joseph Chamberlain (British Colonial Secretary) offered Herzl Uganda. Although Herzl initially refused the offer, a wave of pogroms that swept through Russia that year convinced him of the need to find an immediate solution. The sixth Zionist congress in 1903 was bitterly divided over the idea. Herzl died in July 1904. In 1949 Herzls remains were flown To Israel where they were interred on a ridge facing Jerusalem called Mount Herzl. What made Herzl unique as opposed to Pinsker and the other Russian and eastern European Zionists was the fact that he was a secularized, emancipated Jew living

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successfully in a pluralistic Hapsburg society. His was the first time these arguments were presented without being based on Jewish tradition or culture. Herzls articulate essay introduced Zionism to European readers, scholars and statesmen in a language they could understand. At the same time his regal appearance and charisma captured the imagination and hearts of the Jewish masses, especially in eastern Europe, who saw him as a modern day Moses. More important Herzl saw the attempt to resolve the Jewish question not just as an idea of a Jewish State but as a real political solution attainable through the help and collaboration of the European powers. He took Zionism from the realm of ideas and dreams to the real world of politics and statecraft. Theodor Herzl put Zionism on the map. He in effect invented Zionism as a true political movement and an international force. Questions for discussion: Conclusion The roots of Zionism were many and varied. It can be argued that modern Zionism was a revolution, a break with all that had defined Jews and Judaism for two thousand years. Indeed the Zionist leaders saw themselves as New Jews, different and divorced from the weak subjugated Jews of the Diaspora. Does that mean that the State of Israel as the realization of Zionism also has no connection to the old Jewish identity and culture and tradition? Two thousand years of history are to be erased? Or it can be said that Zionism was but a Jewish version of state nationalism that was prevalent in the 19th century. Does that mean that it has no place in todays global world? Both arguments ignore the sources that Zionism drew almost instinctively from Jewish thought, religion and philosophy. Zionism was an innovation but it was also a culmination of the 2000 years that led to its evolution. The new Jew has realized the old Jews prayers or has he? The first Zionists had disdain for assimilated Jews trying, in vain, to become equal members of European society. Does that mean the State they envisioned was culturally different from the West? What about the Americanization of Israel today (the most prevalent restaurant in the country is MacDonalds)? Has the State of Israel helped solved the Jewish Question has it mitigated anti-Semitism as Pinsker and Herzl envisioned? Has Israel become the worlds Jew as Natan Scharansky argues (see: http://www.geocities.com/munichseptember1972/on_hating_jews.htm)? As American Jews does having a homeland enrich your Jewish identity or complicate it?

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Sources
1. THE ASSEMBLY OF JEWISH NOTABLES Answers to Napoleon (For full Transcript see www.ucalgary.ca/~elsegal/363_Transp/Sanhedrin.html) Second Question: Is divorce allowed by the Jewish religion? Is divorce valid when not pronounced by courts of justice by virtue of laws in contradiction with those of the French Code?

Answer:
Repudiation is allowed by the Law of Moses; but it is not valid if not previously pronounced by the French code. In the eyes of every Israelite, without exception, submission to the prince is the first of duties. It is a Principle generally acknowledged among them, that, in every thing relating to civil or political interests, the law of the state is the supreme law. Before they were admitted in France to share the rights of all citizens, and when they lived under a particular legislation which set them at liberty to follow their religious customs, they had the ability to divorce their wives; but it was extremely rare to see it put into practice. Since the revolution, they have acknowledged no other laws on this head but those of the empire. At the epoch when they were admitted to the rank of citizens, the Rabbis and the principal Jews appeared before the municipalities of their respective places of abode, and took an oath to conform, in every thing to the laws, and to acknowledge no other rules in all civil matters... Fourth Question: In the eyes of Jews, are Frenchmen considered as their brethren? Or are they considered as strangers?

Answer:
In the eyes of Jews Frenchmen are their brethren, and are not strangers. The true spirit of the Law of Moses is consonant with this mode of considering Frenchmen. When the Israelites formed n settled land or independent nation, their law made it a rule for them to consider strangers as their brethren. With the most tender care for their welfare, their lawgiver commands to love them, "Love ye therefore the strangers," says he to the Israelites, "for ye were strangers in the`
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land of Egypt."" Respect and benevolence towards strangers are enforced by Moses, not as an exhortation to the practice of social morality only, but as an obligation imposed by God himself. A religion whose fundamental maxims are such--a religion which makes a duty of loving the stranger--which enforces the practice of social virtues, must surely require that its followers should consider their fellow-citizens as brethren. And how could they consider them otherwise when they inhabit the same land, when they are ruled and protected by the same government, and by the same laws? When they enjoy the same rights, and have the same duties to fulfill? There exists, even between the Jew and Christian, a tie which abundantly compensates for religion--it is the tie of gratitude. This sentiment was at first excited in us by the mere grant of toleration. It has been increased, these eighteen years, by new favors from government, to such a degree of energy, that now our fate is irrevocably linked with the common fate of all Frenchmen. Yes, France is our country; all Frenchmen are our brethren, and this glorious title, by raising us our own esteem, becomes a sure pledge that we shall never cease to be worthy of it. Fifth Question: In either case, what line of conduct does their law prescribe towards Frenchmen not of their religion?

Answer:
The line of conduct prescribed towards Frenchmen not of our religion, is the same as that prescribed between Jews themselves; we admit of no differences but that of worshipping the Supreme Being, every one in his own way. The answer to the preceding question has explained the line of conduct which the Law of Moses and the Talmud prescribe towards French men not of our religion. At the present time, when the Jews no longer form a separate people, but enjoy the advantage of being incorporated with the Great Nation (which privilege they consider as a kind of political redemption), it is impossible that a Jew should treat a Frenchman, not of his religion, in any other manner than he would treat one of his Israelite brethren. Sixth Question: Do Jews born in France, and treated by the laws as French citizens, consider France their country? Are they bound to defend it?

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Are they bound to obey the laws and to conform to the dispositions of the civil code?

Answer:
Men who have adopted a country, who have resided in it these many generations-who, even under the restraint of particular laws which abridged their civil rights, were so attached to it that they preferred being debarred from the advantages common to all other citizens, rather than leave it--cannot but consider themselves as Frenchmen in France; and they consider as equally sacred and honorable the bounden duty of defending their country. Jeremiah (chapter 29) exhorts the Jews to consider Babylon as their country, although they were to remain in it only for seventy years. He exhorts them to till the ground, to build houses, to sow, and to plant. His recommendation was so much attended to, that Ezra (chapter 2) says, that when Cyrus allowed them to return to Jerusalem to rebuild the Temple, 42,360 only, left Babylon; and that this number was mostly composed of the poor people, the wealthy having remained in that city. The love of the country is in the heart of Jews a sentiment so natural, so powerful, and so consonant to their religious opinions, that a French Jew considers himself in England, as among strangers, although he may be among Jews; and the case is the same with English Jews in France. To such a pitch is this sentiment carried among them, that during the last war, French Jews have been seen fighting desperately against other Jews, the subjects of countries then at war with France. Many of them are covered with honorable wounds, and others have obtained, in the field of honor, the noble rewards of bravery. Eighth Question: What police jurisdiction do Rabbis exercise among the Jews? What judicial power do they enjoy among them?

Answer:
The Rabbis exercise no manner of Police Jurisdiction among the Jews. It is only in the Mishnah and in the Talmud that the word Rabbi is found for the first time applied to a doctor in the law; and he was commonly indebted for this qualification to his reputation, and to the opinion generally entertained of his learning.

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When the Israelites were totally dispersed, they formed small communities in those places where they were allowed to settle in certain numbers. Sometimes, in these circumstances, a Rabbi and two other doctors formed a kind of tribunal, named Beth Din, that is, House of Justice; the Rabbi fulfilled the functions of judge, and the other two those of his assessors. The attributes, and even the existence of these tribunals, have, to this day, always depended on the will of government under which the Jews have lived, and on the degree of tolerance they have enjoyed. Since the revolution those rabbinical tribunals are totally suppressed in France, and in Italy. The Jews, raised to the rank of citizens, have conformed in every thing to the laws of the state; and, accordingly, the functions of Rabbis, wherever any are established, are limited to preaching morality in the temples, blessing marriages, and pronouncing divorces.... Ninth Question: Are these forms of Election, and that police-jurisdiction, regulated by law, or are they only sanctioned by custom?

Answer:
The answer to the preceding questions makes it useless to say much on this, only it may be remarked, that, even supposing that Rabbis should have, to this day, preserved some kind of police-judicial jurisdiction among us, which is not the case, neither such jurisdiction, nor the forms of the elections, could be said to be sanctioned by the law; they should be attributed solely to custom. 2. Peretz Smolenskin: Am Olam (An Eternal People) published in HaShachar in 1872: The willfully blind bid us to be like all other nations, and I repeat after them: let us be like all other nations, pursuing and attaining knowledge, leaving off from wickedness and folly.Yes, let us be like all other nations, ashamed of the rock whence we have been hewn, like the rest in holding dear our language and the glory of our people. 3. Lev Levanda Rassviet ( A Russian Jewish Journal as recorded in A history of Israel H. Sachar p/13 When I think of what was done to us, how we were taught to love Russia and the Russian word, how we were lured into introducing the Russian language and everything Russian into our home and how we are now rejected and houndedmy heart is filed with corroding despair from which there is no escape.

