The

Present
Age
Robert Nisbet
The
Present Age
Progress and
Anarchy in
Modern America
Robert Nisbet
amagi
Libert, Iuno
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Frinteo in the Uniteo States of America
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Nisbet, Robert A.
The present age: progress ano anarch, in mooern America
Robert Nisbet.
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isnx o-86q-oq-8 pbk.: alk. paper,
:. Uniteo StatesDefensesEconomic aspectsHistor,
.oth centur,. .. Bureaucrac,Uniteo StatesHistor,.oth
centur,. . Ieoeral governmentUniteo StatesHistor,
.oth centur,. . State, The. . Worlo politics:q:q8q.
6. Uniteo StatesIoreign relations.oth centur,. . Uniteo
StatesSocial conoitions. I. Title.
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Contents
Iorevoro vii
i. The Frevalence of War
ii. The Nev Absolutism
iii. The Loose Inoivioual
Epilogue
Inoex
+ o c . no r i x r , o x c r xo n r
Foreword
It is tempting in this ,ear of the bicentennial of the Constitution to speculate
on the probable reactions of the Iramers to the proouct of their labors ano
aspirations as it stanos tooa, in the vorlo tvo full centuries after its incep-
tion. Such speculation neeo not be altogether fanciful. Some constitutional
lav,ers speak of recovering the original intent of the Iramers, a not im-
possible feat given the clarit, of the oocument itself ano the abunoance of
ancillar, sources of the Iramers vievs on government. If original intent can
be reasonabl, retrieveo after tvo hunoreo ,ears, vh, not probable reaction
to the present age in America`
What voulo the Iramers be most struck b, in America tooa,` I mean
after the, hao recovereo from the shock of seeing clean, strong, vhite teeth
insteao of oeca,eo ,ellov stumps in the mouths of their oescenoants; after
the, hao assimilateo the fact of the astounoing number of Americans vho
vere neither crippleo, oisease-vasteo, nor pockmarkeo from smallpox; ano,
of course, after the, hao taken rapt e,es o the high-speeo vehicles on the
streets` After these astonishments, vhat reactions might there be to the po-
litical ano cultural scene`
Three aspects of the present age in America voulo surel, orav their im-
meoiate, concerneo, ano perhaps increoulous attention.
Iirst, the prominence of var in American life since :q:, amounting to
a virtual Sevent,-Iive Years War, ano vith this the staggering size of the
American militar, establishment since Worlo War II. The Iramers hao re-
lieo on tvo broao oceans for the license to oraft the most nonmilitar, con-
stitution imaginable.
Secono, the Leviathan-like presence of the national government in the af-
fairs of states, tovns, ano cities, ano in the lives, craole to grave, of inoiviou-
als. The Iramers hao vorkeo most oiligentl, to prevent an, future h,pertro-
ph, of the feoeral government. The, hao particularl, oislikeo the spravling
bureaucracies of Europe in their oa,.
Thiro, the number of Americans vho seem onl, loosel, attacheo to
| viii | Foreword
groups ano values such as kinship, communit,, ano propert,, ano vhose lives
are so plainl, governeo b, the cash nexus.
In the pages folloving, I have enlargeo upon these three aspects of the
present scene in America.
Since this book contains in aoapteo form m, :q88 eerson Lecture in
Washington, D.C., I vish to express m, oeep appreciation to the National
Council of Humanities for inviting me to oeliver the lecture ano m, thanks
to Dr. L,nne V. Chene,, Chairman of the National Enoovment of the Hu-
manities, for her kino interest ano aio in the presentation of the lecture. I
thank also Hugh Van Dusen, Senior Eoitor at Harper 8 Rov, for his special
help ano encouragement.
The
Present
Age
I
The Prevalence of War
Of all faces of the present age in America, the militar, face voulo almost
certainl, prove the most astounoing to an, Iramers of the Constitution, an,
Iounoers of the Republic vho came back to inspect their creation on the
occasion of the bicentennial. It is inoeeo an imposing face, the militar,. Well
over three hunoreo billion oollars a ,ear go into its maintenance; it is oe-
plo,eo in several oozen countries arouno the vorlo. The returneo Iramers
voulo not be surpriseo to learn that so vast a militar, has inexorable eects
upon the econom,, the structure of government, ano even the culture of
Americans; the, hao vitnesseo such eects in Europe from afar, ano hao
not likeo vhat the, sav. What voulo ooubtless astonish the Iramers most,
though, is that their precious republic has become an imperial pover in the
vorlo, much like the Great Britain the, hao hateo in the eighteenth cen-
tur,. Iinall,, the Iramers voulo almost certainl, svoon vhen the, learneo
that America has been participant in the Sevent,-Iive Years War that has
gone on, rarel, punctuateo, since :q:. Ano all of this, the Iramers voulo
sorrovfull, no, oone unoer the selfsame structure of government the, hao
themselves built.
Clearl,, the American Constitution vas oesigneo for a people more inter-
esteo in governing itself than in helping to govern the rest of the vorlo. The
nev nation hao the priceless aovantage of tvo great oceans oivioing it from
the turbulences of Europe ano Asia. Fermanent or even frequent var vas
the last thing an, thoughtful American of the time voulo think of as a seri-
ous threat. Fover to oeclare var coulo be safel, left to the Congress, ano
leaoership of the militar, to a civilian commanoer in chief, the presioent.
Let the presioent have nominal stevaroship of foreign polic, but let the Sen-
ate have the pover to aovise ano consent, ano the entire Congress the pover
of purse over foreign polic, ano var.
It vas ingenious, absolutel, ioeal for a nation clearl, oestineo to peace
| . | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
ano to the cultivation of the arts ano sciences. Agriculture, commerce, ano
manufacture vere the proper ano highl, probable oirection of the Ameri-
can future. The states, to vhich an abunoance of povers ano rights vere left
b, the Constitution, voulo be the true motors of American prosperit,.
We oio a ver, gooo job, on the vhole, of avoioing the traps ano en-
tanglements of the vorlo for the rst hunoreo ano tvent,-ve ,ears, ano
even maoe bolo to varn the Olo Worlo that its presence in the Western
Hemisphere, hovever brief, voulo be regaroeo vith suspicion. Then things
changeo.
The present age in American histor, begins vith the Great War. When the
guns of August openeo re in :q:, no one in America coulo have reasonabl,
foreseen that vithin three ,ears that foreign var not onl, voulo have oravn
America into it but also voulo have, b, the sheer magnituoe of the changes
it brought about on the American scene, set the nation on another course
from vhich it has not oeviateo signicantl, since. The Great War vas the
setting of Americas entr, into mooernit,economic, political, social, ano
cultural. B, :q.o the countr, hao passeo, vithin a mere three ,ears, from
the premooern to the oistinctl, ano ineaceabl, mooern. Gone forever nov
the age of American innocence.
When the var broke out in Europe in :q: America vas still, remarkabl,,
strikingl,, prett, much the same countr, in moral, social, ano cultural re-
spects that it hao been for a centur,. We vere still, in :q:, a people rooteo
largel, in the mentalit, of the village ano small tovn, still suspicious of
large cities ano the st,les of living that vent vith these cities. The states
vere immensel, important, just as the Iounoing Iathers ano the Iramers
hao intenoeo them to be. It vas haro to no a trul, national culture, a na-
tional consciousness, in :q:. The Civil War hao, of course, removeo forever
philosophical, as vell as activel, political, ooubts of the realit, of the Union
as a sovereign state. But in terms of habits of mino, customs, traoitions,
folk literature, inoeeo vritten literature, speech accent, oress, ano so forth,
America coulo still be lookeo at as a miscellan, of cultures helo together,
but not othervise much inuenceo, b, the feoeral government in Washing-
ton. Ior the vast majorit, of Americans, from east to vest, north to south,
the principal, if not sole, link vith the national government vas the postal
s,stemano perhaps also the feoeral income tax, vhich vas approveo at
long last b, constitutional amenoment in :q:.
The Prevalence of War | |
The Great War changeo all of this. B, November :q:8 after four ,ears of
var in Europe ano nearl, tvo ,ears of it for America, the vhole vorlo vas
changeo, Europe itself ceaseo in substantial oegree to be a containeo civili-
zation, ano the Uniteo States, after close to tvo ,ears of vhat can onl, be
calleo vrenching militar, nationalism unoer the charismatic WooorovWil-
son, vas brought at last into the mooern vorlo of nations. State lo,alties ano
appeals to states rights voulo not vanish overnight; the, arent gone ,et in
constitutional lav, ano arent likel, to be. But vhereas prior to :q: one still
sav the gravamen of American oevelopment in the four oozen states, prov-
inces in European terms, b, :q.o, it hao shifteo to the national culture,
vith the states becoming increasingl, archaic.
The Great War, unvanteo b, an, nation, even German,, unexpecteo,
reall,, until it burst oevastatingl, ano irreversibl, upon Europe, vas at its
height b, far the largest, bloooiest, cruelest, inoeeo most savage in histor,.
Churchill vrote:
All the horrors of all the ages vere brought together, ano not onl, armies
but vhole populations vere thrust into the miost of them. . . . Neither
peoples nor rulers orev the line at an, oeeo vhich the, thought voulo
help them to vin. German,, having let Hell loose, kept vell in the van of
terror; but she vas folloveo step b, step b, the oesperate ano ultimatel,
avenging nations she hao assaileo. Ever, outrage against humanit, or
international lav vas repaio b, reprisalsoften of a greater scale ano
of longer ouration. No truce or parle, mitigateo the strife of the armies.
The vounoeo oieo betveen the lines: the oeao mouloereo in the soil.
Merchant ships ano neutral ships ano hospital ships vere sunk on the
seas ano all on boaro left to their fate or killeo as the, svam. Ever,
eort vas maoe to starve vhole nations into submission vithout regaro
to age or sex. Cities ano monuments vere smasheo b, artiller,. Bombs
from the air vere cast oovn inoiscriminatel,. Foison gas in man, forms
stieo or seareo their booies. Liquio re vas projecteo upon their booies.
Men fell from the air in ames, or vere smothereo, often slovl,, in the
oark recesses of the sea. The ghting strength of armies vas limiteo onl,
b, the manhooo of their countries. Europe ano large parts of Asia ano
Africa became one vast battleelo on vhich after ,ears of struggle not
armies but nations broke ano ran. When all vas over, Torture ano Can-
nibalism vere the onl, tvo expeoients that the civilizeo, scientic, Chris-
| | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
tian States hao been able to oen, themselves: ano the, vere of ooubtful
utilit,.
*
The greatest single ,ielo of the Iirst Worlo War vas, hovever, none of
the above; it vas the Secono Worlo War, vhich came a bare quarter of a cen-
tur, after the Iirst, germinateo ano let loose b, the appalling consequences
of :q:8, chief among them the spavning of the totalitarian state, rst in Rus-
sia, then in Ital, ano, cruciall, in the eno, in German, unoer Hitler. Worlo
War II vas fought, of course, on a much vioer front, or set of fronts, than
its preoecessor. There vas no part of the globe that vas not toucheo in one
va, or other. Irom the Secono Worlo War, ociall, enoeo in late :q, has
come a rash of vars ouring the last fort, ,ears, chief among them the Colo
War betveen the Soviet Union ano the Uniteo States. But ve shoulo not
overlook the oozens of other vars fought ouring this perioo, in Asia, Africa,
the Mioole East, the Iar East, Oceania, ano so on. Betveen the last shot
reo in :q ano the present moment, var, somevhere at some time, has
been the rule, peace the exception.
There is ever, reason for referring to the Sevent,-Iive Years War of
the tventieth centur,, for that is about the length of the perioo of vars that
began in :q: ano, vith onl, brief punctuations of peace, continues through
this ,ear, certainl, the next, ano to vhat nal enoing` In so referring to
tventieth-centur, var, ve are onl, folloving the preceoent of vhat ve reao
routinel, in our textbooks of European histor, about the Hunoreo Years
War at the eno of the Mioole Ages. That var also hao its punctuations of
peace, or at least absence of overt hostilities.
War is inoeeo hell in just about ever, one of its manifestations through his-
tor,. But for human beings ouring the past several thousano ,ears it has
plainl, hao its attractions, ano also its boons for humanit,. The general vho
saio it is gooo that var is so hioeous; othervise ve shoulo become too fono
of it spoke knovingl, of the mental vealth that inheres in most vars
along vith the mental ano ph,sical illth. So practical ano pragmatic a
mino as William ames believeo that ve neeoeo a moral equivalent of var
as the means of attaining the gooo qualities of var vithout entailing the evil
ones.
* Citeo in Martin Gilbert, Winston S. Churchill, Vol. , Boston, Houghton Miin
Co., :q66, pp. q::.
The Prevalence of War | |
Without vars through the ages, ano the contacts ano intermixtures of
peoples the,ano for countless aeons the, aloneinstigateo, humanit,
voulo quite possibl, be mireo in the torpor ano sloth, the fruits of cultural
ano mental isolation, vith vhich its histor, begins. Before traoe ano com-
merce broke oovn cultural barriers ano ,ieloeo crossbreeoing of ioeas as
vell as genetic s,stems, vars vere the sole agencies of such crossbreeoing.
Inoivioualism, so vital to creativit,, vas born of mingling of peoples, vith
their contrasting cultural cooesthe ver, oiversit, aioing in the release of
inoiviouals from prior localism ano parochialism, alva,s the price of cul-
tural insularit,.
War ano changepolitical ano economic foremost, but social ano cul-
tural not far behinohave been linkeo in America from the beginning. War
vas the necessar, factor in the birth of the nev American republic, as it has
been in the birth of ever, political state knovn to us in histor,. War, chie,
the Civil War, in U.S. histor, has been a vital force in the rise of inoustrial
capitalism, in the change of America from a oominantl, agrarian ano pas-
toral countr, to one chie, manufacturing in nature. War, in focusing the
mino of a countr,, stimulates inventions, oiscoveries, ano fresh aoaptations.
Despite its manifest illth, var, b, the simple fact of the intellectual ano social
changes it instigates, ,ielos results vhich are tonic to aovancement.
B, all ooos, the most important var in U.S. histor,, the var that releaseo
the greatest number ano oiversit, of changes in American life, vas the Great
War, the var that began in Europe in August :q: ano engulfeo the Uniteo
States in April :q:. Great changes in America vere immeoiate.
In large measure these changes reecteo a release from the sense of isola-
tion, insularit,, ano exceptionalism that hao suuseo so much of the Ameri-
can mino ouring the nineteenth centur,. The earl, Furitans hao seen their
nev lano as a cit, upon a hill vith the e,es of the vorlo on it. It vas
not proper for the Nev Worlo to go to the Olo for its eoication; vhat vas
proper vas for the Olo Worlo, grovn feeble ano hioebouno, to come to
America for inspiration. A great oeal of that state of mino entereo into vhat
Tocqueville calleo the American Religion, a religion compounoeo of Furi-
tanism ano ecstatic nationalism.
What ve think of tooa, as mooernit,in manners ano morals as vell
as ioeas ano mechanical thingscame into full-blovn existence in Europe
in the nal part of the nineteenth centur,, its centers such cities as Lon-
oon, Faris, ano Vienna. In contrast America vas a closeo societ,, one
| 6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
steepeo in conventionalit, ano also in a struggle for ioentit,. This vas hov
man, Europeans sav America ano it vas emphaticall, hov certain some-
vhat more sophisticateo ano cosmopolitan Americans sav themselves. The
grano tour vas a veritable obligation of better-o, ambitious, ano eoucateo
Americansthe tour being, of course, of Europe.
Fossibl, the passage of American values, ioeas, ano st,les from closeo
to open, from the isolateo to the cosmopolitan societ,, voulo have taken
place, albeit more slovl,, hao there been no transatlantic var of :q::q:8.
We cant be sure. What ve oo knov is that the var, ano Americas entrance
into it, gave o,namic impact to the processes of secularization, inoivioual-
ization, ano other kinos of social-ps,chological change vhich so orasticall,
changeo this countr, from the America of the turn of the centur, to the
America of the :q.os.
War, sucientl, large, encompassing, ano persisting, is one of the most
poverful meoia of social ano culturalano also material, ph,sical, ano me-
chanicalchange knovn to man. It vas in circumstances of var in primor-
oial times that the political state arose, ano at the expense of the kinship
oroer that hao from the beginning been the inoiviouals sole communit,.
Ever since, var has hao a nourishing eect upon the state; it is the health of
the state, Ranoolph Bourne observeo oarkl, but accuratel,, vhen America
vent to var in :q:. Werner Sombart, historian of capitalism, oevoteo a vol-
ume to the tonic eects of var on the rise ano oevelopment of capitalism.
But no less true is Max Webers pronouncement of var ano the barracks life
of varriors as the true cause of communism. War communism preceoes, in-
oeeo gives birth to, civil communism, Weber argueo. The Communism of
Soviet Russia has been baseo fromthe ver, beginning upon var preparation,
upon the Reo Arm, ano its absolute pover in the Soviet state.
War tenos to stimulate intellectual ano cultural ferment if onl, because
of the mixture of ioeas ano values that is a b,-proouct of combat, of victor,
ano oefeat, in an, var. In both vorlo vars, millions of Americans, men ano
vomen alike, knev the broaoening ano enriching eects of travel abroao,
of stations in exotic places for the rst time, as the result of enlistment or
conscription. Granteo that some vere killeo. Iar more vere not.
War tenos to break up the cake of custom, the net of traoition. B, so
ooing, especiall, in times of crisis, it allovs the inoivioual a better chance of
being seen ano hearo in the interstices, in the crevasses openeo b, the crack-
ing up of olo customs, statuses, ano conventionalities. This vas remarkabl,
The Prevalence of War | |
true once the European var toucheo the millions of lives vhich hao been
for so long familiar vith onl, the authorities ano rh,thms of an existence
largel, rural ano prett, much limiteo to tovns of the hinterlano.
Loro Br,ce, vho loveo America, vas nevertheless forceo to oevote a
chapter in his The American Commonwealth, publisheo in the late nineteenth
centur,, to vhat he calleo the uniformit, of American life. He vas struck
b, the sameness of the builoings, houses, streets, fooo, orink, ano oress in
tovn after tovn, village after village, as he crosseo ano recrosseo the countr,
b, rail. Not even one great capital, one ourishing cit,, Br,ce felt obligeo
to report in his classic. That, hovever, vas before the Great War ano its
transformation of the Uniteo States. It brought the literature of release
in the novels of Sinclair Levis, Shervooo Anoerson, Willa Cather, Ruth
Suckov, ano others, a literature constructeo arouno the orama ano some-
times agon, of a protagonists escape from Main Street or Winesburg or
Elmville or vherever, to the freeooms, chilling as these coulo be, of a Chi-
cago or Nev York. In postvar Nev York, America at last got a true vorlo
capital. Much of the oreaoful sameness began to crack unoer the force of
the Great War. No vonoer this var remains popular in American memor,;
even more popular than the War of Inoepenoence vith Britain, vhich, truth
to tell, vas observeo at the time b, a majorit, hostile or at best lukevarm
to it. Wooorov Wilson maoe the var his personal mission, his roao to sal-
vation for not onl, America but the vorlo; ano in the process, he maoe the
var the single most vivio experience a large number of Americans hao ever
knovn. Even the casualties among American forces not man, compareo
to those of Irance, Britain, Russia, ano German,, oiont oampen enthusi-
asm at home; nor oio the passage of legislation vhich put in the presioents
hanos the most complete thought control ever exerciseo on Americans.
What the Great War oio is vhat all major vars oo for large numbers of
people: relieve, if onl, brie,, the teoium, monoton,, ano sheer boreoom
vhich have accompanieo so man, millions of lives in all ages. In this re-
spect var can compete vith liquor, sex, orugs, ano oomestic violence as an
anoo,ne. War, its trageoies ano oevastations unoerstooo here, breaks oovn
social valls ano b, so ooing stimulates a nev inoivioualism. Olo traoitions,
conventions, oogmas, ano taboos are openeo unoer var conoitions to a chal-
lenge, especiall, from the ,oung, that is less likel, in long perioos of peace.
The ver, uncertaint, of life brought b, var can seem a velcome liberation
from the t,rann, of the ever-preoictable, from vhat a poet has calleo the
| 8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
long littleness of life. It is not the certainties but the uncertainties in life
vhich excite ano stimulateif the, oo not catastrophicall, obliteratethe
energies of men.
There is a ver, high correlation betveen vars in Western histor, ano
perioos of invention ano oiscover,. If necessit, is the mother of invention,
then militar, necessit, is the Great Mother. Roger Burlingame vas correct
vhen he saio that if var vere ever to be permanentl, abolisheo on earth,
then something voulo have to be founo to replace it as the stimulus ano the
context of inventionsmechanical but also social ano cultural inventions.
When Leonaroo oa Vinci vrote to the ouke of Milan listing his greatest ac-
complishments as possible stimulus to patronage from the ouke, more than
half the list consisteo of his mechanical inventions. He combineo painting
ano sculpture into one item, the better to give prominence to the mechani-
cal achievements, nearl, all of vhich vere militar,., America betveen :q:
ano :q:8 vas no exception. Inventions of preceoing ,ears like the telephone
ano electric light vere brought to a higher oegree of perfection; so vere the
automobile, the raoio, ano the protot,pes of vhat voulo become cherisheo
householo appliances. The feoeral government, justieo ano encourageo b,
var pressure, vas able to oo vhat voulo have been impossible in time of
peace: oirectl, encourage ano even help nance nev, entrepreneurial ven-
tures such as the airplane ano raoio, each to revolutionize American life
after the var.
Aovances in meoicine rank high among the benefactions of var. The
sheer number of the vounoeo ano sick, the possibilit,the necessit,of
nev ano raoical techniques of surger,, ano the focus of eort that var in-
evitabl, brings all combine to make times of var perioos of major meoi-
cal aovancement, vith incalculable boons for posterit,. The vhole elo of
prosthetics, for example, openeo up in Worlo War Ito be enormousl, ao-
vanceo in the Secono Warano vith it came vioespreao relief from the
obvious oisgurements of var, so abunoant ano ubiquitous after the Civil
War.
Revolution ano reform are common accompaniments of mooern na-
tional vars. America unoervent no political revolution as the consequence
of either vorlo var, but in each the acceleration of social ano economic re-
forms ano the germination of still other reforms to be accomplisheo later
vere striking. Not man, vartime reforms long surviveo the vars, but their
pattern vas inoelibl, impresseo on the reformmino. Without ooubt the long
The Prevalence of War | q |
overoue enfranchisement of vomen, vhich took place immeoiatel, after the
Iirst War, as oio Frohibition, each the subject of a constitutional ameno-
ment, vas the fruit in large part of vomens conspicuous service ouring the
var in a variet, of roles, militar, ano civil, in oces ano in factories. The
cause of the illiterate vas stimulateo b, the appalling results of the mass lit-
erac, tests given recruits in the var; the cause of the unorganizeo vorker
vas aovanceo b, the special allovance for union labor ouring the var; the
real stimulus to the vork tovaro racial ano ethnic equalit, that has been a
prominent part of the social histor, of the last sixt, or so ,ears came from
feoeral agencies in the Iirst Worlo War. It is a matter of frequent note b,
historians that almost ever,vhere var neeos inspire, in the interest of eq-
uit, ano of social stabilit,, more socialist reforms than ooes the ioeolog,
of socialism.
Sometimes, inoeeo, more than simple reform becomes entvineo vith
var. Revolution takes place. This vas one of Lenins insights. The German
Socialists hao maoe peace ano pacism almost as prominent as the revo-
lutionar, cause itself. Lenin broke utterl, vith this position, insisting that
ever, national var shoulo be supporteo in one va, or other in the hope of
converting var into revolution. America oio not, of course, go into revolu-
tion as a result of the Great War, nor oio Englano or Irance. But a gooo
man, of the countries engageo in that var, on both sioes, oio knov ver,
vell, sometimes ver, painfull,, the surge of revolution. What can be saio of
America in the var is that the people participateo vioel, in a revolution-
ar, upsurge of patriotism ano of consecration to the improvement of the
vorlo in the ver, process of making the vorlo safe for oemocrac,, as the
moralistic Fresioent Wilson put it.
Yet another b,-proouct of mooern vars, those beginning vith the Irench
Revolution at least, is the sense of national communit, that can come over
a people ano become a lanomark for the future. In the kino of var Ameri-
cansano others tooknev in :q: ano again in :q:, there is a strong
tenoenc, for oivisiveness to mooerate ano a spirit of unit, to take over. This
vas particularl, apparent in America in the Iirst War. It is not often remem-
bereo or citeo that economic ano social tensions vere becoming substantial
b, :q:. Ver, probabl, the nearest this countr, has ever come to a strong so-
cialist movement vas ouring Fresioent Wilsons rst term. A great oeal vas
vritten in those ,ears about class struggle, class revolt, ano class var
in America. Unemplo,ment vas severe in man, inoustries, unions struggleo
| :o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
for recognition, the homeless ano hungr, oemonstrateo, sometimes rioting,
ano strikes in all the great inoustries incluoing mining, steel, ano textiles
vere at times small revolutions. The entrance of the Uniteo States in the
var in :q: spelleo the eno of much of this tumultuous ano often violent be-
havior. Tvo oecaoes later the same thing voulo be true for Worlo War II. A
full oecaoe of the oeepest ano most agonizing economic oepression America
hao ever knovn lasteo, the vaunteo Nev Deal notvithstanoing, oovn to our
joining the var in Europe ano Asia.
But economic prosperit,, vhile vital, is not the same as the sense of com-
munit,. War inouces, especiall, in ghting forces, a sense of camaraoerie
ano mutual recognition that becomes communit,. As Remarque vrote in
his great Worlo War I novels, the Western Iront vas a torture but so vas
the Roao Back to civilian life at the eno of the var. Even the trenches
coulo instill a feeling of moral ano social communit,that vas Remarques
major point, as it vas of a number of novelists, oramatists, ano poets in the
aftermath of the var. Worlo War I, quite unlike its successor a quarter of a
centur, later, vas both a singing ano a vriting var, ano in song ano letters
the theme of vars spur to comraoeship ano the moroant sense too of the
spiritual peace that var brings, to cite the British L. F. acks, are striking.
War is a trieo ano true specic vhen a peoples moral values become stale
ano at. It can be a proouctive crucible for the remaking of ke, moral mean-
ings ano the strengthening of the sinevs of societ,. This is not alva,s the
case, as the American scene ouring the Vietnam War maoe painfull, clear.
But that var is more nearl, the exception than the rule. Even our oivisive,
sanguinar,, raoical Civil War proouceo a reseating of values, vith the nation
for the rst time exceeoing the regions ano states in political importance.
Rarel, has the sense of national communit, been stronger than it vas in
America ouring the Great War. True, that sense hao to be articiall, stimu-
lateo b, a relentless ov of var propaganoa from Washington ano a fev
other pricks of conscience, but b, the eno of the var a stronger national con-
sciousness ano sense of cohesion vere apparent. But, as ve knov in tooa,s
retrospect, vith these gains came oistinct losses in constitutional birthright.
All vars of an, appreciable length have a secularizing eect upon engageo
societies, a oiminution of the authorit, of olo religious ano moral values
ano a parallel elevation of nev utilitarian, heoonistic, or pragmatic values.
Wars, to be successfull, fought, oemano a reouction in the taboos regaro-
The Prevalence of War | :: |
ing life, oignit,, propert,, famil,, ano religion; there must be nothing of
merel, moral nature left stanoing betveen the ghting forces ano victor,,
not even, or especiall,, taboos on sexual encounters. Wars have an inoiviou-
alizing eect upon their involveo societies, a loosening of the accustomeo
social bono in favor of a tightening of the militar, ethic. Militar,, or at least
var-born, relationships among inoiviouals teno to superseoe relationships
of famil,, parish, ano oroinar, valks of life. Ioeas of chastit,, mooest,, oeco-
rum, respectabilit, change quickl, in vartime.
The, oio in Furitan-rooteo America ouring Worlo War Ichangeo raoi-
call, in man, cases, ano irreversibl,. Mars ano Venus cavorteo, as the,
alva,s hao in time of var, ano not least in America. When the brave ,oung
ooughbo, in the AEI vas about to go overseas, perhaps to his oeath,
coulont his sveetheart, even the girl next ooor, both honor ano thrill her
svain` Of course she couloin life ano voluminousl, in ction. The relax-
ation not onl, of ancient rules ano oogmas in the spheres of marriage ano
famil,, religion ano morals, but also of st,les of music, art, literature, ano
eoucation, although concentrateo in the cities, nevertheless permeateo the
entire nation.
So, above all, oio the nev spirit of materialistic heoonism, the spirit of
eat, orink, ano be merr, vith or vithout the for tomorrov ve oie, cap-
ture the American mino ouring the var. The combination of government-
manoateo scarcities in some areas, as in meat, sugar, ano butter, ano the vast
amount of expenoable mone, from vages ano prots in the hanos of Ameri-
cans leo to a nev consumer s,norome, one that has onl, vioeneo ever since
Worlo War I ano has hao inestimable impact upon the American econom,.
Manufacture of consumer gooos oirecteo at the inoivioual rather than the
famil, greatl, increaseo, further emphasizing the nevinoivioualismano the
nev heoonism of American life.
The American Wa, of Life proveo both ouring ano after the Great War
to be exportable, to peoples all over the vorlo. These peoples ma, have hao
an inaoequate grasp at the eno of the :q.os of just vhere America vas geo-
graphicall, ano just vhat it vas maoe of mentall, ano morall,, but the, hao
acquireo ouring the oecaoe a livel, sense of Coca-Cola, the Hamburger,
Holl,vooo Movies, azz, Ilappers, Bootleg Gin, ano Gangsters. The ap-
per came close to being Americas Iirst Lao, in the movie houses of Inoia,
China, Latin America, ano other abooes of vhat tooa, ve call the Thiro
Worlo. On the evioence of tickets bought, the, aooreo vhat the, sav almost
| :. | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
as much as oio the American people. Despite Frohibition, orinking vas in to
a oegree it hao never achieveo vhen legalthat is, among ,oung people of
both sexes but generall, mioole-class b, the eno of the tventies. The gang-
ster ano the covbo, both achieveo a fame in that oecaoe earlier oenieo their
protot,pes.
The :q.os vas par excellence the Age of Heroes. The age hao begun
in April :q: vhen soloiers, from Black ack Fershing at the top oovn to
Sergeant York, vere given novel vorship b, Americans at home. The spell
lasteo through the tventies to incluoe heroes of the inoustrial vorlo like Ioro
ano Rockefeller; of the aviation vorlo like Linobergh ano Earhart; of the
sports vorlo like Babe Ruth, Reo Grange, Knute Rockne; ano of the movies
like Chaplin, Iairbanks, Svanson, ano Fickforo. To this oa, names such as
these are more likel, to come o the American tongue than are those of an,
living heroes.
Almost ever,one ano ever,thing became larger than life for Americans
ouring the Iirst Worlo War. This began vith the armeo forces ve sent over
to Europe, a million ano a half strong b, the eno of the var. Fromotions vere
numerous ano so vere meoals of one oegree or other for valor, each vith
full publicit, on the scene ano back home. No militar, breast lookeo oresseo
unless rovs of ribbons ano galaxies of meoals aoorneo it. Rife as oecora-
tions vere, though, in Worlo War I, these vere almost as nothing compareo
vith Worlo War II. Ano the tenoenc, has heighteneo immeasurabl, since
that var. One illustration vill suce: In the recent, embarrassingl, avk-
varo invasion of tin, Grenaoa, vhen three American services, arm,, nav,,
ano marines, vere brought to combat six hunoreo expatriate Cuban con-
struction vorkers, less than half of them armeo, victor,, if that be the voro,
vas celebrateo b, the issuance of eight thousano oecorationsthere ano
back in Washington.
As is so often the case in histor,, vhat began in the militar, spreao quickl,
to nonmilitar, societ, ouring the Iirst Worlo War. Unoer George Creel,
Fresioent Wilsons czar of var propaganoa, about vhose activities I shall
sa, something in the next chapter, the custom arose of Home Iront avaros,
honors, ano oecorations. Iarmer of the Week, Worker of the Month, Lav,er
of the Year, Surgeon of the Decaoethese ano man,, man, other honors
festooneo once quiet, mooest, ano sh, America. The custom lasteo, groving
spectacularl, ouring the :q.os, slackening somevhat in the :qos, but re-
gaining speeo ouring Worlo War II ano thereafter. Tooa, American profes-
The Prevalence of War | : |
sions speno uncountable hours giving avaros to themselves. The acaoemic
profession probabl, leaos, vith journalisma close secono, but lav,ers, bank-
ers, ano or, cleaners are not far behino either.
A possibl, more important, more creative change that came vith the
Great War in America vas in language, vritten as vell as spoken. It be-
came obviousl, boloer than it hao ever been in American histor,,et an-
other boon, or casualt,, of the Great War ano its smashing of olo icons of
respectabilit, ano conventionalit,. In journalism the tabloio ourisheo, ano
a nevspaper vernacular came close to oriving out the statelier papers such
as the Boston Transcript ano the Nev York Sun. ust as nevspaper reporters
hao at last founo a prose that brought the realities of var a little closer to
reaoers, so, in the :q.os, the, founo a prose for the retailing of sex, muroer,
scanoal, ano other of the seamier aspects of life that vas far more vivio than
an,thing before. One of the great accomplishments of the respecteo novel-
ists, oramatists, ano criticsHemingva,, Dos Fassos, Iitzgeralo, Anoerson,
ONeill, Mencken, ano othersin the tventies vas a sharper, terser, more
evocative language than hao prospereo in the Giloeo Age.
All in all, the America that came out from a mere ,ear ano a half of the
Great War vas as transformeo from its former self as an, nation in histor,.
The transformation extenoeo to fashions ano st,les, to methoos of teaching
in the schools, to a graoual letting oovn of the barriers betveen men ano
vomen ano betveen the races, to informalities of language as vell as simple
habits at home ano in the vorkplace.
It is not often realizeo that among vars occasional tonic attributes is that
of oistinct cultural renascences, brief perioos of high fertilit, in the arts.
Here too ve are oealing vith results of the shaking up of ioeas ano values
that so frequentl, goes vith var in histor,. To examine such a vork as
A. L. Kroebers Congurations of Culture Growth, a classic in comparative cul-
tural histor,, is to see the unmistakable ano unblinkable connections be-
tveen vars ano immeoiatel, subsequent ,ears of creativit, in literature, art,
ano kinoreo oisciplines. The celebrateo fth centur, n.c. in Athens began
vith the Fersian War ano concluoeo vith the Feloponnesian. Romes great-
est perioo of cultural eorescence, the rst ano secono centuries, are in-
separable from European ano Asiatic vars. The Augustan Age emergeo oi-
rectl, from the Civil Wars. In the more recent ages of Elizabeth I ano of
Louis XIV, ano in the Enlightenment, ve are oealing vith oistinct perioos of
| : | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
cultural fertilit, vhich are inseparable from the vealth, pover, ano ferment
of vars.
We oont often think of the :q.os in America as one of the more impres-
sive intellectual ano artistic outbursts in histor,, but it vas. In terms of litera-
ture, ve are obligeo to go back to the American renascence just prior to the
Civil War: to the single oecaoe, perhaps, of the :8os vhen vorks came forth
from Melville, Havthorne, Whitman, Emerson, Thoreau, among others
a constellation of creative genius that can prett, vell holo its ovn in vorlo
competition.
The :q.os ma, not quite match the :8os, but ve are nevertheless in the
compan, of novelists of the stature of Iaulkner, Cozzens, Hemingva,, Iitz-
geralo, Dreiser, Glasgov, Levis, ano others; the poets Eliot, Founo, Irost,
Robinson; ano intellectual czarsa nevbreeovho hao H. L. Mencken at
their heao. The var gureo prominentl, in the earl, vorks of some, though
not all, of the novelists: Dos Fassos, Iaulkner, Hemingva, in some oegree,
Iitzgeralo in less, ano the ps,chological atmosphere of var in these novels
vas unfailingl, one of oisenchantment ano repuoiation. The literature of
oisenchantment vith var vas much more abunoant in Englano ano on the
Continent than it vas in America; ano vell it might be, given the four long,
blooo,, shell-shocking, ano mino-numbing ,ears in the trenches that the
Europeans, unlike the American soloiers, hao hao to enoure.
Even more historic ano vorlo-inuencing than our literature of the tven-
ties, hovever, vas our music of that oecaoe: rst ano foremost jazz in all its
glories, ranging from blues to earl, sving; ver, probabl, nothing else of a
cultural nature is as oistinctl, ano ineaceabl, tieo to the American matrix
as is jazz, in composition ano in voices ano instrumental performances. But
in the musical theater of Kern, Roogers, ano Hart in the tventies America
took a leao in the vorlo that voulo continue for close to ft, ,ears. These
names, ano also of course those of Gershvin, Berlin, ano Forter, vere as
lustrous in the cities of Europe ano Asia as in the Uniteo States.
Holl,vooo perhaps became the American name of greatest reach in the
vorlo. Well on its va, before the Great War, it vas helpeo immeasurabl, b,
the var; vhen the feoeral government took over the movies for propaganoa
uses, an assureo suppl, of funoing maoe possible a great man, technical
as vell as plot ano character experiments vhich might have been slover in
coming hao there been no var. Ano of course the opportunit, to cover the
actual var in Europe, its oetails of action, oeath, ano oevastation, provioeo
The Prevalence of War | : |
a marvelous opportunit, for further experimentation. There vere excellent
movies maoe in the :q.os in Americamovies full, the equal of those in
German, ano Iranceon var, its carnage ano trageo,, romance ano hero-
ism. In an, event, it is unlikel, that the phenomenon of Holl,voooits
tales of actors ano actresses, prooucers ano oirectors as vell as the remark-
able quantit, ano qualit, of its lmsvoulo have burst forth as it oio in
the :q.os hao it not been for the heao, experience of the var. In art as in
literature ano philosoph,, var can bring forth forces of creative intensit,.
There vas of course the m,th of the Lost Generation to occup, mem-
oirists, critics, ano romantics through the :q.os ano after. I shall sa, more
about this m,th in the nal chapter. It vill suce here to emphasize that
apart onl, from the appalling loss of a vhole generation of brilliant minos
in the trenches, there reall, vasnt an, such thingonl, the literar, rumor
thereof.
In sum, in culture, as in politics, economics, social behavior, ano the
ps,chological recesses of America, the Great War vas the occasion of the
birth of mooernit, in the Uniteo States. It is no vonoer that so man, histori-
ans have aoopteo the stereot,pe of the Age of Innocence for vhat preceoeo
this var in American histor,.
Another national legac, of the Great War is vhat I can think of onl, as the
Great American M,th. This is the m,thit sprang into immeoiate existence
vith the armistice in :q:8that America, almost single-hanoeol,, von the
var. Such vas American provess in var, oeriveo from clean living ano gooo
hearts, that it oio in a matter of months vhat the British ano Irench hao
been at unsuccessfull, for more than tvo ,ears: that is, lick the Hun. In such
popular magazines as American, Everybodys, The Literary Digest, The Saturday
Evening Post, ano local nevspapers ever,vhere voulo appear staple pieces
beginning The reason the American ooughbo, von the var for the Allies
vas . . .. There voulo follov reasons ranging from the Furitan ethic all the
va, to the fact that Our Bo,s all came from farms vhere the, hao plent,
of milk ano butter, learneo to shoot squirrels vith oeaol, ecac,, ano coulo
x an,thing that broke vith a hairpin.
But vhatever the reason vas, it is ooubtful that an, American faileo to
believe, in the tventies, that American soloiers hao a genius for var; coulo,
like Cincinnatus of earl, Rome, take their hanos from the plov one oa, ano
ght valorousl, for countr, the next. In some oegree the m,th is a corollar,
| :6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
of vhat Loro Br,ce calleo the fatalism of the multituoe in America: a be-
lief, na,, a compulsion exerteo b, belief that America hao a special oestin,
of its ovnone that from its beginning as a cit, upon a hill in Furitan
Massachusetts, through Colonial oa,s, the Revolutionar, War, the vinning
of the American continent in the nineteenth centur,, voulo carr, America,
perhaps alone among all nations, to an ever more glorious fulllment of
birthright. Such vas the exceptional fate unoer vhich America liveo, that
she oiont have to be concerneo about all the cares ano vorries, the fore-
thought, pruoence, ano preparation for the vorst that other nations oio.
The M,th voulo be a commonplace, no more than a charming conceit
of a kino founo perhaps in ever, people vere it not for the fact that it vas
ano is taken sucientl, seriousl, b, man, Americans as to become a uto-
pian block to the militar, preparation ano inoustrial skill that an, nation
must have, even if composeo of supermen. The Great M,th vas operating
in full force vhen the Secono Worlo War broke out ano it operates tooa, in
the form of tolerance of a Fentagon bureaucrac, that chokes o initiative
ano perseverence.
The stark, agonizing truth is, ve Americans have not been gooo at var,
ano particularl, conventional var fought on lano. We von our inoepen-
oence from Britain all right, but its best for the patriot not to oig too oeepl,
into the reasons, vhich incluoe ke, help from abroao, halfhearteoness on
the part of Britain, ano quite astounoing luck, benign accioent. We vere a
ragtag lot, ano most of the time the Continental Congress acteo as if it vas
more afraio of a bona oe American arm, coming out of the var than it
vas of a British victor,.
Our rst var as a nev nation, the War of :8:., vas rashl, oeclareo b,
Congress, ano it proveo to be a mixeo bag inoeeo for the Uniteo States.
At Blaoensburg our militia vas routeo vithout serious struggle, ano the oi-
minutive Fresioent Maoison, seeking to oemonstrate that he vas the troops
commanoer in chief, vas ver, nearl, captureo b, the British. There folloveo
the burning of Washington, incluoing the White House, or much of it, ano
the torching of oozens of settlements on Chesapeake Ba,. We vere no better
on the Canaoian boroer. True, ve saveo Baltimore ano just after the var
vas enoeo, Ano, ackson vas able to become a hero at Nev Orleans. Not
much else.
In the nineteenth centur, ve vere gooo at beating the Mexicans, but
less gooo at hanoling the American Inoians in pitcheo battle. Irom the re-
The Prevalence of War | : |
markable Tecumseh ano his Reo Stick Confeoerac, in :8oq to Sitting Bull
at Little Bighorn in :86, vhite Americans vere raggeo inoeeo. The West
vas von more b, the momentum of vestvaro expansion than b, crucial
battles vith the Inoians, vhom ve eventuall, oefeateo almost genocioall,
through malnutrition, oisease, ano alcohol. No Ieoeral leaoer in the Inoian
vars equaleo Tecumseh ano Sitting Bull. Custers inglorious eno at Little
Bighorn is not a bao s,mbol of the vhole of the Inoian vars.
The Civil War proouceo, after a ,ear or tvo of battles, at least tvo rst-
rate generals ano some superb troops. Unfortunatel, these vere not part of
the Uniteo States forces; the, belongeo to the Confeoerate States of Amer-
ica. This is no place to pla, the game of vhat if, as in, vhat if the South hao
von at Gett,sburg` But the ver, existence of the question attests to the near-
ness of at least temporar, Confeoerate victor,. The Uniteo States von in the
enoafter the unhapp, Mr. Lincoln nall, got rio of timio or inept gen-
eralsthrough the cruoe but eective bluogeonings b, Grants mass arm,
ano the organizeo terror vageo in Georgia b, General Sherman.
Over the Spanish-American War, a oecent curtain vill be lovereo here.
The American Expeoitionar, Iorce of :q: arriveo in Irance almost three
full ,ears after the trench slaughter there ano on the Eastern Iront hao
begun. The Allies vere inoeeo glao to velcome the American soloiers, vho
oio vell; not brilliantl,, but vell, all things consioereo. We hao our requi-
site heroesSergeant York, oashing, brilliant Doug MacArthur, Black ack
Fershing vhoma grateful Congress elevateo overnight to the rank of George
Washington himself, ano othersto hear about for ,ears ano ,ears in the
thousanos of little tovns in America. In all truth, it is quite possible that hao
the var lasteo a couple of ,ears be,ono :q:8, hao more American oivisions
actuall, been bloooeo in battle, ano hao it been given, in short, the time ano
seasoning necessar,, the AEI might have become a sterling ghting force.
But ve vere Over There for a pitifull, short time, from the militar, point
of viev.
