Marko Lukic November 24, 2012 GLOA 600-002 Final Paper

Globalization, Conflict, And Anarchy: The Impact of Statelessness In Somalia

Introduction The East African Republic of Somalia has had a rough experience on their road towards economic development. Its recent two decades have been defined by civil war, extreme poverty, and lawlessness. Since the collapse of the central government just over 20 years ago, Somalia has become one of the poorest countries in the world, burdened by high levels of malnutrition and illness. Less than 30 percent of the population has access to safe drinking water, and even less has access to adequate healthcare facilities. As of last year, nearly half of the population was considered to be in a state of crisis as conflict, accompanied by severe droughts and elevating food prices have caused widespread famine across the country (UNDP, 2012). Violent conflict has been a major issue in Somalia, particularly in the southern and central regions of the country where clan

warfare runs rampant and the federal government is unable to tranquilize the continual fighting. The internationally recognized Somali central government is essentially ineffective, having little to no control over a vast majority of its own territory and is constantly being burdened by internal political struggles. Today, Somalia is considered a failed state, having topped the failed state index for two years in a row now. Due to the collapse of the government, lawlessness and anarchy continue to be a huge problem as fundamentalist terrorist organizations, such as the Al-Shabaab, are increasingly gaining control over certain areas of the country. Along with tough geographical and environmental factors, the growing conflict in Somalia has made it even more difficult for the government to act as a central authority and govern their own state. In this paper, I will analyze the effects of globalization on Somalia and try to discern whether these effects have positively or negatively influenced the country, despite anarchy and lawlessness. I believe that due to a lack of central authority and an increase in internal conflict, the gains from globalization have been very limited for Somalia and its citizens. I will draw much of my research from databases such as the CIA World Factbook, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Human Developmental Report, the UNICEF website, and numerous academic literatures. From this research, I plan to highlight the broad ranges of effects globalization can have on a society struggling to maintain order and peace. I conclude that, in order to reap benefits from globalization, there must be a strong and abled central government in place to provide proper enforcements and regulations for its people.

Background In 1960, Somalia gained its independence from Italy and Great Britain and both previously colonized territories were unified in order to form the Somali Republic. During this time, politics were extremely divided internally by clanship, and high tensions between ex-British and ex-Italian traditions were deeply rooted within the structure of both social and political life. There were many internal struggles for power at the wake of the new republics establishment. As a result, the president at that time, Abdirashid Ali Shermarke, was assassinated by one of his own bodyguards in 1969 (Lewis, 2004). The leader in charge of this coup dtat was a man by the name of Mohammed Siad Barre, who ceased power later that year. He formed the Somali Democratic Republic and implemented a system of governance strongly based upon the beliefs of Scientific Socialism. He attempted to suppress any traces of clanism by stressing the importance of loyalty to central authorities. While doing so, he began to nationalize industries, businesses, and banks, and stripped many citizens of their private property. Due to his strong ties to socialism, the Soviet Union was an ally of Barres regime and supplied his government with weaponry, but his government still lacked adequate military expertise. Barre was considered an oppressive military dictator whose repressive policies led to more internal political discomfort and strife (Clark, 1993). Internal conflict heightened in 1978 after Barres attempt to annex a predominantly Somali populated region of Ethiopia was unsuccessful. This territorial dispute over the region of Ogaden began on July 1977 and lasted until March 1978. It is often referred to as the Ogaden War or the Ethio-Somali War. During this particular

conflict, the Soviets switched their support from Somalia to Ethiopia, which prompted the U.S. to become involved and support Barre. However, when Barre lost the war he began to lose a lot of internal support as well. Eventually his own army generals would attempt a coup dtat against his regime. This infuriated Barre and he went on to execute all alleged ringleaders and army officers involved (Tareke, 2000). Following the coup attempt, Barres policies became more oppressive and totalitarian than ever before. As a result, resistance towards his regime grew rapidly and clanism began to increase throughout the country. Any loyalty that existed towards the central government quickly diminished. An increase in government repression and corruption, intense clan-cleavages and animosities, and a struggling economy all contributed to the eventual collapse of the Somali state. In the spring of 1986, Barre began to attack clan-based rebel groups with his special forces called the Red Berets, which marked the beginning of the Somali Revolution. Barre was eventually overthrown in 1991 when the United Somali Congress (USC), a coalition of numerous clans led by warlord Mohammed Farrah Aidid, attacked Mogadishu and ceased control of the capital city. Aidid became the self-proclaimed president of the country but was not internationally recognized as such. Barre fled the country and eventually died of a heart attack in Lagos, Nigeria (Menkhaus, 2007). In 1992 the U.N. decided to intervene to stop Aidid from gaining more power. Various U.N. Security Council Resolutions mandated the provision of humanitarian aid and relief and the use of military force to help restore order and peace in Somalia. The U.S. military attacked militia forces loyal to Aidid in Mogadishu on the third and fourth of October 1993. A total of 18 U.S. soldiers were killed, 84 wounded, and two helicopters