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4. Moshe Lilienblum, (b in 1843, raised in an Orthodox home and taught Talmud in his younger years, became interested in the Haskala and moved to Odessa where he became a distinguished humanist writer, hid in a basement in Odessa during the riots of 1881 which totally changed his world view and he devoted the rest of his life to Zionist movement. He was a significant factor in Hibbat Zion and a active supporter of Herzl) From his diary: May 7 1881: ..The rioters approached the house I am staying in. The women shrieked and wailed, hugging the children to their breasts, and didnt know where to turn. The men stood dumbfounded. We all imagined that in a few moments it would all be over with us but thank G-D , they were frightened away by the soldiers and we were not harmed. I am glad I have suffered. At least once in my life I have had the opportunity of feeling what my ancestors felt every day of their lives. Later he wrote of those days cowering in a basement as Russian mobs rampaged his neighborhood: All the old ideals left me in a flash. There is no home for us in this or any other Gentile land. 5. Moses Hess: Rome and Jerusalem: On the ruins of Christian Rome a regenerated Italian people is arising, The nations will awaken once more...only a national renaissance can endow the religious genius of the Jews, like the legendary giant when he touches mother earth, with new strength, and raise its soul once again to the level of prophetic inspiration R. Tzvi Hersch Kalischer, Seeking Zion: Why do the people of Italy and of other countries sacrifice their lives for the land of their fathers, while we, like men bereft of strength and courage do nothing? Are we inferior to all other peoples, who have no regard for life or fortune as compared with love of their land and nation? Let us take to heart the examples of the Italians, the Poles? And the Hungarians who laid down their lives and possessions and who struggle for national independence, while we, the Children of Israel, who have the most glorious and holiest of lands as our inheritance, are spiritless and silent. We should be ashamed of ourselves, for our duty is to labor not only for the glory of our ancestors but for the glory of G-D who chose Zion. 6. Rabbi Judah Alkalai; Minchat Yehuda In the first conquest, under Joshua, the almighty brought the children of Israel into a land that was prepared..This New redemption will alas because of our sins - be different: our land is waste and desolate, and we shall have to build houses, dig wells, and plant vines and olive treesRedemption must come slowly. The land must by degrees be built up and prepared.The Redemption will begin by the efforts of the Jews themselves; they must organize and unite, choose leaders and leave the lands of the exile. Since no community can exist without a governing body, the very first ordinance must be the appointment of the

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elders of each district, men of piety and wisdom, to oversee all the affairs of the community. I humbly suggest that this chosen assembly the assembly of the elders - is what is meant by the promise to us of the messiah, the son of Joseph. 7. Rabbi Tzvi Hirsch Kalischer; Drishat Zion (Seeking Zion): My dear Reader! Cast aside the conventional view that the Messiah will suddenly blast on the great Trumpet and cause all the inhabitants of the earth to tremble. On the contrary, the redemption will begin by awakening support among the philanthropists and by gaining consent of the nations to the gathering of some of the scattered of Israel into the Holy Land.. I would suggest that an organization be established to encourage settlement in the Holy Land, for the purpose of purchasing and cultivating farms and vineyards. Such a program would appear as a ray of deliverance to those now living in the Land in poverty and famine The situation would be different if we were inspired by the fervor of working the land with our own hands. Surely G-D would bless our labor and there would be no need to import grain form Egypt and other neighboring countries, for our harvest would prosper greatly.another great advantage of agricultural settlement is that we would have the privilege of observing the religious commandments that attach to working the soil of the holy Land. Such a policy would also raise our dignity among the nations, for they would say that the Children of Israel, too, have the will to redeem the land of their ancestors, which is now so barren and forsaken. 8. "After an estrangement of twenty years I am back with my people. I have come to be one of them again, to participate in the celebration of the holy days; to share the memories and hopes of the nation, to take part in the spiritual and intellectual warfare going' on within the House of Israel, and between our people and the surrounding civilized nations. The Jews have lived and labored among the nations for almost two thousand years but none the less they cannot become rooted organically within them. A thought which I believed to be for ever buried in my heart has been awakened in me anew. It is the thought of my nationality, which is inseparably connected with the ancestral heritage and the memories of the Holy Land and the Eternal City-the birthplace of the belief in the divine unity of life and of the hope in the future brotherhood of man... ." ..the main problem of the Jewish national movement is not of a religious nature but centers on one point, namely on how to awaken the patriotic sentiment in the hearts of our progressive Jews, and how to liberate the Jewish masses, by means of this reawakened patriotism from a spirit deadening formalism. If we succeed in this beginning then no matter how difficult the practical realization of our plan may be, the difficulties will be overcome by

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experience itselfThe objections of progressive Jews to the restoration of a Jewish staterest in moral and intellectual narrow mindness, which is unable to risotto that high humanitarian standpoint from which one can see the depth of the misfortune of our people, as well as the means of its salvation. For details on Pre-Zionists see: www.jafi.org.il/education/timeline/prezionists/

9. Leon Pinsker; Auto-Emancipation: excerpts The Jews are not a nation because they lack a certain distinctive national character, inherent in all other nations, which is formed by common residence in a single state. It was clearly impossible for this national character to be developed in the Diaspora; the Jews seem rather to have lost all remembrance of their former home. Thanks to their ready adaptability, they have all the more easily acquired characteristics, not inborn, of the people among whom fate has thrown them. Often to please their protectors, they recommend their traditional individuality entirely. They acquired or persuaded themselves into certain cosmopolitan tendencies which could no more appeal to others than bring satisfaction to themselves. In seeking to fuse with other peoples they deliberately renounced to some extent their own nationality. Yet nowhere did they succeed in obtaining from their fellowcitizens recognition as natives of equal status. But the greatest impediment in the path of the Jews to an independent national existence is that they do not feel its need. Not only that, but they go so far as to deny its authenticity. In the case of a sick man, the absence of desire for food is a very serious symptom. It is not always possible to cure him of this ominous loss of appetite. And even if his appetite is restored, it is still a question whether he will be able to digest food, even though he desires it. The Jews are in the unhappy condition of such a patient. We must discuss this most important point with all possible precision. We must prove that the misfortunes of the Jews are due, above all, to their lack of desire for national independence; and that this desire must be awakened and maintained in time if they do not wish to be subjected forever to disgraceful existence -- in a word, we must prove that they must become a nation. But after the Jewish people had ceased to exist as an actual state, as a political entity, they could nevertheless not submit to total annihilation -- they lived on

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spiritually as a nation. The world saw in this people the uncanny form of one of the dead walking among the living. The Ghostlike apparition of a living corpse, of a people without unity or organization, without land or other bonds of unity, no longer alive, and yet walking among the living -- this spectral form without precedence in history, unlike anything that preceded or followed it, could but strangely affect the imagination of the nations. And if the fear of ghosts is something inborn, and has a certain justification in the psychic life of mankind, why be surprised at the effect produced by this dead but still living nation. A fear of the Jewish ghost has passed down the generations and the centuries. First a breeder of prejudice, later in conjunction with other forces we are about to discuss, it culminated in Judeophobia. If the basis of our argument is sound, if the prejudice of mankind against us rests upon anthropological and social principles, innate and ineradicable, we must look no more to the slow progress of humanity. And we must learn to recognize that as long as we lack a home of our own, such as the other nations have, we must resign forever the noble hope of becoming the equals of our fellow-men. We must recognize that before the great idea of human brotherhood will unite all the peoples of the earth, millenniums must elapse; and that meanwhile a people which is at home everywhere and nowhere, must everywhere be regarded as alien. The time has come for a sober and dispassionate realization of our true position. With unbiased eyes and without prejudice we must see in the mirror of the nations the tragi-comic figure of our people, which with distorted countenance and maimed limbs helps to make universal history without managing properly its own little history. We must reconcile ourselves once and for all to the idea that the other nations, by reason of their inherent natural antagonism, will forever reject us. We must not shut our eyes to this natural force which works like every other elemental force; we must take it into account. We must not complain of it; on the contrary, we are in duty bound to take courage, to rise, and to see to it that we do not remain forever the Cinderella, the butt of the peoples. We are no more justified in leaving our national fortune in the hands of the other peoples than we are in making them responsible for our national misfortune. The human race, including ourselves, has hardly reached the first stage of the interminable road to perfection in human conduct, providing the goal is to be reached at all. We must, therefore, abandon the delusion that we are fulfilling by our dispersion a Providential mission, a mission in which no one believes, an honorable post which we, to speak frankly, would gladly resign, if the odious epithet "Jew" could only be blotted out of the memory of man. We must seek our honor and our salvation not in self-deceptions, but in the restoration of our national ties. Hitherto the world has not considered us as a firm of standing, and consequently we enjoyed no genuine credit.