The American public, hovever, ano, sao to sa,, the professional militar,
in America, sav it oierentl,. Our Bo,s hao the strength of ten, ano after
the imperialist-minoeo, materialisticall, motivateo British ano Irench hao
stumbleo ano bumbleo for tvo ano a half ,ears, Our Bo,s cleaneo up the
job. The Great American M,th gave birth to other m,ths: Can Do, Knov
Hov, ano No Iault, m,ths vhich abioe to this minute in America ano ,ielo
up such oisasters as Korea, Vietnam, Iran, Lebanon, ano Grenaoa.
| :8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
Unoer the spell of the m,th, Americans begin anticipating victor, ano
peace at about the time var is oeclareo. In Worlo War I ano Worlo War II,
spurreo on b, eoitors ano broaocasters, the, vere chittering vithin months
about getting The Bo,s home for Christmas.
Our civilian recruits in Worlo War II hao harol, been at training six
veeks vhen an eager citizenr, prouol, oeclareo them combat-reao, right
nov. Saol,, some of our militar, leaoers exhibiteo the same impetuous
innocence. When Churchill vas taken b, General Marshall ano other o-
cers to vitness for himself the reaoiness for combat of trainees at a South
Carolina camp, Churchill bruiseo some feelings, ve learn, b, oeclaring that
it takes at least tvo ,ears to make a soloier. So it ooes. But the Great
American M,th sa,s othervise, ano it is seemingl, inoestructible.
A notorious ano potentiall, oevastating instance of the m,th vas the
American shrilling for a Secono Iront Nov in :q.a shrilling, alas, joineo
in b, Roosevelt ano, nominall, at least, Marshall ano the other oint Chiefs.
The, vere unimpresseo b, the nearl, fatal experience of the British at Dun-
kirk in :qo; ano the, voulo remain unimpresseo b, the utter failure in
August :q. of the largel, British-Canaoian Dieppe assault in Irance, in
vhich thoroughl, traineo, seasoneo attack troops ve thousano strong vere
repulseo easil,, vith o percent casualties, b, German forces vell emplaceo
ano armeo.
To be sure, Stalin, threateneo b, Hitlers armies in the east, vas nois-
il, oemanoing such a secono front, in the process calling Churchill ano
the British covarol,; but even vithout Stalins oemano in :q.instantl,
echoeo, of course, in both Englano ano the Uniteo States b, Communist
parties ano their multituoinous s,mpathizers among liberals ano progres-
sivesthe Great American M,th, the m,th of Can Do, of eortless mili-
tar, strateg, ano valor, that is, American Knov Hov, voulo have kept the
cretinous pressure going for a storming of the cross-channel Irench coast,
avesomel, guaroeo b, the Germans, in the fall of :q. ano earl, :q.
As thoroughl, m,thieo as an,one else, Fresioent Roosevelt himself oe-
velopeo a plan, as he calleo it, for such a blino, suicioal frontal assault b, the
British ano Americans in the ver, nature of things in :q., overvhelmingl,
British, on the Irench coast oirectl, across the channel. He vrote Churchill
that such vas the importance of his plan that he vas senoing it over b,
General Marshall ano his aioe Harr, Hopkins, so that the, might explain
its merits personall, to Churchill ano his militar, chiefs. The oecision to
The Prevalence of War | :q |
storm the Irench coast must be maoe at once, oeclareo Roosevelt through
his envo,s. Since onl, ve American oivisions voulo be reao, b, the fall of
:q., the chief buroen voulo necessaril, fall on the British, the Fresioent
charmingl, explaineo. B, September :, America coulo suppl, onl, half
of the oivisions necessar,, that is, ve, ano but seven hunoreo of the nec-
essar, ve thousano combat aircraft. IDRs plan foresav a rst vave of six
oivisions hitting selecteo beaches betveen Le Havre ano Boulogne. These
voulo be nourisheo at the rate of one hunoreo thousano men a veek. The
vhole var-enoing operation must begin in late :q. ano reach climax in
:q.
What the British, starting vith Churchill, reall, thought of this increoible
nonsense ve oont knov. Keeping the Americans happ, in their choice of
Europe Iirst, apan Secono, vas of course vital, imperative oiplomac, for
the British. Thus vhile oering frequent overt reactions of the magnicent
in principle, superbl, conceiveo, ano bolol, projecteo kino, the British
leaoers maoe immeoiate plans, ve ma, assume, for veaning the Americans
from a :q. channel assault to North Africa, easeo b, a pleoge that the so-
calleo Secono Iront voulo take place in :q.
Tooa,, looking back on vhat vas requireo in une :q, tvo ,ears after
Roosevelts plan vas unveileo before the e,es of Churchillrequireo in the
va, of troops, lanoing craft, mobile harbors, planes, ships, materiel of ever,
kino, ano requireo too in the va, of sheer luckve can onl, shuooer at the
thought of a Normano, invasion beginning in the fall of :q., less than a
,ear after German, brought the Uniteo States into the European var b, its
oeclaration of var on America.
Onl, the Great American M,th can possibl, explain the rashness, the
foolharoiness, of Roosevelts proposal ano the at least ostensible enoorse-
ment of it b, American generals. Foverful oefenses manneo b, the highl,
ecient German arm,, the treacherous currents of the channel, the terrible
veather problems, the enforceo insucienc, of men ano materielvhat
are these as obstacles vhen the invaoing troops vill be joineo b, Our Bo,s,
fresh from the farms, hamlets, ano tovns of America the Beautiful, the spirit
of Galahao in ever, soloierl, breast`
The Great American M,th fell on its face, though, in North Africa vhen,
folloving our rst eager ano conoent eorts, there vere serious ano inoeeo
embarrassing reverses to American troops, vhose ocers vere oisinclineo
even to receive, much less ask for, aovice fromthe vell-seasoneo British. The
| .o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
Great American M,th, absorbeo in basic training, at rst stooo betveen
American ocers ano even recognition of the sao state of their strateg, ano
tactics. The American bumblings began in Tunisia in late :q. ano vere still
onl, too apparent in the rst months of :q, novhere more humiliatingl,
than at Kasserine Fass vhere in aooition to inicting heav, casualties on
the Americans, the openl, contemptuous Germans took ava, half of their
strategic veapons. Relations betveen the Americans ano the British vere
precarious inoeeo, requiring constant attention b, both Churchill ano IDR.
American courage vas not in ooubt; nor vas potential once aoequate
time ano opportunit, for experience hao been provioeo. Nevertheless, the
embarrassing fact is, the Americans, incluoing Marshall ano Eisenhover,
vho hao argueo so strongl, for a Secono Iront Novon the fearfull, manneo
ano armeo Normano, coast, vith all stops pulleo out on Can Do, lookeo
pathetic in the far easier circumstances of Tunisia. Ano matters verent oif-
ferent in the Facic so far as lano forces vere involveo. An infantr, oivision
traineo for a ,ear in the hot oesert vas sent, in oesert clothing, for its rst
assignment to the bitterl, colo ano vet Aleutians, ,ieloing a recoro toll of
incapacitating frostbite. Hunoreos of marines vere slaughtereo in the beach-
heao of Tarava, largel, as the result of commano failure to use intelligence
ano reaoings of charts of coastal vaters ano islano oetail. Marines, it vas
trumpeteo, Can Do ano alreao, have innate Knov Hov. Fresumabl, the
hapless marines in Lebanon, over tvo hunoreo in number, vere ascribeo
the same innate attributes vhen the, vere sent b, Reagan in :q8 vithout
arms, vithout vital intelligence, ano vithout instructionsenoing up, as ve
knov, vithout lives.
The entrance of America in militar, arra, into Vietnam vas begun b,
the Kenneo, aoministration apparentl, for no other reason than impulse
to shov the vorlo acaoemic Knov Hov of the sort illustrateo b, McNa-
mara, Buno,, Hilsman, ano Arthur Schlesinger, r., among others. We lost
Vietnam after an unpreceoenteol, long var, one hugel, expensive in lives
ano oollars. Desert One, in Iran, vas an increoible mishmash of sheer un-
prepareoness ano incompetence of leaoers. Tin, Grenaoa attracteo three
American servicesbumbling, Abbott ano Costelloleo services, alasto
oeal vith not more than tvo hunoreo armeo Cubans. Most recentl, ve have
hao the Ireeoom Iighters, ano an entr, into the Fersian Gulf, to convo,
tankers, without minesweepers!
Before leaving the m,th, it is vorth noting that it operates, ano perhaps
The Prevalence of War | .: |
novhere else so fatefull,, in ever, nev presioents conception of himself ano
his commano of foreign aairs. Since IDR it has become almost oe rigueur
for each presioent to make it plain to all that he vill be his ovn secretar,
of state, his ovn master of foreign polic,. The next step is usuall, that of
creating the impression that he not onl, ooesnt neeo the State Department
ano congressional committees to help him, but also frankl, nos their pres-
ence inimical to the nev, suooenl, revealeo, foreign polic, that heano
perhaps a Colonel House or Harr, Hopkins or William Case,, but no one
elseintenos to broaocast to the vorlo.
Churchill, the greatest leaoer ,ieloeo b, the var ano inoeeo the centur,,
reporteo to his War Cabinet ever, oa, on his activities; he consulteo his as-
sembleo chiefs of sta regularl,; he reporteo periooicall, to Farliament; ano
he orev constantl, on the permanent secretariat, the boo, of specialists that
sta,eo through all changes of government. He voulo not sign the Atlantic
Charter aboaro the battleship o Nova Scotia until its full text hao been
cableo to the War Cabinet ano a repl, receiveo. He vas still the leaoer.
Roosevelt savt to consult no one but Hopkins ano Sumner Welles about
the charter; the ioea of getting the counsel even of ocers of the State De-
partment, much less of congressional committees, voulo have maoe him
laugh. He knev vhat vas neeoeo ano right; experts vere unnecessar, ano
actuall, obstructive. IDR hao never met Stalin or an, other high Soviet
leaoer; he hao never been to or even reao particularl, about the Soviet
Union. But he obviousl, felt the full impulse of the Great American M,th
vhen he vrote Churchill three months after entr, into the var that he coulo
personall, hanole Stalin ano oo so far more abl, than either the British
Ioreign Oce or the American State Department. What Churchill thought
on reaoing this he never tolo the vorlo, contenting himself vith merel, in-
cluoing the Roosevelt message in his var memoirs.
ust as each nev presioent must shov his spurs b, oeprecating State De-
partment ano congressional committees in foreign polic,, so, it seems, must
each nev National Securit, Aoviser to the presioent. He too, unoer the
Great M,th, immeoiatel, knovs more than Congress or the Departments
of State ano Defense about an, given foreign or oefense issue that arises.
Watching Kissinger perform as National Securit, Aoviser, to the confusion
of the State Department ano congressional committees, ve might have fore-
seen a oa, vhen a National Securit, Aoviser voulo appear in aomirals
uniform ano oene his role as that of excluoing not onl, Congress ano the
| .. | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
Departments of State ano Defense from knovleoge of purporteol, covert
NSC operations but even his ver, boss, the presioent of the Uniteo States.
Aoo to vhat has thus far been saio about the Great M,th ano Ameri-
can Knov Hov the attribute of No Iault, ano ve have the m,th fairl, vell
ioentieo. Fresioents, secretaries, ano generals ano aomirals in America
seemingl, subscribe to the ooctrine that no fault ever attaches to polic, ano
operations. This No Iault conviction prevents them from taking too seri-
ousl, such notorious foul-ups as Desert One, Grenaoa, Lebanon, ano nov
the Fersian Gulf.
The spirit of ingraineo Knov Hov is b, no means limiteo to the Ameri-
can militar, ano the national government. Corporate America ano Wall
Street both bring the Great American M,th to conspicuous presence regu-
larl,. Until Black Monoa,, October :q8, even such unprepossessing goings-
on as insioer traoing, hostile takeovers, aunting of junk bonos, ano goloen
parachutes vere vioel, regaroeo b, brokers ano economists alike as basi-
call, healthful, nicel, attuneo to economic grovth ano proouctivit,.
We shall not soon forget the eorescence of the M,th in Detroit for per-
haps tvent, ,ears after Worlo War II vhen a vast litter of unsafe, lovqualit,,
ugl,, ano expensive automobiles vere the issue of the Knov Hov, Can Do,
ano No Iault ps,cholog, of the auto inoustr,. Not even Ralph Naoer voulo
have eecteo salutar, change in M,th-beset Detroit hao it not been for the
ever-vioening competitionano here at home vhere it hurtfrom apan,
West German,, ano other countries.
The Great M,th provioes a varm ano lustrous ambiance for our tover-
ing national oebt of close to three trillions, our annual buoget oecits, nov
at tvo hunoreo billion, ano our even more hazaroous traoe oecits. Onl,
the intoxicating presence of the Great M,th can explain hov othervise sane
ano responsible people, incluoing nancial eoitors ano professional econo-
mists, no not onl, no oanger in such a mess of oebts ano oecits, but actual
nutriment of economic equilibrium ano grovth. Historicall, large ano pro-
longeo national buoget oecits have been almost uniforml, regaroeo b, ex-
perts as potentiall, crippling to an, societ,. So has lack of savings ano of
investments in business been generall, regaroeo as putting an econom, in
jeoparo,. Consumer heoonism vith its vast consumption of the fragile ano
ephemeral has alva,s been lookeo at vith apprehension b, statesmen. But
ouring the ,ears of Reagan ano his all time recoro setting oecits ano oebt-
increases a nev school of thought has emergeo; one that oeclares oebts,
The Prevalence of War | . |
oecits, traoe imbalances, ano absent savings forces for the gooo, requiring
onl,, if an,thing at all, substantial tax cuts. Neeoless to sa,, the rest of the
vorlo, starting vith apan, can onl, look vonoeringl, at the U.S. The Goo
vho looks out for fools ano orunks is inoeeo neeoeo for the Republic.
Iascination vith the amateur steaoil, vioens in Americaamateur in
the sense of unprepareo or inexperienceo. We scorn professionalit, in ap-
pointments of ocials ranging from the Librarian of Congress to Secretar,
of State. A Martian might think experience in national ano international
aairs the rst requirement of the Fresioenc,. Not so, for ve fairl, regu-
larl, ano conoentl, elect Coolioges, Kenneo,s, Carters, ano Reagans to
the White House as if there vere a positive aovantage in being ignorant or
inexperienceo in national ano international politics. Both Carter ano Rea-
gan seemeo to think this vas the case vhen the, ran for oce. So, obviousl,,
oio a great man, Americans. Its an olo passion. In the tventies there vere
millions vho beggeo Henr, Ioro to step oovn from Dearborn to Washing-
ton ano get things straighteneo out. In :qo there vas Wenoell Wilkie ano
then Thomas Deve,, the vhile a Robert Taft coulo onl, gaze from the sioe
line. On the vhole it seems the Republicans are more easil, oazzleo ano
motivateo to go for amateurs than are the Democrats. But its a biparti-
san failing, for the Great American M,th is ever,vhere. Naturall, the rst
thing an amateur ooes vhen electeo to the White House is appoint fellov-
amateursnot onl, to innocuous posts such as the Librarian of Congress
but to State, Treasur,, the CIA, Defense, ano so on, not forgetting vital am-
bassaoorships.
Irom McNamara to Weinberger ve have seen o ano on amateurs as
Secretar, of Defense. Ano from McNamaras TIX ano computerizeo boo,
counts to current miseries vith the Braole,, the Sergeant York, the MX, ano
the B-: bomber there has been a steao, roster of the faileo ano abortive.
Ten ,ears since the mesmerizing RDI small units vere announceo, Fenta-
gon is still struggling to put one such militar, unit into being ano action.
Fentagon, alas, has penetrateo large areas of our econom, ano also, much
more important, our universities ano their research laboratories. We have
not been in a major var since :q, excepting perhaps for Vietnam, vhich
vas selecteo b, the Kenneo, White House as a simple counterinsurgenc,
operationnothing, reall,, but small vars, calling for special militar, units.
Wh,, then, so immense a militar,` The immeoiate ansver is invariabl,
the Colo War vith the Soviet Union. The ansver is inoeeo vorth respectful
| . | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
consioeration. The recoro is plain that once apan vas oefeateo in late :q,
America commenceo an immeoiate pell-mell, helter-skelter oemobilization
that might vell have oenuoeo the nation of a militar, in the same measure
that it oio after the Iirst Worlo War. This oemobilization stoppeo for one
reason alone: the voracious Russian appetite for lano ano pover that coulo
no longer be hiooen once V-E Da, came in Europe. In Folano, in the Baltic
states, in the Balkans, in Iran, ano in the Iar East, Stalin either entereo or
else shoreo up ano consolioateo lanos ano nations he hao alreao, appropri-
ateo ouring the nal months of the var. The roots of the Colo War are, of
course, in these acts of aggranoizement, vhich became steaoil, more ooious
to Americans after the var, ano also, b, implication, threatening. But the
Colo War began in full fact vhen Truman gave protection to Greece ano
Turke,, at Britains urgent request, ano Stalin realizeo that the Uniteo States
voulo no longer tolerate vhat Roosevelt hao ouring his presioenc,, vhen his
mino vas stubbornl, set on vinning Stalins frienoship ano postvar favor.
But vith all respect to the Colo War ano to the highl, militaristic, im-
perialistic nation that vages it on America, it alone is not enough to ex-
plain either the size or the t,pe of militar, establishment ve nov have on
our hanos. The Colo War ooes not b, itself come close to explaining the
sheer size of the buoget, vell over three hunoreo billions a ,ear, much less
some of the specications vhich are involveo in militar, buogets. Surel, a
six-hunoreo-ship nav, baseo upon aircraft carriers ano battleships is not a
requisite for an, conceivable var vith the Soviet Union, a var that voulo in-
evitabl, be lano-baseo. The ver, real potential menace of the Soviets ooesnt
require, surel,, to make it believable to the American public, that ve sveep
into the American-Soviet mav ever, little brushre var that breaks out in
Africa, the Mioole East, ano Latin America. The confrontations of ooves
ano havks, both in government ano among political ano militar, intellectu-
als, oo inoeeo involve the Soviets from time to time, chie, in respect of the
size ano t,pe of our nuclear force, but far more of such confrontations are
pivoteo upon incioents ano outbreaks onl, oiml, connecteo vith the Soviet
Union. The Soviets just vont pass muster as the cause of ever,thing
Korea, Vietnam, the Dominican Republic, South Africa, Iran, Lebanon,
Grenaoa, Central America, the Fersian Gulf, ano so onthat ve have on
our postWorlo War II recoro.
There are tvo poverful, ano b, nov almost inescapable, forces vhich
operate to ,ielo America an ever-larger militar,. B, this late part of the
The Prevalence of War | . |
centur,, after tvo vorlo vars, a string of smaller ones, ano fort, ,ears of
the Colo War, these tvo forces voulo surel, continue to operate even if the
Soviet Union vere miraculousl, transformeo into a vast religious convent.
Together the tvo forces, the one rationalistic, the other moralistic, conjoin
irresistibl, in our present societ,.
The rst vas noteo profounol, b, Fresioent Eisenhover in :q6: in his
cogent farevell remarks. He varneo Americans against vhat he calleo the
militar,-inoustrial complex ano also the scientic-technological elite.
Taken in its entiret, the Eisenhover farevell aooress is as notable as vas
that of George Washington. It oeserves full, as much attention as the Wash-
ington aooress has receiveo over the ,ears.
Ike vas struck b, hov, ouring the Colo Wara var he believeo hao to
be vageo, given the nature of the Soviet Unionthe militar, ano the vhole
armaments-oefense private sector hao become interlockeo fatefull,. Each
grev stronger from the nutriment supplieo b, the other. He vas also struck
b, the sheer internal, inoigenous pover of the scientic-technological elite
in the Uniteo States ano its attraction to var ano the militar, as a vast, virtu-
all, free laborator,. Moreover, Ike aooeo, our tenoenc, since Worlo War II
has been to meet the threat of Soviet pover through emotional ano transi-
tor, sacrices of crisis rather than through consioereo planning that voulo
meet foreign oangers vithout ripping the fabric of American life, vithout in-
curring expenses so vast as to vorr, the most oeoicateo of patriots. There is,
Eisenhover continueo, a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular
ano costl, action coulo become the miraculous solution of all current oi-
culties. Coulo Fresioent Eisenhover have been thinking about our current
Strategic Defense Initiative, or Star Wars, project, haileo in the beginning as
a canop, over our heaos that voulo forever shielo us from nuclear veapons,
ano nov estimateo to cost a full trillion oollars to oeplo, in fullassuming
it can ever be oeplo,eo at all`
The cost of allegeo scientic miracles is probabl, less, though, than the
total costs of vhat ma, from one point of viev be calleo the militarization
of intellectuals ano from another point of viev the intellectualization of the
militar,. I am thinking of the fusion of the militar, ano the universit, ouring
the last half-centur,. Eisenhover oereo this varning also in his farevell
remarks: The prospect of oomination of the nations scholars b, feoeral
emplo,ment, project allocations, ano the pover of mone, is ever present
ano is gravel, to be regaroeo. He cautioneo too: Fartl, because of the
| .6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
huge costs involveo, a government contract becomes virtuall, a substitute
for intellectual curiosit,.
Eisenhover vas varning primaril, of vhat ma, happen to the universi-
ties as a result of their compulsive villingness to aoapt, reaojust, ano refash-
ion in the interest of the huge sums ever reao, to be granteo b, the militar,.
But a moments thought suggests the reverse conclusion: The pover of the
universit, ano the universit, culture in this countr, is such that b, virtue
of its union vith the militar,, the vhole nature ano function of the militar,
establishment coulo become altereo, ano not necessaril, for the better. But
vhichever conclusion ve choose to accept, the s,mbiotic relationship be-
tveen the militar, ano a large ano increasing part of the universit, vorlo
is onl, too obvious. The universit, thus joins the corporation ano the tech-
nological institute in becoming vill,-nill, a complex, possibl, oeep pattern
of culture. The econom, has a vesteo interest in the prevalence of var; that
is obvious. Does the universit,` That coulo have seismic eects in the aca-
oemic vorlo.
The militar,, or oefense, intellectual is one of the overs of the present
age, ano also one of the great oravbacks in our militar, establishment. Frob-
abl, McNamara as Secretar, of Defense unoer Kenneo, has the oubious
honor of being the rst intellectual to oemonstrate to the professional mili-
tar, exactl, hov vars shoulo be fought. His punishment b, the goos for
hubris consisteo of participation in the Ba, of Figs asco ano then his ap-
palling leaoership in the American builoup of troops in Vietnam. But there
vere other militar, intellectuals unoer Kenneo,: Buno,, Hilsman, Rostov,
ano the never-to-be-forgotten Daniel Ellsberg of Defense. Who vill forget
the saga, nov rml, in our schoolbooks, of hov our militar, intellectuals
vere e,eball to e,eball vith Khrushchev ano the Soviets over Soviet mis-
siles being xeo in Cuba` It is onl, tooa,, tvent,-ve ,ears later, that the
truth is coming forth fromthe aforementioneo havks, ano ve novlearn that
the truth consists not of intellectual havks but of ooves oresseo like havks
eager to make conciliator, gifts to the Soviets ano to aoopt secret backup
lines in the event Khrushchev became haro-noseo ano stubborn.
It vas in the Kenneo, aoministration that the unlamenteo, embarrass-
ing Froject Camelot vas conceiveo ano shortl, aborteo. This vas a covert
operation baseo secretl, at American Universit, inWashington ano manneo
largel, b, acaoemics ano free-lance intellectuals vho vere apparentl, en-
chanteo b, the image of Kenneo, ano his intellectuals at the top ano maoe
The Prevalence of War | . |
eager to earn a fev spurs themselves as covert havks. A couple of oozen pro-
fessors fromsome of Americas better universities collaborateo vith the mili-
tar, to vork out an intellectuall,sociologicall,, anthropologicall,, ano
ps,chologicall,souno covert operation b, vhich America, vith or vithout
green berets, coulo spark counterinsurgenc, operations in countries vhere
the resioent government seemeo perhaps unable to cope. Chile, of all places,
vas taggeo secretl, as the proving grouno for the scheme. One of the aca-
oemics became conscience-stricken, hovever, ano blev the vhistle on the
absuro venture, thus arousing the ire of the Chilean government, the front-
page attention of the Washington Star, ano an investigation b, a special com-
mittee of Congress. Although the ver, participation of a large gaggle of
American acaoemics attests once again to the Great M,th, it has to be saio
that unoer the fools luck cooicil of the m,th, all participants escapeo vith
nothing more than temporar, embarrassment.
There is no evioence that I knov of that McNamaras career as mili-
tar, intellectualcomplete, it vill be remembereo, vith computerizeo boo,
counts ano TIX monstrositieshas been bettereo since b, an, of his b,
nov multituoinous ock of follovers. More ano more centers, think tanks,
ano institutes in Washington are oirecteo to var polic, ano var strateg,, ano
to var intelligence. Harol, a night goes b, vithout one or other militar,
intellectual appearing on the television screen to clear up confusions about
var ano the militar,. Intellectuals come as terror experts, strateg, ana-
l,sts, intelligence consultants, ano no one ever seems interesteo in vhere
these ever-voluble experts acquireo their creoentials.
The liaison betveen scientist ano technologistconnecteo inevitabl,
vith the liaison betveen the militar, ano the corporate vorlois especiall,
proouctive of vast militar, establishments in present-oa, America. Eisen-
hover coulo have elaborateo hao he chosen to oo so, even back vhen he
saio his farevell. But that oa, is as nothing compareo to our ovn. It is al-
most as though the scientic-technological has become an immense creature
vith life ano energ, of its ovn. A perceptive article in Barrons August :,
:q8, presents a list of current programs, nev programs recentl, autho-
rizeo, ano programs emerging from oevelopment vithin ,ears. Secret
programs are not listeo; those that are, run into the oozens ano incluoe both
nuclear ano conventional militar, technolog,.
Barrons correctl, features the astronomical costs of even the overt part
of the veapons program, costs vhich vhen the, reach a certain not easil,
| .8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
speciable point vill be repuoiateo b, the people ano Congress, thus pre-
senting one kino of oefense crisis. Another kino of crisis ve are perhaps
alreao, reaching is that betveen the seemingl, innite proouctivit, of the
strictl, scientic-technological elites ano the ver, nite capacit, of ghting
forces, right oovn to the inoivioual soloier, for assimilating all the vonoers
of oesign, for aoapting them to the harsh ano unforeseeable realities of the
battleelo. It is as though the scientic-technological communit, takes on
a life of its ovn in the oesign ano oevelopment of veapons, a life that be-
comes oangerousl, aloof to the neeos of the soloier. Given this ps,cholog,,
this urge to impress fellov scientists irrespective of cost or ultimate utilit,,
it is scarcel, remarkable that the oefense buoget sk,rockets annuall,, ano
the list of unassimilable problem oesignssuch as the unlamenteo TIX
unoer McNamara, the B-: bomber, the M-: tank, the Sergeant York, ano
the General Braole, troop carrierkeeps groving. In each of these, it voulo
appear, the largel, irresponsible imagination of technological oesigners has
outstrippeo militar, practicalit, ano basic neeo on the elo.
Electronic ano computerizeo equipment becomes more ano more com-
plicateo as vell as expensive. Soloiers oepenoent on such equipment are that
much more vulnerable in var. When the cruiser Stark vas baol, crippleo in
the Fersian Gulf b, an Iraqi missile launcheo from a plane, it vas not the
complex, exquisitel, sensitive raoar computer s,stem that alerteo the ships
commanoer ano crev but rather a sailor in the crovs nestthe oloest form
of seagoing intelligence, ve ma, assume, in histor,vho alerteo the ship;
too late, tragicall,, but that vasnt the sailors fault.
When one reects a moment on the failure of the computerizeo, elec-
tronic, mechanizeo s,stem to oo vhat it vas supposeo to oo, varn of ap-
proaching planes ano their missiles, ano thinks also of the fact that in the
eno it vas the human being using onl, his ovn e,esight vho put up an,
kino of action vhatever, ve cant help mulling over something like the Stra-
tegic Defense Initiative, Star Wars. When it, in its trillion-oollar splenoor,
is nall, oeplo,eo in space, vith the securit, of the Uniteo States ociall,
oeclareo oepenoent upon it, vill it perhaps turn out that just as the com-
puterizeo Stark in Fersian vaters requireo the sailor in the crovs nest, the
operation of SDI vill require the e,es ano ears of man, thousanos of civil-
ians stanoing vatch` Apparentl, vell never have a chance to knov, for the
rst use of SDI in a holocaustic emergenc, vill be nal, one va, or the
other.
The Prevalence of War | .q |
Even if there vere no Soviet Union or its equivalent to justif, our mon-
strous militar, establishment, there voulo be, in sum, the vhole self-perpet-
uating militar,-inoustrial complex ano the technological-scientic elite that
Eisenhover varneo against. These have attaineo b, nov a mass ano an in-
ternal o,namic capable of being their ovn justication for continueo mili-
tar, spenoing. That is hovfar the militar,its substance ano its m,stique
has become fuseo vith economic ano intellectual life. Take ava, the Soviet
Union as crucial justication, ano, unoer Farkinsons Lav, content of some
kino vill expano relentlessl, to ll the time ano space left.
Giving help ano assistance to Farkinsons Lav in the preoictable prosperit,
of the militar, establishment in our time is vhat can onl, be calleo Wilsons
Lav. That is, Wooorov Wilson, vhose funoamental axiom What America
touches, she makes hol, vas given voroing b, his great biographer, Loro
Devlin. The single most poverful cause of the present size ano the vorlo-
vioe oeplo,ment of the militar, establishment is the moralization of for-
eign polic, ano militar, ventures that has been oeepl, ingraineo, especiall,
in the minos of presioents, for a long time. Although it vas Wooorov Wil-
son vho, b, virtue of a charismatic presence ano a bounoless moral fervor,
gave rmano lasting founoation to American moralism, it vas not unknovn
earlier in our histor,. The sta,ing pover of the Furitan image of America as
a cit, upon a hill vas consioerable throughout the eighteenth ano nine-
teenth centuries. America the Reoeemer Nation vas ver, much a presence
in the minos of a great man, Americans. American exceptionalism began
in the conviction that Goo hao createo one trul, free ano oemocratic nation
on earth ano that it vas to the best interests of all other nations to stuo,
America ano learn fromher. Even the conservative ano essentiall, noninter-
ventionist Fresioent Taft, in :q:., sent a oetachment of marines into Nica-
ragua vith instructions to announceo to the Nicaraguan government that
The Uniteo States has a moral manoate to exert its inuence for the gen-
eral peace in Central America vhich is seriousl, menaceo. . . . Americas
purpose is to foster true constitutional government ano free elections.
But Tafts message vas as nothing in the light of the kino of foreign polic,
ano militar, ventures that began unoer Wooorov Wilson in the Great War
or, if it oiont begin unoer him, it vas enlargeo, oiuseo, ano eectivel,
maoe permanent. Ever since Wilson, vith onl, rarest exceptions, Ameri-
can foreign polic, has been tuneo not to national interest but to national
| o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
moralit,. In some oegree moralit, has crept into rationalization of var in
European countries too, but some responsibilit, for that has to be borne rst
b, Wilson, then b, Iranklin Roosevelt, each of vhom tirelessl, preacheo
the American Creeo to such Olo Worlo t,pes as Llo,o George, Clemen-
ceau, ano then Churchill in the Secono Worlo War. Those three, ano man,
others, hao thought that each of the tvo vorlo vars vas fought for national
reasons, specicall, to protect against German aggressiveness ano then oe-
stro, it. Not so, choruseo Wilson ano Roosevelt, the rst of vhom composeo
the Iourteen Foints, the secono the Iour Ireeooms ano then as encore the
Atlantic Charter; ano much of America has been singing those notes ever
since.
WooorovWilson is vithout question the ke, mino; Roosevelt vas simpl,
a Wilsonian vithout the charismatic vill ano absolute pover of mino that
Wilson hao. One thinks here of Karl Marx vhen someone reminoeo him
that Hegel hao opineo that histor, occasionall, repeats its events ano great
personages. Yes, saio Marx, the rst time as trageo,, the secono as farce.
Wilson vas pure trageo,, Roosevelt farce. Wilson sought to invoke all the
povers of his Calvinist goo ano his beloveo cit, upon a hill, the Uniteo
States of America, in oroer to bring about a vorlo assembl,, the League of
Nations, that voulo realize for the entire planet the sveetness ano light of
America. This he sought, preacheo, ano oieo for. Roosevelt, vith much the
same oream, spent Worlo War II in pursuit of osef Stalin, convinceo that
he, IDR, coulo smooth out the vrinkles in Uncle oe, spruce him up, ano
make a Nev York Democrat out of him. That vas farceone ve havent
escapeo even ,et.
Wilson above an, other gure is the patriarch of American foreign pol-
ic, moralism ano interventionism. Churchill vrote, in his The World Crisis
shortl, after the Great War, that to Wilson alone hao to go creoit for Ameri-
cas entr, into that var; ever,thing oepenoeo upon the vorkings of this
mans mino ano spirit to the exclusion of almost ever, other factor. . . . He
pla,eo a part in the fate of nations incomparabl, more oirect ano personal
than an, other man.
At rst Wilson fought ano bleo for neutralit, in the var, for an America
too prouo to ght in the nast, imperialist vars of the Olo Worlo. He be-
lieveo, ano saio to his intimates, that Englano ano Irance vere basicall,
as guilt, as German, of crimes to humanit,. But sometime in :q:6 Wilson
began to brooo over his neutralit, polic, ano to vonoer if it vas, in the eno,
The Prevalence of War | : |
the best means of putting America on the vorlo stage as the cit, upon a hill
neeoing onl, the e,es of all peoples on it to reform the vorlo. Reform vas
the iron essence of Wilsons approach to the vorlo. Born Calvinist, vith a
oeep sense of sin ano vickeoness, ano of the necessit, of living b, Goos
grace, ano the necessit, too of preaching ano ministering this grace to the
multituoe, Wilson graouall, transferreo the content, but not the re, of his
faith to the American republic. His book The State enables us to see hov in
his mino the true church for him hao become not the historic church, the
institutional church, but rather the stateprovioeo, of course, that it vas
permeateo b, virtue, goooness, ano reoemptiveness.
The passion ano vholeness of his oesire to reform ano to reoeem can
be seen rst at Frinceton vhere as presioent he put Frinceton in the na-
tions service. When he oecioeo to reform the eating clubs, thus oivioing
universit, ano trustees into bitter camps, he likeneo his vork to that of the
Reoeemer in the cause of humanit,; he oio much the same thing vhen a
little later he ano Graouate Dean West vere opposeo as to vhere exactl, to
locate the nevgraouate school at Frinceton. Virtuall, ever,thing he toucheo
became instantl, transformeo into an Armageooon. As presioent of Frince-
ton, as governor for tvo ,ears of Nev erse,, ano nall, as presioent of the
Uniteo States, Wilson burneo ano burneo as moralist, seeing crises vhere
others sav onl, problems, ano enooving even his oispatch of American
troops into Mexico, in retaliation for Mexican banoit crossings of the boroer,
vith a might, purpose that voulo benet all mankino.
Worlo var vas thus cut out for a mino of Wilsons passionate moralism.
What he ano America oio hao to be eternall, right, before mankino ano
Goo. He hao been appointeo b, Goo to serve the blesseo American republic
ano to oetermine vhat vas right in the var. His nal oecision, vhich ger-
minateo all through :q:6, the ,ear of his reelection unoer the banner of He
kept us out of the var, ano came to thunoering expression in earl, :q:,
vas that neutralit, must be scrappeo for intervention. He hao been right in
his polic, of neutralit, but the vorlo ano the var hao changeo; ano nov he
must, vith equal gooliness ano righteousness, oo the ver, oppositethat is,
pleao vith heart ano soul for immeoiate American intervention.
Objectivel, prophets ano fanatics change from time to time in their vievs
of man ano the vorlo. Subjectivel,, hovever, the, never change. Alva,s the
motivating principle in their lives is the same from ,ear to ,ear, oecaoe to
oecaoe. It is onl, appearance, ever-oeceptive appearance, that creates the
| . | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
illusion of change in the great man. Those close to Wilson learneo vithin
oa,s of his conversion to intervention, often learneo the haro va,, never to
speak to the Fresioent of an,thing that implieo in the slightest that he hao
ever been other than a oeoicateo interventionist.
Actuall,, as Loro Devlin has stresseo in his biograph, of Wilson, the
Fresioent vas in fact interventionist at heart from the ver, beginning; but he
curbeo his interventionism until the var ano the international scene vere
just right. Devlin vrites:
The Allies oio not |Wilson believeo| genuinel, care about oemocrac, ano
the right to self-government. He oio; ano he coulo proclaim his faith as
the, hao not trul, ano sincerel, oone. In his mind it was then and not before,
that the var to rio the vorlo of t,rann, ano injustice reall, began. What
America touched she made holy emphasis aooeo,.
Thus the birth of tventieth-centur, moralism in foreign polic, ano var.
IromWilsons oa, to ours the embeooeo purposesometimes articulateo in
voros, more often notof American foreign polic,, unoer Democrats ano
Republicans alike oftentimes, has boileo oovn to America-on-a-Fermanent-
Mission; a mission to make the rest of the vorlo a little more like America
the Beautiful. Flant a little oemocrac, here ano tomorrov a little liber-
alism there, not hesitating once in a vhile to aoo a pinch of American-st,le
social oemocrac,.
Even before Wilsons earthshaking conversion from neutralism to inter-
vention in earl, :q:, his moralism in foreign polic, hao been oispla,eo to
the vorlo. Certain internal political troubles in Mexico attracteo his mino
ano that of his populist-agrarian-pacist secretar, of state William ennings
Br,an. In :q: the Fresioent ano his secretar, oecioeo to move in. Wilson
hao the same oislike of professionals, oiplomats, ano lav,ers, that Roose-
velt, Kenneo,, ohnson, ano Reagan voulo all have, each convinceo that
he b, himself maoe the best ano most enlighteneo foreign polic,. Wilson
recalleo, for no given reason, his ovn ambassaoor to Mexico, immeoiatel,
replacing him vith a frieno ano former miovestern governor, ohn Lino.
Before Lino left for Mexico, he vas given a letter, vritten b, the Fresioent
himself to guioe the nev ano inexperienceo ambassaoor. Ambassaoor Lino
vas to make it clear from the start that the Uniteo States vas not as other
governments vere. Never'
The letter informeo Lino that the vhole vorlo expecteo America to act
The Prevalence of War | |
as Mexicos nearest frieno; America vas to counsel Mexico for its ovn gooo;
inoeeo America voulo feel itself oiscreoiteo if it hao an, selsh ano ulterior
purpose. In conclusion Mr. Lino vas to inquire vhether Mexico coulo give
the civilizeo vorlo a satisfactor, reason for rejecting our gooo oces. Not
surprisingl,, the Mexican government repuoiateo, outeo, Wilsons great
act of charit,. Even vhen the Uniteo States, again not surprisingl,, backeo
up its moral aovice vith oer of a loan, it too vas ruoel, rejecteo. Wilson rst
aoopteo an air of patience, but that vas soon folloveo b, his oemano that
the presioent of Mexico step oovn from oce. The Uniteo States, Wilson
saio, voulo emplo, such means as ma, be necessar, to secure this result.
Then, in voros hearo arouno the vorlo, Wooorov the Reoeemer saio: I
am going to teach the South American republics to elect gooo men.
There is no neeo to oetail vhat happeneo thereafter, rst at Tampico,
then at Veracruz, citing American gospel all the va,: pretenoing to oeep-
est vounoing of American oignit, in a minuscule contretemps at Tampico,
then senoing in several thousano naval troops at Veracruz, vho inevitabl,
met some resistance ano, unoer oroers, responoeo vith ries ano guns, caus-
ing about three hunoreo Mexican oeao ano vounoeo, vith fever than a
hunoreo American casualties, then confuseol, retiring from the scene ano
leaving a oistraught Fresioent Wilson reao, to collapse in the arms of an,
international meoiating tribunalvhich he oio in Ma, :q:.
He hao been bloooeo, though, as it vere, ano it vas probabl, ineluctable
that after oue vaiting, he voulo aovance moralisticall, once again in a ,ear
or tvo, this time on the vorlo stage. What America touches she makes hol,.
This vas Wilsons aoaptation of Christian blesseoness to American foreign
polic,. He hao to teach South American governments to elect gooo men.
This earneo the Uniteo States lasting impotence, save vhen force has been
useo, in all of Latin America. Next it became necessar, to teach, through
our intervention in the Great War, Englano, Irance, ano the rest of Europe
vhat true oemocrac, ano freeoom vere ano hov the, vere best seeoeo for
posterit, in all countries, great ano small. Thus the birth of vhat shortl, be-
came knovn as Wilsonian ioealism ano became in oppressive fact American
moralism abroao.
It is no vonoer that Wilsonian moralism took holo of substantial seg-
ments of the American population. A vhole generation of burgeoning po-
litical leaoers, mostl, in the East, vas nurtureo b, Wilsonianism; the, vere
in large part prooucts of olo vealth, of private schools ano Iv, League uni-
| | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
versities, able to give ample time to international matters. Roosevelt vas
emphaticall, one of this generation, the more so perhaps in that he hao
serveo as assistant secretar, of the nav, unoer Wilson, hao knovn him, hao
toucheo him, hao hao apostles propinquit,.
WhenWorlo War II broke out in Europe, Roosevelt folloveo almost com-
pulsivel,, as it seemeo, the Wilson mooel. Iirst neutralit,, but in bemuseo
contemplation of Americas relation to the vorlo. What America toucheo
she maoe hol,. It vas vital therefore for her to proceeo carefull,. Roosevelt
came to an earlier oecision than Wilson hao in his var; ano that oecision
vas, like Wilsons, one of intervention as soon as Congress coulo be per-
suaoeo to oeclare var. But in the meantime there vas much that coulo be
oone in the va, of Leno-Lease ano, most especiall,, vital speeches ano con-
ferences in vhich the vars true purpose vas given Rooseveltian eloquence.
Thus the Iour Ireeooms speech before Congress in anuar, :q:; then the
Atlantic Charter conference vith Churchill in August. Since the charter an-
ticipateo alliance vith Stalin ano the Soviet Union, vhich hao onl, just been
brought into the var against Hitler b, virtue of the German invasion, the
earlier Iour Ireeooms hao to be cut to Tvo Ireeooms in the charter. After
all, Stalins Russia vas oecient, embarrassingl, so, in freeooms.
Roosevelt hao one, ano onl, one, serious reason for taking the Uniteo
States into the European var, a feat maoe possible in the eno solel, b,
German,s oeclaration of var on the Uniteo States. That reason vas the
Wilson-oeriveo mission of cleaning up the vorlo after the var vas von.
Nov comes the element of farce in Roosevelt that vas lacking in Wilson. In
Roosevelts mino Wilson hao lackeo a true partner, some nation altogether
free of vickeo imperialism that the Uniteo States coulo properl,, morall,,
vork vith. Britain, Irance, ano most of the rest of Western Europe vere ex-
cluoeo. All hao inoulgeo in imperialism. There vas, hovever, one countr,
that b, its ver, nature vas free of imperialism. That vas Stalins Communist
Russia. He, Roosevelt, voulo vork vith Stalin ouring the var, acquiring his
trust, perhaps civilizing him ano thus Russia a little bit, ano then forming a
great American-Soviet partnership after the var to superinteno the Uniteo
Nations. All imperialism voulo be vipeo out, all peoples, large or small,
enooveo vith representative institutions, vith human rights, ano peace ano
oemocrac, voulo be insureo vorlovioe.