were shot down. By October seventh, President Clinton ordered for all troops to evacuate the area. By the spring of 1995 all UN personnel eventually withdrew from Somalia as well (Snyder, 2001). Since the retirement of U.N. operations, Somalia has been engulfed in violent conflict that has threatened human and national security. Various factions fighting for control over territory has resulted in chaos, lawlessness and a breach of the provision of public goods and services. In 2000, the first internationally recognized government since Barres regime was established. It was called the Transitional National Government (TNG) and only lasted for four years before becoming dismantled due to various internal problems. In 2004, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) was formed but still continued to struggle to maintain control over the country (Menkhaus, 2007). The TFGs interim mandate ended in August 2012, and a new constitution was drafted, officially ending the countrys period of transition. On August 20th, the first permanent government was established under the name of the Federal Government of Somalia (CIA, 2012). Though its era of transitional governance is over and a permanent system is in place, this does not mean Somalias problems are solved. The country still has a long way to go in order to ensure a better quality of life for its citizens, and is essentially still very much in a period of transition as the government attempts to restore its national duties.

Globalization and its Effects While Somalia has been experiencing a turbulent political climate, the world around it has been changing as well. Today, ideas from all areas of the globe are shared

with growing ease and availability. Goods and services are being traded freely between countries and multinational corporations more and more each day. Due to advancements in transportation and technology, more people are able to travel and communicate with each other via resources such as the internet. Technology and innovation have spurred a new way of thinking and changed our conventional wisdom in so many ways. Today, the idea of neoliberalism dominates most political and economic structures, which has altered the world and the way we view it. Globalization has led to the spread of capital around the world. There have been many positive effects from globalization and interconnectedness of nation-states and their economic and political structures. However, globalization has also caused an increase in inequality, as the spread of capital is unevenly distributed among the worlds rich and poor. Inequality among individual countries may be slowly diminishing, but that is mainly because a small number of social elites in each country own most of the capital wealth, while the bulk of the population rarely reaps any benefits whatsoever. In other words, the rich keep getting richer, but the poor keep getting poorer. The income gap is widening within each individual country of the world. In Somalia, only a small percentage of the entire population has been able to experience benefits of globalization, while the majority doesnt even have access to clean water or sanitation, living under conditions of extreme poverty. Globalization and market liberalization have led to both unity and divergence of global perspectives. The growing interconnectedness of economic, political, and social networks between different cultures and peoples has helped lead to an increase in conflicts around the world due to the clash of opposing beliefs and ideologies.

Globalization has made these differences more apparent while repeatedly reinforcing them because people are more connected. As the magnitude of globalization intensifies, the various counter-movements against it increase in scope and popularity as well. These efforts of resistance have sometimes been in the form of peaceful protests, while other groups have utilized organized terror techniques and violence to get their points across. Due to the technological advancement of the late twentieth century, terrorist and criminal organizations have been able to globalize their ideologies and spread their influences around the globe at an alarming rate. In todays new economy, non-state actors, both illegal and legal, have played integral roles on the international stage. Characteristics of globalization, such as open trade, have essentially created a borderless world, which have made it easier for criminal networks to carry out their transactions and activities across international borders. An example of this would be the growing dominance of Al-Shabaab in Somalia who are heavily funded and supported by Al Qaeda. Nevertheless, there have undoubtedly been many positive effects from global trade and market liberalization as well, and no credit should be taken from that. However, this also does not mean that we should simply ignore the negatives. Another product of globalization is the emergence of regional organizations through bilateral or multilateral negotiations. We have seen this in Somalia through UN interventions, and most recently with the efforts of the African Union (AU). Though some success has been accomplished, international efforts to try and repair the current situation in Somalia have experienced many shortcomings due to the magnitude of anarchy and lawlessness. One can even go as far as to argue that international efforts