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If other national movements which have risen before our eyes were their own justification, can it still be questioned whether the Jews have a similar right? If we would have a secure home, give up our endless life of wandering and rise to the dignity of a nation in our own eyes and in the eyes of the world, we must, above all, not dream of restoring ancient Judea. We must not attach ourselves to the place where our political life was once violently interrupted and destroyed. The goal of our present endeavors must be not the "Holy Land," but a land of our own. We need nothing but a large tract of land for our poor brothers, which shall remain our property and from which no foreign power can expel us. There we shall take with us the most sacred possessions which we have saved from the ship-wreck of our former country, the God-idea and the Bible. It is these alone which have made our old fatherland the Holy Land, and not Jerusalem or the Jordan. Perhaps the Holy Land will again become ours. If so, all the better, but first of all , we must determine -- and this is the crucial point -- what country is accessible to us, and at the same time adapted to offer the Jews of all lands who must leave their homes a secure and undisputed refuge, capable of productivization. For complete essay see: http://www.mideastweb.org/autoemancipation.htm 10. Theodor Herzl; The Jewish State, excerpts The idea I have developed in this pamphlet is an ancient one: It is the restoration of the Jewish State. . . The decisive factor is our propelling force. And what is that force? The plight of the Jews. . . I am profoundly convinced that I am right, though I doubt whether I shall live to see myself proved so. Those who today inaugurate this movement are unlikely to live to see its glorious culmination. But the very inauguration is enough to inspire in them a high pride and the joy of an inner liberation of their existence. . . The plan would seem mad enough if a single individual were to undertake it; but if many Jews simultaneously agree on it, it is entirely reasonable, and its achievement presents no difficulties worth mentioning. The idea depends only on the number of its adherents. Perhaps our ambitious young men, to whom every road of advancement is now closed, and for whom the Jewish state throws open a bright prospect of freedom, happiness, and honor perhaps they will see to it that this idea is spread. . . It depends on the Jews themselves whether this political document remains for the present a political romance. If this generation is too dull to understand it rightly, a future, finer, more advanced generation will arise to comprehend it. The Jews who will try it shall achieve their State; and they will deserve it. . . I consider the Jewish question neither a social nor a religious one, even though it sometimes takes these and other forms. It is a national question, and to solve it we

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must first of all establish it as an international political problem to be discussed and settled by the civilized nations of the world in council. We are a people one people. We have sincerely tried everywhere to merge with the national communities in which we live, seeking only to preserve the faith of our fathers. It is not permitted us. In vain are we loyal patriots, sometimes super loyal; in vain do we make the same sacrifices of life and property as our fellow citizens; in vain do we strive to enhance the fame of our native lands in the arts and sciences, or her wealth by trade and commerce. In our native lands where we have lived for centuries we are still decried as aliens, often by men whose ancestors had not yet come at a time when Jewish sighs had long been heard in the country. . . Oppression and persecution cannot exterminate us. No nation on earth has endured such struggles and sufferings as we have. Jew-baiting has merely winnowed out our weaklings; the strong among us defiantly return to their own whenever persecution breaks out. . . Wherever we remain politically secure for any length of time, we assimilate. I think this is not praiseworthy. . . Palestine is our unforgettable historic homeland. . . Let me repeat once more my opening words: The Jews who will it shall achieve their State. We shall live at last as free men on our own soil, and in our own homes peacefully die. The world will be liberated by our freedom, enriched by our wealth, magnified by our greatness. And whatever we attempt there for our own benefit will redound mightily and beneficially to the good of all mankind. For entire text see: http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Zionism/herzl2.html

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L e s s o n 42
Different Directions within Zionism
1. 2. 3. 4. Outline Religious vs. secular Zionism Socialist vs. liberal Zionism Cultural vs. political Zionism

2. Introduction From the very beginning, Zionism meant very different things to different people. Coming on the world historical scene at a time of great change, in the midst of the collapse of the old order in Europe and the conflicting currents of thought which gave rise to decades of bloody conflict there, Zionism couldnt help but develop different facets, that reflected these different currents. Like many revolutions, Zionism knew what it wanted to change (exile existence), but wasnt quite sure what the new order would look like. Later developments and current dilemmas in the State of Israel very much reflect these original conflicting visions. This lesson examines three of the major fault lines: a) between those who saw Zionism as a rebellion against Judaism and those who saw it as the fulfillment of Judaism; b) between those who saw in Zionism the hope for creating a socialist utopia and those who sought normalization; and c) between those who anticipated the ingathering of all the exiles and those who saw the state as a sustaining center for a revitalized world Jewry. 3. Lesson goals 4. Awareness of the necessity of hyphenated Zionism Zionism does not have meaning as a pure concept, but needs definition. 5. Knowledge of the ideological roots of current discourse about and within Zionism 6. Exploration of participants personal views on competing directions in Zionism 7. Expanded outline 8. Religious vs. secular Zionism 9. On the one hand, of course, Zionism is based on the Jewish messianic belief in the restoration of our sovereignty. On the other hand, however, it is at the same time a rebellion against Gods management of the Jewish peoples history. The Jews had learned to live in exile, praying for redemption, waiting for God to bring it about. Zionism, in its initial manifestation as a movement, called for us to take matters into our own hands. The Orthodox leaders who saw Zionism as a direct violation of the Jewish understanding of the world and as a threat to Judaism were not hallucinating; for indeed, many Zionists

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explicitly sought to replace Jewish religion with secular nationalism, to redefine Jewish identity as national, not religious. Jacob Klatzkin can serve as a perfect example: the son of a rabbi from Russia, he published a book of rabbinical scholarship before rebelling against his religious upbringing, moving to Germany for academic studies. He became a leader of various institutions in the Zionist movement, and articulated forcefully the view that Judaisms religious phase had to give way to a new definition, purely national. Source 1 For discussion: For a Jew who had lost faith, but for whom Jewish identity was important, what other options were there? Do we believe one can be a Jew without faith? If Judaism is not a religion, what do we do with our religious texts, with our religious behaviors? ii. Views like Klatzkins helped reinforce the enmity of much of the Orthodox world to Zionism. What we call today ultra-Orthodox refers to the movement within Orthodoxy that took a position actively opposed to Zionism; in 1912, leaders of this stream organized into a movement and political party, Agudat Israel. However, other Orthodox Jews felt attracted to Zionism, either as a practical solution to the Jewish problem based on age-old traditions encouraging return to Israel or out of a belief that if we could in fact create a Jewish state in Eretz Yisrael, then perhaps the messiah was en route. Thus, from the very beginnings of the Zionist movement, there were tensions between Zionists who saw their Zionism as integral in their Judaism and those whose Zionism was a rebellion against Judaism, a reformation. For example: Yehiel Michael Pines, a product of the traditional Polish Jewish community, made aliyah in 1878 and represented a bridging figure, involved in Zionism, yet believing that Zionism without religion was impossible. Source 2 And a different kind of example: Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook was appointed by the British as Ashkenazic chief rabbi of Palestine in 1921. Before him (as in the case of Pines, above), Orthodox Zionism fought for a vision of Zionism as embedded within Judaism (not a rebellion); Rabbi Kook is the leading thinker of the school that sees Zionism as not just a mitzvah opportunity and a solution to historical problems, but as the fulfillment of the messianic hope. In