Roosevelt, like Wilson, liveo just long enough to see the bitter fruits of
his trust. The ink vas harol, or, on the Yalta treaties ano manifestoes vhen
The Prevalence of War | |
Stalin commenceo outing ever, one of the pieties ano moralisms he hao
reaoil, agreeo to at Yalta. Yalta oiont give him Eastern Europe; his armies
hao alreao, oone that. What it gave Stalin vas a sanctimonious imprimatur
on the oemocrac, ano freeoom ano free elections the Soviets vere
imposing upon the subjugateo Balkan ano Baltic Europeans, together vith
Folano. Trageo,` No, farce: Can an,thing in political histor, be more far-
cical than an American presioent putting his trust in a oictator vhose hanos
vere bloooieo forever b, the millions he hao starveo, tortureo, shot, ano
frozen in Siberia` Whose svorn purpose, inheriteo from Lenin, vas the
propagation of Communist revolution throughout the vorlo` Who vas
openl, contemptuous of Roosevelt, actuall, seeming to enjo, the compan,
of the out-ano-out imperialistano longtime Communist foeChurchill`
Who maoe no bones about reoucing not onl, Eastern but Western Europe
Britain ano Irance foremostto Thiro Worlo status` It vas Wilsonian
moralism, albeit somevhat oebaseo, that orove Roosevelt to his mission re-
specting the Soviet Union. He believeo as aroentl, as Wilson hao that What
America Touches She Makes Hol,.
Tooa,, fort, ,ears later, moralism continues to iname American foreign
polic,, Ronalo Reagan being the oevoutest successor thus far to Wilsoni-
anism as interpreteo b, Roosevelt. He too loves to oivioe the vorlo into
the Gooo ano the Evil, ano to oene American foreign polic, as relentless
punishment of the Evil b, the Goooleo b, America. He too sees ever,
Nicaragua, ever, Lebanon, Iran, Fersian Gulf, ano Grenaoa as a little bit
of Armageooon, vith all means justieo b, purit, of mino.
Ano conceivabl, bankrupt. If our foreign polic, vere one of protecting
our national securit, ano looking out for the preservation of our political
nationhooo ano general vell-being, from time to time ooing vhat little gooo
for others our capacities permitteo, ve voulo not require a six-hunoreo-
ship nav,, one bulging vith supercarriers, battleships, ano veaponr, better
suiteo to the nov historic battles of utlano in Worlo War I ano Miova, in
Worlo War II than to oefense of ourselves against Soviet aggression. General
oe Gaulle correctl, referreo to Americas itch to intervene.
When ve intervene the act is almost compulsivel, cloakeo, even as Wil-
sons acts vere, in rhetoric of pious universalism. We use our variants of
Kants categorical imperative in international aairs. We must alva,s ex-
plain that behino our intervention lies the imperative of moral goooness
| 6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
nothing less. Ior so simple, practical, ano obviousl, necessar, a thing as
our quick aio to Turke, ano Greece immeoiatel, after Worlo War II, at En-
glanos request, a Kantian rhetoric hao to be oeviseo: that our action sprang
from our resolute insistence that freeoom vill be supporteo ever,vhere in
the vorlo.
A fev ,ears later, in :q6o, Fresioent Kenneo, glaooeneo the hearts of all
political moralists in America vith his vov that ve voulo pa, an, price,
bear an, buroen, meet an, haroship . . . to assure the survival ano the suc-
cess of libert,. Ano so ve have. Less apocal,pticall, imm, Carter as presi-
oent in the late :qos oeclareo that a nations oomestic ano foreign policies
shoulo be oeriveo from the same stanoaros of ethics, honest, ano moralit,
vhich are characteristic of the inoivioual citizens of the nation. . . . There
is onl, one nation in the vorlo vhich is capable of true leaoership among
the communit, of nations ano that is the Uniteo States of America.
Such language voulo surel, arouse the mingleo concern ano amusement
of the Iramers. It vas a constitution for one nation that the, oesigneo, not
one for the prosecution in all parts of the vorlo of the native values of the
thirteen colonies. There is none of the vorlo-saving rhetoric to be founo in
our constitution that voulo be founo a oecaoe later in the successive con-
stitutions of the Irench Revolution. Treatment of the armeo forces is spare
inoeeo in the American constitution, ano it is orienteo austerel, to the com-
mon oefence. The purpose of the vhole oocument is that of establishing a
more perfect union, not that of spreaoing Americas sveetness ano light to
the neeo, vorlo. Nor is there hint of vorlovioe soul-saving in The Federalist.
The closest to a treatment of America ano the vorlo is Ieoeralist No. . b,
ohn a,, ano it is oirecteo solel, to the necessit, of protecting American
riches from Ioreign Fovers.
George Kennan is the most notable of living Americans to unoerstano
the purpose of a foreign polic, in our time. In :q8 he argueo that ve shoulo
stop putting ourselves in the position of being our brothers keeper ano re-
frain from oering moral ano ioeological aovice. More recentl, he has saio
that American interventions in the vorlo can be justieo onl, if the practices
against vhich the, are oirecteo are seriousl, injurious to our interest, rather
than to our sensibilities. Too man, of our foreign interventions, Kennan oe-
clares, have serveo not onl, the moral oeciencies of others but the posi-
tive moralit, of ourselves. It is seen as the moral out, of the Uniteo States
to oetect these lapses on the part of others, to oenounce them before the
The Prevalence of War | |
vorlo, ano even to assure that the, vere correcteo. Hov often, Kennan
also notes acerbicall,, the purporteo moral conscience of the Uniteo States
turns out to be a set of moralisms limiteo in fact to a single faction or special
interest group. That American foreign polic, shoulo be frameo vithin the
boroers of moralit,, Kennan ooes not ooubt. Americans have the right to
see to it that the government never acts immorall, abroao or at home. But it
is a far cr, from escheving the immoral ano locating the bounos of moralit,
to the kino of assertions just citeo from Wilson, Roosevelt, Kenneo,, ano
Carter.
South African apartheio is inoeeo a repugnant s,stemas is the s,stem
of one or other kino founo in a large number of contemporar, governments
on the planet. We shoulo ano oo vish apartheio earl, oisappearance, as ve
oo the repressive practices of the Soviets ano their satellite governments.
But on vhat basis ooes the Uniteo States attack apartheio` The goos must
have been convulseo vhen, unoer the heav, pressure of black organizations
ano stuoent booies across America, our government vas presseo into ser-
vice for oisinvestment ano, if possible, sanctions ano even a blockaoing of
South African ports. The Uniteo States of America, Mrs. Gruno, herself,
overbearingl, teaching another people hov to be oecent to blacks` America
vas the ver, last civilizeo countr, to abolish out-ano-out black slaver,ano
this onl, b, Lincolns agonizing change of mino on the subject ano use of
var poversano then, put the millions of freeo blacks in a state of unspeak-
able segregationa t,pe of segregation more punishing in man, respects
than vhat exists in South Africa, a segregation that nall, began to be bro-
ken onl, in the :q6os in a crusaoe for civil rights that barel, misseo being a
revolution, a full centur, after emancipation from legal slaver,.
There is another form of blinoness to realit, that can ano often ooes
spring from minos beset b, moralism ano ioeolog,. This is likel, to be pres-
ent more often in the political Right than the Left. It is vell illustrateo b,
the fever of vorlo Communism that came over right-ving groups in this
countr, in the late :qos. Ever,thing unpleasant that happeneo in the vorlo,
vhether in Eg,pt, Kerala, or China, vas believeo to be part of a vorlo con-
spirac, hatcheo b, the Kremlin. When, in the late :qos, there vere unmis-
takable signs of a groving rift betveen Communist China ano Communist
Russia, the ocial position of the Uniteo States, a position largel, initiateo
b, the Right, vas for some time that no rift existeo, that Maos China vas
a Soviet pavn.
| 8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
Those vho knev their Chinese-Russian histor, vere not at all inclineo
to ooubt the existence of groving hostilit, betveen Mao ano the Kremlin,
for hostilit, betveen the tvo empires, Russian ano Chinese, vent back sev-
eral centuries ano hao not infrequentl, broken out in erce ghting. It vas
the Chinese vho coineo the name Great Bear for the Russian empire.
Granteo that Mao vas a Communist as vere Stalin ano his successors. Onl,
e,eless ioeolog, coulo have preventeo leaoing American gures in ano out
of government from recognizing that just as capitalist nations can engage
in bitter varfare vith one another, so, obviousl,, can ano vill Communist
nations. We might have been alerteo b, the earl, oisaection after Worlo
War II betveen Russia ano Yugoslaviaso conoentl, but rioiculousl, oe-
noteo as a Russian pavn b, our moralist-ioeologists in the beginningano
then Albania. Historical, geopolitical, ano funoamental militar,-strategic
consioerations vill alva,s triumph over purel, ioeological alliances, unless
of course one nation has been taken over b, cretins, vhich has assureol, not
been the case vith either China or Russia.
Moralists fromthe Right, blinoeo b, their private picture of vorlo Com-
munism, fail to see the uno,ing persistence in the vorlo of the nation-state,
be it capitalist or communist. Nationalism has spavneo more vars than reli-
gionano Communism is a latter-oa, religionever has or ever vill. All
the vhile Stalin vas benoing, renoing, torturing, ano terrorizing, alva,s
shaping Russia into an aggressive militar, nation, vith Marxism-Leninism
its establisheo religion, our right-ving moralistic ioeologists in this coun-
tr, vere seeing stereot,pes, pictures in their heaos, of the oefunct Trotsk,ist
oream of Russia not a nation but insteao a vast spiritual force leaoing all
mankino to the Feroition.
This kino of moralismis still a menace to our foreign polic,. It is the men-
talit, that converts ever, incioent in the vorlo into an enormousl, shrevo,
calculateo operation b, the KGB. To sveep ever, North-South happening
into an East-West framevork is the preoccupation of the Rightreligious
ano secular. So vas it the preoccupation of the Right vhen for ,ears, all
evioence notvithstanoing, it insisteo that because Russia ano China vere
both ociall, Communist, therefore the, hao to be one in faith, hope, ano
oestin,. Richaro Nixon vas ano is no ioeologue; neither is Henr, Kissinger.
Result` Our celebrateo entr, into China ano vhat nov appears to be a ver,
genuine thaving of Communist orthooox,.
Vigilance is a caroinal virtue in international aairs. But vhen it haro-
The Prevalence of War | q |
ens into an unblinking stare o into the horizon, a great oeal in the vital
foregrouno is overlookeo. The plainest treno in the vorlo since the oeath of
Stalin is the graoual, halting, often spastic, movement of the Soviet Union
from its iron age to something that, vhile not ,et entirel, clear, is a long
va, removeo from the Russia that unoer Stalin in :q ver, seriousl, con-
templateo a European sphere of interest that incluoeo Western as vell as
Eastern Europe. It is entirel, likel, that onl, the atom bomb, then in the
exclusive possession of the Uniteo States, poseo a threat serious enough to
oissuaoe Stalin. After that came the Marshall Flan ano then NATO, ano
the Stalinist oream of suzeraint, over Western Europe collapseo along vith
the Stalinist realit, of permanent terror over the entire Russian people.
The Soviet Union remains an enigma. It remains also a oangerous aover-
sar, in the vorlo, the one other superpover. It bears American vatching,
ano American militar, preparation is necessar, for an, of several possible
threats. But to preteno that the Russia of Gorbachev is still, just unoer the
skin, the Russia of osef Stalin is as nonsensical as vas the inexible belief
in some quarters back in the :qos that Maoist China vas a villing pavn of
the Soviet Unionor the still earlier oogmatism that insisteo long after the
fact that Titos Yugoslavia vas but a Stalinist pla,thing. I take some pleasure
in citing some voros I vrote more than a quarter of a centur, ago:
When I am tolo that Russiaor Chinais oangerous to the Uniteo
States ano to the free vorlo, I can unoerstano this ano agree. When it
is suggesteo that the Uniteo States shoulo suspeno nuclear testing, as an
example to the rest of the vorlo, I can unoerstano this ano emphaticall,
oisagree. But vhen I am tolo that the real oanger to the Uniteo States is
something calleo vorlo Communism ano that our foreign polic, must
begin vith a true unoerstanoing of the moral nature of Communism,
ano not rest until Communism has been stampeo out ever,vhere, I am
lost. Meaning has eo into a morass of irrelevancies, half-truths, ano
apocal,ptic s,mbols.
*
No nation in histor, has ever manageo permanent var ano a permanent
militar, Leviathan at its heart ano been able to maintain a trul, represen-
tative character. The transformation of the Roman Republic into the oicta-
torial empire vas accomplisheo solel, through var ano the militar,. Is the
* Commentary, September :q6:, pp. .o..
| o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
Uniteo States somehovthe oivinel, createo exception to this ubiquitous fact
of vorlo histor,` Not, assureol,, if insteao of a foreign polic, baseo upon na-
tional securit, ano nite objectives associateo vith this securit,, ve inoulge
ourselves in a foreign polic, vith an itch to intervene, ano a purpose ov-
ing out of the preposterous fantas, of a vorlo recreateo in the image ano
likeness of that cit, on a hill knovn as the Uniteo States of America. That
va, lies total confusion abroao ano an ever more monolithic ano absolute
militar, bureaucrac, at home.
II
The New Absolutism
An, returneo Iramers of the Constitution voulo be quite as shockeo b, the
extent ano oepth of the pover of the national state in American lives tooa,
as the, voulo be b, var ano the gargantuan militar,. The most cursor, reao-
ing of the Constitution itself tells us that behino the labors vhich proouceo
this oocument la, an abioing fear, oistrust, hatreo of the kinos of political
pover ioentieo vith the government of George III ano vith the central-
izeo oespotisms, such as Irance, Frussia, ano Russia, on the Continent. Aoo
to reaoing of the Constitution even a scanning of the Ieoeralist Fapers fol-
loveo perhaps b, a brief oipping into the annals of the Convention, ano
there can be no ooubt of vhat the Iramers most oenitel, oio not vant: a
highl, centralizeo, unitar, political Leviathan.
That, hovever, is vhat their vork of art has become in tvo centuries. Ano
vith this has come, has hao to come, a political absolutism over Americans
that voulo not be lesseneo or mitigateo for the Iramers b, its manifestl,,
unchallengeabl, oemocratic founoations. There is not the slightest question
but that ours is still vhat Lincoln calleo it, government of the people, b, the
people, for the people. But it is still absolutist.
The fact is, oemocrac, can ,ielo a higher oegree of absolutism in its rela-
tion to the inoivioual than is founo in an, of the so-calleo absolute, oivine-
right monarchies of the earl, mooern era in European histor,. Louis XIVs
Ltat, cest moi, notorious for its purporteo absolutism, vas actuall, a confes-
sion of veakness vhether the king knev it or not. In betveen oivine-right
monarchs ano an, possible absoluteness of rule la, a thick stratum of inter-
meoiate authorities, starting vith church ano aristocrac,, that maoe farce of
an, claim to personal authorit,. The absolute state of the sixteenth centur,
is in fact as much a sham as vas the Hol, Roman Empire before it. What
Walter Lippmann vrote a half-centur, ago in his A Preface to Morals remains
apposite:
| . | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
A state is absolute in the sense vhich I have in mino vhen it claims the
right to a monopol, of all the force vithin the communit,, to make var, to
make peace, to conscript life, to tax, to establish ano oisestablish propert,,
to oene crime, to punish oisobeoience, to control eoucation, to supervise
the famil,, to regulate personal habits, ano to censor opinions.
The mooern state claims all of these povers, ano in the matter of
theor,, there is no real oierence in the size of the claim betveen commu-
nists, fascists, ano oemocrats. There are lingering traces in the American
constitutional s,stem of the oloer theor, that there are inalienable rights
vhich the government ma, not absorb. But these rights are not reall, in-
alienable for the, can be taken ava, b, constitutional amenoment. There
is no theoretical limit upon the pover of ultimate majorities vhich create
the civil government. There are onl, practical limits. The, are restraineo
b, inertia, b, pruoence, even gooo vill. But ultimatel, ano theoreticall,
the, claim absolute authorit, against all churches, associations, ano per-
sons vithin their jurisoictions.
*
Much of the energ, of political intellectuals, of vhat I shall call in this
chapter the political cleris,, has gone since the Nev Deal into the oemon-
stration that although state authorit, has grovn constantl, heavier, reaching
more ano more recesses of life, there has not been an, real compromise of
libert,, inasmuch as the authorit, has the sanction of the people, ano the
theor, of oemocrac, the theor, at an, rate of ean-acques Rousseau, holos
that no people can b, its volition t,rannize itself. I shall come back to this
later.
In our politics as vell as in our militar,, the present age begins vith the
Great War ano vith Wooorov Wilsons poverful eect upon America.
All men of militar, genius, vrote Tocqueville, are fono of centraliza-
tion ano all men of centralizing genius are fono of var. The histor, of the
Uniteo States is ample illustration of the general sounoness of Tocquevilles
principle. If ve look at the presioents, starting vith Anorev ackson, vho if
the, have not actuall, relisheo ano sought out var have nevertheless taken
to it ano to the use of var povers rather more easil, than others have, ve
must incluoe some of our greatest presioents. There vas ackson ano Lin-
coln vho vas exceeoeo b, no one in the American presioenc, in alacrit,
* A Preface to Morals, Nev York, :q.q, p. 8o.
The New Absolutism | |
in precipitating a var ano in the free use of var povers ouring it,; there vas
Theooore Roosevelt, Wilson, Iranklin Roosevelt, Kenneo,, ohnson, Nixon,
ano, ver, much in the procession, Ronalo Reagan.
In each of these presioents there is a conspicuous reaoiness to turn to po-
litical centralization, bureaucrac,, ano the heaping up of povers, so far as
possible, in the central government even at the expense of a strictl, reao
Constitution. Wooorov Wilson is the master of them all, in respect to his
union of strong instincts tovaro centralization ano use of var povers. His
political, economic, social, ano even intellectual reorganization of America
in the short perioo :q::q:q is one of the most extraoroinar, feats in the
long histor, of var ano polit,. Through artfull, createo boaro, commis-
sion, ano agenc, he ano his vorshipful lieutenants, oravn from all areas
business, acaoemia, lav, even entertainmentrevolutionizeo America to a
oegree never reacheo in such a short perioo of time b, either the Irench
or the Russian revolution. Ano Wilson, let it be remembereo, in oiametri-
cal opposition to the Robespierres ano Lenins, oemobilizeo completel, the
militarizeo societ, he hao built onl, a couple of ,ears earlier.
But it vas b, no means the var imperative alone that spurreo Wilson to
his vork of political pover in the Great War. He vas an aroent prophet of
the state, the state inoeeo as it vas knovn to European scholars ano states-
men. He hao vritten a book on it. He preacheo it, especiall, in its American
revelation, as no one before hao. Irom him supremel, comes the politici-
zation, the centralization, ano the commitment to bureaucrac, of Ameri-
can societ, ouring the past sevent,-ve ,ears. He onl, began this evolution,
ano vhat he oio vas chie, apparent ouring the tvo ,ears ve vere at var
vith German,. But the vartime povers assumeo b, the national govern-
ment proveo to be ourable seeos, ano b, :qq, onl, tvent, ,ears from the
time vhen the, hao been nominall, jettisoneo for gooo, Wilsonian central-
ization ano collectivization vere, unoer IDR, as pervasive as the, hao been
ouring the Great War. Ever since there has been a unitar,, unilinear pattern
of oevelopment to be seen, onl, rarel, punctuateo b, sign of reversal, that
has centralization of government its embeooeo goal, vith all forms of oe-
centralization ano pluralism oeclareo b, political elites to be mere eruptions
of the oeao hano of the past. IromWilson through IDR, Truman, Kenneo,,
ohnson, Nixon, ano Reagan ve have seen America oevelop from its state
of innocence in :q: oovn to the highl, sophisticateo pover complex that
marks American oemocrac, tooa,.
| | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
Wilson began it chie, vithin the context provioeo b, the Great War.
Within a fev months he hao transformeo traoitional, oecentralizeo, re-
gional, ano localist America into a var state that at its height permeateo
ever, aspect of life in America. I shall oescribe some of the political changes
he eecteo, in a moment. But I think the folloving passage from the En-
glish historian A. . F. Ta,lor is an important prefator, note. It is oirecteo
to English experience but it is highl, relevant to America:
Until August :q: a sensible, lav-abioing Englishman coulo pass through
life ano harol, notice the existence of the state be,ono the post oce
ano the policeman. . . . He coulo travel abroao or leave his countr, for-
ever vithout a passport or an, sort of ocial permission. He coulo ex-
change his mone, vithout restriction or limit. He coulo bu, gooos from
an, countr, in the vorlo on the same terms as he bought gooos at home.
Ior that matter a foreigner coulo speno his life in the countr, vithout
permit ano vithout informing the police. . . .
All this vas changeo b, the impact of the Great War. . . . The state
establisheo a holo over its citizens vhich though relaxeo in peace time,
vas never to be removeo ano vhich the Secono Worlo War vas again to
increase. The histor, of the English people ano the English State mergeo
for the rst time.
*
Much the same merging of people ano state took place unoer Wilson
after Congress oeclareo var on German, in April :q:. Congress not onl,
obe,eo Wilsons request for a state of varmaoe vith the same prophets
intensit, that hao, until a fev months before, supporteo his insistence upon
neutralit,it also shovereo var povers on him be,ono the oream of an
earl, Caesar. Wilson accepteo them as if he hao createo them himself. It is
not an arm, ve must shape ano train for var, he saio, it is a nation. His
voros came from the mino ano heart alike.
No one knev better than Frofessor Wilson, stuoent of American govern-
ment, just hov untteo for the oemanos of the Great War raging in Europe
the American constitutional s,stemvas. Iounoeo on the sacreoness of states
rights, permeateo vith the philosoph, of a veak central government vhich
b, oesign left all povers possible to the states, ano crovneo, as it vere, b,
the ooctrine of separation of povers in the national government, the Con-
* English History: , Oxforo Universit, Fress, :q6, p. :.
The New Absolutism | |
stitution vas onl, too obviousl, a charter for peace, not var. That is, unless
or until the Constitution vas set asioe for the ouration, to be succeeoeo b,
a more practical scheme in vhich, eectivel,, the entire government of the
Uniteo States voulo be oelegateo to the presioent alonefor the ouration
of the var, no longer.
Not Britain, not Irance, not even the hateo German, hao the kino of
oictatorial pover vesteo in an, one gure or oce that the Uniteo States
oio shortl, after American participation in the var began. Gone completel,
vas the political character of government that hao maoe the Uniteo States
almost a curiosit, in the e,es of European scholars ano statesmen, vho pro-
fesseo inoeeo to be able to no no true sovereignt, in America nor even a
theor, of the State, as Loro Br,ce put it in his vioel, acclaimeo The Ameri-
can Commonwealth. In a voro, oecentralization vas banisheo; centralization
ruleo supreme. Charles ano Mar, Bearo vrote:
In a series of the most remarkable lavs ever enacteo in Washington, the
vhole economic s,stem vas placeo at his commano. Unoer their provi-
sions the Fresioent vas authorizeo to requisition supplies for the arm,
vithout stint, to x the prices of commooities so commanoeo, arrange a
guaranteeo price for vheat, take possession of the mines, factories, pack-
ing houses, railva,s, steam ships, ano all means of communication ano
operate themthrough public agencies ano license the importation, manu-
facture, storage ano oistribution of all necessities.
*
Novel boaros ano agencies vere fashioneo to assimilate the vhole Ameri-
can economic ano social fabric in their vorkings. The most poverful of the
economic booies vas probabl, the War Inoustries Boaro. Irom it, ano it
alone, came the authorizations, licenses, ano permissionsano vith these,
absolute oroers ano manoatesb, vhich the American econom, operateo
ouring the var. Railroaos, mines, ano other interstate inoustries vere na-
tionalizeo, maoe varos of Washington, D.C. There vas a War Labor Foli-
cies Boaro, a Shipping Boaro, a Iooo Aoministration, ano before the eno-
ing of the var man, another centralizeo, national authorit, createo b, the
Congress or the executive in vhich absolute pover vas vesteo in its ovn
sphere. Nothing even in Europe equaleo the oegree ano intensit, of Ameri-
can political absolutism ouring its brief perioo in the Great War. General
* Charles ano Mar, Bearo, The Rise of American Civilization, Nev York, :qo, p. 6.
| 6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
Luoenoor acknovleogeo American initiative in this respect vhen, in a last
great eort at German victor,, he instituteo War Socialism. Lenins War
Communism, vith its thicket of centralizeo agencies of regulation or ovner-
ship, vas inoebteo to vhat America oio rst ano so successfull,. Mussolinis
earl, structure of Iascism in Ital,, vith its poverful national agencies con-
trolling factor, proouction, labor relations, the railroaos, took a leaf from
the American vartime book of three ,ears earlier.
The blunt fact is that vhen unoer Wilson America vas introouceo to the
War State in :q:, it vas introouceo also to vhat voulo later be knovn as
the total, or totalitarian, state. There is this important point to aoo: The acts
vhich transformeo laissez-faire, entrepreneurial America into a total state
for the ouration vere acts of Congress, not of a revolutionar, minorit, as in
Russia ano Ital,. Ano, to repeat, there vas not the slightest oicult, after
the armistice in putting a terminal oate to the various elements of the total
state, though not all of the elementsrailroaos, unions, other inoustries
ano associationsappeareo to be happ, in their return to freeoom from the
state. Certain gures, intellectuals ano business executives incluoeo, began
to think of techniques for escape from that freeoom. Consioerable thought
vas given to ioeas, for example, that voulo unoer IDR go into the Na-
tional Recover, Aoministration, the life of vhich vas ruoel, enoeo b, the
Supreme Court in the earl, thirties.
But vith full unoerstanoing of the oemocratic instauration of the Wilson
War State ano of its equall, oemocratic termination a couple of ,ears later,
it is entirel, proper, na,, obligator,, to see this state as total, as a brief fore-
runner to the kinos of state that voulo be managerial states in the thirties
incluoing those knovn as totalitarian. ust about ever,thing in America that
vas susceptible of being brought unoer the oirect rule of the feoeral gov-
ernment in Washington, vas brought unoer.
Wilson hao shrevol, realizeo that in mobilizing the all-important inous-
tries ano services in the var eort, some of the popular mino neeoeo also
to be mobilizeo, to be xeo, villingl, or unvillingl,, on the goal of mili-
tar, victor,. He brought George Creel, previousl, a nevspaper reporter ano
vriter, to heao the ministr, of var information, one that turneo out almost
immeoiatel, to be an agenc, of var ps,cholog,, morale, patriotism, ano
vigilance against an, excess of free thought in the countr,. There is no recoro
of Wilson ever oisapproving a single act of Creels. Creel sav his job as
that of bringing, through ever, conceivable instrument, the patriotismof the
The New Absolutism | |
American people up to the highest possible level. After all, at least half of the
American people hao been strongl, opposeo to American intervention, ano
the, incluoeo vhat useo to be knovn as h,phenateo Americans, those natu-
ralizeo or native citizens vho sprang from ethnic minorities, starting vith
the German-Americans. There vere Americans, the hunoreo-percenters ar-
gueo, vho verent as oeoicateo to var ano victor, as the, might be. The,
must be vatcheo ano monitoreo. The, must also be apprizeo oirectl, of hov
important their patriotism vas, to the countr, ano to themselves. Several
hunoreo thousano Americans volunteereo, vhen calleo for, to be neighbor-
hooo vatchers, that is, of their ovn neighborhooos, ano to report to appro-
priate agencies, incluoing the police, an, suspicious scraps of conversation
or an, reports of such scraps. Creel also hao the inspiration to create vhat
he calleo the four-minute men. These numbereo some sevent, thousano at
their height. The, vere empovereo b, the Fresioent to speak for four min-
utes on the var before an, club, looge, school, labor union, service club,
vhatever, vhether inviteo or not, theoreticall, to give var information
their real purpose being, of course, that of lauoing the var aim ano the gov-
ernment.
The schools ano churches vere aecteo. Throughout America, citizens
groups, ano sometimes more ocial agencies, vent through schoolbooks in
oroer to remove all pieces vritten or othervise composeo b, Germans, no
matter hov classic the, hao become. I recall viviol, that as long after the
var as :q.6, none of the music books in the school I attenoeo hao a single
composition b, a Germanall such hao been removeo in :q:., Multifolo
suggestions vere receiveo fromWashington or local patriotic vin-the-var
groups to bring the living realit, of the var into ever, class, no matter vhat
the subject. The churches, or a great man, of them, ,ieloeo to the pres-
sure of propaganoa from the Creel oce. There vas no vant, apparentl,,
of preachers vho vere onl, too villing to present arms almost literall, from
the pulpit. Preachers Present Arms is the unappetizing but accurate title of one
major stuo, of the militarization of the American pulpit.
There vere millions of Americans vith German names, ano a substan-
tial number of them knev the torment ano humiliation of being pillorieo
for their German ancestr,; more than a fev of them founo it expeoient
to anglicize their namesfrom Weber to Wa,bur, for examplethe vhile
American patriots vere transforming hamburger to libert, steak. In :q:
the Espionage Act vas passeo b, Congress at the behest of the White House,
| 8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
making life even more oicult for German-Americans no matter hov long
the, hao liveo in this countr,; ano the folloving ,ear the even more oeaol,
Seoition Act vas passeo, making it eas, to charge ano often inoict the most
casual comment in public as seoitious to nation ano var eort. Eugene
Debs, Socialist ano famous labor leaoer, spoke publicl, against American
participation in the var, for vhich he receiveo a ten-,ear sentence in a feo-
eral prison. Even vhen the var vas over, Wilson colol, refuseo to commute
sentence or paroon Debs. Fresioent Haroing parooneo Debs vithin oa,s
after he took oce in :q.:. Unoer the Espionage ano Seoition acts just unoer
tvo hunoreo thousano Americans vere accuseo, or inoicteo, or founo guilt,
ano neo heavil, or imprisoneo for remarks hearo or overhearo in public.
Turning in German spies or pro-Germans became a veritable sport for
large numbers of American patrioteers in :q: ano :q:8.
Ano ,et oespite the atmosphere of outright terror in the lives of a con-
sioerable minorit, of Americans, oespite the fooo shortages for civilians, oe-
spite the presence throughout the countr, of superpatriots serving the gov-
ernment as neighborhooo vatchers for the purpose of reporting an, act or
voro that seemeo suspicious, oespite the virtual militarization of the local
schools ano their textbooks, oespite the malecent custom of vhite feathers
being pinneo b, vomen volunteers on the lapels of men seen rightl, or
vrongl, as slackersoespite all this, man, Americans seemeo to become
fono of the War State. Lost neighborhooo, local, ano other liberties oiont
seem too high a price to pa, for the economic benets in the form of high
vages, props to unionism, quick ano generall, favorable arbitration agree-
ments for vorkers, ano the novel availabilit, of spenoable mone,, cash in
hano. Ano hov exhilarating to see the speeo vith vhich the national gov-
ernment coulo move in matters vhere local governments stalleo ano stalleo.
It vas all a great lesson, slovl, but surel, learneo b, those of nationalistic
oisposition: that it is far easier to promote the states pover vhen a traoe-o
in the form of economic ano social gooos is eecteo. Also, crisis, vhether
actual var or something else, is a valuable means of acceleration of politi-
cal pover. Wilson, vhose feeling for the state vas almost religious, senseo
this. So vhile he spurreo on the Bernaro Baruchs, Hugh ohnsons, Ger-
aro Svopes, ano other appointeo, absolute inoustrial czars in their planning
ano managing of the econom,, he also founo the time to give aio ano suste-
nance to the class of political intellectuals just coming into existence, those
for vhom service to the central state in the interest of the people voulo be-
The New Absolutism | q |
come a creeo. Wilson hao been impresseo b, a book b, one of them in :qoq:
The Promise of American Life b, Herbert Crol,, a plea for the conversion of the
abstract, constitutional state into a national communit,. Wilson vas simi-
larl, impresseo b, a ,oung Socialist just out of Harvaro, Walter Lippmann,
vhom he placeo in the secret group of scholars that vas at vork oraving
up the Iourteen Foints ano possible postvar realignments in Europe. I shall
sa, more about the Nev Class a little later in this chapter.
The Wilson War State vas from the beginning a structure of unprece-
oenteo mixture of partsin Europe as vell as in America. On the one hano
it vas humanitarian to the core: in high vages approveo b, the government,
improveo vorking conoitions, mooeration of ethnic tensions in the vork-
place, ano a variet, of reforms aimeo at the vorking class ano the inoigent.
To man, vorkers in the Northeast ano Miovest, these reforms aooeo up to
the kino of socialism the, hao learneo about in Europe ano preacheo after
coming to the Uniteo States. But the other sioe of the War State vas oif-
ferent, making it oicult of acceptance even b, acaoemic socialists ano lib-
erals. This vas the repressive sioe, the sioe presioeo over b, George Creel,
the sioe of repression, intimioation, ano quick, summar, justice. It vas the
sioe of the ugl, Falmer Raios b, the attorne, general, A. Mitchell Falmer,
vith no knovn oissent from Fresioent Wilson. Ior all the oelicate socialis-
tic touches given the var econom, b, the government, there vas no merc,
extenoeo to even the most peaceful ano lav-abioing of socialists ano so-
cial oemocrats vhen the fanc, seizeo Falmer. Throughout :q:q the raios
took place, rarel, if ever baseo upon legal varrants, invaoing vithout notice
the homes, businesses, even churches of suspecteo socialists, anarchists, ano
oroinar, oissenters.
This vas the oivioeo legac, of the War State of :q::q:q: on the one
hano a centralizeo, planneo econom, that seemeo to vork ano vork vell,
at least vith the stimulus of the Great War; on the other hano a police-state
atmosphere, vith the vatchers serving secretl, as monitors of their neigh-
borhooos, ever reao, to report a suspicious remark or allegeo remark; ano
the Iour-Minute Men empovereo b, lavto invaoe an, meeting, civil or reli-
gious, in oroer to varn of an, oepartures from strict ano absolute support
of the varano the Falmer Raios.
On the vhole it vas the rst legac, that surviveo, the secono that erooeo
ava, unoer the heao, inuences of the :q.os ano then the chilling eects
of the Great Depression. The national state never reall, vent back to its
| o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
prevar laissez-faire ioentit,. Return to Normalc,, vhich Fresioent Haroing
maoe into a kino of national sloganat least as a chapter title thenceforth
in American histor, booksvas reall, not much of a return. If nothing
else there vere the oispositions tovaro the national state acquireo unoer the
heao, atmosphere of the Wilson War State.
But there vas more. To begin vith, the Eighteenth Amenoment passeo
in :q:q after ,ears of vork tovaro it b, teetotalers. Hovever tempteo Wil-
son might have been he loatheo it for its eect on the vorking class, to
ban liquor as a var measure, he oesisteo; it voulo be pushing American tol-
erance of lost liberties too far, he ma, have thought. But vhat a monarch
might orav back from, the people can confront ano aoopt. It is possible that
all that saveo America from an insurrection ouring the :q.os vas the fact
that the Volsteao Act, passeo to implement the Frohibition amenoment, vas
from the start lightl, ano loosel, enforceo. The bootlegger became almost
a heroic gure.
Another blov for the resioual pover of the oemocratic state vas ,et an-
other constitutional amenoment passeo vhile a couple of million American
men vere in uniform, mostl, abroao: the Nineteenth Amenoment, in :q.o,
vhich forbaoe thenceforth an, state or municipalit, from oen,ing vomen
the vote. Ior the man, millions of zealots for states rights as vell as for the
perhaps larger number of male chauvinists, the Nineteenth Amenoment vas
bitter brev, calculateo, it vas vioel, believeo, to subvert the famil, ano to
bring the republic oovn in a sogg, feminist mess.
Iurthermore, in :q., the milo Fresioent Cooliogeallegeo ph,siocrat
in economic vievs ano veritable anarchist in fear of the central state, so it
vas saioappointeo . Eogar Hoover to take oirection of the Bureau of In-
vestigation vith clear instructions to improve ano enlarge it ano set it on a
track that voulo in a ver, fev ,ears make it the rst feoeral police force in
American histor,.
These are highlights, of course. But in oozens of lavs passeo ano oecrees
issueo, the :q.os proveo to be an,thing but a return to the America of the
rst oecaoe of the centur,. In national projects of reclamation, in agricul-
ture, in eoucational assistance to the states ano cities, in social vork for the
inoigent, ano in investigations of central-planning possibilities, the feoeral
government often came closer in the tventies to the Wilson War State than
to an,thing that hao preceoeo it in American histor,.
Throughout the :q.os a vein of thought vas visible that can be nicel,
The New Absolutism | : |
summeo up b, the title of one of the books that nourisheo the vein: We
Planned in War, Why Not in Peace? Such journals as The New Republic ano The
Nation ano vriters like ohn Deve,, Stuart Chase, Walter Lippmann, ano
literall, oozens of universit, social scientists kept up a steao, beat for the
increaseo partnership of the state ano the econom,, one akin to that vhich
hao existeo ouring the Great War but, of course, vithout var ano vithout
the repression of civil rights that hao gone vith it. Even some of the heaos
of great corporations spoke out in va,s that voulo have shockeo the busi-
ness titans of a generation earlier. The state vas ver, much in the air in the
tventies as the possible pivot of vhat coulo be a national communit,.
The Great Depression hit the Uniteo States at the eno of the :q.os, to be
met vithin a couple of ,ears b, the Nev Deal unoer Iranklin Roosevelt.
He hao serveo Wilson as assistant secretar, of the nav, in Worlo War I, ano
hao been one of those thrilleo b, Wilson personall, ano b, certain aspects
of the War State. It is interesting to speculate on vhat form American re-
sponse to the oepression of the :qos voulo or might have taken hao it not
been for the legac, of government planning ano regimentation left b, the
Iirst Worlo War. It is at least possible that some kino of response b, gov-
ernment ano business beginning in :q voulo have been a great oeal less
centralizeo ano bureaucratizeo than vhat actuall, came into being.
In striking measure the response maoe b, IDR ano his chief aioes, men
like Ra,mono Mole, ano Rexforo Tugvell, Henr, Wallace ano Harolo
Ickes, one ano all political intellectuals rather than businessmen, vas simpl,
a revival of structures ano relationships vhich hao characterizeo the Wilson
War State. With altereo names, man, of the same proouction, labor, bank-
ing, ano agricultural boaros of Worlo War I vere simpl, ousteo o, as it
vere, ano vith nev polish set once again before the American people. This
time the enem, vas not German, or an, other foreign pover but the De-
pression; this oio not, hovever, prevent Roosevelt from literall, oeclaring
var on it ano likening himself ano his associates to a traineo ano lo,al arm,
villing to sacrice for the gooo of a common oiscipline. In his inaugural ao-
oress in :q the Fresioent pleogeo to assume unhesitatingl, the leaoership
of this great arm, of our people oeoicateo to a oisciplineo attack upon our
common problems. He perceiveo America, he saio, as a vast arm, neeoing
onl, to be mobilizeo for the var against oepression to begin.
The Nev Deal is a great vatersheo not onl, in tventieth-centur, Ameri-
| . | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
can histor, but in our entire national histor,. In it the mesmerizing ioea of
a national communityan ioea that hao been in the air since the Frogressive
era, featureo in books b, Herbert Crol,, Walter Lippmann, ohn Deve,, ano
others, ano hao come into full but brief existence in :q: unoer the stimulus
of varvas nov at long last to be initiateo in peacetime, as a measure to
combat the evils of capitalism ano its economic ro,alists.
At the heart of the Nev Deal, William Schambra has perceptivel, vrit-
ten, vas the resurrection of the national ioea, the reneval of the vision of
national communit,. Roosevelt sought to pull America together in the face
of its oivisions b, an appeal to national out,, oiscipline, ano brotherhooo;
he aimeo to restore the sense of local communit,, at the national level. He
once explaineo the Nev Deals orastic changes in the methoos ano forms
of the functions of government b, noting that ve have been extenoing to
our national life the olo principle of the local communit,.
Schambra continues:
The Nev Deal public philosoph,, then, ma, be unoerstooo as a resurrec-
tion of the progressive vision of national communit,: a poverful central
government in the service of the national ioea, a presioent articulating
that ioea ano oraving Americans together as neighbors, or as soloiers
facing a common enem,. This vision of the national communit,, this pub-
lic philosoph,, voulo continue to oominate American politics for three
oecaoes, ano to this oa, it strikes a responsive choro in the hearts of mil-
lions of Americans. As Irving Hove vrote recentl,, the lasting contri-
bution of the Roosevelt era vas the socialization of concern, the vision
of societ, as communit,.
*
The Nev Deal oio not, alas, have an, oiscernible impact on the eco-
nomic problems of oeation, unemplo,ment, reouceo prots, ano the vir-
tual oisappearance of grovth. In this respect ve vere somevhat behino not
onl, Englano but Hitlers German, as late as :q8, vhich vas vell before
either pover commenceo rearmament on a signicant scale. Neither coun-
tr, suereo the oeep recession of :q, a recession vithin a oepression, that
America oio.
It vas therefore a matter of supreme luck for the Nev Deal ano the na-
* The Quest for a New Public Philosophy, American Enterprise Institute, Washington,
D.C., :q8.
The New Absolutism | |
tional communit, oream that Worlo War II broke out in September :qq.
Ior the var not onl, brought the Depression at last to an eno in America
once var oroers from Europe assumeo massive enough force to break all
vicious circles in the plight of the American econom,but there vas, once
again, var to serve the orive tovaro national communit,, the vhile it oel-
ugeo ano intoxicateo man, millions of long-unemplo,eo, oispiriteo Ameri-
can vorkers vith high vages, ample jobs, ano a ver, cascaoe of long-sought
economic ano social reforms. American soloiers seemeo less inspireo b, var,
more prone to seek oraft oeferment at almost an, cost, but from earl, on,
the, vere promiseo eoucational, home-bu,ing, ano business benets after
the var that voulo make it all vorthvhile.
Without ooubt the ioea of national communit, burns brightl, in the Ameri-
can consciousness at the present time. Initiateo b, Fresioent Roosevelt, the
ioea has been nourisheo, vatereo, ano tenoeo in one oegree or other b,
each succeeoing presioent. When Governor Mario Cuomo of NevYork oe-
livereo his nov historic speech in San Irancisco in :q8 before the Demo-
cratic Convention, he maoe the national communit, his central, spellbino-
ing theme. Over ano over he referreo to famil, ano communit,, ano
once or tvice to vagon train, meaning in each use, not the actual famil, or
local communit, or vagon train crossing the prairies of earlier America, but
rather the national state, the centralizeo, collectivizeo, ano bureaucratizeo
national state of this late part of the centur,.
Ferhaps onl, unoer the camouage of the rhetoric of freeoom is the
actual pover of the state increaseo more easil, than unoer the camouage
of the rhetoric of communit,. The greater oespots of histor,, vhich is to sa,
tventieth-centur, histor,, like Lenin, Mussolini, Hitler, Mao, ano Castro,
have turneo to both rhetoricsof freeoom ano communit,. Here the Rous-
seauian vision in Western political thought pla,s a major role. Rousseau oe-
signeo, in his The Social Contract ano even more perhaps in his Discourse on
Political Economy, the most poverful state to be founo an,vhere in political
philosoph,. There must be, vrote Rousseau, a social contract among the
people. Each of us puts his person ano all his pover in common unoer the
supreme oirection of the general vill, ano, in our corporate capacit,, ve
receive each member as an inoivisible part of the vhole.
Froperl, unoerstooo, Rousseau insists, there is the total alienation of
each associate, together vith all his rights, to the vhole communit,; for, in
| | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
the rst place, as each gives himself absolutel,, the conoitions are the same
for all ano, this being so, no one has an, interest in making them buroen-
some to others. True communit, for Rousseau is not an,thing arising out
of kinship, religion, ethnicit,, or language. True communit, lies onl, vithin
the purviev of the state, the state consecrateo to the virtue of its citizens, to
be sure, but the state, once ano for all. The general vill, to vhich Rousseau
gives absolute sovereignt,, is the collective vill purgeo of all marks of purel,
inoivioual villsvith their egoisms, avarices, ano selshnesses.
But, Rousseau enjoins, the absoluteness of pover of the general vill ano
the nev political communit, resting on the social compact, is onl, freeoom,
real freeoom, in oisguise:
In oroer then that the social compact ma, not be an empt, formula, it
tacitl, incluoes the unoertaking, vhich alone can give force to the rest,
that vhoever refuses to obe, the general vill shall be compelleo to oo so
b, the vhole boo,. This means nothing less than that he vill be forceo
to be free; for this is the conoition vhich, b, giving each citizen to his
countr,, secures him against all personal oepenoence.
Iromthis it is reall, but a short step for Rousseau to the ioea of a civil reli-
gion, the note on vhich he enos his Social Contract. The civil religion, Rous-
seau insists, is to be limiteo to a fev common articles vhich are not exactl,
oogmas, being more nearl, in the nature, he vrites, of social sentiments.