have worsened conditions and caused even more conflict by indirectly prompting the emergence of radical groups resistant to foreign intervention. The Somali government is too weak to combat the various factions fighting over territorial dominance. It is also too weak and corrupt to properly allocate its resources and provide goods and services for its people. It has proven to be ineffective in properly being able to convert capital into economic growth and for all these reasons, the most positive characteristics of globalization have been unable to penetrate Somali culture and social life. Somalia must find a way to strengthen its state, while promoting democracy and freedom in order to increase the standards of living of most of its population.

Research and Analysis In order to gain a better understanding of the effect globalization has had on Somalia despite statelessness and anarchy, I have done research and found information regarding Somalias development. I analyze two sides of the argument; one side comprised mainly of economists, who believe that Somalia has shown signs of improvement since state collapse in 1991, and the other side, mainly political scientists and scholars who disagree with this notion. On the pro-anarchic side of the dispute, Peter T. Leeson, an economics professor at George Mason University, claims that developmental indicators have proven that statelessness has led to an overall increase in the standards of living of Somalis. Leeson is a very strong advocate of lesser government and privatization and at times has even been categorized as an anarcho-capitalist. According to his research, he believes that the collapse of Barres regime has facilitated a renewal in economic activity and

entrepreneurship, which have encouraged local competition and led to economic development. However, after doing my own research, I believe that the reason why some indicators show signs of economic and social progress are because certain regions of Somalia, particularly in the north, have performed better relative to the south and central portions of the country. Economic indicators from these relatively successful regions make it seem like all of Somalia has been improving. However, this is not the case. I have discovered that the self-declared independent states of Somaliland and Puntland have essentially established their own autonomous governments. These northern regions have therefore statistically shown signs of structural and economic development while the economic situation in the lawless southern and central portions of Somalia have worsened. The figures from Somaliland and Puntland contribute to an overall improvement in economic and social statistical indicators, which make it seem like the whole country has been performing better, which is false. Somaliland and Puntland have developed their own organized systems of governance to fill the void of the weak Somali federal government. For example, Somaliland has been able to accomplish their own system of efficient state building by implementing regulations, taxation, and price controls. These are all characteristics and functions of a central government. Their organized system of governance has encouraged the establishment of many new businesses, which has led to an increase in local economic activity and competition. Somaliland is also generally safer than other areas of Somalia.

Leesons argument is that anarchy has been a variable to economic growth; however, this has evidently not been the case. The areas in which anarchy is most prevalent are areas where there are no actual functioning central authority, and thus are the most impoverished parts of the country. In other words, the areas in which anarchy actually exists are the areas that the Somali federal government technically has control over, but due to inter-clan warfare and conflict it has been unable to properly govern these territories. Therefore, the central government has not proven itself as a legitimate authoritative entity, allowing lawlessness and chaos to increase. The fact is that the central government is too weak to function properly and unfortunately is not regarded as a legitimate power in the eyes of its own citizens. Therefore, Leesons argument is contradictory because Somaliland and Puntland are essentially independent states with their own central governments and are thus the most economically successful. Some examples of lack of government capacity are its inability to provide clean and safe drinking water and inability to provide access to sanitation for most of its population. According to Peter Leeson, the population with access to clean drinking water has remained the same at 29% since pre-statelessness. To verify this I checked UNICEFs website and it was indeed 29% as of 2010 (UNICEF, 2012). Access to sanitation has improved from 18% in 1990 to 23% in 2012, however in Somaliland and Puntland the population with access to sanitation is 40% and 43.7% respectably (UNDP, 2012). This as an indication that the regional governments of Somaliland and Puntland are better suited to provide basic needs for their citizens, as compared to the rest of Somalia.