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other words, Zionism is not just an option for a religious Jew - it is central to Judaism. Source 3 What would a Jewish state look like according to Klatzkin, Pines, and Kook? Is a compromise or synthesis possible? Which vision seems dominant in Israel today? Which vision seems dominant in Israel today? Do you think that the state of Israel represents a turning point in history the first flowering of our [messianic] redemption? What is the relationship between Zionism and Jewish religion in your own identity? 10. Socialist vs. liberal Zionism 11. The messianic idealism that drove Zionism among young Jews in Eastern Europe gave rise to another redemptive movement: socialism. Marxism prophesied the end of religious and national divisions, and hence, socialism and Zionism were opposing forces. Indeed, there was ongoing enmity between the Jewish socialist organization (the Bund) and the Zionists. What was the Bund? The Bund was the Jewish Social Democratic party; its raison detre was twofold: a) to reach the Jewish proletariat, it was necessary operate a campaign in Yiddish, geared to the particular cultural needs and background of the Jewish workers; and b) an unwillingness to give up Jewish identity completely together with the realization that our Russian fellow-revolutionaries wouldnt let us even if we wanted to. The high point of the Bunds activity in Russia came in the 1905 revolution, when it had about 30,000 members (compared to under 9,000 members in the Russian Social Democratic Party). The Bund in Russia was disbanded after the Bolshevik revolution; it continued its activities in Poland. What was Jewish about the Bund? A commitment to work in and preservation of the Yiddish language and the (secular) Jewish culture associated with it. A recognition of the right-to-exist of the Jewish nation as a national-cultural (but not geographical or political) entity. A concern with the particular problem of the persecution of the Jews. How could the existence of the Bund be reconciled with socialist universalism? 410
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This was indeed the ideological issue that split the Bund from Lenins Social Democrats, who argued that the Bund could be at most a temporary means for reaching out to the Jewish masses; beyond this utilitarian function, it had no long-term right to life in the new order. The Bund, on the other hand, had been formed out of a realization that there was no pure universalistic culture, and that Russian socialism, with its Russian cultural foundations, would never be able to welcome the Jews as full, equal comrades. The opposition of the Bund to Zionism continued through the Holocaust. What were the origins of socialist Zionism? The first attempt to articulate a synthesis of socialism and Zionism was Moses Hess Rome and Jerusalem, published in 1862. Hess, after spending most of his career as a socialist thinker and activist, came to the conclusion that the socialist society was only implementable in a national context and hence, the Jews must return to establish a free, independent, socialist Palestine. Then, in 1898, with the rising the tension between Jewish identity and commitment to the revolutionary movement, Hess synthesis found an energetic proponent in Nachman Syrkin. Syrkin played an active role in seeking to turn the newly organized Zionist movement toward the goal of establishing a socialist society in Palestine. Over the next few years, as ideological ferment among Russian Jewish students and intellectuals grew more intense and especially after the pogroms of 1903 this goal attracted more and more adherents. Circles of Poalei Zion (Workers of Zion) formed in various cities. The combination of the rise of the Zionist movement and the beginning of actual colonization in Palestine with the growing disillusionment with the prospects for Jewish life in revolutionary Russia made socialist Zionism an attractive solution for many young Jews. In 1904 the first groups of Poalei Zion made their way to Palestine to begin the struggle to build the socialist Jewish state. This marked the beginning of what is termed the Second Aliya, a period of immigration that lasted until the First World War, and provided much of the political and intellectual elite of Israeli society during its formative years.

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How could socialist Zionism be reconciled with socialist universalism? Socialist Zionists argued that nationalism and socialism were not mutually exclusive. On the contrary, the classless society could best be realized in the context of national self-determination. The Jewish people (like every other nation) could build utopia. The values might be universal, but the implementation had to be particular, to fit the history and needs and culture of each nation. Source 4 Syrkin writes: For a Jewish state to come to be, it must, from the very beginning, avoid all the ills of modern life. In his utopian messianism, this secular socialist Zionist sounds rather like a religious Zionist! Do we ourselves harbor such utopian perceptions of the Zionist endeavor? Should we? Arent we disappointed when we discover imperfections in Israel? 12. The socialist Zionists dominated the institutions of the Zionist movement and of the New Yishuv (the Zionist community in Palestine) and of the state, from the mid-1930s until 1977. However, throughout that time, there was an active and strong opposition to the socialist Zionist vision, that saw it as utopian and out of touch with reality. Many Zionists believed that the main thing was normalization, the creation of a national state for the Jews and that the debate on world-redeeming economic systems was beside the point. For example, Herzls friend and disciple, Dr. Max Nordau, is remembered for his association with the concept of normalization; his comments on the socialist vision are given in source 5. Herzl and Nordau and the other normalizers saw Zionism as the answer to anti-Semitism: by becoming strong, proud, productive, and naturally rooted in their own land, Jews would prove the falsity of the reasons behind anti-Semitism. How does this sound a century later? 13. Cultural vs. political Zionism 14. What was political Zionism? Herzls conception of Zionism, a messianic dream of establishing a sovereign Jewish state, is the classic expression of political Zionism. Herzl was not interested in small-scale efforts, or in consciousness raising. He was playing all-or-nothing. He shuttled on the international diplomatic circuit, trying to play off the interests of the great powers, in order to extract from them a state for the Jews. He saw himself as negotiating salvation. For political Zionists, the Jewish problem was a political and economic one, the anomaly of the status of the Jews in European

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society. The solution can be seen as a kind of assimilation: the Jews would become a nation like all other nations we would become normal. For political Zionists, the state came first; the culture would then take care of itself. This approach had two practical implications: a) Palestine was not the only possible solution; and b) one could support the program regardless of ones relationship to the tradition it created no conflict for the religiously observant. See source 6 ii. What was cultural Zionism? Cultural Zionism, identified with Ahad Haam, advocated the establishment of a Jewish state primarily as a means for the revitalization of the Jewish people world-wide. International recognition was not an important priority, nor did cultural Zionists seek to shut down the Diaspora and move all Jews to Palestine. Rather, they sought to establish a spiritual and cultural center that would create new meaning and new pride and infuse these into the traditional forms that had become lifeless under the assault of modern secular humanism. Ultimately, the new society thus created would, in due time, give rise to a Jewish state. See source 7 Cultural Zionists, unlike, political Zionists, could not consider any option other than Palestine. And since cultural Zionism was essentially a secular movement, seeking an alternative source of vitality in the tradition (i.e., an alternative to faith in God and His commandments), it constituted a problem for Orthodox Zionists and indeed was the impetus for the formation of an independent religious strand within the Zionist movement. Had the movement limited itself to political mobilization and colonization without cultural and educational activities, the Orthodox would have been able to find a place in the movement without a special section. An interesting paradox to consider: if secular political Zionism had dominated, the whole issue of religion and state would not have arisen the state would be neutral but the connection with Jews in the Diaspora would be problematic; cultural Zionism allows for a mutual relationship between Israel and the Diaspora, but since it defines the state as something more than just a nation state, as a cultural center, it gives rise to the bitter controversy over the definition of Jewish culture (vis a vis religious tradition). 15. Thoughts on practical applications in the classroom, materials This lesson lends itself to a choose sides kind of activity, in which participants read about the three sets of two positions and choose their preferred option in each case and justify their choices.

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Another possibility is to bring a particular current issue from the news media to the class and together seek the roots of the present conflict in one of the divisions presented in the lesson (e.g., setting policy regarding withdrawal from Gaza do we operate on a religious or secular democratic basis?; is Israel a cultural center for us? Does Israel have an obligation of be a model of social justice? Is it fair of us to demand it be a utopia?) 16. Connections to previous and future lessons This lesson is supposed to follow a discussion of the origins of Zionism, and precede an examination of practical Zionism (which is not discussed here) the settlers of the first two aliyot who manifest, between the first and second aliyot, the conflict between socialist and general Zionism, and between religious and secular Zionism. Sources 1. Jacob Klatzkin, Boundaries [1914], in Arthur Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea, Atheneum, 1973, pp. 316-8 What is really new in Zionism is the territorial-political definition of Jewish nationalism. Strip Zionism of the territorial principle and you have destroyed its character and erased the distinctions between it and the preceding periods. This is its onginality that Judaism depends on form and not on content. For it the alternatives are clear: Either the Jewish people shall redeem the land and thereby continue to live, even if the spiritual content of Judaism changes radically, or we shall remain in exile and rot away even if the spiritual tradition continues to exist. In longing for our land we do not desire to create there a base for the spiritual values of Judaism. To regain our land is for us an end in itself - the attaining of a free national life. The content of our life will be national when its forms become national. Indeed, let it not be said that the land is a precondition for a national life; living on the land is ipso facto the national life. It is no accident that the theory of Judaism as a spiritual outlook, even in its nationalist form, has fought hard against the territorialist conception of Zionism. It feared, correctly, that from such Zionism it would receive its deathblow. All the varieties of "spiritual" thought, including the nationalist, have joined in combating political Zionism in the name of the spirit of Judaism, i.e., the ethics of the prophets, and have asserted that the ultimate goal of the Jewish people is not a political state but the reign of absolute justice. All these schools of thought mocked Herzl, the hero and genius of our renaissance, by saying: We are a priest people, a nation of prophets -