While the sovereign can compel no one to believe them, it can banish from
the State vhoever ooes not believe them. . . . If an, one, after publicl, rec-
ognizing these oogmas, behaves as if he ooes not believe them, let him be
punisheo b, oeath: he has committeo the vorst of all crimes, that of l,ing
before the lav.
It remains for Rousseau onl, to point out that vhile the sovereign gen-
eral vill is createo b, the social compact ano is the emanation of the vhole
people, the ascertainment of this vill on an, given issue ooes not absolutel,
require such oevices as voting ano s,stems of representation. In fact, espe-
ciall, in larger states, these are unoesirable. The, voulo teno, Rousseau ex-
plains, to corrupt the purit, of the general vill b, making appeal to the mere
vill of all vith its unoesirable attribute of majorit, opinion. Iortunatel,,
Rousseau continues, elections, votes, ano representatives are harol, ever
necessar, vhere the government is vell-intentioneo. . . . Ior the rulers vell
The New Absolutism | |
knov that the general vill is alva,s on the sioe vhich is most favorable to
the public interest, that is to sa,, the most equitable; so that it is neeoful onl,
to act justl, to be certain of folloving the general vill.
Ano vhoever hearo of a government, from ancient imperial Eg,pt oovn
to Stalins Soviet Union, that oio not believe it acteo justl,` We are more
likel, to ascribe the totalitarian m,stique in mooern Western thought to
Marx, vith his oictatorship of the Froletariat, or to Lenin ano the oic-
tatorship of the Fart,, or to Hitler ano his oictatorship of the Volkstum,
that is, the true German people, than to Rousseau, but in all truth it vas he
vho converteo the oemocratic ethos into the totalitarian oogma.
Rousseau is the man of the hour at this juncture in American political
thought. Unlike Marx, for more than half a centur, the invisible guru of
the cleris, in America, Rousseau is clean; that is, vithout the tarnish that
the practical realit, of the Soviet Union has put on Marxs name for the
last sevent, ,ears. The onl, major event or emergence in mooern histor,
that Rousseau can be connecteo vith is the Irench Revolution. The acobins
virtuall, memorizeo him in oroer to guioe the revolution to its totalitarian
apogee in :q. But vho tooa, remembers or gives thought to the Irench
Revolution`
Rousseaus paean to the absolute pover of the state is oset in an, event
for most intellectuals b, the other, seemingl, unconnecteo, faces he presents
to reaoers: the face of the romantic in his novel La Nouvelle Hlose, on the
surface no more than an io,ll of spontaneous aection ano love; the face of
the artless believer in the purit, of the state of nature ano in the intrinsic, in-
eaceable goooness of mancorrupteo onl, b, institutions; ano the face
of the tutor in mile, oeoicateo to the task of teaching b, tireless attention to
natural right, to eoucing ano evoking the gooo from the pupil rather than
imposing harsh ano alien iools of the mino upon him. Ano, nall,, impla-
cabl,, there is the Rousseau, the ver, central Rousseau, of the general vill
ano its absolute pover over the inoivioual, of insistence that vhen the inoi-
vioual enters into the social contract that ,ielos the general vill, all liberties
ano rights are automaticall, surrenoereo.
Rousseau, as I have stresseo, oio notin his estimation ano in the estima-
tion of countless vorshipers sincethereb, snatch freeoom ava, from the
inoivioual. On the contrar,, Rousseau guaranteeo for man a higher form of
freeoom, that of participation in the being of the collective sovereign. Ano
| 6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
vhen this sovereign appears to be lovering its absolute pover on the citi-
zens heao for vhatever reason, this is onl, an act of forcing the citizen to
be free.
Is it an, vonoer that Marx is rapiol, being consigneo to the charnel
house of histor,, save among cultists, vith onl, his humanist attributes
preserveopreserveo for fusion vith the near totalit, of agreeable attributes
in Rousseau. Rousseau is, at least to the mino of the late-tventieth-centur,
cleris, in this countr,, the saint of saints. He oers absolute pover in the
form of oivine grace, of the communit, of the elect.
This is perhaps the single most important fact there is about Rousseau
the political thinker, the fact that makes himjust as attractive to certain mar-
ginal conservatives like the follovers of Leo Strauss as to all-out raoicals.
Of all the philosophes that the late Carl Becker brilliantl, assigneo to The
Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers, vritten over half a centur,
ago, Rousseau is the most interesting ano also the most important. Rous-
seau transferreo, as it vere, grace from the boo, of the church to the boo, of
the state, the state baseo upon the social contract ano the general vill. His
ooctrine of the general vill vas regaroeo in his oa, as it is in ours as be,ono
the pover of pure reason to unoerstano, to assimilate. He coulo have saio
vhat Saint Augustine saio in eect: To unoerstano, one must rst believe,
have faith. The general vill is the vill of the people but it is not the vill
of all people. This is precisel, vhat Rousseau tells us. The resolution of the
paraoox, like the resolution of the paraoox of the Christian Trinit,, lies in a
kino of transrational or pararational imaging of the general vill as the mino
of the organism properl, formeo, no more capable of being unoerstooo b,
rationalistic oismemberment into tin, molecules than is the human mino
itself. Rousseau is the political m,stic, rivaleo in this respect onl, b, Flato,
vhom Rousseau oeclareo the greatest of his teachers.
It is testimon, to the religious element in Rousseaus political philosoph,
that he enooveo his collective monolith of pover in the pages of The So-
cial Contract vith a religion of its ovnthe civil religionto vhich I have
alreao, referreo. The general vill is of course the gooheao.
There vas a certain unvonteo historical visoom in Rousseaus act of cre-
ating a church for his state. State ano church, although arch-enemies over
long perioos of time in the annals of civilization, have more in common than
The New Absolutism | |
either ooes vith the economic realmthe common butt of both religious
ano political conoemnation for its allegeo crassness ano egoism. Ano it is a
fact that in the succession of pover that forms the greatest single pageant
in Western histor,, the state has succeeoeo the church in the oetaileo ano
minute custooianship of the inoivioual. The state for a long time in histor,
vas obligeo to vear the mantle of other, more respectable institutions. Thus
the patriarchal state of ,ore, folloveo b, the religious or oivine-right state.
But since the eighteenth centur,, the state has valkeo on legs of its ovn, ano
in so man, respects has taken over once-ecclesiastical functions.
In Western Europe, throughout the Mioole Ages, the majorit, of Eu-
ropeans liveo craole-to-grave lives in the church. There vas no aspect of
life that vas not either activel, or potentiall, unoer the oroinances of the
church. Birth, marriage, oeath vere all given legitimac, b, the church, not
the state. Fropert,, inheritance, vork conoitions, prots, interest, vages,
schooling, universit, aomissions, oegrees, licenses for professional practice,
vorkoa,s, holioa,s, feasts, ano commemorations, all vere subject not to
secular but to ecclesiastical governance. The Mioole Ages representeo the
height of ecclesiastical absolutism. That particular absolutism has vanisheo
in the Westthough not of course in other parts of the vorlo, beginning
vith an Iranbut no vacuum has been left. Much of mooern European his-
tor, is the stor, of the graoual transfer, as it vere, of ecclesiastical absolutism
to monarchical ano then oemocratic-nationalist absolutism. Meoieval man
vas so accustomeo to the multituoinous oroinances of the church governing
his life that he oiont even see them. That is more ano more true tooa, of
mooern man, oemocratic man.
There are respects, as I have suggesteo, in vhich the contemporar, oemo-
cratic state is like the totalitarian states of this centur,: in the number ano
scope of political lavs governing the most intimate recesses of our lives, in
the sheer comprehensiveness of political ioentit,, role, lav, ano pover in
each state. But there is one large ano sucing oierence betveen even the
most bureaucratizeo ano paternalistic of the oemocracies ano the totalitar-
ian states ve have seen thus far, in Russia ano German, foremost. In the
total state there is no pretense of free elections, free political association,
ano free choice of representatives in political oce. Moreover, there is no
instance, thus far at least, of a heavil, bureaucratizeo, oroinance-saturateo,
oemocratic Leviathan ever evolving into the total state as I have just oe-
| 8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
scribeo it. All totalitarian states ve are familiar vith are the consequences
of armeo revolution, are baseo upon their armies, ano exist literall, b, com-
mano. There is no suggestion that apart from militar, ano part, commano
there is an, kino of lav that operates, certainl, none of common-lav char-
acter.
But vhile oemocratic absolutism of the kino ano extent ve are nov thor-
oughl, familiar vith poses no threat of evolution into a Soviet Union or
Nazi German,, it ooes not follov that it ma, not possibl, grov almost in-
sensibl,, b, innitesimal oegrees, into vhat is nothing less, for all practical
purposes, than legal ano aoministrative t,rann,. Our consciousness of free-
oom is something more likel, to be reserveo for the interstices of the lavs ve
pass annuall, rather than to be founo in the lavs themselves. There comes a
time vhen no matter hov much representation ve as citizens have, lavs
of taxation ano oisposition of propert,, of choice of schooling, of penetra-
tion even of the beoroom, of pornograph, ano obscenit,, of race, color, ano
sex, ano of all else involveo in the business of livingbecome buroensome
to even the thickest-skinneo.
Ireeoom, vhether in the sense of from or of to, is not a virtue in itself. It
is a virtue onl, vhen there goes vith it personal privac,, autonom, in some
oegree, ano creativeness to the limit of ones faculties. To be free merel, to
be free is the stu of inanitionlike making hammers to make hammers
to make hammers, as Chesterton has suggesteo. Democratic absolutism,
chie, in the manifestation of the thick, heav, bureaucracies ve builo tooa,,
can be as oppressive to the creative instinct, the curiosit, itch, ano the orive
to explore as an,thing that exists more blatantl, in the totalitarian state. It
is interesting to observe in the Soviet Union right nov a markeo relaxing of
lav ano oroinance taking place, especiall, in the econom,. The reason for
this is emphaticall, not some suooen reconsioeration b, the politburo of the
values of liberalism; it is solel, because after sevent, ,ears of Communist
central planning ano control, proouction, oistribution, ano consumption are
in a more ano more hopeless conoition. Love freeoom or hate it, there is a
minimum vithout vhich there is no signicant thought ano action.
Tocqueville, rst ano even ,et greatest theorist of oemocrac,, vas clear,
as he surve,eo the European oemocracies coming into existence in the :8os,
that oemocrac,, more than an, other genus of state in histor,, introouces
ano then renes ano strengthens the pover of the majorit,, the centraliza-
tion of government, the leveling of social ranks in the name of inoivioual
The New Absolutism | q |
equalit,, ano the bureaucratization of societ,. On the last, Tocqueville vent
so far as to sa, that the progress of bureaucrac, in mooern Western histor,
is the infallible augur, of oemocrac, coming up in the rear.
The Iramers voulo be stunneo b, the mass ano the lab,rinthine complexit,
of the American bureaucrac, tooa,. It covers the countr, like a blanket
ano it ooes not b, nov hesitate to intruoe into the most intimate oetails
of our economic ano social lives. The Iramers knev from afar the kino of
oppressive, suocating bureaucrac, that la, in Frussia, Irance, Russia, ano
other European countries. The, oiont like it. The, voulo have agreeo vith
Tocquevilles famous oescription in Democracy in America: It covers the sur-
face of societ, vith a netvork of small, complicateo rules, minute ano uni-
form, through vhich the most original minos ano the most energetic char-
acters cannot penetrate, to rise above the crovo. The, voulo have seen
vith Marx an appalling parasitic boo, vhich enmeshes the boo, of Irench
societ, like a net ano chokes o its pores. The Iramers voulo have quickl,
unoerstooo Farkinsons Lavthe inverse ratio betveen signicance of func-
tion ano size of attenoing bureaucrac,for the, hao seen it operate unoer
George III.
But voulo the, be prepareo, coulo the, possibl, be, for the current realit,
of American bureaucrac,, ansvering as it ooes to both Tocquevilles ano
Marxs characterizations but going far be,ono the realit, of an, national
bureaucrac, in the nineteenth centur,. Consioer the vast pa,roll, the num-
ber of jobs, tiers of responsibilit,, oepartments, suboepartments, commanos,
ano cross-commanos, assistants to assistants to assistants in the chainif
that can possibl, be the right voroof commano in the militar, bureau-
crac,, the Fentagon. The oint Chiefs valiantl, preteno to be in charge of
the American militar,, but the, arent reall,, ano the, must knov it. No one
is in charge. No one can be. The s,stem is too elephantine ano cumbersome,
too much a vast prehistoric t,pe of monster, for an, one person or an, tin,
group to control it. Even if the militar, bureaucrac, vere small ano man-
ageable, jointano incessantl, conictingresponsibilit, of the presioent
ano the Congress voulo make an, kino of leaoership b, top brass unlikel,.
Being elephantine, the Fentagon can apparentl, think onl, in terms of
the elephantine. Since Worlo War II the planet has knovn onl, small vars
Korea, Vietnam far from small b, the eno, to be sure,, Dominica, Iran,
Grenaoa, etc., to limit ourselves here to American vars. Small vars voulo
| 6o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
appear to be the vave of the future. Apart from the exceeoingl, unlikel, var
betveen the Soviet Union ano the Uniteo States, there reall, isnt the pos-
sibilit, of a var like either of the tvo vorlo vars in this centur,. Small vars
call for oierent kinos of forces from those vhich fought the Civil War, the
Napoleonic Wars, ano Worlo Wars I ano II. What is manifestl, neeoeo is
the highl, mobile, rapiol, oeplo,able, speciall, traineo, ano relativel, small
ghting force. The oint Chiefs knov it, ve assume. But the enormous bu-
reaucrac, vith its tentacles stretcheo out in ever, possible oirection, tripping
over one another, threatening to strangle the monster the, are connecteo
vith, has apparentl, maoe it impossible for the great militar, bureaucrac,
in America to oevelop proper forces for the late tventieth centur,s kinos
of var. A single strike force, operating sviftl, ano responsibl,, voulo have
been more than enough for tin, Grenaoa ano its primitive oefensive forces.
Insteao there vere three vast services put into place at or on the islano.
If the Fentagon is the most glaring, ano oovnright oangerous, of our
mammoth bureaucracies, it is far from being the onl, one. There isnt an
aspect of inoivioual life, from birth to oeath, that ooesnt come unoer some
kino of feoeral scrutin, ever, oa,, ano that means of course bureaucratic
scrutin,. Horror stories are legion ano relateo to ever, bureaucrac, from
the Internal Revenue Service to Commerce, Labor, Human Services, ano
so forth.
Even so, Americans are ambivalent about bureaucrac,. The, hate it, suf-
fer from it, ,et no it tolerable. In the rst place, it is, vith all its clums,
steps, the bearer of goooies. Once the American mioole class became a full-
eogeo part of Social Securit, ano Meoicare, ano then of an escalating
abunoance of still other goooies such as lov-interest loans for their chilorens
precious college oegrees, animosit, tovaro bureaucrac, began to retreat.
Damneo bureaucrac, ma, be one voro in most conversations, but it is
saio vith more ano more toleration, even aection.
The secono reason that bureaucrac, is acceptable is that it operates as a
brake on the muooleheaoeo, brash, ano sometimes cretinous ioeas of gov-
ernment, of var ano peace, brought to Washington b, each nev aominis-
tration. As I noteo in the preceoing chapter, unoer the enchantment of the
Great American M,th, each nev presioent, secretar, of state, of oefense,
ano other oepartments is convinceo of his eortless visoom of leaoership.
The bureaucrac, checks man, of the gaes ano blunoers, though not all.
True, the bureaucrac, voulo ooubtless be equall, vigilant against gooo ano
The New Absolutism | 6: |
meritorious ioeas, simpl, on the grounos that the, vere nev ano hao never
been trieo before. But there havent been man, of those in the mooern age.
Reagan promiseo, voveo, svore that the size of the bureaucrac, ano
vith it the size of the national oebt voulo be oramaticall, oecreaseo. Those
promises came in the fall of :q8o ano in the rst months of :q8:. But things
changeo. Ano it is recoroeo in the books of Reagans ovn government, nov
in its secono term, that his aoministration has presioeo over the largest buo-
get increases ano the largest buoget ano also traoe, oecits in American
histor,, ano that the size of the feoeral bureaucrac, has shot up : percent,
vith not one signicant bureau or oepartment, not even Energ, or Eouca-
tion, oespite promises, oroppeo.
Nor is that the entire stor,. Ior, again be,ono an, preoecessor in the
White House, the rhetoricall, svorn apostle of laissez-faire Fresioent Rea-
gan has sought, promiseo, ano backeo increases in the povers of the central-
izeo state vhich voulo carr, it into the intimacies of the beoroom ano the
cloister of the church: constitutional amenoments, in other voros, to forbio
abortions on the one hano ano manoate religious pra,ers in the schools on
the other. Not even Hitler oareo carr, the state, the totalitarian state, that
far into the home ano the church. But absolutist oemocrac, oares'
Arrestingegregious, some voulo sa,as the Reagan spectacle is, hov-
ever, it not unfairl, epitomizes the attituoes of a great man, Americans
tovaro bureaucrac, ano state centralization. The, curse it, oerioe it, abhor
it, all the vhile the, are beckoning it to them vith one hano. An, reaoer
can verif, this easil,. Whenever there is a oispute of some kino going on
over a moral, social, economic, cultural, or even religious issue, the voros
The government must . . . leao all proposeo solutions oereo on the spot.
Whether it is orug abuse, chilo molesting, obscenit,, housing, eoucational
qualit,, sickness all the va, from AIDS oovn to the common colo or heao-
ache, the appeal to governmentano necessaril, bureaucrac,leaos the
elo. Americans ma, hate bureaucrac,, as the, piousl, insist over ano over,
but an, reouction vhatever in the vast number of entitlements ano other
political subsioies, vhether in mone, or in kino, voulo inoeeo, ooes', bring
on avalanches of oespair ano hatreo of the suspecteo malefactor.
There are tvo activities vhich account for vell over half the annual buo-
get ano contribute most to the size of bureaucrac,: the social services ano
the militar,. The mioole class, the largest ano overall vealthiest segment
of American societ,, receives the most ano the greatest of feoeral entitle-
| 6. | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
ments, thus being a major buroen upon the taxpa,er. But since the major
taxpa,er is the mioole class, the happ, theor, is that it is all an ingenious ano
provioential traoe-o. Actuall, it isnt, because seemingl, no government,
Republican or Democratic, oares to pa, through current revenues the mas-
sive costs of the velfare state ano the militar,, ano therefore annual buoget
oecits of over tvo hunoreo billion oollars a ,ear have become common-
place. The almost equall, massive militar, buoget is, as I explaineo in the
preceoing chapter, the consequence not so much of the sheer oanger poseo
b, the Soviet Union, but of the popular passion, inameo rst b, Wooorov
Wilson, then b, Iranklin Roosevelt, to intervene an,vhere in the vorlo that
seems to be less than oemocratic, liberal, ano humanitarian in the American
image.
Together the social velfare bureaucrac, ano the militar, bureaucrac,
aoo up in the contemporar, oemocratic Uniteo States to the largest bureau-
crac, in the histor, of the vorlo, incluoing even the Soviet Union. In fact,
all else being equal, oemocratic absolutism creates larger bureaucracies
b, virtue of the humanitarian factorthan ooes totalitarianism.
Ior a long time, until the aftermath of Worlo War I, the main Western ioe-
ologies vere checks on the ioea of the omnicompetent state. All these ioeolo-
giesessentiall, socialism, liberalism, ano conservatismhao oevelopeo
in consequence of tvo great events of the eighteenth centur,: the Irench
Revolution ano the Inoustrial Revolution. The rst epitomizeo the birth of
mooern nationalism, the secono capitalism. But in actualit, the role of the
state vas about as prominent in the secono as in the rst. As an increasing
number of historians have oemonstrateo, the creation of nineteenth-centur,
capitalism requireo a gooo oeal more than simpleminoeo laissez-faire. The
lanoscape for the nevinoustr, hao been reoroereo b, a number of activities.
These incluoeo the enclosure acts of the English Farliament; other politi-
call, oriven erasures of the Olo Oroer, manifest in the lingering villages ano
outoateo boroughs; special nev lavs ano oecisions the political state, after
obliterating much of the olo, maoe to provioe reinforcement to the nev,
its factories ano mills, its vage-earning labor force, ano the free market
requireo for cheapest possible proouction ano oistribution.
That is vh, all three ioeologies, in the Uniteo States as vell as Great
Britain, founo themselves in an often combative role tovaro the state. Even
though socialismfor the most part maoe the economic the oominant force in
The New Absolutism | 6 |
the long run, it incluoing Marxian but especiall, in its Frouohonian quasi-
anarchist form, sav the state ano the arm, ano police as the ver, rst target
of the oreamt-of revolution. Ior Marx ano Engels as vell as for Frouohon
ano Kropotkin, the abolishment of the bourgeois state ano its appalling bu-
reaucrac, vas a goal of highest priorit,. Although neither Marx nor an,
other champion of socialism vas ever able to set forth clearl, the kino of
societ, future socialism voulo actuall, usher in, a funoamental oogma of
socialism oeclareo that vhatever the future might holo, the centralizeo, bu-
reaucratizeo, ano unitar, national state voulo be gone, oriven out b, the
Revolution.
So oio nineteenth-centur, liberalism ano conservativism make assault
upon the state basic in their ooctrines. Ior liberalism the inoivioual ano his
maximum possible freeoom formeo the basis of opposition to the state. Con-
servatism resteo its opposition to the unitar, state on its oefense of the so-
cial oroerfamil,, neighborhooo, guilo, ano propert,ano the necessit,
of autonom, from political centralization.
The nature ano signicance of all three traoitional ioeologies have been
orasticall, changeo ouring the oecaoes since Worlo War I. Marxs ano En-
gels antipath, tovaro the state founo no echo in Lenin ano Stalin, vho
maoe the lano of the rst great socialist revolution a setting for the cen-
tralizeo state in the single most repressive form it has ever taken in histor,.
Totalitarianism hao its origin in our centur, in the events of :q: vhen the
Bolsheviks, unoer Lenins generalship, set up the rst totalitarian state in his-
tor,. A consioerable number of Western socialists persist, of course, vhose
opposition to the Soviet Union is unqualieo, ano often bolo ano coura-
geous. But vhat is sometimes calleo the oeath of socialism in our era is
actuall, the collapse of a once vigorous ano exciting crusaoe against the na-
tional state into ,et another form of statism. Betveen oemocratic socialism
ano the omnipresent, current humanitarian-bureaucratic state there is too
little oierence to be vorth spelling out.
Liberalism hao its notable reversal of values in the Uniteo States ouring
the Nev Deal. The Nev Deal is secono onl, to Worlo War I unoer Wilson
as a cause of the steao, politicization of a ooctrine founoeo originall, on
the freeoom of the inoivioual. The central value of contemporar, American
liberalism is not freeoom but equalit,; equalit, oeneo as reoistribution of
propert,. Not autonom, from pover but participation in pover follovs, as
tenet, oirectl, from the nev equalitarianism.
| 6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
A veritable renascence of conservative ioeolog, vas unoer va, b, the
eno of the fties; it vas sucient to carr, vith it an interest in both Eomuno
Burke ano Tocqueville greater perhaps than an, in prior oecaoes. Over-
vhelmingl, the nev conservatismin resolute opposition to liberals above
all other groupsfolloveo Burke ano Tocqueville in espousing oecrease in
centralization, pluralism over monism in government, the free market in
basic economic proouction ano oistribution, intermeoiate social groups like
famil, ano local communit, ano voluntar, associationsall calculateo to
take some of the loao of responsibilit, from big governmentano, inevi-
tabl,, substantial oecrease in bureaucrac,. The nev conservatism also em-
phasizeo some of the traoitional moral values vhich, it vas plausibl, argueo,
hao gotten battereo into passivit, b, the forces of mooernism, political moo-
ernism most of all. In a voro, the autonomy of social oroer ano culture vas
the prizeo objective of the nev conservatism.
At the present moment, hovever, militant conservatism has as little to
oo vith its historic substance as contemporar, liberalism has to oo vith
its birthright of oevotion to inoivioual libert,. What is most likel, to be
labeleo conservative b, the meoiaano vith consioerable basis in realit,
is militarism on the one hano ano Christian Iar Right evangelicism on
the other, vhich is far more interesteo tooa, in extenoing the pover of the
state into the intimate recesses of life through legislation ano constitutional
amenoment than in a free religion in a free political societ,. In large measure
conservatism has become, vithin a oecaoe or tvo, an ioeolog, seeking to
capture oemocratic absolutism rather than secure from it social ano moral
authorit, oistinct from political pover.
Conservatism has hao severe oiculties ever since the Reagan coalition
captureo the government in :q8o. Given the sharp oierences in the ioeolo-
gies forming the coalitionmilitar, havkishness, evangelicism, libertari-
anism, suppl, sioers, the pover-obsesseo Right, ano others equall, oiscor-
oantit is probabl, remarkable that the Reagan coalition lasteo as long as
it oio. It ooes not nov look as though it vill be misseo.
Folitics is king, having oeposeo economics in Worlo War I. That var proveo
that hovever insane a given economic measure might seem vhen examineo
strictl, on its ovn merit, its success vas virtuall, guaranteeo in the market-
place if the state chose to manoate it, to make it a part of the states ocial
strateg,, ano to frost it vith the rhetoric of freeoom ano equalit,. acques
The New Absolutism | 6 |
Ellul, in his The Political Illusion, has vritten poverfull, on politics in the
present age:
To think of ever,thing as political, to conceal ever,thing b, using this
voro vith intellectuals taking the cue from Flato ano several others,, to
place ever,thing in the hanos of the state, to appeal to the state in all
circumstances, to suboroinate the problems of the inoivioual to those of
the group, to believe that political aairs are on ever,boo,s level ano
that ever,boo, is qualieo to oeal vith themthese factors character-
ize the politicization of mooern man, ano, as such comprise a m,th. The
m,th then reveals itself in beliefs, ano as a result, easil, elicits almost reli-
gious fervor . . . To act in a contrar, fashion voulo place us in raoical
oisagreement vith the entire treno of our societ,, a punishment ve can-
not possibl, accept . . . We consioer it obvious that ever,thing must be
unreserveol, subjecteo to the pover of the state.
*
Vital to the contemporar, bureaucratic, centralizeo, omnicompetent
oemocratic state is its cleris,, b, vhich I mean the aggregate of intellectuals
ano scholars oeoicateo to the state precisel, as their meoieval forebears vere
to the church. The meoieval cleris, vas formeo chie, of theologians but
vas not vithout politiques, theorists ano practitioners of pover. The cleris,
of our oa, in America is mostl, politiques pure ano simple, but it has its full
share of theologians too, as almost an, acaoemic journal of political science
attests.
Freoictabl,, the contemporar, political cleris, vas born of the Wilson
War State in :q: ano :q:8. Wilson, himself a reverent politique, of course, ano
the ver, iool of Americas intellectual classes, sent out a call for fellov intel-
lectuals to aio himin the vinning of the var ano the planning of the peace. A
secret group of intellectuals vith the oistinguisheo geographer Isaiah Bov-
man of ohns Hopkins its chairman, ano containing also the ,outhful Wal-
ter Lippmann, almost literall, vrote the fameo Iourteen Foints that Wilson
thrust upon the vorlo.
But there vere man, others marshaleo b, Wilson as cleris,historians
like Gu, Stanton Ioro ano Stuart F. Sherman, novelists incluoing Booth
Tarkington ano Samuel Hopkins Aoams, ano man, others from various
* The Political Illusion, Tr. from the Irench b, Konrao Kellen, Nev York, Alfreo A.
Knopf, :q6, p. :..
| 66 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
sectors of societ,. Europe hao been familiar vith the political intellectual
for a long time, certainl, since the philosophes in Irance in the late eigh-
teenth centur,. The, vere the earliest of a long procession of thinkers ano
ooers through the European nineteenth centur, vho savcapture of the state
ano its sovereign povers as the rst step tovaro bringing about the gooo
societ,. Ior centuries most intellectuals hao been more closel, attacheo to
the church or to the aristocrac, for support. Nov, increasingl,, emotional,
ano not seloom nancial, attachment vas to the secular state.
It is oicult to no a class of political intellectuals, a cleris,, in America
in the nineteenth centur,. Utopian ano reform energies vere characteristi-
call, expenoeo from religious or philosophical basesas in the great vave
of Frotestant social reform in the centur, ano the man, ano oivers utopian
communities. Eovaro Bellam,s vioel, reao Looking Backward, in vhich a
poverful ano militarizeo state is portra,eo as Americas salvation, vas a
conspicuous exception.
In the :q.os the political intelligentsia grev appreciabl, in size ano in-
uence. The Wilson War State hao left inoelibl, imprinteo on a great man,
minos, acaoemic foremost perhaps but legal ano business minos too, the
spectacle of intellectuals serving the state in the interests of moral better-
ment ano economic reform. Where the church hao been for so long the most
vioel, accepteo institutional base for reform of societ,, a constantl, increas-
ing number of social scientists, philosophers, ano critics nov, in the :q.os,
put full emphasis on the national state. ohn Deve,, Americas most re-
specteo ano inuential philosopher in the tventieth centur,, put the stamp
of approval upon a liberalism in vhich the state voulo be the tireless cham-
pion of the people, as against the varieo factions of business, religion, ano
oroinar, politics.
The onset of the Great Depression at the beginning of the :qos carrieo
vith it the greatest opportunit, ,et for the expansion ano popularization of
the political class. The almost instant ooium that fasteneo itself upon the
business communit, maoe the h,pertroph, of the state ano its apparatchiks
the easier. So oio the presence of Herbert Hoover in the White House vhen
the stock market crasheo ano then the pall of oepression settleo over the
lano. Hoovers reputation is ano ooubtless alva,s vill be that of a strict
apostle of laissez-faire. He vas an,thing but that. An engineer b, profes-
sion, he tasteo of social engineering unoer Wilson in Worlo War I. He vas
fooo aoministrator for the Uniteo States ano important in a variet, of other
The New Absolutism | 6 |
government connections. He vas the strongest member of the Haroing ano
Coolioge aoministrations, alva,s knovn for his keen interest in the use of
the national government to builo up the countr,. When oepression came,
Hoover launcheo a consioerable number of governmental schemes ano pro-
grams for relief of the peopleman, of them to survive ano be useo b,
Roosevelt in his rst term of oce. Hoover reall, began mooern peacetime
political ano social engineering; Roosevelt simpl, enlargeo upon it.
It vas Roosevelt, though, vho leo all preoecessors in the sheer num-
ber of intellectuals he attracteo to Washington. What ames Burnham has
calleo the managerial revolution took place in America unoer Roosevelt all
the vhile, in oierent setting ano vith oierent result, the same manage-
rial revolution vas taking place in Europe. Burnham vas struck in the :qos
b, the ever-increasing pover of management in the great corporations of
America, almost alva,s at the expense of the stockholoers vho in theor,
ovneo the corporation ano possesseo all the usual rights of control vhich
normall, go vith ovnership. Man, times the most poverful inoiviouals in
the corporations vere managers vho oiont ovn a share of stock in their
corporation. Their pover came from a managerial role that vas in eect
crovoing out the actual ovners.
Burnham sav the same t,pe of managerial revolution taking place in
Western governments. Folitical intellectuals ano bureaucratsone ano all
appointeo, not electeovere taking over povers vhich once belongeo to
the people ano their electeo representatives. In Europe this managerial revo-
lution ,ieloeo up the totalitarian regimes of Russia, Ital,, ano German,.
The, coulo be seen as extreme, oeepl, ioeological manifestations of the
revolution. But in other parts of EuropeIrance ano Great Britain, for ex-
amplethe managerial revolution hao ver, much the same character ano
substance as it oio in the Nev Deal in America. Unoer the spur of the crisis
of the vorlo oepression, even the oemocracies vere succumbing to the allure
of a managerial class, thus in their ovn va, aooing to the crisis of oemoc-
rac,.
I believe that the legal fraternit,, especiall, in some of the more inu-
ential lav schools, is rapiol, becoming the most poverful ving or sector of
the political cleris, in America. The ioea of vorking oirectl, through lav
ano the courts in oroer to accomplish major changes in econom, ano social
oroer, even in government itself, has its mooern origin in erem, Bentham.
Not that Benthamfor a moment likeo the English common lavor the courts
| 68 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
in vhich it vas practiceo. He loatheo the jur, s,stem, rioiculing the ioea
that a pickup group of men coulo rationall, ano logicall, make its va, to the
truth in lav an, more than in philosoph, or mathematics. Nor oio Bentham
like the accumulating paraphernalia of oemocrac, in Britain. Democrac,
is ultimatel, baseo upon the vill of the majorit,; this implies minorities,
Bentham observeo, ano vith majorities ano minorities, the oanger of chaos
ano anarch, becomes threatening. Working through parliaments ano con-
gresses, Bentham believeo, vas a time-consuming, innitel, circuitous, ano
ultimatel, self-oefeating approach to the gooo state.
Benthams solution vas vhat he calleo the Magistrate; that is, a man or
tin, group of men, acting more in the role of grano inquisitor than of an,
king, presioent, or legislative boo,, vho b, the special nature of his exalteo
being voulo alva,s be in perfect s,nchronization vith the villthat is, the
real, the true, the general vill of Rousseau, essentiall,of the vhole people.
Congresses inevitabl, fragmenteo the populaces; kings ano presioents vere
hamstrung b, intermeoiate institutions serving actuall, as obstacles to truth
ano justice. The onl, va, of overcoming the clutter ano slovoovn of rep-
resentative institutions ano of electoratesmasses of incompetent citizens
voting their feebl, unoerstooo villvas through a great s,stem of lav, one
baseo upon the principle of the greatest happiness for the largest number
of people. This s,stem of lav voulo be personieo, acteo for, serveo, ano
above all oominateo b, the Magistrateill-oeneo b, Bentham but plain
enough in his fevereo prose.
We are not likel, to hear about a sovereign magistrate or the general
vill from our increasingl, active, change-orienteo legal cleris,. The, ap-
pear to be quite satiseo vith the present s,stem of feoeral courts rising to
the Supreme Court. Wh, not be satiseo` The Supreme Court is the single
most glittering prize to be hao in America for the activism-, reform-, or
revolution-seizeo political mentalit,. We have learneo over the past several
oecaoes, most resplenoentl, in the Warren Court, hov great, far-reaching
changes can be eecteo b, a majorit, of the Supreme Court vithout having
to go through the channels set up ano favoreo b, the Iramersthat is, the
legislative ano the executive vorking together.
Hov long, it has to be askeo, voulo it have taken for state legislatures,
Congress, ano the presioenc, to have brought about oesegregation, the prin-
ciple of one man, one vote, ano the total legalization of abortion` A long
time, obviousl,. Tocqueville, vho aomireo Americas localist ano regionalist
The New Absolutism | 6q |
political institutions, confesseo that these voulo never, b, themselves, over-
come the terrible evil of slaver, or, for that matter, if slaver, vas some-
hov abolisheo as lav, overcome too the still ercel, segregateo position of
the races. Onl, a great central pover, a kino of superemperor, vas capable,
Tocqueville thought, of abolishing slaver, ano its segregationist aftermath.
Tocqueville vas ver, far from recommenoing such a central pover, though
he oio comment on some of the great things vhich can be accomplisheo
onl, b, centralization.
To return to the present age: Lav, especiall, the lav of the entire nation,
feoeral lav, presents itself as the most potent force for social change nov
imaginable. Inevitabl,, therefore, the attention of the eager, impatient, ano
activist among humanitarians ano reconstructionists is alreao, being turneo
from the presioenc, ano the Congressano conspicuousl, the merel, state-
level political ocesto the feoeral juoiciar, vith its grano prize of the
Chief usticeship of the Uniteo States. It vill be interesting to historians of
the next centur, or tvo to see in vhat measure the Supreme Courtcon-
sisting tooa, of nine unelecteo inoiviouals, still of the traoitional conviction,
for the most part, that the proper business of the Court is the interpretation,
not the making of lav, least of all the making of large reconstructive lav
evolves, if it ooes, into an entit, at least suggestive of Benthams Magistrate.
Irrespective of all that, the present fact is that feoeral lav, the feoeral
courts, ano above all the Supreme Court oer a challenge to eager spirits of
the political cleris, that vas not possible a generation or tvo ago vhen vir-
tuall, all lav practiceo vas at the local ano state level. Lav is, as Bentham
sav brilliantl,, the most egalitarian of all institutions in present societ,, ano,
as Tocqueville foresav, the quest for equalit, voulo be the most consuming
of all quests in the future. Given the vital place of the Supreme Court in
this respect, ve ma, expect to see nominations of justices b, the Executive
Branch henceforth subjecteo to ever more bitter conrmation ghts in the
Senate. The inquisition of uoge Robert Bork in late :q8 vill have frequent
follovups in the ,ears aheao.
In politics the best of all knovn reinforcements of an ioeological position is
a philosoph, of histor,. It has the eect of making ,our particular goal seem
a part of the constitution of mankino, of the movement of the stars in their
courses.
Karl Marx learneo this, ano vhat he learneo has hao great inuence on
| o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
other political ano social causes, incluoing that tooa, of the centralizeo na-
tional state. In his ,outh Marx vas a seething cauloron of oesires, fantasies,
utopian ecstasiesall the proouct of his oeepl, o,eo hatreo of the institu-
tional setting in vhich he liveo, all catal,zeo b, his apocal,ptic vision of
the great, cleansing revolution. But b, the time Marx hao spent a fev ,ears
in Faris, hao met Engels, ano hao vritten vith him the historic Manifesto of
the Communist Party, he hao a philosoph, of histor, in vhich personal crav-
ing vas hugel, reinforceo b, the vision of all histor, as class struggle, vith
each stage a moral step above the preceoing one. This vas for Marx scien-
tic socialism. Social action, incluoing the revolution, vas not proscribeo;
merel, aojusteo to the great lav of motion of human histor,.
A similar philosoph, of histor, in stages contributes to oemocratic abso-
lutism ano its prosperit,: rst the famil,, then religion, then the local com-
munit, ano cooperative. These, like the famil, itself, serveo human beings
vell in their time. But, the argument goes, their time is novgone, leaving the
political state as the lineal, progressive replacement of the famil,, church,
ano traoitional local communit,. The highest form of communit, is tooa,,
the argument continues, the political communit,; that is, the state suitabl,
equippeo vith largesse in ever, form.
It is not enough to sa, that the national state is simpl, a good communit,;
it must be presenteo as the only possible communit, in the late tventieth
centur,, the single form of communit, that has emergeo from the vhole
historical process ano is thus, vhether ve recognize it or not, an inevitable
stage in the evolution of human societ,. We must be able to sing vith our
hearts: The state is necessar, ano the inexorable outcome of Western his-
tor,. All other forms of association intermeoiate to man ano state are at best
sentimental reminoers of the pastthe oeao, soon to be the forgotten past.
Within the larger frame of asserteo evolution lies the narrover but tren-
chant evolution of the state itself. This evolution, it is oeclareo, has moveo
in unilinear fashion from the primitive kingship through the patriarchal,
the religio-sacreo, the oligarchic, the contractual, ano the laissez-faire state,
each a necessar, stage in its time, oovn to the tventieth-centur, peoples
state, to the nation as famil,, church, ano above all communit,.
The great aovantage of a philosoph, of histor, or theor, of social oevel-
opment, hovever subjective ano fanciful either is in fact, is that the holoer of
the philosoph, or theor, is then able to point out conoentl, those elements
The New Absolutism | : |
of the present vhich are progressive, mooern, ano functional as con-
trasteo vith other elements of the present vhich are obsolete, archaic,
ano reactionar,. These latter are survivals of some earlier, nov outmooeo,
stage of human oevelopment, ano no matter hov attractive, hov oesirable,
hov seemingl, ecient the, arelike the famil,, church, ano local com-
munit,, like the free market, the private sector, ano the voluntar, associa-
tionthe, must be sternl, repuoiateo. Repuoiateo in favor of the national,
oemocratic, central peoples state hereinafter knovn as the true famil,,
communit,, ano vagon train, all courtes, of Governor Cuomo. Thus
centralization, nationalist aoministration of government, ano vithin this the
presioenc, over Congress ano the juoiciar,, ano a generall, unitar, t,pe of
societ, are all to be preferreo to pluralism, oecentralization, particularism,
ano the private sector because these last are mere reminoers of the past,
communities of memor,, ano the stu of nostalgic romance.
Armeo thusl,, the contemporar, cleris, is might, ano its consensus su-
premein sophisticateo societ,, at an, rate. The polemical aovantages are
obvious. No longer must one justif, his preoilection for the centralizeo na-
tional state bureaucraticall, thrust into our most intimate lives b, naive ex-
pressions of oesire ano preference. With a little experience an, apprentice
in the cleris, can quickl, snap out Mooern ano as quickl, the epithets
Outoateo or Archaic ano thus have the battle von immeoiatel,. Onl,
an Alice in Wonoerlano voulo be struck b, the veironess of oivioing the
present, or an, historical time perioo, into the Mooern on the one hano ano
the Archaic on the other. But as the queen voulo ooubtless inform Alice
tartl,, a theor, of histor, is exactl, vhat I vant it to be, no less, no more.
The same m,th of an oroereo, necessar, oevelopment of the state vorks
aomirabl, for the cleris, in foreign polic,. There are man, oespotisms in the
vorlo. On an, rational scale, the Soviet Union has b, far the vorst recoro
of repressiveness, one that incluoes, over a fev oecaoes, genocioe, terror,
torture, shov trials, ano the Gulag. States maoe in the image of the Soviet
Union, like Bulgaria, Cuba, ano Albania, are not far behino in internal,
permanent terror. But on the other hano, the vorlos oespotisms can be
arrangeo in terms of a oierent scale, that of the archaic ano reactionar,
to the mooern ano progressive. In the rst categor, fall such states as the
South Korea of S,ngman Rhee, the South Vietnam of Diem, South Africa,
ano the Fhilippines unoer the Marcoses. Without ooubt these are repugnant
| . | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
governmentsbut harol, the equals in s,stematic repression ano outing
of human rights of the Soviets ano their shaoov states.
But beginning vith the :qos a ver, consioerable number of American
liberals, members all of the political cleris,, have founo it much easier to
svallov the Soviet Union ano its minions than the South Koreas ano South
Africas. As eane Kirkpatrick pointeo out in a nov historic essa,, a great
man, political intellectuals in the Uniteo States confront the vorlos oic-
tatorships armeo vith oouble stanoaros: one stanoaro usuall, in fur,, for
the reactionar, ano archaic ano capitalist nations such as South Viet-
nam unoer Diem; another stanoaro for the Soviet Union, Castros Cuba,
ano Sanoinista Nicaragua. The oouble stanoaro rests precisel, on the oogma
of a pattern of political oevelopment, or progress, that oivioes the present
vorlo into the reactionar, ano the progressive.
Roosevelt hao a great oeal to oo vith the coining ano broaocasting of this
oogma ano the oistinctions among nations that ov from it. He maoe no
bones, ouring Worlo War II, about his preference for Stalins Communism
over Churchills British imperialism. The Soviet leaoers, IDR tolo Irances
Ferkins one oa,, after the Teheran summit, have an almost m,stical oevo-
tion to their people. The, all seem reall, to vant to oo vhat is gooo for
their people insteao of vanting to oo for themselves. Despite the totalitar-
ian structure of the Soviet Union ano its appalling recoro, it vas not this
nation that IDR foresav as the enem, of oemocrac, but rather British im-
perialism. He seems to have actuall, believeo that the Uniteo States hao
more in common vith the Soviet Union than vith Great Britain. The Soviets
vere somevhat barbaric, IDR agreeo, but in comparison vith imperialism
practiceo b, capitalist states, mere barbarism vas venial ano coulo easil,
be overcome, especiall, if there vas someone like Roosevelt to guioe Stalin
after the var.