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To try and explain the relative success of Somalias northern provinces, we must take an historical outlook to analyze the effects that globalization and colonization have had. Somaliland was the part of Somalia that was occupied by Great Britain during colonization, while the southern and central parts of the country were occupied by Italy (Menkhaus, 2007). The British had a more decentralized and democratic form of governance than that of the Italians, who were fascist at that particular time in history (Lewis, 2004). Perhaps this, and the fact that the Italians were on the losing side of World War II, has something to do with why the North is much more developed than the southern and central regions of Somalia. From 1941 to 1949 the British Military Administration governed the former British, Italian, and Ethiopian territories of Somalia and experienced significant development through various channels of foreign influence. At this time, there was an expansion in the development of radio and press as programs and stations from all around the world played freely throughout the British territories of Somalia. The education system also improved as establishment of local schools and scholarship programs for study abroad confirmed this process of modernization (Lewis, 2004). By 1935 most Somali towns were underdeveloped or at least were within the early stages of development, and a lack of economic growth lasted in the South until fascist Italian rule began to dissipate between 1937 and 1940. When the British government took over former Italian territories they attempted to democratize the territories by promoting Somali trade and business while removing previous restrictions on social and political activities set forth by the Italians (Lewis, 2004).

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However, a consequence of British imperial rule was the emergence of nationalist Islamic movements who aimed to wage jihad against Christian colonial authorities. The founding of the Somali Islamic Association in the early 1920s was one of the first signs of stirrings of modern political activity in British Somaliland (Lewis, 2004). Resistances to globalization have existed throughout the whole twentieth century, however more recently they have taken on more violent forms as a defense mechanism against globalization and westernization. A more recent example of a resistance to globalization is the formation of an AlQaeda satellite organization known as Al-Shabaab. The organization claims to be fighting a holy war of Jihad against foreign enemies throughout the Horn of Africa. They are a fundamentalist group whose goal is to fight Western interests and set up radical Islamic states throughout the region. They are heavily supported and funded by a larger global network of terrorism, which has helped them succeed in their fight against modernization and democratization (UNDP, 2012). The event that specifically led to their emergence was an attack infiltrated by Ethiopian troops in 2006 that killed hundreds of Somali youth. Ethiopias efforts were to help support and protect the TFG against a resistance party called the Supreme Council of Islamic Courts (SCIC). The Ethiopians eventually defeated the SCIC and the organization dismantled into various groups. This led to the formation of more radically Islamic factions, including the Al-Shabaab. They currently control most of southern Somalia, including certain districts of Mogadishu, limiting the federal governments capacity and ability to govern this particular region of the country (UNDP, 2012).

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Al-Shabaab often uses tactics of intimidation, forced recruitment, economic incentives, and jihadist indoctrination to spread their influences. They recruit children as young as the age of nine, brain wash them, and utilize them for their own military purposes and gains. The Somali youth is mainly being recruited from schools or refugee camps in both Somalia and surrounding countries. On average, these kids are usually between the ages of 14 and 18. Al-Shabaab unfortunately is not the only organization involved with such activities. In Mogadishu and surrounding areas there are is a large number of non-state actors, including; criminal gangs, freelance militias, political/radical armed groups, clan militias, and private/market/neighborhood security groups who recruit children at a very young age. Unfortunately, due to lack of proper government enforcement, many of these young kids become involved in a wide range of criminal activities, such as piracy and illicit drug trade (UNDP, 2012). Criminality and violent conflict are a major issue in southern and central Somalia. According to a survey conducted by UNDP, 26.8% of youth in south-central Somalia have experienced physical attacks, 7.10% experienced property crime, 16.2% experienced forced detention, 5.3% experienced sexual violence/rape, and 2.2% experienced kidnapping/abduction all within the last year. For youth in Somaliland the figures were: 6.9%, 2.9%, 1.5%, 3.2%, and 1.6% in all the same categories, respectably (UNDP, 2012). Piracy has also become a major concern in Somalia. The civil war and state collapse have contributed to overall insecurity, international terrorism, and environmental degradation. A lack of central authority and a proper police force, extreme poverty and