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what does he mean coming to us talking about political action? Tlie "spiritists" all cited the Galut as evidence that the basis for our life is the eternal content of Judaism. Zionism stands opposed to all this. Its real beginning is The Jewish State and its basic intention, whether consciously or unconsciously, is to deny any conception of Jewish identity based on spiritual criteria. Zionism began a new era, not only for the purpose of making an end to the Diaspora but also in order to establish a new definition of Jewish identity - a secular definition. I am certain that the builders of our land will in the future sacrifice themselves for national forms, for land and language, as our ancestors accepted martyrdom for the sake of the religious content of Judaism. But we are, as yet, standing at the crossroads and do not yet see the distinction between one period and another. The Galut figure of Ahad Ha-Am still obscures the nationalist light of Herzl. The "spiritual" criterion is a grave danger not only to our national renaissance but, even more, to our renaissance as individuals. It binds our spirit with the chains of tradition and subordinates our life to specific doctrines, to a heritage and to the values of an ancient outlook. We are constrained by antiquated values, and, in the name of national unity and cohesiveness, our personalities are crippled, for we are denied freedom of thought. Moreover, the "spiritual" definition of what is a Jew leads to national chauvinism. National freedom is meaningless unless it fosters the freedom of the individual. There can be no national renaissance worth fighting for unless it liberates and revives human values within the national ethos. 2. Yehiel Michael Pines, Religion is the Source of Jewish Nationalim [1895] in Arthur Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea, Atheneum, 1973, pp. 412-414 Science and education are no less precious to me than they are to you, secularists. I set a high value on this divine light which has been given us by our Creator at our birth. I, too, no less than you, would like to see the Jewish people advance in scientific knowledge and in worldly education, for I know how important such advance is in improving human nature, in improving manners and ethics, and in raising the cultural level. I also know how much real knowledge can contribute to the ennobling of religious feeling. But knowledge divorced from faith is not what I consider a desirable goal. That is not the enlightenment which our better leaders of the preceding generation declared to be the sister of faith, while their predecessors thought it the handmaiden of faith. But a sister or a handmaid who sets herself up as a rival to her sister or her mistress will only lure the master away from his wife; without leaving even a small corner in his heart for the affection he once bore her. The enlightenment we seek is one that is organically integrated in faith, so that the two are inseparable. Why should we try to isolate the one from the other? Have we not

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been given the Torah to teach us to purify our thoughts and our sentiments as the goldsmith refines the gold? Has not reason been given us by Heaven so that we may be able to contemplate the greatness of our Creator as revealed in His work and the glory of the Law He implanted in our hearts? In the world of the spirit there are no compartments. Whatever the man thinks and feels, if it is directed toward Truth, is enveloped in holiness. Nor have you, the secularists, any monopoly on the Zionist sentiment. I am as much a Lover of Zion as you are, not a whit less. But mine is not the Love of Zion which you have abstracted from the whole Jewish tradition to set it up in a separate existence. Any other people can perhaps have a national aspiration divorced from its religion, but we, Jews, cannot. Such nationalism is an abomination to Jews. Moreover, it cannot succeed, since it has no roots in our reality. What is Jewish nationality divorced from Jewish religion? It is an empty formula, nothing but pretty phrases. After all, what is "nationality" if not a concept, or, in other words, a though-image. But a thought-image which has no basis in reality is an illusion. What other basis in realitv can there be for the thought-image of Jewish nationality except the unity of the Jewish people with its Torah and its faith? I know the answer you will give me: Our history and our language also form part of our national heritage. True enough, a common past is a national heritage, but it is not the begetter of nationality. It is unheard of for an effect to turn around and become the cause of its own cause! Can a man sate his hunger by eating his own flesh? And as for the Hebrew language you mention - perhaps, if we still spoke it, it might offer some slight basis for our nationality, but in view of the state of the Hebrew language today, one can hardly see why you are ready to dedicate yourself to it. Who or what forces you to bring it back to life? Is it national sentiment? Again we see the effect becoming a cause! All of the vitality of national sentiment is in the national language, but the language itself has no vitality except in so far as it is nourished by national sentiment! But this is a circular argument which can go on ad infinitum! The nationalism I represent is the nationalism of Rabbi Yehudah Halevi and of Rabbi Moshe ben Nahman, of blessed memory, a national sentiment organically integrated in faith, nationalism whose soul is the Torah and whose life is in its precepts and commandments. 3. Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook, Orot, in Hertzberg, ibid., pp. 430-1 There is an eternal covenant which assures the whole House of Israel that it will not ever become completely unclean. Yes, it may be partially corroded, but it can never be totally cut off from the source of divine life. Many of the adherents of the present national revival maintain that they are secularists. If a Jewish secular nationalism were really imaginable, then we would, indeed, be in danger of falling so low as to be beyond redemption. 416
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But Jewish secular nationalism is a form of self-delusion: the spirit of Israel is so closely linked to the spirit of God that a Jewish nationalist, no matter how secularist his intention may be, must, despite himself, affirm the divine. An individual can sever the tie that binds him to life eternal but the House of Israel as a whole cannot. All of its most cherished national possessions - its land, language, history, and customs - are vessels of the spirit of the Lord. How should men of faith respond to an age of ideological ferment which affirms all of these values in the name of nationalism and denies their source, the rootedness of the national spirit, in God? To oppose Jewish nationalism, even in speech, and to denigrate its values is not permissible, for the spirit of God and the spirit of Israel are identical. What they must do is to work all the harder at the task of uncovering the light and holiness implicit in our national spirit, the divine element which is its core. The secularists will thus be constrained to realize that they are immersed and rooted in the life of God and bathed in the radiant sanctity that comes from above. Despite the grave faults of which we are aware in our life in general, and in Eretz Yisrael in particular, we must feel that we are being reborn and that we are being created once again as at the beginning of time. Our entire spiritual heritage is presently being absorbed within its source and is reappearing in a new guise, much reduced in material extent but qualitatively very rich and luxuriant and full of vital force. We are called to a new world suffused with the highest light, to an epoch the glory of which will surpass that of all the great ages which have preceded. All of our people believes that we are in the first stage of the Final Redemption. This deep faith is the very secret of its existence; it is the divine mystery implicit in its historical experience. This ancient tradition about the Redemption bears witness to the spiritual light by which the Jew understands himself and all the events of his history to the last generation, the one that is awaiting the Redemption that is near at hand. The claim of our flesh is great. We require a healthy body. we have greatly occupied ourselves with the soul and have forsaken the holiness of the body. We have neglected health and physical prowess, forgetting that our flesh is as sacred as our spirit. We have turned our backs on physical life, the development of our senses, and all that is involved in the tangible reality of the flesh, because we have fallen prey to lowly fears, and have lacked faith in the holiness of the Land. Faith is exemplified by the tractate Zeraim (Plants) - man proves his faith in eternal life by planting." Our return will succeed only if it will be marked, along with its spiritual glory, by a physical return which will create healthy flesh and blood, strong and well-formed bodies, and a fiery spirit encased in powerful muscles .Then the one weak soul will shine forth from strong and holy flesh, as a symbol of the physical resurrection of the dead.

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4. Nahman Syrkin, The Jewish Question and the Socialist Jewish State, [1898] in Arthur Hertzberg, ibid, pp. 347-50 For a Jewish state to come to be, it must, from the very beginning, avoid all the ills of modem life. To evoke the sympathetic interest of modern man, its guidelines must be justice, rational planning, and social solidarity. Once a Jewish state has been realized on such scientific social principles, the time will come for modern technology to flourish within it. The Jewish state can come about only if it is socialist; only by fusing with socialism can Zionism become the ideal of the whole Jewish people - of the proletariat, the middle class, and the intelligentsia. All Jews will be involved in the success of Zionism, and none will be indifferent. The messianic hope, which was always the greatest dream of exiled Jewry, will be transformed into political action. The Jewish people, presently living in misery, will gain lofty content. Not only the Jews, and the countries which desire to be rid of them, will be greatly interested in the socialist Jewish state, but also all those who strive for higher forms of social life---the socialists and the social reformers. Because the Jews are placed in an unusual situation, that they are forced to find a homeland and establish a state, they therefore have been presented with the opportunity to be the first to realize the socialist vision. This is the tragic element of their historic fate, but it is also a unique historic mission. What is generally the vision of a few will become a great national movement among the Jews; what is utopian in other contexts is a necessity for the Jews. The Jews were historically the nation which caused division and strife; it will now become the most revolutionary of all nations. From the humblest and most oppressed of all peoples it will be transformed to the proudest and greatest. The Jews will derive their moral stature from their travail, and out of the pain of their existence will come a pattern of noble living. The Jew is small, ugly, servile, and debased when he forgets and denies his great character. He becomes distinguished and beautiful in the moral and social realms when he returns to his true nature. Israel is to be compared to a sleeping giant, arising from the slough of despair and darkness and straightening up to his infinite height. His face is rimmed by rays of glory of the pain of the world which he has suffered on his own body. He knows his task, to do justice and proclaim truth. His tragic history has resulted in a high mission. tie will redeem the world which crucified him. Israel will once again become the chosen of the peoples! 5. Max. Nordau (Zionistiche Schriften, quoted in W. Laqueur, A History of Zionism, Schocken 1976, p. 388)