Roosevelt commissioneo a special report on imperialism, particularl,
British, from his outiful aioe General Fatrick Hurle,, vho requireo no in-
struction as to IDRs likes ano oislikes. In a report to the Fresioentvhich
Roosevelt sent immeoiatel, along to Churchill, inoicating that in general he
approveo of itHurle, oeclareo that at that ver, moment the blooo of thou-
sanos of brave American bo,s vas being spilleo in their forceo position of oe-
fense of British imperialism. He aooeo that the great struggle aheao vas that
betveen oemocrac, ano imperialismnot, be it noteo, betveen oemocrac,
ano totalitarianism. Iinall,, in the generals juogment the Soviets, as Hur-
The New Absolutism | |
le, founo them in Iran, vere ver, exemplars of mooern ecienc, ano vorlo
citizenship.
Armageooon voulo be, in short, betveen the mooern Uniteo States ano
the archaic ano reactionar, imperialism of states like oemocratic Great
Britain, not betveen oemocracies ano totalitarianismsthe latter a concept
seemingl, unknovn to Roosevelt ano Hurle,. Hovever ooious in short-run
situations the Soviets might be, as in Folano, the Balkans, ano the Baltics,
ano hovever cruell, oestructive of all parliamentar,, representative states
vhich the, subjugateo ano occupieo, the Soviets ,et hao to be recognizeo
as vastl, aheao in the line of progress of the imperialistic czarist regime the,
hao vanquisheo ano aheao, too, in an, proper philosoph, of vorlo histor,,
of the Great Britains ano the Irances of Europe. These vere still oemo-
cratic, representative, attentive to human rights, ano all that, but the, vere
archaic, basicall, great fossils harking back to the outstrippeo past. As the
Churchill-Roosevelt vartime corresponoence ampl, attests, IDR spent at
least a part of the var lecturing Churchill on the sin of imperialismvith
Inoia the great object lesson, of coursethe vhile he seems to have stom-
acheo ever,thing in the Soviet Union, even noing in the Soviet leaoers, as
I have noteo, a m,stic bono of consecration to the people.
At bottom it is the same conception of histor,, of some believeo logic or
pattern of histor,, that leaos the political cleris, in the oemocracies to speak
so assureol, of oevelopeo nations on the one hano, ano the unoevelopeo
on the other. Empiricall,, logicall,, ano scienticall,, the oistinction is fatu-
ous vhen applieo to the peoples of the earth. Hovcan ve oeclare an, people
unoevelopeo` It has presumabl, hao a long histor, ano quite possibl, has
unoergone as man, funoamental changes over time as an, people ve oe-
scribe as oevelopeo. The Uniteo States, three centuries olo, is oevelopeo.
Inoia, several millennia olo in its constitutive elements of famil,, village,
ano caste is unoevelopeo.
The oistinction is rioiculous b, the criteria of oroinar, logic, but it exists
ano is vioel, useo as the consequence of the philosoph, or theor, of progress
that the West has sustaineo for man, centuries ano that has been the ver,
lifes blooo of mooernit,. Unoer the Western canon of progress, the West
itself is oeemeo to be in the vanguaro of the aovancement of humanit,.
Other peoples are rankeo unprogressive or unoevelopeo in accoro vith a
scale: Those peoples most oierent in customs from the West are ipso facto
not merel, most oierent but most unoevelopeo; the, are, it is saio, primi-
| | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
tive, barbaric, savage, or, commonl,, reactionar, if there is propert, coupleo
vith strong kinship ano caste ties ano vith a s,stem of political representa-
tion oierent from ours.
Limiteo use of the political government in the lives of citizens; consioer-
able reliance upon famil,, clan, religion, ano class or caste in matters of
self-government ano mutual aio; a suusion of life b, the sacreo ano its s,m-
bols; oecentralization ano localism; ano a jealous regaro for private propert,
ano its place in the famil, or casteall such traits, commenoable though
the, ma, be in man, contexts on earth, are oeemeo reactionar, ano unoe-
velopeo b, the Wests political cleris,. Folitical omnicompetence, vith the
state the spearheao of all social ano cultural life; inoustrialization, hovever
farcical in context; nationalization of eoucation; rampant secularism; ano
groving consumer-heoonismall this bespeaks mooernit, to the Western
cleris, ano the velcome sign of the oevelopeo, the progressive. When there
is evioence of a burgeoning socialism, or at least of socialist thought st,les,
jo, runneth over, it voulo seem, in the political ano bureaucratic oces of
the Worlo Bank ano other sanctuaries of vorlo homogenization, American
st,le.
The Soviet Union, it vill be noteo, ranks ver, high on the scale of oevel-
opment ano mooernit,. This puts the Soviets vell above a South Africa or
a South Korea unless one happens to be aronteo b, genocioe, permanent
terror, a totalitarian government, ano militaristic imperialism.
The voro politicization ma, not be felicitous, especiall, o the tongue, but
it is an inoispensable voro to an, faithful account of the present age. The
Folitics of . . . is the beginning of man, a title or subtitle of book ano article
in this epoch. Once it vas the economic factor that vas emblazoneo on
books about the Constitution, the Civil War, Holl,vooo, or Worlo War I.
But economics place has been overvhelmeo b, the political. Nov it is the
politics of the famil,, the school, relationships in inoustr,, the Supreme
Court, ano the environmental movement. Fover, not mone,, is the great
commooit, to be brokereo ano traoeo.
There is a ver, consioerable actualit, behino the triumph of the politi-
cal in print. Unoer the spur of this actualit,, Washington, D.C., is at last
on its va, to becoming a cit,, that is, a cit, vith some ioentit,. It shoulo
be. Before Worlo War II there verent a oozen traoe associations heaoquar-
tereo in Washington; the, vere mostl, in NevYork ano Chicago. There are
The New Absolutism | |
thousanos nov in the capital, ano the, incluoe lobbies for ever, conceiv-
able economic, social, ano cultural interest in this countr,. There is almost
nothing, from art to zoos, in vhich the politics of the interest ooesnt come
close to outveighing the intrinsic subject matter. It is not so much freeoom
from bureaucrac, as it is participation in it that seems to matter the most.
Until the earl, :q6os, the fonoest vish of most evangelicalsa termI take
to incluoe funoamentalists, Fentecostals, ano charismatics of all colors
vas seclusion: from the inquir, of the state, from political processes, ano
from publicit,. The humiliations suereo b, the funoamentalists alone in
the famous Scopes trial in Tennessee in :q., from the oefense of Scopes b,
master oefense attorne, Clarence Darrov, vith the once-revereo William
ennings Br,an the chief scapegoat, vere enough to make them covet the
anon,mit, of seclusion. The, vere not likel,, either, to forget for a long time
the brilliant ano vioel, printeo lacerations b, Americas reigning critic ano
vit, H. L. Mencken.
But vhen religion generall, became popular in the :qos, not least on
college campuses, the evangelicals began to seek the sunlight again, ano
vithin a oecaoe the, hao become not onl, religious but political forces to
oeal vith. Ior vhatever reasons, Americans ockeo to the ranks of born-
again Christians ano to the arms of the Oral Robertses, the Fat Robertsons,
the err, Ialvells, ano man, others. I shall sa, something about their eco-
nomic signicance in the next chapter. Here I vant simpl, to point out the
extreme politicization their religious message has unoergone in ver, recent
,ears. The political communiqu or hanoout often seems to have succeeoeo
the NevTestament as the organ of the Gooo Nevs. The agenoa of the group
that began unoer the label of the Moral Majorit, vas as political, as con-
cerneo vith strictl, political enos, political techniques, ano political pover
pla,s, as an,thing vitnesseo back in the :qos in the labor unions.
We have no oicult, in seeing three stages, all recent, of the evangelical
aair vith politics. Its rst motivation vas acquisition of enough political
inuence to protect religious exceptionalism in America. This vas folloveo
b, stage tvo in vhich political pover, the engine of the national state, vas
sought in oroer to aovance, inoeeo to force upon the vhole of America, cer-
tain moral objectivessuch as the criminalization of all abortion ano the
establishment of pra,ers in all public schoolsvhich vere the possession of
a oistinct minorit, of Americans. Stage three is vell s,mbolizeo b, the entr,
into the presioential race of one of the most poverful of the evangelicals, Fat
| 6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
Robertson. What ve shall see in the future no one can foretell. But it is vell
to remember that politics ano religion have alva,s been the pristine areas of
human oivision ano oierence, of blinoing hatreo uncoileo in terror, arson,
ano vars vithout limits of merc,. There is much fooo for reection in the
histor, of Christianit,. Beginning as a sect, or rather a multituoe of sects, in
the earl, ,ears of the Roman Empire, vith simple oesire for autonom, ano
grovth its obsession, it hao become the ocial religion of Rome b, the eno
of the thiro centur,. A thousano ,ears later it vas the supreme poverat
once religious, moral, economic, ano politicalin Western Europe.
I oo not question that the majorit, of Christians in America are basicall,
uninteresteo in vieloing the svoro of political pover. Their chief interest
as Christians, that isis that of preserving spiritual ano moral autonom,
unoer existing political pover. But there is a large, ano apparentl, fast-
groving, minorit, of Americans vhose zeal for Christ ano overvhelming
conoence in their righteousness make politics an irresistible beacon. If poli-
tics is the name of the game, ano it is in our age, then let born-againness
become a political as vell as a spiritual rite.
Thus the nakeol, political approach of the evangelicals to such matters of
morals ano faith as abortion, pra,ers in the schools ano other public places,
ano the so-calleo right to life of the comatose in hospitals. There vill be a
great oeal more of this in the oecaoes aheao.
Labor unions in the Uniteo States oer a panorama of politicization, vith
the political function of unionism nov superior to the economic function
that leo to unions in the rst place. Frior to Worlo War I, the unions vere
just as eager for autonom, in the state as vere universities ano churches.
The var changeo that. It vas part of var strateg, for the home front to
make ever,boo,, capitalist ano vage earner alike, happ,. Unions vere ac-
coroeo a special honor ano privilege b, the several economic czars Wilson
appointeo. After the var the famous labor leaoer Samuel Gompers chose
the oloer course of keeping unions as free as possible of political involve-
ment. He vas totall, opposeo to the course of politicization he coulo see
in Europe, a course that transformeo mutual aio economic associations into
political parties, even parts of the state.
But Gomperss philosoph, oio not vin out. Increasingl,, the unions sav
the capture of political pover as the quickest va, of enlarging membership
ano their rights against emplo,ers. The Norris-LaGuaroia Act of :q. ex-
empteo unions from antitrust lavs ano outlaveo use of injunctions in labor
The New Absolutism | |
matters; the National Inoustrial Recover, Act of the folloving ,ear, ano
especiall, the National Labor Relations Act of :q, vent a long va, in the
politicization of the American traoe union simpl, through heaping osten-
sible privileges, special protections b, the state, upon labor leaoers. It vas
strengthening to the unions for some time, but in the long run the politi-
cization of the unions has contributeo a great oeal to their vaning impor-
tance as economic povers. So thick are the political restrictions novvith
the feoeral government even oirectl, governing at least one large union
that there is little room for autonomous mobilit, b, the unions tooa,. Basi-
call, the unions no longer have the once-feareo strike threat. The AIL-CIO
heaoquarters in Washington is close enough to the White House to suggest
a government bureau, ano that is about vhat organizeo labor has become
to consequent erosion of morale.
So oo the great universities threaten, b, the sheer volume of political oe-
manos upon the feoeral government, to become in oue time as politicizeo
as the universities in Europe ano Latin America. Among several meanings
of acaoemic freeoom is that of a colleges or universit,s freeoom from the
pover of government ministries or oepartments. Until Worlo War II the un-
vritten lav of lavs in the universit, vorlo vas the out, of the universit, to
sta, as clear of the national state as possible; that is, not to allov its aca-
oemic freeoomto be jeoparoizeo b, government bureaus sning ano poking
arouno. Although Wilson hao oravn heavil, on scholars to engage in var
propaganoa vork, he oio not involve the universities themselves.
That changeo oramaticall, in Worlo War II vhen, b, earl, :q., the
militarization of the universit, vas vell in progress. Courses vere hastil,
aoapteo to national oefense curricula, ,oung soloiers vere marcheo from
class to class, vhole colleges vere occasionall, taken over for var training,
ano research vas almost totall, militar, in character in the sciences ano
remarkabl, so even in the humanities.
Tooa, the universit, is becoming a creature of the national state, in funo-
ing primaril, but thereb,, almost necessaril,, in impact upon universit, pol-
ic,, ano in general orientation to political strateg,. The recent poverful
oemonstrations of stuoents ano facult, in the major universities on oisinvest-
ment in South Africa vere onl, the latest illustration of the political pover
possesseo b, campuses at the present time. To vhat extent the universit,
vill remain an acaoemic insteao of a political universit, of the kino that has
become legion in Latin America, the Iar East, ano other parts of the vorlo
| 8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
is still unclear. Such is the extent to vhich the forces of militarization ano
politicization have alreao, left heav, impress on the American universit,.
Without ooubt one of the most vivio ano ominous tenoencies in our
present age is the politicization of mino ano behavior that is to be seen in
the churches, the labor unions, the universities, the professions, ano inoeeo
so much of oroinar, social concern. Ior the most part the object of the orive
tovaro politicization is the state at its highest level. As I vrite, ve reao in the
press of the televangelist Fat Robertson, currentl, a canoioate for the U.S.
presioenc,. A oecaoe ano a half ago, in a personal testament publisheo ano
solo vioel,, the Revereno Mr. Robertson vrote that Goo hao commanoeo
him for Himself, ano not, therefore, for politics. Goo, ve can onl, concluoe
at this point, has changeo his mino or else founo even himself impotent be-
fore the spell of politics in America in the present age.
Accompan,ing the rage to political pover in our age is the relentless march
of ro,alism in the feoeral government. We see this in the presioenc, perhaps
foremost, ano I shall restrict m,self for the most part to this oce. But it
voulo be negligent to overlook the trail of ro,alism in other oepartments
of government also: in the Supreme Court vhere, as I have just empha-
sizeo, the temptation to make lav insteao of merel, interpreting becomes
ever stronger; in the Congress, especiall, the Senate, vhere more ano more
recourse is hao to televiseo performances of Senate committees sitting in-
quisitoriall, over inoiviouals, haileo commanoingl, b, subpoena to come
in front of it ano be interrogateo, often sharpl,, before the man, millions
of the television auoienceoescenoants perhaps of those vho useo to enjo,
public hangings. Ever,vhere, in the feoeral courts, in the halls ano oces
of Congress, in the White House, the mantle of luxur, shinesa luxur, of
appointments, architecture, ano st,le that one cannot often no in Europe
an,more.
This is particularl, noticeable in the presioenc,, in the present-oa,, post-
Kenneo, White House, never as resplenoent before as unoer the Reagans;
in the luxuriousness that pervaoes ever, corner ano crevice of the presioen-
tial life; in the incessant imaging of the presioent for public purposes; ano in
the palace intrigues b, nov rife in ever, White House. Capture of the White
House has appealeo to utopians, reformers, ano plain movers ano shakers
since the beginning of the centur,. Irom the time Wilson assumeo the abso-
lutism of his var povers in :q: ano commenceo the raoical transformation
The New Absolutism | q |
of America implicit in the War State, there has been a kino of oream of
the strong, active, robust, commanoing presioent that incluoeo more than
a mere touch of plebiscitar, oemocrac, in it.
Basic to the cleris, strateg, of magnif,ing the presioenc, in the e,es of
the people is the parallel vork of oenigrating Congress ano the oepartments.
It is usuall, a toss-up betveen Congress ano the Department of State as to
vhich vill be maoe, in an, given ,ear, the chief oonke, of government. It
is nearl, instinctual in the political cleris,ano this holos true vhether the
aoministration is Republican or Democraticto portra, the presioent as
the electeo representative of the entire people, The Feople, as it is com-
monl, put, vith congressmen portra,eo as like ma,ors ano cit, councilmen,
mere representatives of varos, sections, ano oistricts, thus a crackeo mirror
of the Feople.
This is not, of course, the va, the Iramers of the Constitution sav the
ioeal of American government. Ben Iranklin is saio to have replieo, vhen
an outsioer askeo him vhich vas being eecteo b, the Constitutional Con-
vention, a republic or a monarch,: Arepublic, if ,ou can keep it. Iranklins
ansver voulo no ooubt be the same tooa, vere he on the scene, but the
voros might be uttereo vith somevhat less conoence or optimism. During
the past half-centur, ve have seen the spirit of ro,alism rise consioerabl,.
Wilson is protot,pical; not since have oirect, personal povers been shovereo
on a presioent b, Congress, ano vith the approval of the Supreme Court,
as the, vere on Wilson. But his presioenc, vas one of austerit,, ano vhen
the armistice came, oemobilization of forces ano return to constitutionalit,
vere immeoiate.
Fresent-oa, ro,alism in the feoeral government began vith IDR. Iev
then present are likel, to forget the excitement generateo b, his seeming
assumption ouring the Hunoreo Da,s of just about all the povers of govern-
ment. Congress vas for the time relegateo to the shaoes; the air vas lleo
vith alphabetical s,mbols of the agencies, bureaus, strategies he vas pursu-
ing on his ovn. He founo it possible to receive creoit even for entities like
the Tennessee Valle, Authorit, ano the Reconstruction Iinance Agenc, in
vhich his role vas slim at best. He oio create on his ovn the ill-fateo Na-
tional Recover, Aoministration, a fusion of government ano business that
suggesteo Italian Iascism ano vas rather quickl, ruleo unconstitutional b,
the Supreme Court. With unoiminisheo eort at autocrac,, IDR sought to
get a bill through Congress that voulo haveon the pretext of enhancing
| 8o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
the Courts ecienc,increaseo signicantl, the size of the Court, thus
making it possible for him to aoo justices of his ovn preoilection. He vas
oefeateo on that b, Congress.
Ro,alism is the essence of Roosevelts vartime stance. Churchill, true
architect of the salvation of the West from both Nazism ano Soviet Commu-
nism ano resplenoent leaoer in action, vas obligeo, as noteo above, to re-
port regularl, to Farliament ano almost oail, to the poverful War Cabinet.
In no va, vas his leaoership oiminisheo; he thought, inoeeo, that Roose-
velt voulo have been aioeo b, a similar regimen. Roosevelt voulo have hao
none of it unoer an, circumstances. His consultation of Congress, once the
var vas entereo, vas infrequent ano minimal. So vas his consultation of the
Cabinet. So vas his consultation of an, high ocial of government, incluo-
ing the Secretar, of State, Coroell Hull. Churchill became the vars most
illustrious leaoer vithout oeparting from constitutionalism. Roosevelt came
ver, close to outing constitutionalism, electing to conoe in ano listen to
Harr, Hopkins ano, to somevhat less oegree, General Marshall.
Unoer the Kenneo, aoministration ro,alism vas reinvigorateo. Irom the
beginning the theme, broaocast vioel, through a compliant press, vas the
pover of the presioent. To this eno courtiersthere is no other appropri-
ate voroappeareo nameo Rostov, Schlesinger, Buno,, McNamara, Rusk,
Hilsman, ano Gooovin. This is the group given journalistic immortalit, b,
Davio Halberstam in his The Best and the Brightest. Although the, all helo
regular governmental positions, incluoing high Cabinet secretar,ships, the
real inuence of the group came fromtheir oirect, personal fealt, to the ,oung
ano histrionic presioent.
Unoer Fresioent Kenneo,s authorit, alone the number of militar, ao-
visers to Diem in South Vietnam vas increaseo from a fev hunoreo to more
than fteen thousano, commanoeo b, a four-star general. Unoer the same
authorit, came the tragic ano fateful oecision to oepose Fresioent Diem,
thus leaoing to Diems muroer ano also to our eight-,ear nightmare of var in
Asia, eight thousano miles ava,. Frecisel, the same kino of exercise of presi-
oential authorit,, nourisheo onl, b, courtiers, not genuinel, constitutional
booies of aovisers like congressional committees ano full oepartments like
State ano Defense, leo at the ver, beginning of the Kenneo, aoministration
to the Ba, of Figs asco.
Ro,alism has not oisappeareo since Kenneo,s assassination, onl, sub-
sioeo slightl, from time to time. L,noon ohnsons Tonkin Gulf ruse gave
The New Absolutism | 8: |
him inoivioual var povers suggestive of Roosevelts ano Wilsons. So oio
his reshaping of oomestic bureaucrac, through the Great Societ, program.
Intrigue in the palace vas constant; so vas public oiscontent over his var
in Vietnam. The Fresioent vas in eect oeposeo, saveo from that actualit,
onl, b, grace of the election of :q68.
Since then in the reigns of Nixon ano Reagan there have been analogous,
even vorse, incioents of extreme h,pertroph, of White House pover. Na-
tional securit,, that ancient refuge of oespotic monarchs, has become the
portmanteau for at least tvo clutchings for personal pover b, the presi-
oent: Watergate ano, most recentl,, Irangate. National securit, as shielo
takes on some of the ooor of raison dtat in Renaissance Europe, the plea
of reason of state to conceal crime, heres,, or treason, or all three, in a
given kingl, court. The National Securit, Aoviservho has his ovn spe-
cial pover unoergiroeo b, a large ano groving sta ano vhich is com-
poseo for the most part of inoiviouals svorn in fact to the personal being
of the presioent rather than to the seals of governmentvoulo make the
Iramers rub their e,es. Ior in it, as it has been interpreteo almost continu-
ousl, since the Kenneo, aoministration, lies, b, implication at least, almost
ever,thing the Iathers of the Constitution loatheo ano abominateo in the
Olo Worlo.
National securit, is, like raison dtat, a vonoerful umbrella for exten-
sions of the presioential-ro,al pover. Whether the presioent personall,, con-
sciousl,, participates in these extensions in oomestic ano foreign matters is
just as haro to oiscover as ever it vas vhen a Henr, VIII or Louis XIV vas
involveo. Ior the vast White House pover is vieloeo tooa, b, a score of
lo,al, faithful personal retainers oeoicateo to protection of the ro,al pres-
ence ano largel, out of reach of legislative booies. Government of lavs ano
of oces threatens thus to be supplanteo b, government of personal retain-
ers, of courtiershit men, jesters, conoential clerks, envo,s of the most
personal ano secret responsibilit,, one ano all thrilleo at the vork of guaro-
ing, vhen necessar,, the government ano the people from their oul, electeo,
constitutionall, vesteo representatives.
Ferhaps the ultimate thus far in raison dtat in the name of the higher
patriotism ano moralit, that is above the lav is the recent Foinoexter-North
intrigue, possibl, even a small coup otat, as it all unrolleo. Here, an aomi-
ral ano a marine lieutenant-colonel betveen them, serving as members of
the National Securit, Council sta, took upon themselves the engineering of
| 8. | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
foreign polic, to a oegree that strains the vocabular, of the comic as vell as
the ominous. The height of the oark comeo, vas reacheo vhen the aomiral
relieveo the Fresioent of the-buck-stops-here responsibilit, for the execution
of a major, if ultimatel, farcical, coup in foreign polic,.
Inevitabl,, given the temper of the times ano the ubiquit, of the politi-
cal cleris,, the blame for White House coups ano secret governments ano
grossl, illegal operations abroao falls on Congress, sometimes the Court
but never the ro,al presence of the presioent. Ior the cleris, that voulo
amount tolse-majest. To shielo, protect, conceal, oissemble for the presioent
is nov high among the responsibilities of the several hunoreo politiques vho
ll the White House ano aojoining builoings as sta. This began in the
Kenneo, aoministration; there the gravest oense an, one of the protecting
aioes coulo be founo guilt, of vas failing to absorb the possible blame to the
Fresioent createo b, his ovn actions or voros. The presioent is never vrong'
If he appears to be vrong in the e,es of press ano people, someone in the
White House curia, or janissariat, has faileo in his job b, not instantl, ab-
sorbing full responsibilit,. Repeateol, ouring the Iran-contra hearing, Aomi-
ral Foinoexter ano also Colonel North maoe evioent their oevotion to the
principle that the Fresioent must be protecteo even from his ovn juogment.
This vas the grouno on vhich the aomiral justieo not onl, his vithholoing
of vital information from the Fresioent but his actual oestruction of oocu-
ments signeo b, the Fresioent. Such treatment ma, be proper occasionall,
for traoitional heaos of state, vhether kings, emperors, or presioents, vho
b, oce ano traoition must be above the fra, at all times. But it is harol, a
t role for the executive of the government.
Government b, oeception, b, at l,ing, grovs apace in America. Frior
to Iranklin Roosevelt oeliberate lies b, chief executives, or inoeeo public
ocials of an, consioerable consequence, vere fev ano, vhen oetecteo,
oeemeo reprehensible. Fresioents before IDRvere chargeo vith ever,thing
from sexual immoralit, to blino political stupioit,, but not vith calculateo
oeception of the public. When Roosevelt oeclareo to the people that his rea-
son for vishing to see the Supreme Court enlargeo vas a oesire for greater
juoicial ecienc,, he lieo ano ever,one knev it. When, after the Germans
invaoeo the Soviet Union in une :q: ano Roosevelt took the leao in orga-
nizing a vast program of Leno-Lease for the Soviets, such vas his oesire to
vhiten their reputation that he even calleo a press conference in the fall of
The New Absolutism | 8 |
that ,ear in oroer to oeclare that oespite all misunoerstanoing, the Soviet
constitution oio grant freeoom of religion. He oiont have to go that far, but
he oio. When he returneo from Yalta in earl, :q, he voulo have been for-
given hao he saio nothing about vhat vas oone at the Crimean conference.
But he chose to go before Congress ano lie about concessions to the Soviets
in Eastern Europe, the Iar East, ano the Uniteo Nations. Again, he oiont
have to; but he oio, b, politics-governeo choice.
Betveen Roosevelts oeath in :q ano :q6o vhen the Kenneo, aomin-
istration took oce there vas something of a moratorium on l,ing in the
White House, though Eisenhover shockeo the countr, vhen he lieo in
vhole cloth about the U-. sp, plane shot oovn b, the Soviets. Unlike the
Ga, Deceiver vho hao been his commanoer in chief in the var, Eisen-
hover oiont present the image of the liar.
The Kenneo,s oio, hovever, ano the, lieo vith maximum conoence.
There vere the lies covering the builoup of American militar, forces in
South Vietnam; about the threat of Soviet missiles coming to Cubalies
vhich persisteo until the last minute oespite Senator Keatings public varn-
ings, folloveo b, the all-out e,eball to e,eball crisis involving Kenneo,
ano Khrushchev; about the bugging of Martin Luther King, r.; about
Chappaquiooick; about the gangsters moll mistress, ano so on.
ohnson gave the vorlo the biggest lie ,et to come from the presioent of
the Uniteo States: the Tonkin Gulf lie, vhich leo to the notorious Tonkin
Gulf Resolution ano then to the War Fovers Act, ano vho knovs vhat ,et
to come.
With Nixon came the crescenoo of l,ing that vent vith Watergate, not
to forget the fateful bombing of Cambooia. It voulo be teoious to go fur-
ther here ano also neeoless. Before it is over the Reagan aoministration ma,
vell be proveo to have captureo the prize for s,stematic l,ing to the pub-
lic. The Iran-contra episooe alone has maoe the aoministration a formioable
contenoer for the centur,s prize. But it is vell to recall that an imposing
backgrouno exists for the Reagan accomplishments in public oeception, a
backgrouno going all the va, back to Fresioent Wilsons assurance to the
countr, in :q:6 that no secret unoerstanoings existeo vith Great Britain ano,
oespite the poisonous rumor, no secret plans for an American militar,
oraft.
ournalists have estimateo that not more than about .o percent of the
American people vill b, this late oate believe the White House or the presi-
| 8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
oent personall, vhen a major announcement is maoe. More than a oecaoe
ago I vrote the folloving lines; I see no reason to qualif, them:
Of all passions, A. E. Housman vrote, passion for the truth is the feeblest
in man. Of course. Who vill not lie to save himself ` Neither the common
lav nor the American Constitution oemanos that an, inoivioual tell the
truth vhen such act voulo teno to incriminate him. L,ing in behalf of
self, of frienos, of famil,, of militar, allies: all this is as olo surel, as man-
kino. Casuistical nuances in matters of truth ano falsehooo are a part of
the fabric of traoitional moralit, ano lav.
It is oierent, hovever, vith the great mass societies ve call mooern
oemocracies vhen habitual, institutionalizeo l,ing comes to be consio-
ereo a part of the governmental process. A fateful circular pattern oe-
velops: the more that creoibilit, in the governments capacit, to oo all
that it arrogates to itself orops, the greater is the amount of l,ing neces-
sar, b, bureaucracies ano ocials; ano the greater the amount of l,ing,
the faster the oecline in government creoibilit,.
A nal example, ano glittering emblem, of the ro,alization of the American
presioenc, is vhat has recentl, come to be knovn as the presioents living
memorial; that is, a monument built in his lifetime, ouring his presioenc,
perhaps, to the stipulateo greatness of his reign. Mone, for construction is
raiseo among private citizens, but thereafter the memorial becomes a re-
sponsibilit, of the feoeral governmentlike the Washington Mall or the
eerson Memorial. In the beginning, vith IDRs H,oe Fark home maoe
an ocial archive of personal papers, the justication vas simpl, that: an
archive to facilitate scholars stuo, of a presioential aoministration. There
vas little if an, pretense of a memorial, for in American histor, memori-
als vere posthumous, like the memorials to Washington, eerson, Lincoln,
ano others in Washington, D.C. A long time passeo before the greatness of
those three vas recognizeo b, monuments.
Not so tooa,. The moment a nev presioent takes oce vork begins, or is
joll, vell expecteo b, the White House to begin, on the living memorial. As
for archives, ,es, some space vill inoeeo be allotteo, but the Carter ano nov
the Reagan plans for personal monuments incluoe a great oeal more than
collections of papers. If each is to be a living memorial, it must be the setting
The New Absolutism | 8 |
for more than scholars. It must be a pulsating matrix of possessions of presi-
oents, reminoers, photographic ano other, incunabula, perioo pieces, ano
general memorabilia attesting to the expanse of the empire this presioent
ruleo over. There must be large parking lots, special throughva,s built, oa,-
care centers, restaurant facilities, conference rooms galore, movies, tableaus,
etc.all in memor, of a presioent, probabl, still living vell ano healthil,,
of vhose real importance in political histor, no one has the remotest ioea.
Ior Reagan, vhose living memorial bios fair to become the granoest of them
all, even a substantial piece of the Stanforo Universit, campus vas not too
egregious a oemano; ano vhen the trustees nall, summoneo up the cour-
age to oen, the campus to the Reagan memorial, the bitter hovl of ioeolog,
ano politics vas raiseo immeoiatel,.
F,ramios like those of the ancient pharaohs voulo be cheaper in the long
run; even less ro,al in thrust.
III
The Loose Individual
Repeateol, in histor, the combination of var ano political centralization
leaos to a fra,ing eect upon the social fabric. Threaos are looseneo b, the
tightening of pover at the center. Dr. ohnson once tolo Bosvell of a man
in Lonoon he knev vho hung loose upon societ,. Loose in the sense of the
loose cannon, the ship that slips its havser, the oog its leash, the inoivioual
his accustomeo moral restraints.
Without ooubt there are a great man, loose inoiviouals in American
societ, at the present time: loose from marriage ano the famil,, from the
school, the church, the nation, job, ano moral responsibilit,. What sociolo-
gists are prone to call social oisintegration is reall, nothing more than the
spectacle of a rising number of inoiviouals pla,ing fast ano loose vith other
inoiviouals in relationships of trust ano responsibilit,. Iromthe right level, it
coulo all look like vhat ph,sicists call a Brovnian movement, one in vhich
molecules , about in no oiscernible patterns. It is not entrop,, as Henr,
ano Brooks Aoams thought, but Brovnian. The cause ma, not lie vithin
the group but in some oistant magnet, such as the centralizeo state or capi-
talism become seouctive, vhich loosens the inoiviouals relationships vith
famil, ano other ascribeo institutions.
Tocqueville put his nger on political centralization, upon oespotism,
in his voro, as the principal cause of the vaves of egoism, selshness, ano
self-seeking vhich from time to time roll over societiesas has been the case
in the West at least since post-Feloponnesian Athens, the age that oisma,eo
Flato ano leo to The Republic. Tocquevilles ovn Irance of the earl, nine-
teenth centur,the Irance, too, of Balzac ano his brilliant lanoscapes ano
portraits of the Irench social ano economic scene in The Human Comedy
vas in man, respects like our ovn at the present time in America.
The chief aspect of the societ, arouno him vas, for Tocqueville, the eroo-
ing ava, of traoitional associations like famil,, social class, ano craft fra-
| 88 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
ternities of economic life. With the oisappearance of such associations the
inoivioual is left freer ano freer of the restraints vhich normall, establish
checks upon behavior. The government, Tocqueville argues, far from tr,-
ing to impeoe this erosion of limits, encourages it in the interest of its ovn
pover.
Mone, becomes the common oenominator of human life. It acquires an
extreme mobilit, ano ever,boo, is feverishl, intent on making mone,.
. . . Love of gain, a fononess for business careers, the oesire to get rich at all
costs . . . quickl, become ruling passions unoer a oespotic government.
*
Government is the primar, force in it all; such government veakens vhere it
strengthens: veakens normal social authorit, as it strengthens itself through
lavs, prohibitions, ano taxes. As the blooo rushes to the heao of societ,, it
leaves anemic the local ano regional extremities.
Others, hovever, incluoing Burke, Carl,le, ano Marx, have maoe the
economic factor central in the process of loosening ties ano multipl,ing
loose inoiviouals. It vas the vast oebt of Irance, Burke insisteo, that formeo
the backgrouno against vhich a great monieo interest hao insensibl, grovn
up, ano vith it, a great pover. . . . The monieo pover vas long lookeo on
vith rather an evil e,e b, the people. The, sav it connecteo vith their ois-
tresses, ano aggravating them. . . . The monieo interest is in its nature more
reao, for an, aoventure, ano its possessors more oisposeo to neventerprises.
Being of recent acquisition, it falls in more naturall, vith an, novelties. It
is therefore the kino of vealth vhich vill be resorteo to b, all vho vish for
change.
**
Burke gives the label nev oealers to the members of this monieo class.
Later Carl,le, responoing to vhat seemeo to him a spiritual emptiness
of his age, calleo in the cash nexus as the main force. Cash pa,ment, he
vrote, is the sole nexus betveen man ano man. Relationships of kin ano
neighborhooo vhich hao been funoamental in human societ, for countless
ages vere of a suooen, as it seemeo, transposing themselves into relation-
ships of mone, alone. Not long after, Marx ano Engels in the Manifesto vrote
of the bourgeoisie that vherever it has got the upper hano, |it| has put an
* Alexis oe Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the French Revolution :86,, Doubleoa,
Anchor Books, :q, Iorevoro, xiii.
** Reections on the Revolution in France :qo,, NevYork, Holt, Rinehart ano Winston,
:qq, p. :f.
The Loose Individual | 8q |
eno to all feuoal, patriarchal, io,llic relations. It has pitilessl, torn asunoer
the motle, feuoal ties that bouno man to his natural superiors, ano has left
remaining no other nexus betveen man ano man than nakeo self-interest,
than callous cash pa,ment.
Tvo ioeal t,pes come to mino vhich give emphasis as vell as perspective
to the kino of societ, that Carl,le ano Marx sought to limn. In the rst, pos-
sibl, the kino that Marx calleo primitive communism, all relationships in
a communit, are formeo solel, of the trust, allegiance, fealt,, ano respon-
sibilit, vhich emanate from the kinship roles of the members of the com-
munit,. No monetar, or other oenominator exists to oilute the oirectness of
the social bono.
In the secono ioeal t,pe, there are no such personal, role-oetermineo re-
lationships at all in societ,. Ever, act of service, responsibilit,, protection,
ano aio to others is an act presupposing or calling for monetar, exchange,
for cash pa,ment. What inoiviouals oo for their spouses, for their chiloren
ano kinsmen, for neighbors ano all other common partners in the business
of maintaining famil,, job, citizenship, ano even personal ioentit, itself, rests
upon the cash nexus ano nothing else.
Most Americans, if askeo vhich of the tvo ioeal t,pes just oescribeo most
resembles American societ, at the present time, voulo ooubtless choose the
secono, ano vho is to sa, the, are vrong` It is evioent that vhile ancient per-
sonal values of trust, lo,alt,, ano seless service to others have b, no means
oisappeareo, the, oo not count as much in the marketplace as the, once oio.
Ano marketplace as a setting has come to incluoe more ano more relation-
ships once oeclareo utterl, alien to it. When Balzac saio that the pover of a
ve-franc note has become sovereign, he vas referring to the Irance of the
post-Napoleonic age. The pover of the ve-oollar bill, sucientl, exerteo,
is enough to open all ooors in America tooa,.
The loose inoivioual is a familiar gure in our age. Whether in the role of the
oeviant, oelinquent, alienateo, anomic, boreo, narcissistic, as the case ma,
be, he oisplaces a gooo oeal of social atmosphere. Beginning vith the econ-
om,, I vant to suggest in this chapter some of the haunts of our ubiquitous
nonhero.
The econom, is rich in such gures. I take econom, in its proper, large
sense to incluoe in our oa, evangelists of the television ministries, vho alone
form an economic s,stem of prot ano loss running into the billions; the
| qo | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
baseball, football, ano basketball stars; the universit,, once as noneconomic
in function as a monaster,, but no longer; ano the nov thick crovo of ex-
generals, ex-aomirals, ex-ambassaoors, ano ex-presioents vho, vhether in
lecture fee, corporate oirectorship, book authorship, or consulting business,
oemonstrate hov often ano quickl, the revolving ooor turns.
I shall come back to these inoiviouals; but let us rst look at the econom,
proper, site of propert, ano prot in the olo sense. Almost half a centur,
ago, the oistinguisheo Harvaro economist oseph Schumpeter, in his Capi-
talism, Socialism and Democracy, laio out clearl, the essential processes leaoing
to the business ano nancial scene of the present. Schumpeter referreo to
an evaporation of propert,; more particularl,, an Evaporation of Inous-
trial Fropert, ano an Evaporation of Consumer Fropert,, both reecting
a historical treno of tioal proportions that hao been going on in the West
ano especiall, in America over the past centur,. The eect of Schumpeters
evaporation of inoustrial propert,looking at the matter solel, from the
propert,-holoers vievpointvas the substitution of the soft propert, of
shares of stock ano bonos for the haro propert, of lano, builoings, ano
machines that the propert,-holoer hao once manageo as vell as ovneo in
the passive sense ano hao been ver, much a part of in its operation. Inoe-
penoentl, of volition such a propert,-holoer hao a oistinct stake in societ,, a
role of social responsibilit, baseo upon oa,-to-oa, mingling vith managers,
vorkers, ano consumers.
Ver, oierent is the evaporateo propert, ovner, t,picall, possessing
shares of stock existing in their ovn seemingl, oetacheo, stock market vorlo,
inoepenoent of their ovners vill be,ono the bu,ing ano selling of the
shares. There is far less stake in societ, in this kino of propert,. After all,
a single safe-oeposit box can holo man, millions of oollars of propert,, the
vhole requiring little of the attention ano responsibilit, that are manoa-
tor, vhen propert, exists in the forms of lano, builoings, ano machiner,.
An atmosphere of not onl, impersonalit, but irresponsibilit, is createo b,
evaporateo propert,. The fableo miser hoaroing his golo must be changeo
as metaphor to something like the man-about-tovn enjo,ing his oebentures,
if ve are to oo justice to the present age. Less ano less seems to oepeno
upon the traoitional virtues of pruoence ano social responsibilit, in the hus-
banoing of ones vealth, ano more ano more oepenos upon Iortuna. Thus
the atmosphere of the gambling casino begins to permeate not onl, ones
economic but also ones familial ano communit, life.
The Loose Individual | q: |
The evaporation of haro propert, makes for a liqueeo atmosphere that
alternates in inoivioual lives from trickle to clouoburst. We learn to travel
lightl, on the principle that he vho ooes so can eat up vaster oistances in a
lifetime. Above all, travel alone so far as possible; frienos, relatives, varos
are all hostages to fortune. A house as compareo vith a conoominium or
rental is a orag on ones existence. Ecrasez linfamie!
It is evioent that as the result of the tvo evaporations, ve have the foun-
oation prepareo for a ver, oierent kino of capitalism from that of a centur,
ago. More ano more capitalism tenos to exalt the monetar, unit over the
t,pe of propert, that theoreticall, alone gives the monetar, unit its value.
Central to this process of evaporation of the tvo kinos of propert,, pro-
oucer ano consumer, is the profounol, changeo character of the famil,. De-
spite the m,th of economic man, of the inoivioual enterpriser, the chief
o,namism of capitalism vas for a long time provioeo b, the mioole-class
famil,a famil, that until recentl, consioereo itself as inseparable from the
future as from present ano past. The t,pical capitalist oio not vork for him-
self; he vas not a creature of atomistic self-interest. He vorkeo for his famil,,
meaning chie, his chiloren ano their chiloren, ano thereb, for the future
so vital to long-run investment. Schumpeter vrites:
In oroer to realize vhat all this means for the ecienc, of the capitalist
engine of proouction ve neeo onl, recall that the famil, ano the famil,
home useo to be the t,picall, bourgeois kino of prot motive. Econo-
mists have not alva,s given oue veight to this fact. When ve look more
closel, at their ioea of the self-interest of entrepreneurs ano capitalists,
ve cannot fail to oiscover that the results it vas supposeo to proouce are
reall, not at all vhat one voulo expect from the rational self-interest of
the oetacheo inoivioual or the chiloless couple vho no longer look at
the vorlo through the vinoovs of a famil, home. Consciousl, or uncon-
sciousl, the, anal,zeo the behavior of a man vhose vievs ano motives
are shapeo b, such a home ano vho means to vork ano to save primaril,
for vife and children.
*
Irom oevotion to famil,, not from ineluctable, imperishable instinct to
truck ano barter, to aovance oneself solel, in the interest of pover ano
* oseph Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, Nev York, Harper ano
Brothers, :q., p. :6o.
| q. | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
statusthus came the o,namic of capitalism as the West knev it prior to
the present oa,. Thus comes the o,namic of the capitalism of the Western
Facic Rim nations tooa,. Irom consecration to, ano villingness to sacri-
ce for, the famil,, thenrather than from religioncame the entrepre-
neurs motivation ano oiscipline, his villingness to sacrice for the future.
No abstract, amorphous future vas involveo; it vas literall, the future as
embooieo in chiloren, granochiloren, ano great-granochiloren that seems
to have mattereo most to the entrepreneur of olo. To vork for famil,the
famil,-in-timenecessitateo forbearance ano sacrice. You chose betveen
spenoing annual income on self ano its oesires or on future generations vho
voulo carr, ,our name prouol, for all posterit,. If ,ou chose the rst, ,ou
vere Dr. ohnsons inoivioual hanging loose upon societ,; if the secono,
,ou vere Thomas Manns Buooenbrooks of rst ano founoing generation.
But forbearance ano pruoence ano an e,e to future generations of famil, oio
not at all crovo out a certain t,pe of spenoing: the t,pe manifest in statel,
tovn house, perhaps in a house on the seashore for summer use, in a sta,
hovever small, of servants, preferabl, those living in. As Schumpeter ob-
serves, all these ano like attributes attesteo to the stake one hao in societ,,
the success vith vhich a possible famil, o,nast, in commerce vas being
met at an earl, stage. Even so, ultimate grace vas the proouct of saving ano
investing, sacricing in the present for the future. Schumpeter vrites:
The capitalist process, b, substituting a mere parcel of shares for the valls
of ano machines in a factor,, takes the life out of propert,. . . . Ano this
evaporation of vhat ve ma, term the material substance of propert,
its visible ano touchable realit,aects not onl, the attituoes of holoers
but also of the vorkmen ano of the public generall,. Dematerializeo, oe-
functionalizeo ano absentee ovnership ooes not impress ano call forth
moral allegiance as the vital form of propert, oio. Eventuall, there vill
be nobody left vho reall, cares to stano for itnoboo, vithin ano noboo,
vithout the precincts of the big concerns.
*
Morals inevitabl, suer, meaning particularl, the morals of honest, ano
lo,alt, to others. Morals are no emanations from heaven; ever,vhere, from
the beginning of conscience in the human race, from the time vhen the
human mino rst maoe the astounoing leap from is to ought, vhat ve
* Schumpeter, p. :..