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unemployment, and easy access to weapons have made it extremely easy for piracy to flourish. As of 2008, Puntland has been the most vulnerable for piracy because of its geographic location. Illegal fishing by foreigners has contributed to a rise in piracy throughout the Somali coast. Since the collapse of the Somali fishing industry about 15 years ago, African, Asian, and European ships have been heavily exploiting their territorial waters. This has angered many Somali fishermen and caused a resistance against foreign encroachment on their territorial waters. As a result, an escalation in pirate attacks against commercial ships and innocent seafarers has occurred over recent years (UNDP, 2012). The number of pirate attacks has been increasing each year. There were 44 recorded attacks in 2007, 111 in 2008, 217 in 2009, and in 2010 that number spiked to 4,185. These attacks consisted of firearms and rocket propelled grenades, and in 2010 alone 1,090 seafarers were taken hostage and 516 were used as human shields. Despite the horrific nature of these crimes, they are believed to be highly underreported. Piracy is unfortunately an issue that cannot be stopped without proper government enforcement. In 2009 the African Union (AU) began their mission in Somalia (AMISOM) with a mandate to support the transitional government in stabilizing the region. Their mandate is to implement a national security plan, train Somali security forces, and assist in creating a safe enough environment for the delivery of humanitarian aid (AU, 2012). AMISOM has been doing many great things for the people of Somalia by empowering women and youth and promoting human security. The help of regional organizations and neighboring countries in times of dire need is certainly an upside to globalization and the

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AU is a clear example of this. Nonetheless, their successes are limited and they often experience many shortcomings due to various organizations such as Al-Shabaab who are determined to stop their interventionist efforts at all costs.

Concluding Thoughts Globalization has directly and indirectly shaped the current conflict in Somalia in many different ways. During the 19th and 20th centuries, colonization created outposts for dominant European superpowers to conquer and exploit resources for their own profitable gain while implementing their own ideals locally. This process was the earliest sign of globalization and westernization. Particular regions developed faster than others because of certain advantages during colonization, such as the case of the former British territory of Somaliland. Other regions were disadvantaged, like southern Somalia, which was occupied by an oppressive fascist regime. When colonialism ended globalization took on new forms of existence. Today, there are regional and international organizations with common economic, political, or security objectives that have brought nation-states closer together. In addition, non-state actors play a bigger role than ever before, changing the way we view our global structure. Global interconnectedness has undoubtedly brought forth many innovative ways of thinking and beneficial outcomes such as advancements in transportation and the spread of technology and information. However, bringing the world closer together has also had its negative consequences as well.

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Somalia is just one example of how global terrorism and criminal networks have furthered conflict and internal violence while threatening human and national security. Statelessness and anarchy have made it easier for conflict to prevail and for radicalism to emerge. Al-Shabaab and other organizations alike are an indirect result of globalization. They have emerged in response to foreign intervention while belonging to a greater global network of terrorism in which they align their interests with. Nevertheless, globalization is an inevitable process that will continue to either unite or cause cleavages in society. Therefore, perhaps conflict is an inevitable byproduct of globalization that we must learn to deal with. Hopefully one day mankind will be able to use globalization to its advantage more effectively in order to ensure peace and security and avoid further crises and social maladies.

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References
1. UNDP (2012). Human Developmental Report 2012 Somalia. New York: UNDP. http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/national/africa/somalia/Somalia%20Report%20201 2. Pdf. 2. Lewis, I. M. (2004). The Somali Paradox. Journal of the International African Institute. 74(4). pp. 489-515. Pdf. 3. Clark, J. (1993). Debacle in somalia. Foreign Affairs, 72(1), pp. 109-23. Pdf. 4. Tareke, G. (2000). The ethiopia-somalia war of 1977 revisited. The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 33(3), pp. 635-67. Pdf. 5. Menkhaus, K. (2007). Governance without government in somalia: Spoilers, state building, and the politics of coping. International Security, 31(3), 74-106. 6. Snyder, R. (August, 2001). Operation restore hope/battle of mogadishu. http://novaonline.nvcc.edu/eli/evans/his135/Events/Somalia93/Somalia93.html 7. CIA (2012). World Fact Book 2012 Somalia. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/so.html#top 8. Leeson , P. (2007). Better off stateless: Somalia before and after government collapse. 9. UNICEF (2012). Progress Report Somalia. http://www.unicef.org/videoaudio/PDFs/APR_Progress_Report_2012_final. Pdf. 10. African Union (2012). Amisom: African union mission in somalia. http://amisomau.org/about/amisom-mandate/

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