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Socialism will bring the same disappointments as did the Reformation, the Enlightenment, the movement for political freedom. If we should live to see socialist theory become practice, youll be surprised to meet again in this new order that old acquaintance, anti-Semitism. And it wont help at all that Marx and Lasalle were Jews The founder of Christianity was a Jew too, but to the best of my knowledge Christianity does not think it owes a debt of gratitude to the Jews. I do not doubt that the ideologists of socialism will always remain faithful to their doctrine, that they will never become racialists. But the men of action will have to take realities into account. In the foreseeable future the feelings of the masses will dictate to them an anti-Semitic policy. 6. Theodore Herzl, The Jewish State, 1896; in Arthur Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea, Atheneum, 1973, pp. 220-226 The whole plan is essentially quite simple, as it must necessarily be if it is to be comprehensible to all. Let sovereignty be granted us over a portion of the globe adequate to meet our rightful national requirements; we will attend to the rest. To create a new State is neither ridiculous nor impossible. Haven't we witnessed the process in our own day, among nations which were not largely middle class as we are, but poorer, less educated, and consequently weaker than ourselves? The governments of all countries scourged by anti-Semitism will be keenly interested in obtaining sovereignty for us. The plan, simple in design but complicated in execution, will be executed by two agencies: the Society of Jews and the Jewish Company. The scientific plan and political policies which the Society of Jews will establish will be carried out by the Jewish Company. The Jewish Company will be the liquidating agent for the business interests of the departing Jews, and will organize trade and commerce in the new country. We must not visualize the exodus of the Jews as a sudden one. It will be gradual, proceeding over a period of decades. The poorest will go first and cultivate the soil. They will construct roads, bridges, railways, and telegraph installations, regulate rivers, and provide themselves with homesteads, all according to predetermined plans. Their labor will create trade, trade will create markets, and markets will attract new settlers for every man will go voluntarily, at his own expense and his own risk. The labor invested in the soil will enhance its value. The Jews will soon perceive that a new and permanent frontier has been opened up for that spirit of enterprise which has heretofore brought them only hatred and obloquy. The founding of a State today is not to be accomplished in the manner that a thousand years ago would have been the only possible one. It is silly to revert to older levels of civilization, as many Zionists propose. Supposing, for example, we were obliged to clear a country of wild beasts, we should not set about it in the fashion of

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the fifth-century Europeans. We should not take spear and lance and go out individually in pursuit of bears; we would organize a grand and glorious hunting party, drive the animals together, and throw a melinite bomb into their midst. If we planned to erect buildings, we should not drive a few shaky piles in a marsh like the lake dwellers, but should build as men build now. Indeed, we shall build in bolder and more stately style than has ever been done before; for we now possess means which heretofore did not exist. The emigrants standing lowest in the economic scale will be gradually followed by those of the next grade. Those now in desperate straits will go first. They will be led by the intellectual mediocrities whom we produce so abundantly and who are oppressed everywhere. Let this pamphlet serve as the beginning of a general discussion on the question of Jewish emigration. That does not mean to suggest, however, that the question should be called to a vote. Such an approach would ruin the cause from the outset. Whoever wishes may stay behind. The opposition of a few individuals is quite immaterial. Who would go with us, let him fall in behind our banner and fight for the cause with word and pen and deed. Those Jews who agree with our State idea will rally around the Society. Thereby they will give it the authority in the eyes of governments to confer and treat on behalf of our people. The Society will be recognized as, to put it in terminology of international law, a State-creating power. And this recognition will, in effect mean the creation of the State. Should the powers show themselves willing to grant us sovereignty over a neutral land, then the Society will enter into negotiations for the possession of this land. Here two regions come to mind: Palestine and Argentina. Significant experiments in colonization have been made in both countries, though on the mistaken principle of gradual infiltration of Jews. Infiltration is bound to end badly. For there comes the inevitable moment when the government in question, under pressure of the native populace - which feels itself threatened - puts a stop to further influx of Jews. Immigration, therefore, is futile unless it is based on our guaranteed autonomy. The Society of Jews will treat with the present authorities in the land, under the sponsorship of the European powers, if they prove friendly to the plan. We could offer the present authorities enormous advantages, assume part of the public debt, build new thoroughfares, which we ourselves would also require, and do many other things. The very creation of the Jewish State would be beneficial to neighboring lands, since the cultivation of a strip of land increases the value of its surrounding districts. 7. Ahad Haam, The Jewish State and the Jewish Problem, published in Hashiloach II, 1897; in Hertzberg, ibid, pp. 267 Judaism is, therefore, in a quandry. It can no longer tolerate the Galut form which it had to take on, in obedience to its will-to-live, when it was exiled from its own country; but, without that form, its life is in danger. So it seeks to return to its historic center,

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where it will be able to live a life developing in a natural way, to bring its powers into play in every department of human culture, to broaden and perfect those national possessions which it has acquired up to now, and thus to contribute to the common stock of humanity, in the future as it has in the past, a great national culture, the fruit of the unhampered activity of a people living by the light of its own spirit. For this purpose Judaism can, for the present, content itself with little. It does not need an independent State, but only the creation in its native land of conditions favorable to its development: a good-sized settlement of Jews working without hindrance in every branch of civilization, from agriculture and handicrafts to science and literature. This Jewish settlement, which will be a gradual growth, will become in course of time the center of the nation, wherein its spirit will find pure expression and develop in all its aspects to the highest degree of perfection of which it is capable. Then, from this center, the spirit of Judaism will radiate to the great circumference, to all the communities of the Diaspora, to inspire them with new life and to preserve the over-all unity of our people. When our national culture in Palestine has attained that level, we may be confident that it will produce men in the Land of Israel itself who will be able, at a favorable moment, to establish a State there - one which will be not merely a State of the Jews, but a really Jewish State.

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L e s s o n 43
Jews in Eretz Yisrael before WWI
1. Outline 2. Introduction As the ideological and political battles of Zionism were being fought out in Europe, the first mass immigrations to Eretz Yisrael formed. Facing incredible hardships economic deprivations, disease, friction with the local population and culture shock these immigrations were to form the basis of much of the Israel we know today. In this lesson we will follow some of the history of the new immigrants in Palestine, address some of the dilemmas they faced, and get to know some of the legendary figures of that era. 3. 4. 5. 6. Lesson goals Knowledge of the history of the first aliyot in general. Familiarity with some of the dilemmas the olim faced. Acquaintance with some of the heroes of the first aliyot.

7. Expanded outline Suggested Methodology: After a short historical survey (use background essay by MJR attached below), divide the class into 3 groups. Each group reads the biographies and writings of one of the following personalities, answers the questions, and presents a summary in a general discussion. Note that some of the sources are fully attached, and some are links to the internet. The facilitator should be ready to supply additional background information which the participants may require as they read the sources. Each of the three personalities was chosen both because they constitute an impressive, well-known figure, and because through their life story we can examine one of the central challenges confronting the first aliyot. Eliezer BenYehuda's memoirs afford a taste of the pioneering wonder felt by the members of the first mass-immigration to Eretz Yisrael in thousands of years, and provide a glimpse at the enormous challenge of the revival of the Hebrew language; Rachel, the poet, describes in her lyrical language the deep connection felt by the halutzim [pioneers] to the land, presents a typical story of work in one of the first communal settlements, and facilitates discussion of the personal sacrifices which many of the pioneers gave. And finally, Manya Shochat's exploits in Hashomer provides a

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convenient trigger for the discussion of the inevitable conflict that arose between the new immigrants and the native population. This lesson can also be accompanied by a musical component. There is a song about Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, a song about Alexander Zeid a colleague of Manya Shochat's in HaShomer, many of Rachel's poems have been put to music, and many well-known songs were written in or of the era see list at the end. Sources: 1. Background essay When the first Zionist immigrants arrived in the late 19th century, they found Orthodox communities living in poverty in the four holy cities of Tzefat, Tiberias, Hebron, and Jerusalem. These Jews were supported mainly by the haluka, a system of collecting and distributing funds raised in the Diaspora based on the belief that Jews studying Torah in the land of Israel were fulfilling a mitzvah on behalf of Jews everywhere. The Sephardic Jews were Turkish subjects, while Ashkenazim were generally under the protection of the various European powers with autonomous consular offices in Jerusalem. Each separate ethnic group had its own fund-raising bureaucracy and its own rabbinical authority. Some elements of modernization entered the Old Yishuv (old community) during the second half of the century. The French Jewish philanthropic organization Alliance Israelite Universelle founded the Mikveh Israel agricultural school in 1870. Some other modern schools were opened. New neighborhoods were built and various efforts at productivization were tried, often with the support of Sir Moses Montefiore, who visited frequently from England. And two unsuccessful attempts at agricultural settlement were made in 1878. The pioneers of the First Aliya (1881-1904) came from Romania and Russia; the impetus to the migration was the 1881 wave of pogroms. They came in organized groups, many with families, with some funding by supporters back home, and limited (i.e. no) experience in agriculture. The first settlers, at Zichron Yaakov, Rosh Pina, Rishon Letzion, Ekron, (and Petah Tikvah, which had been founded in 1878) endured great suffering from malaria, hunger, the climate, insufficient funding, lack of agricultural expertise, and unfriendly natives. Of the 300 settlers at Zichron Yaakov, 10% died during the first year. In 1883, appeals to Baron Edmund de Rothschild for assistance were successful, and he took on the support (and heavyhanded guidance) of these settlements and others that were founded over the next twenty years. The Second Aliya (1904-1914) consisted mostly of young single revolutionary types, seeking not only to build a Jewish homeland, but to make it a socialist utopia. They rebelled against the bourgeois ambitions of the First Aliya settlers (and of their own parents) and against the Jewish tradition. They were in some respects the hippies of their time, rejecting institutions of property and family, 423
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seeking authenticity in a return to the soil. They created the kibbutz, and with their colleagues of the Third Aliya, after the war, they built many of the institutions that became the core of the Jewish state; they also provided the leadership elite. David Ben-Gurion, Berl Katznelson, Yitzhak BenZvi, Joseph Trumpeldor, A. D. Gordon all came to Palestine during those years. The war years were a time of great suffering for the Jewish communities of Palestine. Caught between the Turks and the British, living in the shadow of the Turkish massacre of the Armenians, many Jews were exiled, many died, many fled; the Jewish population dropped by a third. Nevertheless, once the dust had settled, Jews in Eretz Yisrael could claim credit for... a growing community of Hebrew-speakers about twenty agricultural settlements, including both capitalist and socialist models (see map at http://www.wzo.org.il/home/aliyah/d146.htm) an education system a university and a technical institute Hashomer, a self-defense organization Tel Aviv "the first Hebrew city" Jewish units within the British army