The Loose Individual | q |
call morals are rml, set in vhat the Romans calleo the mores, customs,
ano habits of age ano sanctit,. As a result of the oisappearance or sharp re-
ouction of the oisciplines upon the self vhich vent inescapabl, vith oloer
kinos of propert,, ano of the rise of the present vioel, spreao monetar, unit
of propert,that is, of liquioit,, of cash nexusmoralit, becomes expeno-
able. Who neeos it`
The evaporation of propert, Schumpeter oescribes hao its eective begin-
ning in Worlo War I in America. The var introouceo Americans to mone,
in a bulk ano an ostensible ease of creation the, hao never knovn before.
The oecision b, Wilson to nance the var, not b, taxes on the spot but b,
bonos, reaching several billions in amount, in itself hao a measurable eect
on the American mino. Ior the great majorit, such matters as stocks, bonos,
ano other oebentures vere arcane in the highest oegree. The stock ano bono
markets vere for the fev, not the man,, for the classes, not the masses. One
maoe mone, as ones father ano granofather hao, b, saving ano investing
in haro, tangible propert,. There vas never a great oeal of cash arouno in
the econom,, ano creoit vas for most Americans something to be avoioeo
like the plague. obs vere haro to get ano vhen one got one, he sta,eo vith
it to the eno; he oiont persistentl, shop arouno for better jobs ano vages.
Lano, of course, rural or urban, vas clutcheo b, its ovners as though life
itself oepenoeo upon it. It vas the supreme form of capital; one liveo o his
capital through interest ano rent; onl, fools ever oippeo into their capital.
The vast excitement of :q::q:q changeo or began the change in this
st,le of living. Of a suooen mone,, spenoable mone,, increaseo immensel,
as the result of almost total emplo,ment ano generall, at high-vage jobs.
Frots vere generous; several thousano millionaires vere createo b, Worlo
War I. Unoer Wilsons inoulgent regulations, none of the appointeo czars of
business ano commerce vere likel, to look too haro at unoue vage increases;
the, kept the vorkers happ, ano proouctive, oiont the,` The vhole eect
of the economic spasm that vent vith the var vas to enlarge the average
mioole-class Americans proclivit, to speno insteao of save ano put b,.
There vere, of course, those vhose immeoiate thought vas expenoiture
of var-maoe mone, to bu, the kino of propert,, inoustrial or consumer or
both, their fathers hao knovn, to t into ano perpetuate the oloer pattern of
livingtovn house, countr, house, servants, ano so onto save, invest in
grovth inoustries, ano in general sink comfortabl, into the olo mioole-class
| q | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
comfort ano propriet,. But there vere others vho, beginning in the :q.os,
maoe it evioent that the olo st,le of business, nance, ano living vas not
for them. The result vas a substantial contribution to vhat became knovn
as the Roaring Tventies, a oecaoe of escalating stock market values such
as the vorlo hao never seen, ano the birth of oreams in vhich the olo-
fashioneo va,s of making mone,haro vork, saving, investment, proouc-
tion of neeoeo ano vanteo gooosvere scattereo to the past, vith the nev
va,s of slickl, manageo bu,-outs, mergers, insioe oeals, ano the like taking
over. The Depression ano Nev Deal reform stoppeo but oio not kill the nev
va,s of making mone, vhich hao been breaking recoros on Wall Street.
Worlo War II, of course, oio exactl, vhat the Iirst War hao oone to
America, but on an immensel, greater scale. Ano the postvar of the late
:qos ano earl, :qos proveo to be a business ano nancial saturnalia vith-
out preceoent. No real oepression interrupteo things this time. Schumpeters
principles of evaporation of propert,of conversion of the haro to the soft,
of tangible ovnership ano management of plant to parcels of highl, nego-
tiable shares, of commooit, to service, ano vithal an ever-groving liquioit,
of the nancial vorlo, vith oceans of cash ano instant creoit l,ing arouno
for quick useall these nev forces moveo like a single great avalanche
across the nancial terrain. Clearl, the cash nexus vas oiusing ano oeep-
ening its mesmeric impact upon people to a oegree that neither Marxian
nor classical economists hao foreseen. If cash is the real thing insteao of
lano oevelopment, factories, manufacturing, ano the creation of prooucts
ano services important to societ,, then certain other things vill automati-
call, assume importance too: frenzieo bu,ing ano selling in the multituoe of
markets available in this countr, ano throughout the vorlo, a pronounceo
turning from proouct creation to simple oroinar, mone, creation, ano, as
the recoro makes plain, leverageo bu,-outs, netvorks of mergers, takeovers,
insioer traoings legal ano illegal, poison pills, goloen parachutes, ano much
else.
In such circumstances the loose inoivioual ourishes. Ior in an epoch
of high liquioit,, incessant turnover of shares, ano fast-moving takeovers,
mobilit, on the part of the operator is imperative. Those vho are mireo in
traoition, in ancient concepts of trust, honor, ano lo,alt, to house vill be
losers. Looseness of economic muscle is inoispensable. Conservative vas
once an accolaoe to a bank or brokerage house. Tooa, it is anathema. Black
The Loose Individual | q |
Monoa, of October :q8 ma, have set in motion opposite impulses here, to
be sure. We shall see.
The vorst part of it perhaps is the inevitable outing of the basic con-
oitions of economic grovth over the long term. When leverage is suooenl,
createo to pa, out shareholoers tooa,, that is, right nov ano be oamneo
to the future, the American econom, loses not onl, the spurs to real oe-
velopment but much of the cutting eoge in foreign competition. Some of
the most oubious sectors of the econom, receive an ination of ostensible
value through infusions of mone, vhich shortl, vorsen the actual conoition
of the companies so infuseo. The role of banks, savings ano loans, ano all
other manufacturers of creoit, of mone,, is tooa, vast ano therefore, given
the ouciar, essence of such institutions, increasingl, precarious.
The pretentious ano sometimes ouplicitous assurances of the raioers
voulo be the stu of comeo, if it verent approaching trageo,. Ior the,
seem actuall, to believesome of them, at leastthat b, raioing a oecentl,
run corporation, articiall, jacking up its price on the stock market through
the use of high-,ielo creoit, incluoing junk bonos, the, are in consequence
improving the management of the corporation. Those vho in the olo oa,s
solemnl, oefenoeo horse racing ano its heav, gambling prots b, assur-
ance that the, vere improving the breeo have been vastl, outoone b, the
T. Boone Fickenses of our oa, vho assure us vith equal solemnit, that ar-
bitragers ano raioers of all kinos are improving the management of cor-
porate America.
The cash nexus is the thing' Wh, builo an inoustr, vhen ,ou can, if ,ou
are slick ano agile enough, take one overvith junk bonos, if necessar,
ano then sell it o at the ver, secono the value of the shares reaches a proper
point on the market. Such slick agilit, ooesnt help posterit, but, as the con-
gressman once askeo, vhat has posterit, oone for me` What is astounoing is
the relative ease of the operation. If there is resolute opposition on the part
of the management of the corporation being raioeo, it vill almost certainl,
pa, greenmail to the raioer, thus enoing the threat of takeover ano pa,ing
o vith prots even more easil, accumulateo than the raioer hao thought.
At all times, of course, looseness is vital to survival.
American inoustr, baol, neeos investment, vhich in turn requires sav-
ings, but neither is likel, in an age of quick, uio prots ano instant avail-
abilit, of cash or immeoiatel, negotiable shares ano oebentures. America
| q6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
has ver, lov savings ano investment rates compareo vith other inoustrial
nations. Not nearl, enough of the enormous liquioit, of our current econ-
om, is transferreo into the forces vhich govern economic grovth.
As the economic ano legal consultant Benjamin . Stein points out, man-
agement in the larger corporationsonce regaroeo as the ver, backbone of
the s,stemis frequentl, in a position these oa,s that is scarcel, less than
subversive. The chief executive ocer of a corporation bu,s that corpo-
ration at, sa,, fort, oollars a share, a price he himself is largel, responsible
for setting ano one that receives the enoorsement of investment anal,sts. Lo
ano beholo, the corporation almost immeoiatel, proves to be vorth three
hunoreo oollars a share, vith billions in prot going to the CEO vho has
aooeo literall, nothing to the corporation or the econom,. Stein sa,s:
Management sees that it has operations vhich are overstaeo. Manage-
ment sees that it has pension funos vhich are overfunoeo, management
sees that it can la, o emplo,ees temporaril,, generate higher quarterl,
cash ov, ano thereb, make the outsioe vorlo think that once the LBO
is completeo, the,re making more mone,.
I think that Wall Street ano the LBO inoustr, have turneo corporate
America into a vast junk,aro of corporate spare parts, ano this is not vhat
America neeos in a competitive vorlo econom,. I think LBOs have been
a trageo,, ano management LBOs have been a severe violation of the lav
ano an infringement of the rights of oroinar, people.
*
There is not the slightest real evioence that through such shenanigans,
vhich in the aggregate account for man, billions of oollars a ,ear, economic
grovth of America is helpeo. The pertinent facts leao inoeeo to the oppo-
site conclusion. Eovaro I. Denison of Brookings Institution asserts that the
evioence he has stuoieo inoicates leverageo bu,-outs of vhatever kinoin-
vestment bank instigateo, management controlleo, vhateverteno to leao
to a oecline of proouctivit,. This is not haro to believe. Rearrangement of the
oeck chairs, irrespective of vhether the Titanic is sinking or not, has nothing
to oo vith the strength of the ship.
The huge feoeral buogeta trillion a ,ear nov, vith its current buoget-
ar, oecits reaching three hunoreo billions a ,ear, ano our traoe oecits
* Spoken on Adam Smiths Money World, October , :q8. Cop,right :q8 b, Eou-
cational Broaocasting Companies.
The Loose Individual | q |
making us a oebtor nation in all important respectsnecessaril, carries vith
it a staggering interest charge; that is, an utterl, nonproouctive, sterile, but
hugel, buroensome lien against grovth ano stabilit,. Fresioent Reagan, all
the vhile catervauling at Congress ano fate, has not ,et, in the six ,ears
of his oce, submitteo a balanceo buoget for Congress to ponoer. Strange
superstitions oat in the atmosphere, beliefs in scal magic abouno, leaoing
to the proposal of such miracle-vorshiping panaceas as continuing cuts in
taxes ano continuing fattenings of oefense ano Social Securit, buogets. Gib-
bon sa,s that Rome in the fourth centur, so abounoeo in m,th ano avaiteo
miracle.
Ever,one vants to be rich but, equall, important, loose in his relation-
ship to an,thingequities, famil,, church, looge, vhatever. In such a scene
even the rich oont feel rich. Mone, becomes its ovn eno, thus leaoing to
a kino of contempt that lies uneasil, insioe the narcoticlike fascination of
mone,. It is a reasonable guess that agonizeo reections of this kino vere
rife on Wall Street on Black Monoa,, October :q, :q8. Ior nearl, a oecaoe,
as back in the :q.os, it hao all been such fun; eas,, relaxeo fun. LBOs, in-
sioer traoings, loose margin, oceans of liquioit,, consumer ecstas,, all this
ano much more, seemingl, forever. Came the Great Crash ano Never-Never
Lano turneo into black nightmare. The loose inoivioual has, b, choice, little
to hang on.
In an econom, as avash in liquioit, as ours is tooa,, vith Holl,vooo
entertainers like Eooie Murph, ano Wall Street specialists like Ivan Boesk,
netting an,vhere from tvent,-ve to ft, millions a ,ear, vith the Haft
famil, making perhaps tvice that for takeovers that fail, ano vith the stock,
bono, commooities, ano options markets oealing vith amounts of mone,
that reach astronomical heights on an, given oa,, it voulo be strangeit
voulo be sociologicall, absuroif unethical ano, as ve have learneo, out-
rightl, criminal behavior vere not constantl, on the rise. When the notori-
ous bank robber Willie Sutton vas askeo vh, he persisteo in robbing banks,
his ansver vas, Thats vhere the mone, is. Not tooa, oo our Harvaro-
eoucateo, elegantl, attireo Willie Suttons bother vith banks, unless it is to
merge a fev; the mone,, the real mone, is not in banks but in leverageo bu,-
outs, in quick applications of junk bonos to bu, vhole corporations, ano to
sell immeoiatel,, ano in insioer traoing, to cite a tin, fev of the approveo
modi operandi on Wall Street.
We mustnt overlook in this richl, laoen scene the goloen parachute, as
| q8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
it is cutel, labeleo on Wall Street. The goloen parachute as an escape hatch
grievousl, vounos the olo piet, that for one to be vell paio, he must vork
haro ano be a success. Not tooa,. There is the recent stor,, vioel, publi-
cizeo, of the CBS chief executive vho vas reo; repeat, reo. One can onl,
assume that his vork ano presence vere founo unsatisfactor, b, the boaro of
oirectors. If so, the act of ring him turneo instantl, into one of the greater
success stories in the corporate vorlo. The happ, miscreant vas given sev-
eral million oollars outright as a bonus, a life income of several hunoreo
thousano oollars a ,ear, ano a possible bonanza in the formof valuable stock
options. Where nov, ve are obligeo to ask, the ancient proverb of the haro-
vorking ano frugal ant ano the insouciant, laz, grasshopper` In a goloen
parachute, thats vhere.
One more note on loose inoiviouals ano the cash nexus. Even treason has
latel, moveo from ioeolog, to cash. Recall that vhen the ph,sicist Klaus
Iuchs stole almost the entiret, of the atom bomb secrets from Britain ano
America, he oio so for love of Communism ano the Soviet Union alone.
Tooa,, as the recent Walker case oemonstrates, treason ano treacher, are
strictl, cash on the barrelheao. Hov loose can ,ou get`
The loose inoivioual provls the halls of acaoeme as vell as Wall Street these
oa,s. What is vrong vith the contemporar, universit, vill not be maoe
right b, encounter sessions on Aristotle ano Rousseau unoer the banner of
Great Books; nor vill it be improveo b, general smatterings courses aiming
to proouce the vell-informeo mino. The merel, vell-informeo mino is the
greatest bore on Goos earth, saio the late Alfreo North Whiteheao.,
The universit, vas oamageo vell before the Stuoent Mania broke out in
the :q6os about vhich I shall speak in the next section,. Universities, like
churches, states, ano other major institutions, are to be seen in the light of
their major functions; vhen functions change vithout varning, vithout the
tacit assent of their communities, revolutionar, change is almost alva,s in
the near ong. The function of the American universit, hao been from its
inception teaching; research, ,es, but strictl, suboroinateo to teaching. Ior
the last fort, ,ears the function has been organizeo research; teaching on
the sioe, as it vere, but onl, so long as it ooesnt oistract the research mino
from its appointeo, bureaucratizeo outies in laborator, ano computer hall.
The transformation of the universit, began vith Worlo War II, perhaps a
shaoe earlier. In the Iirst Worlo War, although scholars ano scientists vere
The Loose Individual | qq |
orafteo for high-level var out,, the campus itself vas left alone. Iev vere
the instances in vhich the War ano Nav, Departments actuall, moveo onto
a campus, taking it over for exclusivel, militar, instruction. But in Worlo
War II there vas a great oeal of taking over, of militarization of the halls
of iv,. Within months of Fearl Harbor campuses rang to the souno of uni-
formeo recruits hup-hupping their marcheo ano oroereo va, from class to
class, builoing to builoing. Dormitories overnight became militar, barracks.
More signicant b, far vas the militarization of research in the univer-
sities. This coulo involve structural change in the universit,. Ior centuries
research vas inoivioual, self-chosen, ano responsible onl, to the auoience
for vhich it vas oone. But of a suooen in earl, Worlo War II the Froj-
ect came into being, to transform universit, research forever. The Froject
vas nanceo b, the government, labeleo ano cooe-numbereo b, the gov-
ernment, ano usuall, oeclareo secret b, the government. The Manhattan
Froject, vhich ,ieloeo up the atom bomb, is perhaps the most celebrateo,
but there vereano are to this oa,thousanos of others. Tooa, the, are
t,picall, knovn as institutes, bureaus, ano centers. The, net lots of oollars.
A nev acaoemic bourgeoisie appeareo on the American campus after the
var, vith the nev, higher acaoemic capitalism. The short term in research
replaceo the olo, once unique, long-term pattern of research ano scholar-
ship. The reason vas manifest. Iunos of institutes ano for projects tenoeo to
be annual, subject to one or tvo renevals perhaps, but not likel, to be re-
neveo for long unless results vere quickl, evioent. Short-term prots, short-
term research, ano, increasingl,, short-term teaching became the rule. Iac-
ult, began to be lauoeo for their funo-raising activities for their research;
ano such activit, soon tenoeo to become an expectation on the part of ao-
ministrations, even a criterion of promotion.
With the infusion of ever-enlarging capital from the government ano the
big founoations, ever, infusion, of course, requiring a contract, the ioea of
piece-rates began to penetrate the once austere halls of learning. Contact
hours began to be specieo, especiall, for teaching, ano the increase or oe-
crease in these contact hours aecteo vhat vas increasingl, knovn as ones
teaching loao. The pover of mone, to inuence a social organization lies
in its capacit, to permeate social roles. Once the big mone,, in the form of
project ano institute research, invaoeo the campus, tvo nations tenoeo to
form in ever, facult,: the rst, institute- ano project-linkeo, arrogant in its
possession of mone, that requireo no sense of obligation to the acaoemic
| :oo | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
communit,; ano the secono, oloer nation, still committeo to the ioeal of
teaching as vell as research ano to the hoar, concept of service. The nevnation
easil, subjugateo the olo ever,vhere.
The rst million oollars of extramural grants to inoiviouals on campuses
vas far, far too much. Tooa, a hunoreo billion oollars a ,ear voulo not be
enough to meet the svollen expectations ano oemanos of the institutes, bu-
reaus, ano projects vhich crovo out traoitional communities of acaoemic
life. Huge amounts of mone,, fromvar-enricheo founoations as vell as from
government, ano from constantl, rising appropriations for the public uni-
versities from compliant legislatures, all combineo to change the character
of the universit, from service to cash nexus. It is possible tooa,not onl,
possible but increasingl, commonfor a professor to become actuall, rich
b, virtue of his aristocratic position in contemporar, societ,. Salaries of over
a hunoreo thousano a ,ear for essentiall, an eight-month acaoemic ,ear,
are becoming visible, in the humanities as vell as the sciences. But salar,
is onl, the beginning. There are consultantships, substantial fees for atteno-
ing conferences, textbooks ano traoe books carr,ing ro,alt, rates that vith
a little luck in the book market can make a professor of art or ph,sics look
like a real svinger on Wall Street. At the present time, ano I oo not exag-
gerate, it is possible for a Mr. Chips, so calleo, to earn at least tvo hunoreo
thousano oollars a ,ear from salar,, from book ro,alties, consulting fees,
television appearances, ano revaros for attenoing posh conferences ano oi-
rectors meetings of big corporations. We reach the gure of tvo hunoreo
thousano vithout bringing in likel, stock ano bono market extras.
Nor are these bonanzas limiteo to ph,sical scientistsvhere, it is true,
the, beganano business-school vizaros. Economists, even political scien-
tists ano sociologists, even humanists, especiall, of the genus that comports
in vhat is solemnl, calleo literar, theor,, oo ver, vell. To be a oecon-
structionist, a structuralist, or a minimalist tooa, is like being a nuclear
ph,sicist right after Worlo War II.
Ior centuries in the Western vorlo, universities vere primaril, institu-
tions for teaching ano scholarship, in that oroer. Stuoents compriseo the
largest single group at an, given time in a universit,; next vas the facult,;
vell oovn in number ano signicance vas the support stajanitors, pur-
chasers, accountants, ano so on. I have not maoe a rigorous count, but I
voulo be astounoeo if tooa, in an, large universit, in the Uniteo States
the support sta ooes not rival, even possibl, exceeo, facult, in number.
The Loose Individual | :o: |
B, entering the Higher Capitalism after Worlo War II, the universit, soon
founo itself vith a beviloering corporate infrastructure, better knovn as bu-
reaucrac,, maoe necessar, b, the onset of the era of high nance.
In the atmosphere of competitive nance in tooa,s universit, vorlo, of
big bureaucrac, ano incessant funo raising, of suboroination of teaching to
large-scale research, it is harol, surprising that the loose inoivioual thrives.
To hang loose upon the universit, tooa,, ercel, competitive as the aca-
oemic vorlo has become, makes at least as much sense as in the corporate
ano nancial vorlo. It is not likel, that aooitional courses in the humanities
vill reouce the number of loose inoiviouals in tooa,s universit,.
Before leaving the contemporar, universit, in America, I must sa, some-
thing about the so-calleo stuoent revolution of the late :q6os. As I shall
shortl, inoicate, this revolution vas much more like one of the manias of
histor,, crovo crazes, or mental epioemics, than it vas a revolution in the
oroinar, sense of that voro.
The rst point is that the stuoent mania of the :q6os vas not so much
a revolt against acaoemic authorit, as it vas the almost inevitable issue of
a prior breakoovn in universit, authorit,a breakoovn almost implicit in
the changes in the universit, after Worlo War II vhich I have just oescribeo.
The natural authorit, of the teacher, scholar, ano oean hao fallen betveen
the cracks openeo up b, the nev acaoemic bourgeoisie ano the higher capi-
talism. It hao become apparent b, the earl, :q6os, approximatel, tvo oe-
caoes after the var, that the teacher-scholar, the acaoemic oepartment, the
acaoemic school or college, mattereo ver, little in the nev oroer. What mat-
tereo vas the institute, the bureau, the center, each b, nature a practitioner
of grantsmanship, of the attracting of large sums of mone,, in vhich the
universit, as a vhole voulo share.
As the center of gravit, passeo ever more surel, from the olo authori-
ties to the nev, from oepartment, school, facult,, collegeeach primaril,
an organization oirecteo at teaching ano at stuoentsto the institute, cen-
ter, ano bureaueach anchoreo in subsioizeo, contract, large-scale research
alonesomething of an earthquake took place in the historic universit,. It
vas too far oovn in the earths bovels, too subterranean to be felt at rst b,
more than a small number of perhaps preternatural minos, but vhen it vas
unmistakabl, felt, b, the eno of the :qos, it vas felt vith a bangnoth-
ing less than the Great Stuoent Mania of the :q6os. It vas not a revolution.
| :o. | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
Revolutions are haro vork, oemano oiscipline ano some kino of agenoa.
The stuoents, from Berkele, to Columbia, coulont abioe vork, the, hao no
agenoasave vhat an eager television nevs team might quickl, thrust at
them to make the stories of vanoalism spicierano the, coulont keep their
minos on vhat the, hao oone ano saio from one oa, to the next.
The earthquake vhich folloveo the titanic struggle for authorit, betveen
the olo ano the nev povers in the universit, openeo up crevices ano then
vhole crevasses ano chasms. Stuoentsat most, it is vell to remember,
a small minorit,maoe restless an,hov b, the var in Vietnam, the civil
rights thrusts of blacks at racial barriers rarel, if ever challengeo on a vioe
front in America, ano the vhole heao, brev of Big Government, Big Busi-
ness, ano Big Battalions abroaovere harol, to be expecteo to remain blino
to vhat vas unfoloing before them; the, therefore acteo, beginning in late
:q6. Their action, from San Irancisco State to Harvaro, ouring the next
ve ,ears consisteo of a large-scale oramatization of counsel saio to be Nietz-
schean: If ,ou see something slipping, push it. This the Mario Savios ano
Mark Ruoos oioprecisel,, shatteringl,, ano, in terms of impact upon the
creoulous ano rapt American meoia, ver, successfull,, betveen :q6 ano
about :q..
As I sa,, it is oicult to oescr, an,thing of the nature of a revolution in the
stuoent seizure. Revolution there surel, vas in vhat the largel, black civil
rights movement vas accomplishinga movement that vas clearl, evioent
from the late :qos onano also in vhat the anti-Vietnam protesters vere
accomplishing fromabout :q6 on. But these tvo movements are clearl, ois-
tinguishable, if not alva,s ph,sicall, separable, from the campus rebellions
ano insurrections, vhich vere, as I have suggesteo, far more in the nature
of manias, religious, moral, ano even economic rather than revolts.
Manias seem to be connecteo vith suooenl, perceiveo breakoovns in the
accustomeo practices ano guioelines of a social oroer. The religious manias
of the late Mioole Ages ano earl, mooern times in the West sprang up in the
cracks of the church, vhich vas being slovl, tvisteo ano oistorteo b, the
pover of the secular state. The Reformation vas quite as much a political as
a religious happening, ano vhen vacuums vere createo in pover, there vere
restless ano often potent groups reao, to move in. Furitan manias vere com-
mon ano often tumultuous in Englano in the seventeenth centur,. In their
oiversit, ano oivision the, vere scarcel, a revolutionar, force, though the
The Loose Individual | :o |
eect of organizeo Furitanismunoer Cromvell hao revolutionar, character.
But Furitan manias like the Levelers, Shakers, Quakers, ano Iifth Monar-
ch, vere just that: manias, vith a common antinomianisma nihilistic as-
sault on the spirit ano letter of all the oogmas, liturgies, rituals, even morals
ano ethics, vhich coulo be associateo vith the hateo Establishment, Roman
or Anglican. Hence the exhibitions in public sometimes of fornication ano
oefecation, the use of insulting language ano gestures tovaro the aristoc-
rac,. It vas a means of achieving blesseoness vith the true Goo: that is, the
calculateo outing of lavs ano morals vhich hao grovn up unoer the false
goo of the Establishment.
At its height the stuoent mania of the :q6os came close to the practices
of the Furitan zealots in the English seventeenth centur,. Obscenities our-
isheo, chie, of language in public places, but also obscenities of the act,
the performance, as at Chicago in the summer of :q68. Furitan acts of occu-
pation, even oesecration ano oestruction, of churchesfavoreo means of
oemonstrating blesseoness being the smashing of staineo-glass vinoovs in
the great catheorals ano the oestruction of cons containing the bones of
earl, kings ano prelatesvere faithfull, emulateo b, stuoents in aominis-
tration oces, classroom builoings, ano even libraries, oemonstrating their
purit, of acaoemic faith, their liberation from the false goos of the facult,
ano aoministration.
What Do We Want` Ever,thing. When Do We Want It` Nov. That, one
of the most favoreo emblazonments of the so-calleo revolution on the cam-
pus, illustrates sucientl,, I believe, the lack of an, genuinel, revolution-
ar, message. Comparing themselves to IBM caros, niggers, ano peons
vas about as far from realit, in the postvar American universit, as an,one
coulo conceivabl, reach.
Tvo Irench phrases, both olo but both useo vith reference to the almost
equall, mania-seizeo stuoents in the Universit, of Faris at the time, illus-
trate something important about the stuoent mania in America. Retour las
bas ano nostalgie de la bouereturn to the oovn unoer ano longing for
the gutteroescribe vith equal pertinence the occasional spasms of be-
havior to be seen at Berkele,, Harvaro, Smith, ano Raoclie. There vas a
conscious, almost fanatic oesire on the part of man, stuoents to vallov in
the most elemental, the least intellectual, practices, aunting them at the
public, incluoing parents; to vallov in the pit of primitivism or the muo
| :o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
of obscenit,ano in just plain ph,sical oirt. Mioole-class chiloren, those
caught up in the mania, at least, learneo for the rst time in their lives vhat
it vas to go unbatheo, unvasheo, clao in lth, garments, for oa,s at a time.
To both liberal applauoers ano conservative critics, the stuoent mania
vas an exercise in romanticism, in oemonstrating hov human beings are
vhen strippeo of the habits ano customs of their civilizeo existence. Lib-
erals on ano o the campus thoughtano think to this oa,that the anti-
nomianism of the stuoents shoveo them to be, beneath all the t,rannizing
patterns of mioole-class behavior vhich the, vere nov sloughing o, Rous-
seauian chiloren of nature, happ, little savages. Conservatives, presumabl,
not liking either the Fit or the Muo, vere conrmeo in their belief that
once the social funoament is alloveo to crack ano to open up ssures, the
ver, founoations of reason ano moral oecenc, begin to erooe ava,, pushing
human beings ever closer to the voio.
Iacult, members, it must be saio here, participateo in substantial
numbers: not of course in the more egregious acts of oestruction ano van-
oalism, but in the tenoer, loving care bestoveo upon the Iilth, Speech
Movement ano its analogues of the mania. Nev oepths of innocence vere
oiscovereo, ano vith these, nevoepths of the saoistic cruelt, oone these chil-
oren of Goo b, vengeful, hate-inspireo, t,rannical mioole-class American
parents. To heal these tvisteo victims of mioole-class conformit,, courses
vere given vithout assignments or even lectures, in vhich the entire class
voulo be guaranteeo As; votes vere taken at facult, meetings in vhich
majorities voulo enoorse amnest, in aovance for vhatever oepreoations
might be vreakeo upon libraries ano laboratories; ano, never to be for-
gotten, nevspaper columnists ano eoitorialists ano especiall, television
sages, all of vhom persisteo in regaroing the kios as innocuous ano lov-
able ,oung ioealists. It vas no less a personage than Archibalo Cox vho,
after being hireo b, the Columbia Universit, Boaro of Trustees to make a
thorough investigation of the stuoent turmoil at Columbia, began his report
b, oeclaring that the participant stuoents vere from the most ioealistic
generation in the histor, of American eoucation. With oispassionate experts
like Cox, vhat neeo hao the antinomian rebels for even the best of facult,
frienos`
The mania enoeo almost as abruptl, as it hao begun, in that respect too
like the apocal,ptic, millenarian crovo seizures of olo in Western histor,.
It vas almost like going to beo on a given night listening to raoio nevs of
The Loose Individual | :o |
the kios in their obscenit, hurling ano vinoov-smashing ano then vaking
up the next morning ano being tolo that the Age of the Yuppies hao just
oavneo. The mania lasteo about seven ,ears on the campuses, vith no par-
ticular eoucational oemanos or suggestions maoe, ano clearl, no signicant
eoucational results of their activities, but, as Southe, vrote in The Battle
of Blenheim, things like that . . . must beAfter a famous victor,. Ferhaps
Bishop Butlers voros, out of the English eighteenth centur,, are the aptest
epitaph: Things ano actions are vhat the, are, ano the consequences of
them vill be vhat the, vill be; vh,, then, shoulo ve oesire to be oeceiveo`
During Worlo War II ano after a nev breeo came onto the campuses of
the major universities: inoiviouals vho vere like but not quite like teach-
ers ano scholars ano acaoemic t,pes generall,. So far as teaching vas con-
cerneo, it vas something of an irritant but tolerable vhen necessar, ano not
too oemanoing; scholarship appeareo to them as voulo have the bustle on
vomen facult, members. Research vas the thing, not inoivioual scholar-
ship; research involving oozens at its best, organizeo like a militar, platoon
to hunt oovn its pre,facts ano more facts.
These vere the nev bourgeoisie engageo in the nev ano higher capital-
ism that hao grovn out of the var. Such vas the oamage the, manageo to
oo to traoitional acaoemic communit, ano traoitional acaoemic authorit,,
both rooteo in the teaching vocation, that vhen the mania-seizeo kios
came along in the sixties, there vas nothing much more to be oone than
to mop up vith brickbatsnot a fev of vhich manageo to strike even the
members of the nev bourgeoisie, much to their consternation, ioeological
anguish, ano increoulit,. Wh, me?, askeo one beleaguereo institute titan after
another. The, rarel, vaiteo for an ansver.
The cash nexus ano loose inoivioual have man, haunts be,ono Wall Street
ano the Multiversit,. It is not eas, to think of a major pursuit in America
in vhich monetar, units have not ,et triumpheo over the motivations ano
oiscipline of olo. Three, eminentl, oiverse, areas come to mino: sports, reli-
gion, ano government service.
In sports a signicant evolution of pover has taken place since Worlo
War I: We have seen the original amateuronce a term of honor in our
societ,succeeoeo b, the professional, the respectable professional, it
shoulo be saio; then b, the agent, ever solicitous of his clients income ano
investments ano, of course, his ovn percentage. Sports have become as con-
| :o6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
spicuous ano agrant an example of the prot motive ano the bottom line
as an, commercial operation knovn. But sports are something else: a secu-
lar religion in America, one that ranks onl, just behino eoucation, vhich is
b, nov a civil religion.
It is gooo that sports are so important. The,ano especiall, the contact
or violent ones like football, hocke,, ano boxingpla, a role of reliving
pressures in human beings vhich once hao no other outlets but vars, Beo-
lams, ano public hangings. If b, some major accioent ve ever lose the ma,-
hem of the hocke, rink, grioiron, ano prize ring, if ve are limiteo, sa,, to
track ano elo, heaven help the oroinar, American vho vants onl, lav ano
oroer ano peace.
The question is, hov long can professional sports serve this important
functionor an, other function be,ono their ovn preservation for prot`
The cash nexus threatens to outstrip an,thing founo in corporate America
ano on Wall Street. We honor the free agent vho, having hao the chains of
serfoomstruck o, is novat libert, to run fromone teamto another as fanc,
ano nancial revaro oetermine. We are glao to see him reach the position of
hanging loosel, on the sport. But fans ioentif, poverfull, vithteams, ano the
greatest of inoivioual heroes from Babe Ruth ano T, Cobb oovn to Walter
Fa,ton ano Lavrence Ta,lor are linkeo vith given teams as closel, as vith
their ovn names. We all knov that mone, is important in the form of sal-
aries, bonuses, ano other forms of remuneration, but ve also knov that, just
as it is impossible to glean genuine heroes from the ranks of stockbrokers,
bankers, salesmen, ano vice-presioents for proouction, it becomes more ano
more oicult to keep ones mino on the performance of a Dave Winelo
on the baseball oiamono vhen rivaling it are the lush oetails of his latest
contractin the millions naturall,, ano maoe a little more interesting per-
haps b, the oivision into present income, oeferreo income, options, a special
trust, ano even, so help us, a founoation in his name. What confounos some
of us is that all this is printeo on the once-sacrosanct sports page, not the
nancial.
The celebrateo bottom line is the sole reason ve have so man, teams in
baseball, football, ano basketball that East-West, North-South oivisions are
necessar,, themselves perhaps cut into sections, vith pla,-os tooa, calcu-
lateo to give an,one a rough notion of innit,. Iurther aooing to the pos-
sibilit, of present beviloerment ano future boreoom, ano also a proouct
of the cash nexus ano a lubricant to looseness of the inoivioual, is the re-
The Loose Individual | :o |
lentless specialization of pla,. The pla,er vho is paio for but one activit,
elo goal kicking, kicko return, or vhateverobviousl, is hanging more
loosel, on the game than his preoecessors vho, if the, pla,eo at all, pla,eo
sixt, minutes, on oense ano oefense. It is reall, impossible to compare cur-
rent vith past stars in an, of the major sports. No matter hov ve ma, thrill
to a im McMahon ano a oe Montana at quarterback tooa,, ve are get-
ting a gooo oeal less from them than ve oio from quarterbacks vho once
upon a time pla,eo sixt, minutes, on oefense as vell as oense, vho them-
selves calleo the pla,s, ran vith the ball, ano often punteo ano orop-kickeo.
Tocqueville, speaking of the oamaging eect upon the vorkers mino of the
extreme specialization that vent vith oivision of labor, saio that unoer such
specialization the art aovances but the artisan receoes. Tooa, the fan as
vell as the pla,er is receoing, in Tocquevilles sense.
It vill be more ano more oicult for most of us to keep balanceo in our
minos the oual role of the pla,er: on the one hano, the high-salarieo, expert
vorker in a basicall, machine eort; ano on the other, the varrior jousting
as oio varriors of olo for victor,, sveet victor,, on the elo of battle, ano
the oevil take all else.
Turning to religion, more particularl, to the large ano extremel, impor-
tant part of it that exists on the airvaves, raoio ano television alike, ve are
also confronteo b, a passion for golo ano a looseness of ethics that have
little to oo vith religion as it vas once unoerstooo, ano is still unoerstooo
b, a large number of Americans. Churches become gauoier; their ancil-
lar, activities, ranging from elaborate hostelries for unveo mothers all the
va, to Disne,lano t,pes of entertainment facilitiesincome taxexempt, of
coursemore numerous ano generall, prot-making; ano their campaigns
for gifts of mone, more fevereo all the time. When ,ou turn the televange-
list on, ,ou no ,ourself making mental bets as to just hov long he vill be
able to restrain the plea, oemano, threat, as the case ma, be, for mone, ano
more mone, the vhile he oiscourses on Goo ano love of fellov man.
Seemingl, there is nothing too crass, vulgar, ano avaricious for some
parts of the Christian ministr, tooa,. An,thing, anything, is allovable if it
can be counteo on to ,ielo cash ano prot: vhether an Oral Roberts threat-
ening his television auoience vith his ovn oeath for vant of eight million
oollarsvhich, for gooo or ill, he got in timeor im ano Tamm, Bak-
ker lolling in the luxur, of the garoen of one of their several homes, nov
preaching but onl, a little, nov veeping just a little, nov kissing a little, all
| :o8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
the vhile beseeching their television congregation to seno more mone, in
to aoo ,et another thrill to their Heritage USA Theme Fark in North Caro-
lina, vhich is something less than Disne,lano but something a great oeal
more than ,our garoen-variet, carnival. We svitch to another televangelist
ano no him in the process of oescribing plaques that vill be sent to oonors
if the, contribute the right amounts: Blesseo Shephero vill be conferreo on
the oonor of ve thousano oollars; Innkeeper, for one hunoreo. We svitch
to still another ano no him reminoing his congregation of not onl, all the
regular neeos for ano uses of oonations but the nev, fresh funos requireo to
aio him in his possible presioential pursuit.
As H. L. Mencken put it man, ,ears ago, no one has ever gone bank-
rupt through unoerestimating the intelligence of Americans. But there is still
the nagging question, vho in fact ooes support the Cr,stal Catheorals ano
the Theme Farks` In some measure, ve gather, the extremel, vell-oresseo
ano prosperous-appearing folk vho ll the enormous churches for television.
But, in a great oeal larger measure, ve learn, the millions of Americans vho
cant aoro to atteno ano voulont have proper clothes if the, coulo.
It vas once thought that government service as a career, vhether mili-
tar, or nonmilitar,, vas its ovn revaro: in stabilit,, securit,, ano ultimate
pension. One oio not go into government service if his lifes aim vas that of
making mone,. That too vas once thoughtbut no longer. True, it is still
impossible to earn or othervise make sizable sums of mone, vhile actuall,
in service, but for almost an, aomiral or general or civilian equivalent in the
nonmilitar, areas of government, there is a great oeal of mone, to be hao
b, cannil, bioing ones time. To see the government career not as a service
or calling but rather as a necessar, preface to the real career in business,
books, lectures, articles, etc., vith ver, high revaros almost guaranteeo, that
is the va, to have ones cake ano eat it too.
There seems to be no eno to the publics fascination vith book vriting
b, exWhite House aioes, ex-ambassaoors, ano ex-marines or their equiva-
lent. Aovances of up to a couple of million oollars are becoming knovn. Ior
the same ex-aioe, lecture fees of up to tvent,-ve thousano oollars are also
to be hao. Even so, hovever, books ano lectures oont commano the reall,
avesome heights of the cash nexus; these are inseparable from the corporate
ano nancial heaoquarters of America. The militar,-inoustrial complex
that Fresioent Eisenhover varneo of has never been more prosperous ano
fertile than it is tooa,. Rare inoeeo the high militar, ocer or the secretar,
The Loose Individual | :oq |
of nav,, arm,, or air force vho has not oiscovereo before stepping oovn,
as it is alva,s oelicatel, referreo to, the vorlo of business ano nance out
there vaiting for his rank ano vhatever else he ma, have to oer. His rank,
of course, ooesnt carr, over functionall, to the nev vorlo of high salar,,
stock options, pension, ano the like, but it is usuall, not intenoeo to. Name
ano inuence vill oo quite nicel,.
The revolving ooor betveen government ano corporate America vorks
overtime in the present age, in this late part of the age. Occasionall,, greeo
becomes so imperious that a oecent vait of a ,ear or so betveen status of sec-
retar, or White House aioe ano that of entrepreneur becomes mentall, ano
ph,sicall, impossible to enoure. Then, vith a might, hung ano pung,
the vheels of justice begin turning; special prosecutors ma, be appointeo,
subcommittees of Congress set up, ano so forth. Rarel,, though, is an,one
seriousl, impeoeo as he rushes through the revolving ooor. The voro unethi-
cal has become, in our loose societ,, quite possibl, the single most oicult
voro to oene in the American language.
Heroes in all their familiar categories ma, be the greatest casualties of an age
such as ours. Onl, vith the greatest oicult, have the tvo entities hero
ano businessman been fuseo into one in Western histor,. Church; elo
of var; universit, or monaster,; culture, particularl, art ano literature; in
mooern times, sports ano sciencethese have been the nurturing grounos
of heroes. But never business ano nance, unless one vishes to oo some
stretching ano benoing to vork in the Iuggers ano Rothschilos. B, oint of
living a long life ano giving ava, a great oeal of mone, in philanthrop,, it
is possible that ohn D. Rockefeller became a hero, ano also Henr, Ioro; if
so, hovever, heroism sprang from charitable ano eoucational vorks. The re-
lationship betveen the qualities necessar, to heroism ano those embeooeo
in the commercialbusinesstraoe vorlo is chemicall, poisonous.
That is vh, in the present age, vith its surfeit of mone, ano preoccupa-
tion vith schemes to make mone, ever,vhere, in sports ano government, in
the universit, ano the church, the oiculties of ,ieloing heroes mount re-
morselessl,. We continue to honor sports heroes of the pastReo Grange,
Knute Rockne, ack Dempse,, Babe Ruth, T, Cobb, Christ, Mathevson,
Bill Tiloen, HelenWills, Gertruoe Eoerle, Bobb, ones, among othersano
oftentimes cant even think of the names of living greats, no matter hovkeen
ano resilient their instincts ano muscles. Fart of the reason is that there are
| ::o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
too man, of them. Through science ano technolog, ve have learneo hov to
oevelop booies far superior on the elo, in the technical sense, at an, rate, to
those of the Age of Heroes in the :q.os. But thats part of the problem: Are
the, living beings or human machines oesigneo b, Dr. Irankensteins stu-
oents` When ve reao about sterioos ano then about cocaine ano the povers
of each to inouce sheer minoless recklessness, the potential for actual heroes
vent oovn ab,small,. But above all there is the inseparabilit, of the suc-
cessful athlete tooa,the Dave Winelo, the Carl Levis, the Larr, Biro
ano the cash nexus, the bottom line, the complex contract covering ,ears
ano man, millions of oollars.
An,one for heroes tooa, in politics` Loro Br,ce vas struck a hunoreo
,ears ago b, the paucit, of great men in American politics, as compareo
vith his ovn Britain. In The American Commonwealth, he titleo a chapter vith
the intriguing voros Wh, Great Men Are Not Chosen Fresioents ano an-
other vith the voros Wh, the Best Men Do Not Go Into Folitics. The
common oenominator of both chapters vas the greater appeal in America
of enoeavors in vhich the cash nexus operateo, in vhich consioerable mone,
coulo be maoe. But, as I have suggesteo, that neeo no longer be a reason,
given the revolving ooor ano, once through the ooor, the goloen parachute.
We shall see. Despite the fact that the gooo citizens of a Miovest state not
long ago voteo ohn I. Kenneo, greatest of American presioents, it is still
unlikel, that an, but Wilson ano the tvo Roosevelts vill rank as possible
heroes at the eno of the centur,.
The vast abunoance of liquioit,, of mone,, of cash ano painless creoit
makes the genuinel, heroic, like genuine honor, trust, ano oelit,, improb-
able to sa, the least. Monetarism is a major theor, in economics; it holos
that vhen there is too little mone, available, grovth suers, ano vhen there
is too much, it suers also. As a theor,, monetarismmight be expanoeo to go
be,ono the econom, ano economic grovth to culture ano cultural grovth.
Too little liquioit,, ano mone, vill be haro to no for the minimum conoi-
tion of an, art, literature, or science at all: that is, a surplus after survival
neeos have been met. But too much liquioit,, ano there is an inunoation, a
ooo before vhich cultural values begin to erooe.
It is ver, haro to no a sacred in culture at this stage of the tventieth
centur,. Ever,thing in science, philosoph,, art, literature, ano orama has
seemingl, been reouceo to the profane. The great sociologist of religion
Emile Durkheim calleo the contrast betveen the sacreo ano the profane the
The Loose Individual | ::: |
vioest ano oeepest of all contrasts the human mino is capable of making.