1. Eliezer Ben-Yehuda reviver of the Hebrew Language See a biography of Ben-Yehuda at http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/biography/ben_yehuda.html . "I am truly, actually, in the land of my forefathers, my feet are treading on the same earth on which my forefathers trod, my eyes are seeing the same sky, the same mountains, hills and valleys that my forefathers' eyes saw, I am breathing the same air my forefathers breathed. Perhaps the reader wonders, what all this "excitement" is about? Hundreds and thousands of young Jews are coming to Eretz Yisrael and this is not so strange, that they need to get accustomed to it? Let us not forget, that this was in the year 1882, that is 40 years ago. In those days Eretz Yisrael was not yet a normal thing, an everyday thing, as it later became. At that time Eretz Yisrael was for most Jews more like a legend, hardly more real than the Kingdom of the Sons of Moses over the Sambatyon

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river, and people from Eretz Yisrael, young men and maids from Eretz Yisrael, one did not meet them abroad as you meet them today almost in every city. And even the name "Eretz Yisrael" was not carried on the tongues of a Jewish man except in prayer or reading the scriptures, and such. And in this land, that seemed so far away, so imaginary, I, who only a month ago was in the center of the great, magnificent world of Europe, I am now living in it, it is now not only the land of my forefathers but also the land where I live! In the first two or three days I felt this wonder in my life every minute, every hour, but slowly this feeling dimmed, and at the end of a week there were hours in which I forgot I was in Eretz Yisrael All our souls in the land then were not more than 30,000 in the whole of the country, of these 16,000 in Jerusalem and 14,000 in the other cities which had a Jewish population of some importance Hebron, Jaffa, Safed and Tiberias, and a few hundreds in Haifa, Acre and Sidon. And these 30,000 were not united by language. They were truly separated, congregations speaking different languages, each community speaking the language of the country from whence it came, and these languages caused the communities to feel almost as people of different nations. Add to this, that most of these 30,000 were not natural people, leading natural lives, making their living as is customary in the world. Only the Sephardic community, about 7,000 people, were more or less a natural community, for most of its people were simple people, who made their living from artisanship and simple trade, and only a minority of this community, about 300 heads of families, were from the group of "chachamim", whose Torah is their trade and who make their living from the "haluka"... But the Ashkenazim, they too about 7,000 people, were at that time almost solely "taught by the Lord" (Isiah 54:13) , whose vocation was the study of Torah and prayer, and who made their living almost solely from the "haluka" As to the revival of the language there was nothing I could do, save speak Hebrew at home to my wife and the people I met occasionally. But this was not sufficient in my eyes. I felt success depended on the children of the new generation, but this new generation was yet to be. It was on its way. But I could do nothing to speed its arrival. I was angry at the way of the world, that a woman gives birth after 271 days, I was envious of Adam and Eve, who would get into bed two and come out four, but in all my impatience could only wait. But apart from the sorrow of the long wait, I saw that the new generation alone could spread the Hebrew language slowly. To speed the process of the revival of the spoken Hebrew language, the children already living in the land should be used, and the language should be put in their mouths. But these children who would put them in my hands? A year ago, in one of my letters from Paris to "Hahavazelet" [Jewish newspaper] I said that in cheders, Talmud torahs and yeshivas in Eretz Yisrael the teachers should speak Hebrew to their students. The editor answered that this was a false hope. And now I saw that he was right. I saw that it was impossible to convince those in charge of schools in Eretz Yisrael to institute in them spoken Hebrew between teachers and students. But in this I received help from an unexpected quarter. One rainy day in the month of Tevet a man entered my house, spoke Hebrew and said: 'My name is Nissim Becher,

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and I am sent from the 'Alliance Isralite Universelle' company to open a boys' school in this city, and I came to you to offer you a post as a Hebrew teacher in my school'. I answered: 'I would gladly accept your offer if it were possible, but I'm afraid it's impossible, as I will only accept on this condition: that I speak to the students only in Hebrew. They will not hear any other language from me, and I will not permit them to speak to me in any other language'. 'That is why I gave my offer' said Mr. Nissim Becher 'I have heard of you and your thoughts about the revival of the language, and I wish it too, and so I will give you a chance to execute your idea at the school'. I agreed Thus was formed the method of "Hebrew in Hebrew" (Ivrit be'Ivrit), and thus began the conversing of student and teacher in Hebrew in our time. ships brought to the shores of Jaffa tens of families every week, families of Russian Jews fleeing "galut" and coming to settle in Eretz Yisrael, and thus began the second era of the realization of my dream, the era of real action on the Land of the Fathers, the great era however small and modest still wonderful and amazing, in all its poverty, the era of the beginning of the new "Yishuv", of the founding of our "moshavot" on the 15th of Av [1882 ] in a dark corner of a small room, close to the site of the temple, the boy was born on which the first trial of the revival of spoken Hebrew would be performed The mother, who was weak in the first place, was weakened further by poverty, pregnancy and childbirth. Even so, she agreed of her own good will not to take any servant into the house, so that the child would not hear the words of any language except of the Hebrew language. We were afraid of the walls of our house, afraid of the air in our room, lest the sounds of a foreign language would be absorbed as they were uttered by the servant, and their echo reach the ears of the child, and these foreign sounds would disturb the Hebrew sense of listening, and the Hebrew words would not be properly absorbed, and the child would not speak Hebrew"
Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, in Memoirs of Eretz Yisrael, Avraham Ya'ari, Ramat-Gan 1983, part I pp. 349-380 (in Hebrew), written 1881-1882.

Ben-Yehuda movingly describes the excitement he felt at arriving in Eretz Yisrael. Do we feel some remnant of this excitement when we arrive today? What picture of the "Old Yishuv" arises from Ben-Yehuda's description? How does he describe the effects of the multi-lingualism of the Yishuv? In what ways did Ben-Yehuda strive to revive the Hebrew language? Discuss the endeavor of the revival of spoken Hebrew: the challenges, the pros and cons, the methods, the chances of success. Can you picture a non-Hebrewspeaking modern Israel? The settlers in the "moshavot" suffered great hardship, and many succumbed to disease. One of the first settlers of Hadera describes the first winter: "The first case of malaria erupted suddenly at the end of the summer. We were woken in the night: 'Lerman is dead!' How? Who? Why? We staggered to the dead man's shack, our heart full of dark forebodings, our mind as if suppressed under a heavy load. We came to the shack, and it was full of people, most of

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them young. All faces fearful, everyone apprehensive, depressed The epidemic began. Sometimes all a shack's inhabitants fell ill, and there was no one to take care of the sick. A heavy cloud rested on the new "moshava" We were helpless, we walked about pale and stunned, the mark of death on our foreheads, horror in our hearts. Relatives and friends came from all the "moshavot", bearing advice and prayers: 'Leave the place, save your souls'".
Moshe Smilansky, in Memoirs of Eretz Yisrael, Avraham Ya'ari, Ramat-Gan 1983, part II pp. 713717-380 (in Hebrew), written 1891.

The people of Hadera stayed on, despite the hardships. Were they mad? How could they subject their children to these conditions? Do people have a right to risk their families' lives for their ideology? Where would Israel be if not for them? Are there equivalents to these first settlers in modern Israel? 2. Rachel pioneer and poet See biography at http://www.ithl.org.il/author_info.asp?id=207.

Read Rachel's description of life and work beside the Kinneret at http://israel.poetryinternational.org/cwolk/view/24169. What explains Rachel's fascination with the surroundings? Rachel came to Eretz Yisrael with her sister Shoshana, and both worked at the agricultural school for girls at Kinneret. Shoshana writes: "'Work intelligence' demands not only the 'hands', but also the head and the whole body. 'Everything is important', says Channa [Meizel, founder and teacher of the school], 'even how you tie your kerchief to your head. If it moves every time and you must fix it, that's a loss of time, right'?... And along with all this, "tempo", speed. If you approach it with understanding and calm, and you know the work, why should it not be fast? Then the fingers themselves take on a rapid, lively, continuous motion, and you breathe in relief. There is satisfaction in work. You live in it. What more can there be: life! And thus you must teach your legs, arms, your whole body to work And the heart too, it must consecrate itself to the day ahead. If you are irritated, or pursued by dire thoughts, then immediately your work suffers. The life that depends upon you, your hands, the life that you must create and develop is spoilt and lost. Shoddy work that's a sin Our social education started from the minutest things. If you're on duty, you must arise very quietly in the morning, so as not to disturb your sleeping friends, for the sleep of the worker is precious. You must fulfill your tasks perfectly. The morning could be spoiled because of your carelessness, or laziness. "Laziness!" Strange word. All yearn 427
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for industriousness, conquest of life, triumph at work. That is the spirit, which speaks to us each day: Work and succeed! Each of the women workers felt the torments of adjustment. The men too. There are two approaches The first: to "sift out" the workers using all manner of sieves until they are found "fit" and "worthy" for work. The second: on the contrary, give every comrade the opportunity to become a "worker". And if they need help, a "bridge" hand it to them. For it is a great responsibility to cut off a soul from this new world of life."
Shoshana Blaustein, in Memoirs of Eretz Yisrael, Avraham Ya'ari, Ramat-Gan 1983, part II pp. 817-819 (in Hebrew), written 1909-1910.

What explains the stress on the importance of work in Shoshana's description of life at the farm? The immigrants of the Second Aliyah, who set the pattern of Israeli life for more than half a century, were predominantly socialists, who set great importance on group life. Can you compare their stories and legacy to the individualistic pioneers of the American West? Communal forms of settlement, which were to become the basis of the kibbutz movement, were invented by the pioneers of the Second Aliyah. What do you think were the advantages and disadvantages of settling the land communally? Can you explain and justify both approaches which Shoshana Blaustein describes to potential new workers? Of the 35-40,000 of the Second Aliyah, about 4,500 remained 10 years later. Some returned to Russia to build the socialist utopia, some went to America to try capitalism. Yehoash, a Yiddish poet who lived in Eretz Yisrael in 1914 and returned to America at the beginning of WWI writes: "I wanted to know what percentage of the workers who come to Eretz Yisrael stay here for good, and I found that it was very small. They come in large parties before Passover, settle in the "moshavot" [villages], work by day in the orchards and vineyards, sing and dance by night until their legs collapse, or walk in the hills between the orchards, slightly feverish but accepting it with love, after all, it is Eretz Yisrael. Weeks and months pass and the weak, who are the majority, are tired, their energy gone, and one day they decide to go, some to America, some to Africa, and some return home. They did not stand the test. The chosen remain, those who stood the test, the fighters and pioneers. They send roots into the land and become the best and healthiest element of the "yishuv".
In "Between Zion and Zionism", Open University of Israel, Unit 10.

Did the triumph of the few justify the disappointment of the many?

Rachel herself was "sifted out" when she returned from Russia after WWI. Her friends at Degania were afraid that she would infect her neighbors with TB, and she was exiled to Tel-Aviv, where she wrote most of her poems. Many express longing for her days as a pioneer. Some poems: http://israel.poetryinternational.org/cwolk/view/24165 428
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http://israel.poetryinternational.org/cwolk/view/24166 3. Manya Shochat pioneer and fighter See biographical article at http://www.jewishmag.com/68mag/manya/manya.htm

The youngsters of the Second Aliyah were shocked by the dependence of their predecessors on Arab labor and Baron Rothschild's philanthropy. The following is a description of life in Zikhron Ya'akov, one of the first "moshavot", in 1893: "Every farmer in the "moshava" got 12 francs a month for every member of the household, except babies; they received only 6 francs. Medical help on the Baron's account. Trips to Lebanon for convalescence, lodging and food in an expensive hotel on the Baron's account. All the work in the farmers' vineyards was done by Arabs on the Baron's account, and the farmers "supervise". Two agronomists on the Baron's account; one for the vineyards, and one for the vegetable gardens and fruit trees. And under the supervision of the two agronomists were ten young farmers' sons, who rode their horses all day in the fields, and with their help the farmers counted the numbers and work of the Arab workers."
Hillel Yaffe, in Memoirs of Eretz Yisrael, Avraham Ya'ari, Ramat-Gan 1983, part II p. 739 (in Hebrew), written 1893.

Judging from newspaper reports, are there parallels to these phenomena in today's Israel? If so, is this process inevitable?

The new immigrants set out to establish "Hebrew work" and "Hebrew guards". The following excerpt tells of one of the exploits of HaShomer, the organization of guards founded by Shochat and her colleagues: "In those days the manager of the lands of the Palestine Jewish Colonisation Association (PJCA), Mr. Yehoshua Chankin, was trying to extract the land which had been previously purchased by the Baron [Rothschild] from the hands of the Arab-Zbeh tribe. The Bedouins inhabited this land without heeding Chankin's demands that they depart, saying that the Jews would not dare evict them by force. After negotiations between Chankin and our "chief", it was decided that we would take upon ourselves to conquer this land from the Bedouins. At our gathering, called for this purpose, our "chief" posed the question: Are we strong enough to go and plow the land, without using arms and without leaving the plow even if the Bedouins attacked.

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This step required much deliberation, as the consequences might affect the relations between the Jews and their neighbors in the Lower Galilee. We left the meeting feeling in our hearts that not one of us would leave the plow while he was alive. We sent immediately to rent plows and work animals, quietly made all the necessary preparations, and in Tishrei 1910 went as one under the leadership of the "chief" to the land of the Zbeh, and started plowing it... The Bedouins heard that the Jews were plowing the land, and they all rushed to the field. But when they were still far away they sent two of their men to see who was plowing. When they recognized the members of HaShomer, they informed their senders, and much excitement ensued. They argued whether they should attack or refrain, and finally they turned back. This action had a great effect on the whole area. That year there was calm in Hebrew farms in the Galilee. After we finished plowing, the PJCA settled a few young farmers on the land. Chankin saluted us with a "Mazal Tov", and our reputation in the "yishuv" increased."
Israel Giladi, in Memoirs of Eretz Yisrael, Avraham Ya'ari, Ramat-gan 1983, part II pp. 827-828 (in Hebrew), written 1907-1914.

What psychological effect did HaShomer's activities have on Jews and Arabs? Can you detect similar attitudes in modern Israel?

The next excerpt explains similar incidents from the point of view of the Arabs, even though the author is Jewish: "It is time to root out the false conviction that has spread among the Zionists, that in Eretz Yisrael there is uncultivated land for lack of working hands and because of the laziness of the inhabitants. There are no abandoned fields, on the contrary every (Arab) farmer tries to add to his plot from the uncultivated land adjacent to it, if it does not require too much labor. Near the cities the sloped mountainsides are plowed, and beside the "moshava" [village] Metulla the poor farmers plant, as in Lebanon, between the rocks, and leave not a square yard fallow. And so, when we arrive to take hold of the land, the question arises: what will the farmers do, whose fields we shall buy? Usually we buy the lands from the big estate-holders, who took hold of the land, they or their forebears, by larceny and deceit and lease it to the farmers, and sometimes we buy from the villages which sell part of their lands. The tenant farmer is not an itinerant on the leased land, he is a permanent resident who does not change his location, and some tenants are working land which their forefathers before them have worked. It is customary in this area that when estates pass from one to another the tenants remain. But when we buy such a plot, we remove its former tenants completely. Indeed, we do not send them away empty-handed, we pay the value of the houses and crops handsomely, we do not stint, and from the point of view of customary justice and official integrity we are completely moral, and even go beyond the letter of the law. But, if we do not wish to willfully fool ourselves, let us admit, that we have cast away these poor people from their humble nest and taken their livelihood. Where will the evicted go, who have but little money? Indeed, the Hebrew "moshava" offers him work sometimes, whose wages are higher than his income from his humble tenancy. But, first, we cannot guarantee that we can supply him with 430
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regular work, and second, when we do this we deal unkindly with him, as when we supply him with work in the "moshava" founded on his land, he can avoid parting with the land that nurtured and fed him from the day he was born, and he continues to look upon it now as its owner, who has been temporarily exploited by strangers. The work we give the Arab will never, in his eyes, compensate him for his land that was taken from under him; he will accept the good, but will not forget the evil."
I. Epstein, A Hidden Question, published in Hashiloach 17, 1907. Reproduced in "Between Zion and Zionism", Open University of Israel, unit 11 p. 50 (in Hebrew).

From the 3 excerpts above, what were the sources of friction between Jews and Arabs in Eretz Yisrael? Could they have been avoided or ameliorated, and if so how? Which parallels to the hostilities between American pioneers and Indians are you reminded of?

Songs of the first aliyot (search http://www.shiron.net/ for Hebrew words): Rachel's poems put to music (there's a Chava Alberstein album, but many artists perform single songs): Other songs: . : . : .- . : : : .

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