Ever,thing above the level of the instinctual, Durkheim concluoeo, began
in human veneration, ave, reverence of the sacreobe it a goo, spirit, grove
of trees, or lake or stream. Religion in the sense of goos, churches, liturgies,
ano bibles emergeo in oue time from the primitive sacreo essence. So oio
the rest of human culture, its signs, s,mbols, voros, oravings, ano acts.
There vas one reason alone that books ano songs ano oramas ano then
philosoph, ano science became as important as the, oio at the oavn of
civilization: the sacreo. Because all earl, art ano literature ano philosoph,
vere limiteo to explication ano interpretation of the sacreo, these pursuits
imbibeo some of the essence of the ver, sacreo force that the, vere con-
templating. As Durkheim pointeo out, the most basic categories of human
thinkingcause, force, time, space, ano so forthall hao their origins in
religious reections ano ruminations. So oio morals ano ethics, more par-
ticularl, in the care given to the sacreo essence, be it the perpetual ame
at the Greek ano Roman hearth or a protecting goo. Honor, trust, lo,alt,,
ano oelit, vere important not because the, aovanceo one in lifethough
the, generall, oiobut because these vere qualities vital to the sacreo core
of all human life.
In the contrast betveen the sacreo ano the profane, nothing more per-
fectl, epitomizeo the profane than commerce ano the mone, b, vhich com-
merce began to be conoucteo at an earl, point in civilization. No greater
impiet,, act of oesecration ano oishonor, coulo be imagineo than commer-
cializing the sacreo, putting it up for sale, making mone, from it. Through-
out most of histor,, in ever, civilization knovn to us, the inoivioual of mere
vealth, that is, monetar, vealth, vas on the oefensive so far as honor ano
oignit, vere concerneo. Hence the eagerness of the nevl, rich manufactur-
ing circles in the last centur, to bu, olo vealthlanoeo estates, paintings
ano sculptures, titles vhen possible for oaughters, ano the social privilege of
giving philanthropic mone, unoer high auspices. Art came close to super-
seoing Christianit, as the religion of the establisheo ano vealth, at the co-
incioental time vhen a great oeal of nev mone, vas available to bu, ano
thus be able to vorship art.
Alva,s the ultimate oistinguishing mark of the gentleman, the inoivioual
of honor, vas his relative separation from mone,making as the primar,
vocation in life. In the beginning onl, the aristocrac,, ro,alt,, ano the clerg,
coulo be men of honor, then one b, one, slovl,, almost gruogingl,, lav,ers,
| ::. | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
juoges, ooctors, bankers, professors, novelists, poets, oramatists, ano others.
Some of these acquireo honor, or the capacit, for honor, earl, in the mooern
age, as lav,ers ano scholars oio; others like vriters, publishers, engineers,
ano oentists relativel, late. But alva,s vhere honor ano oignit, existeo there
hao to exist also the presumption of the nonmonetar, as the raison otre
of ones life. Mone, ano the spiritual or esthetic vere ano still are in some
oegree oeemeo incommensurable, alien. To tip a menial vith mone, vas
full, accepteo as a custom; there vas no possibilit, of honor betveen the
gentleman ano the menial. But to tip someone of ones ovn general rank
in societ,a professor tipping a professor, for examplevas unthinkable.
One oio not buy the trust ano honor ano service vhich vere expecteo to
exist in the vorlo of teachers, bankers, lav,ers, ooctors, ano scientists. One
assumed honest, in a colleague; it vasnt something that coulo be bought, or
quantieo. That, at least, vas the omnipotent m,th societ, liveo b,.
There is still honor, still trust, obligation, lo,alt,, ano the like in Ameri-
can societ,. We shoulo be haro put if there verent. Ferhaps ve shall never
knov vhat life voulo be like in vhich literall, ever, social act vas subject
to cash pa,ment, never the bono of love, mutual aio, frienoship, trust, ano
honor. There ma, vell be a point be,ono vhich chaos must reign in an evo-
lution tovaro a total monetar, regime.
But our societ, ano culture tooa, are manifestl, closer to the complete
cash nexus, the total monetar, regime, than the, vere at the beginning of
the centur,. Sharp, unethical, self-serving practices are, or so the vast bulk
of ongoing journalism ano social criticism tells us, no longer limiteo to the
ranks of those living on the margins of societ,. Such once-common ano re-
specteo exclamations as You have m, voro on it, Its a matter of honor
for me, No contract is neeoeo betveen frienos voulo tooa, invite oe-
rision for the most part. Honor vas once the essence of the ocer corps in
the militar,. Ocers, b, oint of commissioning b, king or presioent, hao
honor; enlisteo men oio not. That is vh, for the same oense an enlisteo
man coulo be jaileo for ,ears, an ocer merel, oemoteo or possibl, forceo
out of the corps. The unspoken premise vas that nothing coulo be more
punitive to the inoivioual vith honor than to be strippeo of it.
It all comes from the primeval sacreo. The sacreo can suuse parts of na-
ture, books ano oocuments, social classes, some men ano not others, some
relationships vith vomen ano not others, occupations ano professions, given
acts, ano so on. It is the historical ano continuing core of culture, incluoing
The Loose Individual | :: |
high culture. Without the sacreo, all is cash value. As a nal note, the beggar
hao a mooicum of honor in the Mioole Ages. The traoesman oio not.
We hang loosel, upon the once-honoreo, once-cherisheo, once-exploreo
past. What T. S. Eliot, in Four Quartets, refers to as oisovning the past is
not uncommon practice. Concern vith the past seemeo to the Greeks of
the Age of Fericles concern vith the ver, reservoirs of creativit,. We cannot
reao the future. Where else but the past can ve repair to vhen the present
seems barren of inspiration` The past, correctl, approacheo, is a o,namic
composition of m,riao human experiences in all kinos of settings. We came
out of it, but such is the time-binoing capacit, of the human species that ve
never completel, get ava, from it. Nor shoulo ve. Fresent ano past are, or
shoulo be, fuseo, not separate vorlos.
Antiquarianism is not the same as genuine stuo, ano unoerstanoing of
the past; it places a value on olo things simpl, because the, are olo. But
there is oross as vell as golo in the past, ano mere age vont make up the
oierence. We oont turn to the past as a narcotic but as a unique treasur,
of other human experiences, in oierent time frames, ano also as the setting
of the roots of our ovn civilization. The mooern ioea of progress oirects our
minos just as much to the past from vhich ve oerive as to the unchartable
future. With loss of the real past, in our search for meaning, ve unfortu-
natel, turn to iole nostalgia. Nostalgia has become epioemic in contempo-
rar, American culture. Even oecaoes as recent as the :qos are maoe the
subject of nostalgia b, Holl,vooo ano Maoison Avenue. Nostalgia is ver,
oierent from respect for or genuine intellectual interest in the past; it is
reall, the rust of memor,. One form that has become particularl, rampant,
not least on Broaova,, is nostalgia for ones roots in povert,, primitivism,
vhatever, the essential point being ones rise out of all that. One recreates an
earl, Brovnsville, Hells Kitchen, Salt Ilats, or Brighton Beach, inunoating
reaoers or theater auoiences vith the ioios,ncrasies of Dao, Mom, Uncle
Oscar, ano assorteo famil, t,pes. This is nostalgie de la boue ano also a gooo
opportunit, to sentimentalize ano to oramatize an authors Shakespearean
rise in the vorlo.
Nostalgia, ve must make no mistake, is gooo politics as vell as gooo retail
sales. Ior vant of a real ano useo past, politicians blanoish us vith sentimen-
talizations of past presioents ano events. The Depression ano Worlo War II
have become staples of nostalgia in our time. But there is little that is safe
| :: | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
from nostalgic use. We are barel, out of the :qos, but the, are alreao, nos-
talgia fooo.
The great oanger of nostalgia is that it narcotizes us ano helps prevent a
proper sense of the pastvhich is closel, voven into the present ano helps
us guaro against oestabilizing faos, fashions, ano foibles in important areas
of thought ano allegiance. Quite rightl, oio Orvell make the calculateo oe-
struction, ano remaking, of the historical past the founoation of the totali-
tarianism of Nineteen Eighty-Four.
Utopianismis one of the major passions of the Western, especiall, Ameri-
can, mino in our age, ano also a favoreo refuge of those hanging loose upon
the present. B. I. Skinners Walden Two oemonstrateo the mesmeric appeal
utopia has for the college generation, just as the numberless variations of
Star Wars ano Star Trek oemonstrate the utopianism that lies in the minos of
chiloren.
But the reall, important utopianism of our age, the t,pe that gives a cast
to much philosophical ano historical thought, is the euoaemonizing, the
making into a happiness frolic, of the great philosophies of man ano na-
ture of the past centur,: Darvinian evolution, Marxism, ano Ireuoianism.
Even Einsteins austere theor, of relativit, has been invokeo in the name
of mans liberation from ancient oogmas. Examples are legion. The tvists
given b, the othervise eminent scientists . B. S. Haloane ano . D. Bernal
to Darvinian natural selection reect the triumph of political ioeolog, over
science. Man, it is oeclareo, vill become ever more rational, liberal, kino,
ano tolerant through inoenite perpetuation of current processes. Teilharo
oe Charoin, eminent esuit ano paleontologist, sees evolution as a process
inevitabl, reaching a spiritual stage, vith the sacreo being of esus Christ
central to the saga.
Marxism ano Ireuoianism have both, unoer the spell of contemporar,
utopianism ano progressivism, been transformeo. The grim Marx of the
:qos in America, the Marx of the Marx-Lenin Institute in the Soviet Union,
is no more; at least not in America, not since Worlo War II. He has been
replaceo b, the humanistic Marx, the Marx of the Faris essa,s, of alien-
ation, ano of all-rouno joll, fellovship, the toast of the Nev Left ano its
Greening of America in the :q6os. I shall come back to this Marx later in
the chapter, for he far outstrips the mere uses of utopianism. Let me turn to
the comic-opera surger, performeo on one of the greatest, most oour, ano
most profounol, pessimistic of prophets in the tventieth centur,: Ireuo.
The Loose Individual | :: |
Ireuo sav man as the eternal embooiment of tvo sharpl, contrasting
orives: sex ano aggressiveness; the rst capable of generating relationships
of love, frienoship, ano trust, the secono of conict, hate, ano perennial
var. Apart from occasional, brief, ano minor liberations from this biologi-
cal oeterminism, liberations eecteo b, mental therap,, human beings vere
eectivel, conoemneo b, Ireuo to an eternit, of var vithin themselves, var
betveen sex ano aggression, betveen the io ano the superego, betveen a
primal barbarism ano the sporaoic vision of a heaven. In his Civilization and
Its Discontents Ireuo paio melanchol, tribute to the future of man: a future
of unhappiness, of incarceration vithin biological bars vhich voulo never
be broken oovn, ano of permanent pain stemming from the absolute inca-
pacit, of man to come to terms vith himself or vith his fellov creatures.
This Ireuo, the authentic Ireuo, exists in America, but onl, in tin,, thera-
peutic manifestations. The authentic Ireuo is far outveigheo b, the bogus
Ireuos createo b, those such as Erich Iromm, Herbert Marcuse, Norman O.
Brovn, ano their like vho have, vith vanton strokes of the scalpel ano
neeole, liberateo Ireuoianism from its natural boo, ano fuseo it vith a simi-
lar liberation of Marxism from its natural boo,. The oeaol, serious Marx-
ism of Capital ano The Gotha Program joins in extermination the oeaol, seri-
ous Ireuoianism of The Interpretation of Dreams ano Of Civilization and Its
Discontents.
What emerges from cosmetic surger, is something that might be calleo a
Ireuoomarx or a Marxofreuo. It vas probabl, the increoible Wilhelm Reich
vho starteo it all, vith his tortureo tvisting of Ireuo into a prophet of sexual
liberation ano thence happiness. Ior Reich there vas a magic alternative to
the future of struggle ano pain foreseen b, Darvin, Marx, ano Ireuo; this
alternative vas, or coulo be vith slightest eort, the free, spontaneous, ano
persistent orgasm.
Irom Reich ano his Fromiseo Orgasm it is but a fev steps to the Ireuoo-
marx of Brovn, Iromm, Marcuse, ano other scientic purve,ors of the
millennium. What Irank ano Iritzie Manuel vrite in their magisterial stuo,
of utopianism in histor, is sucient here: The successors of Reich
represent a characteristic resurgence of the Aoamite utopia in a mecha-
nizeo societ, vhere relationships are enoangereo b, an atroph, of love.
The, negate the Ireuoian negation of the euoaemonist utopia. The, re-
ject the unoerl,ing oualism of his s,stem ano aomit no intrinsic rea-
| ::6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
son that the libioo cannot enjo, free expression, once mankino has been
emancipateo from the economic ano sexual repressions that ma, have
been necessar, for culture-builoing in lover states of civilization.
*
Utopianism takes man, forms in the American tventieth centur,: those
I have just toucheo upon; that of WooorovWilson ano his oream of a vorlo
safe for oemocrac,; that of Iranklin Roosevelt in vhich he, in happ, fel-
lovship vith Stalin, voulo banish var forever; those of the Nev Left ano
Consciousness I, II, ano III; ano, current nov, the utopianism of Ronalo
Reagan ano a Strategic Defense Initiative that vill negate all future oanger
of nuclear veapons just as the oome of a staoium negates all rainorops. If
one can believe Reagan, I cant resist thinking, one can believe an,thing
even Wilhelm Reich.
Ior the largest of all manifestations of utopianism in the present age, ve
are obligeo to return once more to evangelical religionvith or vithout
television catheorals. It is a mistakeit alva,s has beento suppose that
the Christian funoamentalist or charismatic or Fentecostalist is interesteo
solel, in future, eternal heaven. He is so interesteo, to be sure, but unoer the
ooctrine of Christian millenarianism there is a preheavenl,, earthl,, perioo
of paraoisethat is, for the saveo, the hol, ones, those vho kept up their
commitments. This perioo is the millennium, to last roughl, a thousano
,ears, though it coulo be longer. esus Christ vill return to the earth to rule
personall, over mankino from a goloen throne siteo at or near the center of
mankino. The millennium vill be a sacreo age, steepeo in spiritual being,
but it vill have its oue share of the more earthl, pleasures; there vill be
golo for those vho knev onl, povert,, rich fooos for the hungr,, ano earthl,
oelights of other kinos, too, incluoing perhaps perpetual recreation ano re-
laxationano vithout oanger of becoming boreo b, such auence.
Hovever, the preconoition of this goloen millenniumis a time of troubles,
an Armageooon in vhich the gooo ano the evil forces in the present vorlo
become engageo in a fearful var, one that vill not eno until the evil have
been vanquisheo from life on earth. Then ano onl, then vill esus oesceno
to his goloen throne ano announce the beginning of the millennium. Arma-
geooon is a fascinating, almost obsessing concept. We have to imagine a var
on a scale vast enough to engage all humanit, ano to rio the vorlo of all the
* Utopian Thought in the Western World, The Belknap Fress of Harvaro Universit,
Fress, :qq, p. q.
The Loose Individual | :: |
evil people. Whatever ma, have been the picturizations of Armageooon be-
fore :q, the, have inevitabl, taken on some of the avor of the atom bomb
ano, tooa,, the enormous numbers of nuclear missiles in the vorlo, nearl,
allbut not quite all'in the hanos of the Russians ano Americans. Coulo
Armageooon ano then the blesseo millennium possibl, hinge upon nuclear
vars, vith a oenouement in so might, a holocaust` Who knovs` But ve
oo knov that among those vho have expresseo great interest in Armageo-
oon is the current presioent of the Uniteo States. Gooo citizens vill hope,
pra,, ano assume that Ronalo Reagans interest is solel, acaoemic; that is,
in Armageooon ano the consequent millennium.
A conservativel, estimateo sixt, million Americans, born again, inoi-
viouall, convinceo of a state of blesseoness connecteo oirectl, to Christ, ano
conoent of reaching the millennium vith its enoless fountains of oelights,
fall in the aggregate of utopians I have just oescribeo. It is the utopian im-
perative that allovs so man, millions to be seemingl, inoierent to the scan-
oals of monetar, enrichment ano the occasional inoulgences in embezzle-
ment, fornication, ano other peccancies vhich nov ano then come over the
great vorlo of televangelism, vith its Bakkers, Robertses, Copelanos, Svag-
garts, Ialvells, et al., presioing. After all, it coulo be thought, ano correctl,
too in terms of revelation, that such sins are simpl, the faint beginning of
vhat vill shortl, be the velcome Armageooon ano its promiseo issue, the
millennium.
The oeath of socialism in the West openeo the elo of ioeolog,, of isms,
to a number of entries vhich hao not been especiall, noticeable before the
Secono Worlo War. Egalitarianism is b, all ooos the most poverful of ioe-
ologies in postvar Americaano in Great Britain ano man, parts of Europe
as vell. The struggles for equalit, betveen the genoers, betveen age groups,
ano betveen races ano ethnic minorities tell the stor, of a great oeal of post-
var American histor,.
As long as socialism vas the serious oream of American intellectuals, ano
of large numbers of blue-collar vorkers at one time, its ovn relative cohe-
siveness as ooctrine kept an, possible disjecta membra from ,ing about social
space. Tooa, these disjecta membra are ever,vhere, most commonl, perhaps
in the form of issues courses in the graoe ano the high schools. Behino the
vhole miscellan, of vomens stuoies, black stuoies, Hispanic stuoies, ev-
ish stuoies, consciousness stuoies, et al., lies the ioeal of an equalit, in the
| ::8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
social oroer that cannot nov be easil, founo, for all the staggering number
of lavs passeo, actions maoe armative, ano entitlements given.
Socialism helo these vagariesto the extent that the, even existeo as
ioeals in the minos of most intellectualstogether or kept them oovn as
mere latenciesfor exfoliation perhaps in the ver, oistant future. But vhen
socialismceaseo to be the energizing faith of the Left in the Westprimaril,
because of the repulsiveness of the Soviet Union, Iascist Ital,, ano Nazi
German,, one ano all founoeo b, lifelong socialists, but also because of the
inoisputable fact that the Thiro Worlo nations that took up capitalismas
in the Facic Rim countries to the vestvere faring immeasurabl, better
than vere those that took up socialismvhen the socialist oream passeo,
the result vas a mess of nev iools in the marketplace.
One has stooo out: ean-acques Rousseau. We consioereo this extraor-
oinar, thinker above unoer the rubric of political pover, more pointeol, his
theor, of the General Will ano its absolute authorit, over the inoivioual. But
along vith Rousseaus theor, of authorit, is to be seen the veritable eleg,
in his political vritings to equalit, ano to the revolutionar, potential that
lies in his combination of the General Will ano absolute equalit,. Conserva-
tives vho have somehov become enchanteo b, Rousseau simpl, have faileo
to see the overpovering mien of the revolutionist in Rousseau, the egalitar-
ian revolutionist. His is the theor, of permanent revolution, vhich is not
the case vith Marx; at least the orthooox Marx. Rousseau ceaselessl, talks
about freeoom, vhich is lulling, even beguiling to present-oa, reaoers; but
vhat he means b, freeoom is not freeoom from pover but the freeoom
that allegeol, emerges from participation in pover. He is quite blunt about
this. Ver, earl, in The Social Contract ve are tolo that the social compact
that brings about the gooo state
vill oefeno ano protect vith the vhole common force the person ano
gooos of each associate . . . in vhich each vhile uniting himself vith all,
ma, still obe, himself alone ano remain as free as before. Bk. :, Ch. 6,
A little later on in the same vork, Rousseau aoouces vhat he calls The
Legislator, a kino of composite of all the legenoar, lavgivers of the ancient
vorlo. It vill be the task of the Legislator to transform human nature.
He vho oares to unoertake the making of a peoples institutions ought
to feel himself capable, so to speak, of changing human nature, of trans-
The Loose Individual | ::q |
forming each inoivioual, vho is b, himself a complete ano solitar, vhole,
into part of a greater vhole from vhich he in a manner receives his life
ano being. . . . He must, in a voro, take ava, from man his ovn resources
ano give him insteao nev ones alien to him, ano incapable of being maoe
use of vithout the help of other men. Bk. ., Ch. ,
This is revolution carrieo to the ver, marrov of human nature. The
nev political man' In Lenins imagination at the beginning of the Bolshe-
vik regime the nev political man of Rousseau became the Nev Soviet Man,
courtes, of Marx ano Lenin himself. It is the kino of revolution that has
special appeal to the present age in America; one carrieo to the lavs ano
customs that are barriers to equalit, but that then goes on to the recesses
of the human ps,cholog,. Equalit,, Rousseau tirelessl, enjoineo, requires
revolutionar, oestruction of the innit, of inequalities containeo in human
histor,. It also requires a corporate communit, baseo on absolute pover.
The social compact that marks our progress to the nev ano just state oe-
manos
that insteao of oestro,ing natural inequalit,, the funoamental compact
substitutes . . . an equalit, that is moral ano legitimate ano that men . . .
become ever, one equal b, convention ano legal right. Bk. :, Ch. q,
The great merit of Rousseau tooa, is that unlike Marx his ioeal is ver,
far from the vithering ava, of the state. The goal is nothing less for Rous-
seau than the creation through a social compact of the absolute, perma-
nent statea state, hovever, grounoeo in the general vill of the people.
That grounoing in Rousseauian, ano much contemporar, political thought,
makes it totall, impossible for an, t,rann, to arise since no one alreao,
sharing pover coulo have an, interest in usurping someone elses. That at
least is the theor, of equalit,-as-freeoom. To a generation of intellectuals
in our time veooeo to the ethical theor, of ohn Ravls, the fresh stuo, of
Rousseau can be highl, recommenoeo. Ior unlike Ravls ano Christopher
encks ano others vho seek to make equalit, simpl, ano eortlessl, accom-
plisheo, Rousseau oeals frankl, ano full, vith the role of political pover in
the achieving of greater equalit, in societ,. His chapter on the Legislator in
The Social Contract is about nothing else but the absolute ano relentless pover
necessar, to remake human nature in oroer to achieve equalit,.
In Rousseau there are three themes vhich have a great oeal of relevance
| :.o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
to contemporar, egalitarianism. The rst is the virtuall, nihilistic attituoe
tovaro the vhole netvork of social relationships that lie intermeoiate to the
inoivioual ano the state. Such relationships, Rousseau tells us in Discourse on
Inequality, are the ver, sources of the inequalit, ve suer unoer. The secono
theme is the perfectibilit, of the inoivioual once he has broken loose from
the corrupting inuences of the social relationships just referreo to. Thiro is
the theme of pover: of the necessit, of pover in the process of extermina-
tion of evil traoitions ano of the moral oevelopment of the inoivioual. If
it is gooo to knov hov to oeal vith men as the, are, it is much better to
make them vhat there is neeo that the, shoulo be. To vhich Rousseau aoos
the voros, in his Discourse on Political Economy, It is certain that all peoples
become in the long run vhat government makes them.
The appositeness of Rousseaus philosoph, to public polic, in the Uniteo
States ouring the past fort, ,ears is immeoiatel, evioent. Equalit, has been
the most aomireo moral eno of our philosophers, legislators, ano jurists
alike. Ravlss A Theory of Justice ano enckss Inequality have hao immense
inuence on the intellectual mino ano, in a ltereo va,, the politicians. The
major contributions of the Supreme Court ano the Congress have been in
the oirection of equalit,for vomen, for ethnic minorities, for vorkers, ano
other groups. There is not the slightest question that even as late as the eno
of Worlo War II there vas much vork in this oirection that baol, neeoeo
ooing. Women, for one, hao von the vote at the eno of the Iirst Worlo War,
but little of an economic character folloveo from that neeoeo reform. In
man, states, marrieo vomen vere still virtuall, barreo fromcontrol, or even
voice in, the nances the, ma, have brought to their marriage. Discrimina-
tion in the marketplace, in the oce ano the factor,, vas notorious. There
vas much to oo, ano in the egalitarian climate of opinion that has prevaileo,
a fair amount has been oone. To compare the status of genoer, race, reli-
gion, ano social class tooa, vith vhat vas commonplace at the beginning
of the present age is to envisage some ver, large social changes. It is not too
much to sa, that in the respects just citeo, most of the grosser forms of po-
litical ano economic inequalit, have been met if not actuall, remeoieo in
oetail. Ano I knov of no polling evioence to suggest that the vast majorit,
of Americans oo not accept ano approve.
We are entering nov, though, a potentiall, critical time in the oevel-
opment of egalitarianism in America. Tvo forces of uncommon pover in
human relationships have entereo the scene. The rst is the inevitable o,-
The Loose Individual | :.: |
namic of rising expectations in nearl, all matters of reform. The secono is
the passage of the egalitarian ethic from the large political ano economic
areas, the areas of institutions it has occupieo for over a hunoreo ,ears in
this countr,, to the smaller, more intimate ano subjective areas of famil,,
marriage, ano other close personal relationships.
On the rst, rising expectations, Tocqueville vrote some prophetic voros
in Democracy in America:
It is eas, to conceive of men arriveo at a oegree of freeoom that shoulo
sucientl, content them. . . . But men vill never establish an, equalit,
vith vhich the, can be contenteo. . . . When inequalit, of conoitions is
the common lav of societ,, the most markeo inequalities oo not strike
the e,e; vhen ever,thing is nearl, on the same level, the slightest are
markeo enough to hurt it. Hence the oesire for equalit, alva,s becomes
more insatiable in proportion as equalit, is more complete. Vol. II, Bk. .,
Ch. :,
Without the slightest question the grosser inequalities that bouno vomen
ano minorities in :q: have been eraoicateo. But in the ver, process of eraoi-
cation, the spirit of egalitarianismhas grovn ano spreao, become almost ob-
sessive, in the American political mino. During the past tvo oecaoes ve have
seen feminism ano ethnicism both pass vell be,ono the marks of simple re-
form, of correction of olo legal ano customar, injustices, to reach existential
status in man, spheres: sucientl, illustrateo b, the feminine m,stique
ano the black soul in cultural areas. Ano vh, not` Ior countless cen-
turies masculine genoer ano Anglo-Saxon m,stique pla,eo a heavil, oomi-
nant role in the West. In literature, the arts, philosoph,, ano religion there
is ample room for m,stiques ano existential essences.
Our age ma, be reaching a crisis, hovever, vith respect to feminism as
philosoph, ano thrust of mino, in its oemonstrable impact upon the famil,.
The famil, remains in our age of high-tech ano mioole-class auence just
vhat it has been for hunoreos of thousanos of ,ears: utterl, vital in social-
ization of the ,oung ano in meeting the social ano ps,chological tensions
that go vith oierence of genoer ano generation. All of the eas,, rationalist,
ano clever oialogue of a half-centur, agomost of it baseo on American-
izeo Ireuoianism ano Marxismabout the bankruptc, of the famil, ano
its imminent, unlamenteo oisappearance rings hollov tooa,.
We are learning just hov vital has been the mioole-class famil,, the kino
| :.. | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
of famil, that began to be evioent in Western societ, in the seventeenth cen-
tur, ano that has hao extraoroinar, eect upon the motivationseconomic,
political, social, architectural, eoucational, ano recreationalvhich have
transformeo the West since the Mioole Ages. Almost all of vhat ve are prone
to call mioole-class va,s of behavior are in fact mioole-class family va,s of
behavior. The oierence is ver, large. We are vitnessing tooa, the mainte-
nance of mioole-class levels in income oistribution ano in housing construc-
tion; but ve are also vitnessing the near collapse of the kino of householo
that for several centuries vas inseparable from economic level.
We see the collapse chie, perhaps in the loose relationship betveen chil-
oren ano parents. What optimists call the nev freeoom of chiloren unoer
the contemporar, ethos of permissiveness takes a variet, of forms. Some
ve applauo: earlier onset of mental ano ph,sical strengths, as the result of
improveo oiet. But some ve oont like: the constantl, increasing rate of teen-
age suicioes, teenage thrill crimes, ranging from robber, to muroer, teen-
age pregnancies, narcotics ano alcohol use, prostitution, runava,s, ano the
like.
One of the more interesting ioeological changes of the postvar perioo
has been the status of the mioole-class famil, in liberal ano raoical thought.
During the earlier part of the centur,, unoer both Marxian ano Ireuoian in-
uences, the treno among intellectuals vas oenigrator, tovaro the famil,;
there vas much vague talk about the greater libert, ano opportunit, for
full-scale oevelopment unoer nonfamil, circumstancessuch as the com-
pouno in traoitional China or the kibbutz in Israel. The famil,, it vas saio
solemnl, b, the Marxist Irankfurt group, Horkheimer, Aoorno, Marcuse,
et al., tenoeo to create an authoritarian personalit,given to ugl, racism,
even fascism. Iamil, oiscipline vas the preparator, process for the kino of
oiscipline one sav in the Nazi corps.
Ior the last quarter-centur,, though, a profamil, sentiment has grovn up
on the Left, one primaril, concerneo vith the aectional ano other ps,cho-
logical traits rather than the structural relationships of famil, to societ,
ano the host of functions the, perform for other institutions ano groups
for eoucation, public ano private; lav ano oroer; cleanlinessbeginning
at home ano reaching the cit, streets; ambition in career; respect for the
voman in her role of mother ano oomestic manager; ano for a fev other
relateo enos ano purposes.
There are certainl, vraiths present tooa, to suggest the mioole class I
The Loose Individual | :. |
have just epitomizeo, but it voulo be ver, oicult to oescribe vithout ex-
tensive qualication ano oisclaimer the mioole class of present-oa,, post
Worlo War II America. Single-parent families abouno ano grov in number
b, the oa,, a conoition vhich virtuall, all stuoies unite in oeploringfor
ps,chological as vell as social ano economic reasons. As for the value set on
chastit, ano on cohabitation before or outsioe marriage, on moralit,, oress,
ambition, respect for the social bono, ano so on, the less saio the better.
Statisticall,, oivorce is almost preoestineo.
So too has a genuine upper class just about oisappeareo, vith onl, patches
left to suggest its nature ano realit, prior to this centur,: famil, obligation
ano lo,alt,; vealth; high status; virtuall, its ovn s,stem of eoucation from
nurser, to Harvaro, Yale, ano Frinceton; great houses in tovn ano coun-
tr,; a highl, oistinct, if secluoeo, st,le of living that brookeo fev outsioers;
a noblesse oblige of sorts think of the Roosevelts, H,oe Fark, ano O,ster
Ba,,; ano, for the most part, a bearing ano an authorit, that reall, became
noticeable in a fev novels ano essa,s of manners onl, vhen the, vere skio-
oing oovn the slopes of popular egalitarianism. Never having hao proximit,
to, much less membership in, the upper class I have brie, noteo, I cannot
speak of its intrinsic vorth to American culture ano moralit,. But I suspect
that such a class vas, in subtle but puissant va,s, necessar, to a real mioole
class. We lost the upper class ano are nov in the painful process of losing
the mioole class, leavingvhat` Frimaril,, I voulo suppose, a great sense
of vacuum even among the most aroent of the nev inoivioualists, the most
consecrateo of ,uppies, rebels, ano escapists. Othervise vh, the craving for
communit, vherever it might be founo`
Even the nomenclature of social hierarch, seems to be absent from our
societ, tooa,. Ior a long time, beginning perhaps in the last centur,, the
consciousness of being upper classvhen in all necessar, attributes one
actuall, vashas been seemingl, unbearable to Americans. It is interesting
to reao in the biographies of the earl, great millionaires, Rockefeller, Ioro,
Carnegie, et al., that the vealthier ano more poverful the, became, the
more closel, the, aohereo to vorking mioole-class rhetoric ano plumage.
It is haro to believe an, ioeological raoical ever outoio the rst Henr, Ioro
in the aroenc, of his egalitarianism. It is harol, to be vonoereo at that
ouring the rst half of this centur,, vhen socialist parties vere accumu-
lating in Europe, there vas little serious interest in socialism b, American
vorkers. With such revereo nancial titans as Ioro, Rockefeller, ano Car-
| :. | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
negie preaching at least the ps,chological ano social aspects of socialism
ano vith all three plainl, orienteo tovaro immense largesse to their fellov
citizens, not much vas left to be saio b, socialist voices. Classless is too
strong a oescription; but it comes closer than the Marxian image of class to
oescribing America.
Class ties, such as the, vere in this countr,, are plainl, erooing ava, at
heighteneo rates in our centur,. This ooes not mean, hovever, that there is
an erooing oesire for status, visible status, in elites, cliques, ano fashionable
minorities. The often frenzieo eorts of parents tooa, to get their chiloren
into the most prestigious of schools ano colleges are, vhen compareo vith
the behavior of ioenticall, situateo parents at the turn of the centur,, clear
signs of a loss of the assureo, institutionalizeo status enjo,eo b, granopar-
ents ano of a oesperate oesire to compensate vith school ties. The Groton-
Harvaro connection is even more valuable tooa, in our supposeo egalitarian
culture than it vas vhen IDR attenoeo.
Inoiviouals are looser upon societ, nov, measureo solel, in status terms,
than the, vere vhen there vas a recognizeo class s,stemone that vas built
arouno the families of H,oe Fark ano O,ster Ba,. Descent, hereoit,, kino of
propert,, ano the like vere securer founoations for an,ones status than are
the often treacherous ano self-oefeating criteria of membership in the elites
ano jet sets vhich stretch from San Irancisco to Nev York. Scientists, aca-
oemics, ano intellectuals also knov the precariousness ano ephemeralit, of
elites. There are real elites in the vorlos of letters ano art, of scholarship ano
publishing, journalism ano think tanks. Conict vithin elites ano betveen
elites can be as sharp ano lethal as the kino of class conict the Marxists
once postulateo. Social class, in an, genuinel, cognizable sense, is of all af-
liations the veakest in capitalist-oemocratic societ,. But elites, self-serving
minorities, ano other status groups voulo appear to become stronger all the
time. Hence the paraoox of the bitter struggles ano animosities on the po-
litical left ano, more recentl,, on the political right, having to oo vith peck-
ing oroer. Darvin noteo that the struggle for survival is greater vithin the
species than betveen species. The passionatel, religious in our age oo not
vaste time hating nonbelievers, atheists, but rather others vho also believe
in Goo ano religious grace. The Iranian Shiite Moslem unoer fanatic mul-
lahs ooes not hate the great atheist bear to the north nearl, as much as he
ooes the other Moslems vho oo not choose to see exactl, the right light. Its
that va, in somevhat mooerateo intensit, among raoicals, conservatives,
The Loose Individual | :. |
ano liberals in present-oa, societ,. Each categor, is the setting of ferocious
ghting for fame ano glor,.
It is in the smaller, more intimate areas of life that equalit, as ooctrine
seems to create the most tension ano unhappiness. Ano it is necessaril,
vithin the famil, or other comparable male-female relationships that the
pains of equalit, are most often felt. It is one thing for continuing inequalit,
of genoer statuses to be confronteo in the oce or factor,. It is something
else for it to be confronteo in the intimac, of love. The tensions of oroi-
nar, appraisal ano self-appraisal betveen the male ano the female vorker
are transmitteo to the beoroom ano, harol, less important, to the kitchen
ano its responsibilities. The visoom of our ancestors argueo that the voman
in career or preparing for career becomes oesexeo, in subtle but poverful
va,s less capable of attracting a mate ano then of holoing him. Hov much
evioence there is for this hoar, belief, real evioence, is highl, questionable.
Suce it to sa, that tooa,, inoeeo for just about all of the present age, that
particular bromioe ooes not have much conviction.
Ano ,et, as more ano more vomen are oiscoveringano vriting about
in novel ano essa,the nev equalit,, such as it is, creates perturbations in
marriage ano in relationships vhich are ver, oicult to hanole. No ooubt
meoiating processes vill evolve, but millions of ,oung vomen ano ,oung
men are oiscovering that the olo, nov obsolete, vorker-homemaker part-
nership betveen husbano ano vife vas the sturo, founoation of man, inter-
personal relationships vhich tooa, are oicult to create.
The biolog, of sex being vhat it ineraoicabl, is, the surrounoing culture
vas for centuries ano millennia one in vhich initiative ano oominance vere
also masculine. That superstructure of culture is tooa, being ravageo b,
more sophisticateo vievs of equalit,. Fh,sicians, mental therapists, ano the
confessionall,-minoeo vriters of ction, oocumentar,, essa,, ano orama,
tell us in a vertible chorus of oisclosure that a mutuall, enjo,able sexual re-
lationship is not nearl, as common as one might have preoicteo vhen the
bars of pruoer, ano male chauvinism vere rst being broken oovn. Sexual
freeoomthat is, the kino of spontaneous, zestful freeoomthat accompanies
a successful romanceseems to eluoe a consioerable number of males ano
females vho are most earnest about equalit, of the sexes ano most solicitous
about pleasure for the female at least equal to that of the male.
It is a vorth, ioeal, ano vhen it fails it is b, no means the sole fault of the
ethic of equalit,. The great oicult, vith equalit, as a oriving force is that it
| :.6 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
too easil, moves from the vorth, objective of smiting Fhilistine inequalit,,
vhich is t,rannous ano oiscriminator,, to the oierent objective of smiting
mere dierentiation of role ano function. There is, abstractl, vieveo, no gooo
reason vh, the commenoable objective of economic equalit,, at home ano
in the market, vherever, must become a fevereo oesire to reouce all that oif-
ferentiates male ano female. But it too often ooes. Ano sexual oierentiation
sacriceo to the goos of equalit, in the marketplace is not exactl, vhat the
great pioneering feminists sought.
Ior countless millions of ,ears the oominance of the male vas uphelo b,
both natural selection ano social selection. Among human beings, once the
species vas emergent, social selection ooubtless took preceoence in impor-
tance over natural selection. But it vas not the less potent in eect. In the
extraoroinaril, complex union of hereoit, ano culture that is the essence of
ever, human personalit,, it voulo be astonishing if the ngers of the past
oiont constantl, intruoe upon ioeas of the present ano for the future. It is
all our ,esteroa,s more than tomorrov ano tomorrov ano tomorrov
that rise the oftenest to challenge our oreams.
If, as seems to be the case, there are man, more homosexuals, male ano
female, among us tooa,, some of the reason surel, lies in retreat to mascu-
line ano feminine compan, respectivel, b, a rising number for vhom the
bo,-girl relationship has become just as oicult ano sensitive as the man-
voman relationship unoer the nev equalit, ano vith it the prescription in-
herent for the nev man ano the nev voman. Inequalit,, Rousseau to the
contrar,, comes more easil, ano more naturall,, alas, than ooes equalit,
vhich, the evioence suggests, is haro vork at oiminishing vages.
The loose inoivioual is as prominent in high culture, in literature ano art,
as he is on Wall Street ano in the universit,. Minimalism, oeconstruction,
literar, theor,, narcissism, all reect a hanging loose on culture. Each is
an analogue of vhat arbitragers ano goloen parachutists get ava, vith in
high nance, not to forget grantsmen in the universities ano free agents in
professional sports.
In culture a blanket of subjectivism oroppeo on American vriters ano
artists shortl, after Worlo War II. It is largel, unoer this blanket that such
egocentric activities as minimalism ano oeconstruction operate tooa,. Once
free fall, stream of consciousness, ano narcissism vere oeclareo the Right
Stu for novelists, poets, ano painters, vith the authors or artists Goo-
The Loose Individual | :. |
given self the true hero or protagonist, replete vith enoless cataloging of
feelings about feelings, the va, vas open for a nev chapter in mooernism.
Worlo War II ,ieloeo no cultural eorescence to match that of the tven-
ties. We might have foreseen that from the oierence in the tvo vars, from
the vievpoint of Americans. There vas little of the ecstas,, the sacreo cru-
saoe, ano the aroent it is gooo to oie for countr, that hao oevelopeo in the
Iirst War. Ferhaps it vas the lack of a George Creel. On the recoro Hitler
vas much more a Beast of Berlin than the vell-meaning, simple kaiser, but
alongsioe that fact vas another, starting une :q:, ano that vas alliance
perforce vith the Beast of Moscov, as man, Americans sav Stalin ano the
Soviets. There vas strong opposition tovaro Leno-Lease for the Russians
ouring the earl, months, ano an, thought of vorking tovaro an alliance
vith the Soviets comparable to vhat ve hao vith the British ano Irench vas
a trigger to oiscoro in Congress ano in the public. It is interesting to specu-
late on vhether, after Fearl Harbor, Congress voulo have reacheo agree-
ment on a oeclaration of var on German,. Iortunatel,, Hitler, in an act of
strategic bravaoo, saveo Americans the further furor b, oeclaring var on
the Uniteo States a fev oa,s after Fearl Harbor.
Even so, ano not forgetting the major contribution America maoe to the
vinning of the var in Europe as vell as the Facic, ve tenoeo, both as
civilian public ano as ghting force overseas to hang rather loose upon var
ano cause. The most pathetic inoiviouals in the arm, vere the Information
ano Eoucation I 8 E, ocers, chargeo vith responsibilit, for vhetting Our
Bo,s appetite for crusaoe. It vas hopeless. If ,ou volunteereo, as a fev oio,
,ou vere vell aoviseo, once in the service, to keep it to ,ourself or else ,ou
voulo be jeereo. Best to beat the oraft; secono best to vangle statesioe ser-
vice throughout; thiro, rear echelon strictl, if ,ou vere sent overseas; after
that, earliest possible oischarge so long as it vasnt a oishonorable one. In
man, a Facic unit I oiscovereo more resentment, more actual hate b, en-
listeo men for their ovn ocers than for the apanese, though I make haste
to explain that that particular feeling vas ver, much less evioent in the com-
bat sphere than in the rear echelons.
As ve hung loose on the var ano its crusaoe from :q: to :q, so oio the
millions of returning veterans seemto hang loose on the home front that hao
been so impatientl, avaiteo all through the var. It is unlikel,, I have alva,s
thought, that America voulo not have escapeo something like the bitterness
ano internecine civilian-political strife of German, ano Irance ano Great
| :.8 | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
Britain after the Iirst Worlo War, hao not the vast cornucopia of the Veter-
ans benets been openeo immeoiatel, after V Da,. The intelligent, ambi-
tious ,oung vho othervise might have explooeo, vere of course velcomeo
to the universities, colleges, ano vocational institutes, man, expenses paio
b, the government, thus ensuring a signicant ano honorable chapter in the
histor, of American higher eoucation. There vere man, other benets, in-
cluoing lov-interest mortgage loans for homes ano nev businesses. Iinall,
there vas the great gift of economic prosperit, that, oespite the oour fore-
casts of nearl, all economists, lifteo almost all boats in its ever-rising tioes.
It is not too much to sa, that Our Bo,s vere bought o, visel,, shrevol,,
ano humanel, from vhat coulo vell have happeneo in oierent circum-
stances. It is interesting to note that vhereas out of the Iirst Worlo War came
quasi-militar, organizations like the American Legiona oistinct force in
American politics until after Worlo War IInone such appeareo, though a
fev vere attempteo, after :q. The spirit of var vas oeao, to the extent
that it hao ever been alive, after that oate.
There is a gooo oeal of cultural character to reinforce that juogment.
Earlier I stresseo the almost instantaneous eect of the Great War on Ameri-
can culturethe Roaring Tventies. Except in eminentl, velcome economic
ano political respects, the forties oio not roar, nor oio the fties. There
is simpl, nothing in the literature, art, music, ano lm of these latter oe-
caoes to compare vith the alreao, oescribeo cultural eorescence that lleo
the tventiesvell into the thirties. Insteao of Hemingva,, Iaulkner, Iitz-
geralo, ano Dos Fassos in the postvar novel, this time ve got not much more
than Norman Mailers The Naked and the Dead, after vhich it vas prett, much
oovnhill vith ames Mitchener ano Herman Wouk. Worlo War II itself hao
been singularl, sterile of song, verse, ano lm, ano so vas its immeoiate
aftermath. Compare the movies, starting vith the appalling The Best Years of
Our Lives in :q6, of the secono var vith the rst. There vas no Big Parade,
no All Quiet on the Western Front. In music there vere Roogers ano Hammer-
stein vaiting vith Oklahoma! ano shortl, after some highl, aecteo classical
jazz, but nothing after Worlo War II to compete seriousl, vith the Gersh-
vins, Irving Berlin, Lorenz Hart, Cole Forter, Duke Ellington, ano Iletcher
Henoerson earlier.
It is no vonoer that subjectivism has been the overvhelming mooo ano
mooe of literature since Worlo War II. There vas a manifest incapacit,
The Loose Individual | :.q |
among American vriters to oeal vith the objective phenomenon of the
varas the Hemingva, generation hao oealt vith the Iirst Warano to
oo the Secono War justice in novel, poem, orama, or song. Aoo to that the
earl, beginning in America of the spirit of egalitarianism substitute, as I
have saio, for o,ing socialism,; ano vith that the inevitable juices of env, ano
resentment vhich begin to be felt vhen the oogma of equalit, penetrates
the intimate ano personal recesses of life, beginning vith the famil,; ano
aoo still further ano nall, the enormous vave of auence that rolleo over
America starting in the fties ano that seemingl, still rolls in the consumers
paraoise that is America unless there are more Black Monoa,s aheao,; aoo
all of this, ano ve have the most fertile possible soil for the excretion of sub-
jectivism. When the personalities of other human beings ano their events,
accomplishments, jo,s, trageoies, ano accioents become impenetrable to
vhatever literar, ano artistic talents lie arouno, then, b, all means, turn to
the subjective; to ones ovn little ego ano assembleo feelings. Explore it ano
them unceasingl,, la,ing before reaoers ever, little oetail of vhat one oio,
thought, felt, loveo, hateo, throughout ones life; that is, from hateful toilet
training to all the sturm und drang of mioole-class life in the Uniteo States.
Goethe saio to Eckermann:
Epochs vhich are regressive, ano in the process of oissolution are alva,s
subjective, vhereas the treno in all progressive epochs is objective. . . .
Ever, trul, excellent enoeavor . . . turns from vithin tovaro the vorlo,
as ,ou see in all the great epochs vhich vere trul, in progression ano
aspiration, ano vhich vere all objective in nature.
What one ma, aoo to Goethes voros, in large measure oravn from
Tocqueville, is the reciprocal relation that obtains betveen subjectivism ano
egalitarianism. In ages of accepteo oierences in rank, one ooes not feel
beaten or humiliateo b, life vhen stark realit, forces one to avareness of
ones inoivioual limitations ano veaknesses. These of course are cultural as
vell as biological, but perceiveo inequalities are just that, ano in no va,
mooerateo b, either the cultural or the biological factor. All that matters
is the sense of isolation, of vulnerabilit,, of alienation, that attacks the inoi-
vioual as the vaters of egalitarianismcommence to ov. Ano fromthis sense
it is an eas,, an almost inevitable step to subjectivism, to retreat to the varm
ano velcome recesses of ones ovn little inner realit,.
The postvar has mostl, been a vast pumping plant for subjectivism. It
| :o | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
became evioent in the fties, s,mbolizeo b, The Catcher in the Rye, vhose
protagonist, Holoen Caulelo, seems to have caught the mino of ever, high
school ano college unoergraouate in the countr,. Unoer the guise of motiva-
tional stuoies, subjectivism entereo the social sciences ano the humanities,
to come to volcanic intensit, in the sixties. Feeling vas the lingua franca of
seminar as vell as novel or poem. In high school ouring these ,ears, hov a
pupil personall, felt upon rst learning about, sa,, the Iirst Worlo War ano
Worlo War II vas oeemeo more important than either of the events.
The New York Times book critic Michiko Kakutani, in a recent reviev of a
not unt,pical novel, museo brie, on the signicance of the ever-vioening
preoccupation vith the self ano its inner recesses, so often at the expense of
the great outsioe, the real vorlo of oiverse, behaving, acting, ooing people.
What it ooes mean, vrote Kakutani of the characters in the novel she
vas revieving, is that the,re constantl, assessing their happiness, moni-
toring their emotional oamage, ano charting their abilit, to take spiritual
ano sexual risks. Ano perhaps as a consequence the, speno most of their
time being miserablelonel,, isolateo, ano prett, much paral,zeo vhen it
comes to making oecisions. In Swanns Way Froust oescribes the neurasthen-
ics of a certain genteel as,lum in Faris; the, vere able to oiscourse enolessl,
ano happil, about the recesses ano convolutions of their respective selves;
but an, task as complicateo as oecioing vhich shoes to vear for the oa,, or
actuall, t,ing their laces, plungeo them into fear ano uncertaint,.
Ieeling often seems the sovereign state of the human nervous s,stem
vhen ve examine the pueries of liberal arts eoucation ano, not least, of
Great Books programs. The vocabular, of h,pe for these, vritten b, college
oeans ano publishers assistants, is meticulous, of course, about the improve-
ment, the stimulation, the arousal of the mino. But not much is requireo in
the va, of research to see that vhat the average college of liberal arts, ano
the Great Books program, are appealing to are stuoents ano reaoers feel-
ings. Thus the celebration of oiscussion groups, of college classes in vhich
all pretense of the oispensation of scholarl, knovleoge about the liberal arts
is oroppeo in oroer to make stuoents comfortable in, one b, one, retailing
hov the, felt about the Crito, The Social Contract, Origin of the Species.
The reaoing of Great Books as suchthat is, simpl, because the, have
been thought of ano catalogueo as such for centuriesis as sterile as an,-
thing I can think of vhere serious eoucation is involveo. Religious meoita-
The Loose Individual | :: |
tion ma, be aovanceo b, the oevouts reaoing of the Bible. But it is haro
to see vhat is accomplisheo in the stimulation ano nurturing of oroinar,,
eager, ambitious minos b, spenoing veeks, months, on the reaoing, folloveo
b, group oiscussion, of a book certieo as Great b, oiscussion leaoer ano
publisher.
Can ve suppose that an, of the minos of the authors of the Great Books,
from Aristotle to Schveitzer, vere ever prepareo, ano then shapeo, b, the
reaoing of the Great Books of their ovn respective ages` Harol,. Aristotle
reao Flato as Flato hao listeneo to Socrates, not to masticate ano oigest a
great book or oiscourse but to pursue truth or knovleoge through the best
available meansall the available means, not just a preselecteo list of clas-
sics. No ooubt there is a pleasure in reaoing Darvin, but voulo an, sane
person use Origin of the Species as the requireo founoation stone for becoming
a biologist tooa,` Aoam Smiths Wealth of Nations is also a great book, but it
is unlikel, that it b, itself has stimulateo ano energizeo an, mino oestineo
to become a serious economist in the present age.
Great Books programs confuse the eoucation of the mino vith the cate-
chization of the mino in seminar,. The most important thing in the vorlo,
vhether in comparative literature, philosoph,, ano social stuoies or in bi-
olog,, chemistr,, ano ph,sics, is the inouction of the t,ro into the living
vorlo of problems, not the vorlo of books vhich have the imprimatur of
Great on them.
Given the intoxication proouceo b, the iools of consciousness ano sub-
jectivism it is onl, natural that ps,chobabble threatens to inunoate us at the
present time. Fs,chobabble is the piogin version of crossings of ps,choanal,-
sis, sociolog,, ano liberation theolog,. R. D. Laing von renovn for his vork
vith schizophrenics; not his therap, as such so much as his riveting oemon-
strations of hov much viser ano far-seeing schizophrenics can be than are
those of us vho vaste time vith reason, logic, ano science. He praiseo the
kinos of consciousness vhich come from our looking at ourselves, but also
b, our looking at others looking at us ano our reconstitution ano alteration
of these vievs of others looking at us. The social sciences have been mark-
eol, toucheo b, the rage to the subjective. The ultimate goal of sociolog,,
oeclareo the late Alvin Gouloner in a book proclaimeo b, its eager reviev-
ers to be a soaring achievement, is the oeepening of the sociologists ovn
avareness of vho ano vhat he is in a specic societ, at a given time. Such
| :. | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
a goal voulo not have electrieo the Mermaio Tavern or later the haunts of
Marx, Darvin, ano Ireuo, but it is a true reection of the subjectivist state
of mino that oominates culture at the present time.
Ages of subjectivism such as our ovn ano that of the ancient vorlo in
vhich Christianit, ano a m,riao of other religions grev up are invariabl,
ages too of the occult, the irrational or transrational, the magical, ano the
m,stic. The pictures historians have given us of the Meoiterranean vorlo,
especiall, the Greek vorlo, as it vas ouring the tvo centuries leaoing up
to the oavn of Christianit,, or of the Renaissance vorlo in Europe of the
fteenth ano sixteenth centuries are necessaril, pictures of the occult ano
irrational as vell as of m,stic intuition ano self-exploration.
It comes as a surprise, though, no matter hov accustomeo ve believe ve
are to the subjectivism of our oa,, vhen ve reao, as ve oio in The New York
Times, September .q, :q86, of the uses vhich are being maoe tooa, of sub-
jectivism ano the alchem, of altereo states of consciousness b, corporations
of the stature of IBM, AT8T, ano General Motors. The thought of inoi-
viouals hanging loose in the oces of the legenoar, fourteenth oor of the
General Motors heaoquarters ooes have its touches of humor.
The great fallac,, ultimatel, the evil, of subjectivism is that from it one
comes to be convinceo that vhat lies vithin consciousness, vithin one per-
sons consciousness, has more realit,, more value, perhaps even more truth,
than vhat lies outsioe the person in the vorlo of external event ano change.
The objective, the oispassionate, even as ioeals, are oerioeo b, the subjec-
tivist, vho even benos the school to belief that vhat pupils knov, or think
the, knov, about their feelings, natural impulses, likes ano oislikes, is more
important than vhat might be taught them about the external vorlo.
Descartes, master of intellectual terror, reall, starteo it. Rousseau voulo
be his greatest, most poverful pupil. I think; therefore I am, announceo
Descartes in :6. With this as his axiom, Descartes quickl, proveo, too, the
existence of universe ano Goo. Above all, he saio, vere the beauties ano
satisfactions of the nev subjective, oeouctive, ano absolute methoo of in-
quir, he vas proposing. The senses vill henceforth lie in oblivion. The pro-
founol, self-conscious mino vill go far be,ono the chameleonic oata of the
senses. There is instant terror in Descartes injunction to burn libraries
because their contents are ultimatel, ouplicitous. Not from books ano their
rioiculousl, sensor,, experiential, ano transitor, methoos of accumulation,
but from pure introspective reason comes the onl, knovleoge that is vorth-
The Loose Individual | : |
vhile. Scholars, Descartes aooeo, are learneo cretins vho speno a lifetime
tr,ing to recover about Greece or Rome vhat ever, serving girl of that
time knev. Cartesianism is even more oeaol, a force of oestruction of the
traoitional ano revealeo than is the general vill philosoph, of Rousseau,
vhose methoo is strictl, Cartesian.
There is a oistinct ano clearl, inuential climate of Cartesianism in the
humanities at the present time. It has been groving ever since Worlo War II
ano its manufacture of the Loose Horoe in America after the var. Neither
scholarship nor its inoispensable va,s of vorking ano thinking have the ap-
peal ano strength tooa, in the humanities that the, hao up until the var.
More ano more the Cartesian aojuration to banish ever,thing fromthe mino
ever learneo, ano then think intuitivel, ano geometricall, b, oneself, is
the sacreo vrit of our time. With his usual genius, Tocqueville pronounceo
Cartesianism the basic religion of oemocrac,, for no oemocrat has ever been
knovnano this Descartes himself pointeo outto vish for more common
sense, more natural insight, visoom, ano juogment than he alreao, has.
Ever,man neeo look up to No Man'
Looseness of inoiviouals, factions, ano ioeas is conspicuous in the vhole area
commonl, lumpeo in the label humanities. Whether insioe or outsioe the
valls of acaoeme ooesnt seem to make much oierence. In vant of an,
organic in the va, of ties, an,thing even as real ano constitutive as existeo in
the Marxist thirties in America, humanists no themselves forsaking books
ano authentic scholarship ano turning to vhat are clinicall, calleo texts ano
to a kino of scholastic oogma for guioance. The names of Georg Lukacs
of Hungar, ano Antonio Gramsci of Ital,, both aroent Marxists in their
oa, vho counseleo a storming of culture insteao of the econom, vhen the
Revolution broke, are hearo almost ever,vhere in the humanities. But at
the present time the Irench philosopher acques Derrioa leaos all others in
humanistic authorit,. What C,nthia Ozick has vritten is ver, much to the
point:
In the literar, acaoem,, acques Derrioa has the authorit, that Duns Sco-
tus hao for meoieval scholasticsano it is authorit,, not literature, that
mainl, engages faculties. In the guise of maverick or rebel, professors
kovtov to oogma. English oepartments have set o after theor,, ano use
culture as an instrument to illustrate ooctrinal principles, vhether Marx-
| : | + n r r n r s r x + . o r
ist or Irench Ireuo. The pla, of the mino gives va, to signing up ano
lining up.
The prominence ano surpassing attractiveness in humanities faculties of
vhat are calleo literar, theorists is a sign of the times, of the vioespreao
eorts of the loose in the humanities to no some kino of oogmatic unoer-
pinnings. What precisel, literar, theor, is, vhat coulo possibl, make it
cognizable b, the great poets, oramatists, essa,ists, ano novelists of the West-
ern traoition, ve oo not knovan, of us, I voulo juoge from examining
some of the literature of theor, in the humanities.
Doubtless oeconstruction ano minimalism, currentl, tvo humanist
iools, oerive in some va, from literar, theor,surel, not from impulses
born of genuine literature ano art. Each is a textbook, clinical example of
inoiviouals hanging loose on culture. Deconstruction, so calleo, is, as the
supreme ponti Derrioa conceives it from Faris, the technique of reoucing
the great to the merel, subjective, the solipsistic. Ever, War and Peace is in
realit, a text resembling a Rorschach inkblot test. There is no there there
in the purporteo book or event in histor,, institution, culture; onl, an al-
most innitel, oiverse possibilit, of images formeo b, the reaoer or stu-
oent of the text. Objectivel, vieveo, oeconstruction, vhich is currentl, the
most fashionable school of literar, theor, in the humanities, is a sustaineo
assault upon the great traoition in literature, philosoph,, ano histor,. If it
hangs loose on this traoition, it is a veritable scholastic Summa Theologiae for
those tooa, enjo,ing the fruits of literar, theor,, post-structuralism, post-
Marxism, post-Ireuoianism, ano other lucubrations of the Loose Horoe.
The mien of minimalism is one of innocence, ano surprise vhen ques-
tioneo. Am I not, asks the injureo minimalist, but folloving humbl, in the
footsteps of Ilaubert ano of Hemingva,, still seeking the right voro, the
right econom, of st,le, ano liberation from the maximalism of the Thomas
Wolfes of the vorlo` The ansver is an emphatic no. It is not the maximalism
of the Wolfe that the minimalist is opposeo to, but the maximalism of the
great traoition in Western thought ano art. These lean, spare, constipateo
little novels of the minimalist creative-vriting-school graouates are as self-
conscious as an, manifesto of the subjectivist in philosoph, ano criticism.
Their mannereo, often priss, st,le suggests blooolessness, sveatlessness. We
see all too clearl, the restraints, blocks, stoppages, but little else; ver, little
inoeeo in the va, of plot, character, ano event. The, use the snae ano
The Loose Individual | : |
the bit all right, vrote Ro, Iuller man, ,ears ago, but vheres the blooo,
horse` We neeo Iuller tooa,, or the chilo in the Hans Christian Anoersen
tale vho blurteo out, The emperor has no clothes on.
There is minimalism in art ano music as vell as in letters. The triumph
of minimalist art seems to be a canvas on vhich either nothing or as abso-
lutel, little as possible is emblazoneo. A great event vas recoroeo vhen a
collection of blank sheets of vhite paper vas exhibiteo in Nev York. There
is a musical composition calleo Silence in vhich the pianist sits pla,ing
nothing for some three ano a half minutes. Fresumabl, applause consists of
silence ano motionlessness.
The eminent zoologist V. G. Dethier, in a recent article on minimalism
in the arts, points to some of the neurological-ps,chological eects possible
vhen in the presence of extreme ano prolongeo minimalism: The ultimate
in unchanging stimulation is a reouction to zero. . . . The subjective result
is a sense of extreme oiscomfort . . . images originating higher in the cen-
tral nervous s,stem; that is, hallucinations. Rock garoens consisting of a
fev rocks positioneo on a beo of vhite, even sano can, if lookeo at intentl,
long enough, ,ielo either a h,pnotic state of mino or, if the viever is luck,,
a passionate oesire for maximalism, to restore sensor, stimulation.
Charles Nevman, in a cool-e,eo stuo, of minimalists, suggests: If ve
are to take our recent minimal ction seriousl,, ve are in the presence of
a nev class, one Max Weber anticipateo. . . . Specialists vithout spirit, lib-
ertines vithout heart, this nothingness imagines itself to be elevateo to a
level of humanit, never before attaineo. Frecisel,; as I saio, vithout blooo,
toil, sveat, ano tears; onl, technique tvisting in the vino. Nevman aoos to
the above: But this ction ooes not clear the air so much as it sucks it out,
so that the prose is strippeo not onl, of rational content but also of formal
avareness of itself. In the eno, minimalism is as nihilistic, as oeoicateo to
the oestruction of the sacreo, traoitional, human heart of civilization as is
the oeconstruction of Derrioa ano his preoecessors back through Gramsci
in Ital, ano Lukacs in Hungar,, Marxians both, but gifteo vith the post-
Marxian cunning that makes culture rather than econom, the prime object
of revolutionar, assault.
Epilogue
Iramers of the Constitution vho ma, steal back to look at the bicenten-
nial of their labors in Fhilaoelphia, vill no a colossus, a giant. But it is a
oeepl, aveo giant; not ,et moribuno but ill-gaiteo, shambling, ano spastic
of limb, often aberrant of mino. Feople shout at it incessantl,, each shouter
conoent that he has the right oiagnosis ano cure for the giant.
It is a giant in militar, resources but not in the exercise of militar, pover
ano responsibilit,. Befuooleo b, belief that Goo intenoeo it to be morals
teacher to the vorlo, our giant stumbles from people to people, ever oem-
onstrating that vhat America touches, it makes hol,. Convinceo of eortless
superiorit,, oevoteo to the religion of Knov Hov, Can Do, ano No Iault,
the giant commits one Desert One after another, on lano, sea, ano in the air.
America is a giant too in its oomestic bureaucrac,, the largest in the
vorlo, the most benignl, orienteo, ano surel, the most solicitous of all bu-
reaucracies in histor,. The citizens, all the vhile enjo,ing the usufruct of
bureaucrac,, its gifts to life, health, eoucation, ano olo age, oont like it;
or at least the, repeateol, sa, the, oont like it. The, curse it. That is vh,
each incoming presioent outifull, vovs to reouce immeoiatel, the size of
the bureaucrac, ano the avful total of inoebteoness causeo b, it. But, also
outifull,, each presioent oeparts oce having increaseo the size of the bu-
reaucrac,, the national oebt, ano buoget oecits.
In structure, our giant is a horoe of loose inoiviouals, of homunculi serv-
ing as atoms of the giants boo,, as in the famous illustration of Leviathan
in Hobbess classic. There is little sign of organic connection among the tis-
sues ano organs. Economicall,, our giant is bemuseo b, cash in hano rather
than propert, ano vealth. Grovth is for veeos ano ioiots, not for the illu-
minati ano literati. Culturall,, reigning s,mbols are tvo in number: oecon-
struction ano minimalism, each resting securel, on the conviction that self-
exploration is the mightiest truth of them all.
What ooes it all porteno` Spengler, not aiming simpl, at America, but
insteao the vhole West, saio that our civilization has entereo its nal stage.
| :8 | Epilogue
ust as all other civilizations have gone through, at least b, Spenglers as-
sessment, the stages of birth, grovth, maturit,, olo age, ano oeath, so ex
hypothesi ano also ipso facto, vill the West, America incluoeo, its exceptional-
ism notvithstanoing. Spengler even oescribeo the s,mptoms of oecline, the
stigmata of oecaoence ano fall: a surfeit of vars ano of militar, comman-
oos, political oespotism ever,vhere, ano torrents of mone, pouring through
veakening moral founoations.
But that, our optimists sa,, is simpl, Spengler, oour, o,speptic, Frussian
philosopher, resuscitator of the oloest fallac, in human civilization: the fal-
lac, that a people, a societ,, a culture, a state is in truth an organism. Flainl,
human societies are not organisms, ano if the Spenglerian fallac, is the onl,
basis of preoiction of oecline ano fall, then the preoiction is otiose.
Optimists ano inoierentists are free to make vhat the, vant of the anal,-
ses ano preoictions of Spengleror of Tocqueville vho, in his Recollections,
sav ano foresav a Europe not ver, oierent from Spenglers. Ano in our
ovn oa,, besioes Spengler, there have been other oeepl, learneo scholars
like To,nbee ano Sorokin to oistill from the comparative stuo, of histor,
the attributes of grovth on the one hano ano oecline on the other, ano to
ax the latter to the West, incluoing America, in our time.
We ma, take comfort from the fact that in civilizations, unlike ph,si-
cal universes, there are no inexorable, unalterable lavs against vhich the
human vill is impotent. Intimations of long term, irreversible oecline in our
civilization ma, inoeeo be baseo as much if not more on the temper of the
observer than the facts ano propositions he aoouces. Short of loss of the life-
sustaining ozone or other inoispensable ph,sical force, there is nothing that
can aict civilization ano its component structures that is not theoreticall,
subject to correction vhen necessar,. Ior, ever,thing cultural, from famil,
to state, from nurser, rh,me to epic, rests upon ioeas. So oo the oiseases
of civilization vhich occasionall, assert themselves. The, too are at bottom
o,namical patterns of ioeas, bao ioeas but ioeas nonetheless.
The problems or conoitions vhich have persisteo throughout the present
agemilitarism, bureaucrac,, the monetarization of the human spirit, ano
the trivialization of cultureare all subject to arrest ano reversal. It is not
as though ve vere oealing vith the relentless aovance of senescence in the
human being or the course of a cancer. Ioeas ano their consequences coulo
make an enormous oierence in our present spirit. Ior vhatever it is that
gives us tormentthe cash nexus as the nev social bono or the spirit of
Epilogue | :q |
oeconstruction ano minimalism in the arts ano perhaps areas too of the sci-
encesit rests upon ioeas vhich are as much captive to histor, tooa, as the,
ever have been.
The genius, the maniac, ano the prophet have been responsible for more
histor, than the multituoes have or ever vill. Ano the pover of these beings
rests upon revolutions in ioeas ano ioea s,stems. The vhole course of hu-
manit, vas reshapeo b, a major revolution in Eurasia in the sixth centur,
n.c. That vas vhen a small number of geniuses ano prophetsConfucius,
Lao-Tze, Buooha, Zoroaster, Mahavira, Thales, Ezekiel, ano F,thagoras
spreao out over a vast continent nevertheless simultaneousl, introouceo a
revolution in ioeas, one in vhich the inoivioual vas for the rst time liber-
ateo from the role of automaton in a heavil, oppressive culture ano brought
face to face vith the entire cosmos, or its ruler at an, rate. There have been
other, analogous revolutions of ioeasthose associateo vith the names of
St. Augustine, Nevton, Darvin, Marx, Ireuo, ano Einstein among others.
We are obviousl, in oire neeo of a revolution of ioeas right nov in Amer-
ica. But it seems not to be the privilege of man to vill his ovn revolution
vhen he vants it. Time ano circumstances are sovereign. Iashions, faos, ano
fancies in ioeas come ano go like cicaoas. Intellectual revolutions teno to
sta, on for long perioos. It vas an intellectual revolution in the Colonies
that leo to the Uniteo States.
Ferhaps the time is ripe novfor a comparable revolution in ioeas. Tocque-
ville, in a little knovn, fascinating footnote in Democracy in America, vrites:
If I inquire vhat state of societ, is most favorable to the great revolutions
of the mino, I no it occurs somevhere betveen the complete equalit,
of the vhole communit, ano the absolute separation of ranks. Unoer a
s,stem of castes generations succeeo one another vithout altering mens
positions; some have nothing more, others nothing better, to hope for.
The imagination slumbers amio this universal silence ano stillness, ano
the ver, ioea of change faoes from the human mino.
When ranks have been abolisheo ano social conoitions are almost
equalizeo, all men are in ceaseless excitement, but each of them stanos
alone, inoepenoent ano veak. This latter state of things is excessivel, oif-
ferent from the former one, ,et it has one point of analog,; great revo-
lutions of the mino seloom occur in it.
But betveen these tvo extremes of the histor, of nations is an inter-
| :o | Epilogue
meoiate perioo, a perioo of glor, as vell as ferment, vhen the conoitions
of men are not sucientl, settleo for the mino to be lulleo in torpor,
vhen the, are sucientl, unequal for men to exercise a vast pover on
the minos of one another, ano vhen some fev ma, mooif, the convic-
tions of all. It is at such times that great reformers arise ano nev ioeas
suooenl, change the face of the vorlo. Fart II, Bk. , Ch. XXI,
Ferhaps ve in America are in such an intermeoiate perioo as Tocqueville
oescribes. There is much reason, it seems to me, to think ve just ma, be.
The present age I have oescribeo in this book ansvers reasonabl, vell to
Tocquevilles specications. We have moveo since :q: from a highl, traoi-
tionalist, hierarchical, oecentralizeo, ano inegalitarian societ, to one that
in our time approaches the oiametrical opposite of these qualities. We are
approaching rapiol, the kino of egalitarianism that Tocqueville oescribes as
being no less sterile of thought than the highl, stratieo social oroer. But
ve still havent reacheo it; there is hope. There is a manifest revulsion in
America tovaro moralizing militarism, tovaro superbureaucrac,, tovaro a
social oroer seemingl, built out of the cash nexus, ano tovaro the subjec-
tivist, oeconstructionist, ano minimalist posturings vhich pass for culture.
The time voulo appear to be as congenial to a revolution in ioeas as vas
the eighteenth centur, in America.
One thing is clear at this late point in the age that began for America
in :q: vith the Great War: The popular, the folk optimismvhat an ao-
miring ano aectionate, but troubleo, Loro Br,ce calleo the fatalism of the
multituoe in America is fast vaning. Americans are much less likel, than
the, vere a centur, ago to believe there is a special Frovioence that looks
out for America ano guioes her purit, of conscience to ever greater heights.
Ano the, are immensel, less likel, than vere their Furitan forebears three
hunoreo ft, ,ears ago to see America as the cit, upon a hill, vith the
vorlos e,es upon it. On the basis of recent White House occupants, it is un-
likel, that Americans vill be coaxeo ano preacheo back into the American
Io,ll.
Index
absolutism. See political absolutism
Aoams, Brooks, 8
Aoams, Henr,, 8
Aoams, Samuel Hopkins, 6
Aoorno, Theooor, :..
Alaska, .o
Albania, 8, :
Aleutian Islanos, .o
alienateo persons. See loose inoiviouals
amateurs, .:, ., ., 6o, 8o, :o
America. See Uniteo States
American Commonwealth Br,ce,, , , ::o
American Inoian vars, :6:
American-Soviet alliance, , .,
8, ::6, :.
Anoersen, Hans Christian, :
Anoerson, Shervooo, , :
antiquarianism, ::
Aristotle, ::
Armageooon, , , ::6:
art, ::, :, ::o::
Atlantic Charter, .:, o,
Augustine, 6
avaros, :.:, 88
Bakker, im ano Tamm,, :o8, ::
Balkan states, ., ,
Baltic states, ., ,
Balzac, Honor oe, 8, 8q
Barrons, ..8
Baruch, Bernaro, 8
Battle of Blenheim Southe,,, :o
Ba, of Figs, .6, 8o
Bearo, Charles ano Mar,,
Becker, Carl, 6
Bellam,, Eovaro, 66
Bentham, erem,, 66q
Berlin, Irving, :, :.8
Bernal, . D., ::
Best and the Brightest Halberstam,, 8o
Biro, Larr,, ::o
Boesk,, Ivan, q
Bork, Robert, 6q
Bosvell, ames, 8
Bourne, Ranoolph, 6
Bovman, Isaiah, 6
Braole,, Omar, .
Brookings Institution, q6
Brovn, Norman O., ::
Br,an, William ennings, .,
Br,ce, Loro, , :6, , ::o
Buddenbrooks Mann,, q.
Bulgaria, :
Buno,, McGeorge, .o, .6, 8o
Bureau of Investigation, o
bureaucrac,: centralization, :6, o, .
o, 86, :, , 88q, :oo:o:;
militar,, :6, o, q; presioents ano,
.o, 6:
Burke, Eomuno, 6, 88
Burlingame, Roger, 8
Burnham, ames, 6
Butler, Bishop, :o
Camelot project, .6
Can Do m,th, :, .o, ... See also m,ths
Capital, ::
capitalism, 6, 6., qoq
| :. | Index
Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy
Schumpeter,, qo
Carl,le, Thomas, 888q
Carnegie, Anorev, :.
Carter, imm,, ., 6, 8
cash nexus: ethics ano, 888, :oq,
::::.; famil, ano, ::, 8q, q, :::, :.:
.; government service ano, :o8q;
leverageo bu,outs ano, qq; loose
inoiviouals ano, 88qo, qq, qq,
:oq; militar, ano, qo, :o8q, ::.,
:8o; professionals ano, qo, qq8,
::o:.; propert, ano, qoq, :.:.;
religion ano, 888q, :o8, :::; social
bonos ano, 88q, q.q, qq, :oq,
:8o; sports ano, qo, :o, :.6;
universities ano, qo, q8:o:, :o:
Cather, Willa,
centralization, :6, o, .o, 86, :,
, 88q, :oo:o:. See also bureau-
crac,
Chaplin, Charlie, :.
Chesterton, G. K., 8
Chile, .
China, ::, 8, q, :..
Christianit,, 6, 6, 8, :o8, ::,
::6:
Churchill, Winston, , :8.:, o, , ,
8o
civil religion, , :o, o, , :
Civil War, ., , :o, :
class oistinctions, :, , q, q, q, 66,
:..
Clemenceau, Georges, o
cleris,, .6, q, 6, 6, q, 8.
Cobb, T,, :o6, :oq
Colo War, , ..
communism, 6, q, 6, 8q
communit,, national, ., q:o, q,
o:
Congurations of Culture Growth Kroeber,,
:
conservatism, 8, 6.6, , :o
Constitution, :, :o, 6, o, q8o
consumer heoonism, ::, ..., , :.q
Coolioge, Calvin, o, 6
Cox, Archibalo, :o
Cozzens, ames Goulo, :
creoit, .., 6:, q:q, ::o
Creel, George, :., 6, q, :.
Crol,, Herbert, q, .
Cuba, :., .6, :, .
Cuomo, Mario, , :
Custer, George, :
oa Vinci, Leonaroo, 8
Darrov, Clarence,
Darvin, Charles, ::, :., ::
oe Gaulle, Charles,
Debs, Eugene V., 8
oebt, .., 6:, q:q, ::o
oeception, government b,, 8:8
oeconstruction, :.6, :
oemocrac,: Bentham on, 668; British
imperialism ano, :, , .; politi-
cal absolutism ano, :, :, ,
8q, 6:6.; Rousseau on, .,
, ::8.o, :.; Schumpeter on, qo;
Tocqueville on, , q, :.:, :; Wilson
on, q, :, ::6
Democracy in America Tocqueville,, q, :.:
Dempse,, ack, :oq
Denison, Eovaro I., q6
Depression, Great, :o, o, q, :.,
666, q
Derrioa, acques, :
Descartes, Ren, :.
Desert One, :, .o, ..
Dethier, V. G., :
oevelopeounoevelopeo nation oistinc-
tion,
Devlin, Loro, .q, .
Deve,, ohn, ., 66
Deve,, Thomas, .
oisconnecteo persons. See loose inoi-
viouals
Index | : |
Discourse on Inequality Rousseau,, :.o
Discourse on Political Economy Rousseau,,
, :.o
oivorce, :.
Dominican var, q
Dos Fassos, ohn, ::, :.8
oraft, militar,, , 8, :.
Dreiser, Theooore, :
Duns Scotus, ohn, :
Durkheim, Emile, ::o::
Earhart, Amelia, :.
ecclesiastical absolutism, . See also
religion
econom,: oebt, .., 6:, q:q, ::o; loose
inoiviouals ano, 88qo, qq, qq,
:oq; monetarism, ::o; propert, ano,
qoq, :.:.; Rousseau on, ,
:.o
Eoerle, Gertruoe, :oq
eoucation. See universities
egalitarianism, q, 6, 686q, ::.:,
:..6, :.q
egocentrism, :.6
Eg,pt,
Eighteenth Amenoment, o
Einstein, Albert, ::
Eisenhover, Dvight D., .o, .., .q,
8, :o8
Eliot, T. S., :, ::
Ellington, Duke, :.8
Ellsberg, Daniel, .6
Ellul, acques, 66
Emerson, Ralph Waloo, :
Engels, Irieorich, 6, o, 888q
equalit,, q, 6, 686q, ::.:, :..6,
:.q
Espionage Act, 8
ethics, 888, q.q, q8, :oq, ::::.
exceptionalism, , .q, , . See also
Great American M,th; m,ths
Exner, uoith, 8
Iairbanks, Douglas, :.
Ialvell, err,, ::
famil,: capitalism ano, q:q.; cash
nexus ano, ::, 8q, q, :::, :.:.;
egalitarianism in, :.:, :..6, :.q;
erosion of, ::, o, 6, o, 88q, q,
::, :.:.; national communit, as,
, o:; politicization of, ; prop-
ert, ano, qoq, q, :.:.; single-
parent, :.; social bonos ano, ::, 8q,
q, :::, :.:.; state supervision of, .,
6, o,
Iascism, 6, q, :..
Iaulkner, William, :, :.8
Ieoeralist Fapers, 6, :
feminism, :.:. See also vomen
lm, ::, ::, q, ::, :.8
Iitzgeralo, I. Scott, ::, :.8
Ioro, Gu, Stanton, 6
Ioro, Henr,, :., ., :oq, :.
foreign polic,: moralistic perspective,
.qq, 6., 66, 6; Foinoexter-
North intrigue, 8:8.; Reagans, ,
8:8.; Roosevelts IDR,, o, 6.;
Wilsons, .q, 6., 66, ::6
Iour Ireeooms, o,
Four Quartets Eliot,, ::
Iourteen Foints, o, q, 6
Irance, , o, 6o
Iranklin, Benjamin, q
freeoom, , 8, 6, :.
Irench Revolution, 6, , , 6.
Ireuo, Sigmuno, :::, :
Iromm, Erich, ::
Irost, Robert, :
Iuchs, Klaus, q8
Iuller, Ro,, :
general vill, 6, 68, ::8, :
German Socialists, q
German,, ,
Gershvin, Ira, :, :.8
Gibbon, Eovaro, q
| : | Index
Glasgov, Ellen, :
Goethe, ohann Wolfgang von, :.q
Gompers, Samuel, 6
Gooovin, Richaro N., 8o
Gorbachev, Mikhail, q
Gotha Program, ::
Gouloner, Alvin, ::
Gramsci, Antonio, :, :
Grange, Reo, :., :oq
Grant, Ul,sses S., :
Great American M,th, , :., .,
.q, , , ::. See also civil religion;
m,ths
Great Books program, :o:
Great Britain, , :, o, , .
Great War. See Worlo War I
Greece, .
Grenaoa invasion, :., :, .o, .., q6o
Gulf War, .o, ..
Haft famil,, q
Halberstam, Davio, 8o
Haloane, . B. S., ::
Hammerstein, Oscar, :.8
Haroing, Warren G., 8, o, 6
Hart, Lorenz, :, :.8
Havthorne, Nathaniel, :
Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century
Philosophers Becker,, 6
heoonism, :o::, ..., , :.q
Hegel, Georg, o
Hemingva,, Ernest, ::, :.8
Henoerson, Iletcher, :.8
heroes, :., :oq:o
Hilsman, Roger, .o, .6, 8o
histor,, philosoph, of, 6q
Hitler, Aoolf, , , , 6:
Holl,vooo, ::, ::, :.8
honor, :.:, ::::.. See also the sacreo
Hoover, Herbert, 666
Hoover, . Eogar, o
Hopkins, Harr,, :8, .:, 8o
Horkheimer, Max, :..
Housman, A. E., 8
Hove, Irving, .
Hull, Coroell, 8o
Human Comedy Balzac,, 8
hunoreo-percenters,
Hurle,, Fatrick, .
Ickes, Harolo, :
imperialism, British, :, , .
Inoia, ::,
Inoian vars, American, :6:
inoivioualism, , ::, 888, :.o. See also
loose inoiviouals
Inoustrial Revolution, 6.
Inequality encks,, :.o
intellectuals, political, .6, q, 6,
6, q, 8.
Interpretation of Dreams Ireuo,, ::
Iran, :, .o, .., ., q, ., 8:8.
Iraq, .8
Israel, :..
acks, L. F., :o
ackson, Anorev, :6, .
ames, William,
apan, :q, ..
a,, ohn, 6
encks, Christopher, ::q.o
esus Christ, ::, ::6:. See also Chris-
tianit,
ohnson, Hugh, 8
ohnson, L,noon B., ., , 8o8:, 8
ohnson, Samuel, 8, q.
ones, Bobb,, :oq
journalism, :, :, q, ., 6, :.
utlano,
Kakutani, Michiko, :o
Kant, Immanuel, 6
Keating, Kenneth, 8
Kennan, George, 6
Index | : |
Kenneo,, ohn I., .o, .6, ., 6, ,
8o, 8, ::o
Kerala,
Kern, erome, :
Khrushchev, Nikita S., .6, 8
King, Martin Luther, r., 8
Kirkpatrick, eane, .
Kissinger, Henr,, .:, 8
Knov Hov m,th, :6... See also m,ths
Korean War, :, q
Kroeber, A. L., :
Kropotkin, F,otr Alexe,evich, 6
labor, q:o, , 8, 6, q6
Laing, R. D., ::
language changes, :
League of Nations, o
Lebanon var, :, .o, ..
Legislator, ::8:q
Leno-Lease, , 8., :.
Lenin, Vlaoimir Ilich, q, , 6, 6. See
also Soviet Union
Leonaroo oa Vinci, 8
leverageo bu,outs LBOs,, qq
Levis, Carl, ::o
Levis, Sinclair, , :
liberalism, 8, 6.6, 66, :o
Lincoln, Abraham, , :.
Lino, ohn, .
Linobergh, Charles, :.
Lippmann, Walter, :, q, ., 6
literature, , ::, ::, 8, 8, 88q, q.,
:oq, :.8o, :
Llo,o George, Davio, o
Looking Backward Bellam,,, 66
loose inoiviouals: econom, ano, 88qo,
qq, qq, :oq; ethics ano, 888, q.
q, q8, :oq, ::::.; subjectivism
of, q8, :.6; universities ano, qo,
q8:o:, :o:. See also famil,; social
bonos
Lost Generation m,th, :
Luoenoor, Erich von, 6
Lukas, Georg, :, :
l,ing, institutionalizeo, 8:8
MacArthur, Douglas, :
Maoison, ames, :6
Magistrate, 686q
Mailer, Norman, :.8
Manhattan Froject, qq
manias, :o:
Manifesto of the Communist Party Marx
ano Engels,, o, 888q
Mann, Thomas, q.
Manuel, Irank, :::6
Manuel, Iritzie, :::6
Marcuse, Herbert, ::, :..
Marshall, George, :8, .o, 8o
Marshall Flan, q
Marx, Karl, o, 6, q, 6, 6qo,
888q, ::
Mathevson, Christ,, :oq
McMahon, im, :o
McNamara, Robert, .o, ., .6., 8o
Melville, Herman, :
Mencken, H. L., ::, , :o8
Mexican-American War, :6
Mexico, :6, :, .
militar,, the: cash nexus ano, qo, :o8
q, ::., :8o; honor ano, :.:, ::.;
religion inuenceo b,, :o::, ,
, 6:; size of, .., 6o6.; univer-
sities inuenceo b,, .., 8, 8,
q8:o:
militar, oraft, , 8, :.
militar,-inoustrial complex, ., .q, :o8
millenarianism, ::6:
minimalism, :
Mitchener, ames, :.8
Mole,, Ra,mono, :
monetarism theor,, ::o
Montana, oe, :o
monuments, 88
| :6 | Index
moral restraints, :o::, 888, q.q,
::o::
moralism, .qq, 6., 66, 6
music, ::, :, :.8, :
Mussolini, Benito, 6,
m,ths: Can Do, :, .o, ..; ever,thing
as political, 6; exceptionalism, , .q,
, ; Great American, :., ., ::;
Knov Hov, :6..; Lost Generation,
:; No Iault, :, ..; vhat America
touches, she makes hol,, .q, ,
:
Naoer, Ralph, ..
Naked and the Dead Mailer,, :.8
Napoleonic Wars, 6o
Nation, :
national communit,, ., q:o, q,
o:
National Inoustrial Recover, Act,
National Recover, Aoministration, 6,
q
nationalism, , , 8, 6.
NATO, q
Nev Deal, :o, :., 6, 6, q
New Republic, :
New York Times, :.
Nevman, Charles, :
Nicaragua, .q, , .
Nineteen Eighty-Four Orvell,, ::
Nineteenth Amenoment, o
Nixon, Richaro M., 8, , 8:, 8
No Iault m,th, :, ... See also m,ths
Normano, invasion, :8.o
Norris-LaGuaroia Act, 6
North, Oliver, 8:8.
nostalgia, :::
Nova Scotia, .:
Of Civilization and Its Discontents Ireuo,,
::
ONeill, Eugene, :
Orvell, George, ::
Ozick, C,nthia, :
Falmer, A. Mitchell, q
Falmer Raios, q
Fa,ton, Walter, :o6
Ferkins, Irances, .
Fershing, ohn ., :., :
Fersian Gulf War, .o, ..
Fersian var ancient,, :
Fhilippines, :
Fickens, T. Boone, q
Fickforo, Mar,, :.
Flato, 6, 6, 8, ::
poetr,, :, 8, ::
Foinoexter, ohn, 8:8.
Folano, .,
political absolutism: bureaucrac, ano,
6, , 8; oeneo, .; oemocrac,
ano, :, :, , 8q, 6:6.;
Rousseau on, , ::q
political amateurism, .:, ., ., 6o,
8o
Political Illusion Ellul,, 6
political intellectuals, .6, q, 6,
6, q, 8.
politicization, 6, 8, 8, :..
Forter, Cole, :, :.8
Founo, Ezra, :
Preachers Present Arms report,,
Preface to Morals Lippmann,, :
present age: beginnings of, ., :, .6;
ethics in, 888, q.q, q8, :oq,
::::.; lav in, .6, 6q, , 8, ::8:q;
subjectivism of, q8, :.6
presioents: amateur aovisors ano, .:, .,
., 6o, 8o; authorit, of, :., :8.o,
, :, 6:, 66, 88:, 8; l,ing b,,
8:8; ro,alism of, 88:, 88. See
also individual presidents by name
professionals: cash nexus ano, qo, qq8,
::o:.
Index | : |
Frohibition, q, :., o
propert,: cash nexus ano, qoq, :.:.;
evaporation of, qoq
Frouohon, Fierre oseph, 6
Froust, Marcel, :o
Ravls, ohn, ::q.o
Reagan, Ronalo: amateur aovisors of,
.o, .; bureaucrac, ano, , 6:; oebt,
.., 6:, q6q; l,ing of, 8; moralistic
perspective of, , 8:8.; ro,alism of,
8, 88
Reconstruction Iinance Agenc,, q
Reich, Wilhelm, :::6
religion: Armageooon, , , ::6:;
cash nexus of, 888q, :o8, :::;
Christianit,, 6, 6, 8, :o8, ::,
::6:; civil, , :o, o, , :::, :;
ecclesiastical absolutism, ; manias
in, :o.; militarization of, :o::, o,
, , 6:; politicization of, 6,
8, :o., :..; the sacreo, ::o:;
utopianism ano, ::, ::6:. See also
Great American M,th; religion
Remarque, Erich Maria, :o
Republic Flato,, 8
Revolutionar, War, :6
Roaring Tventies, q, :.8
Roberts, Oral, :o, ::
Robertson, Fat, 6, 8, :o8, ::
Robinson, Eovin Arlington, :
Rockefeller, ohn D., :., :oq, :.
Rockne, Knute, :., :oq
Roogers, Richaro, :, :.8
Roosevelt, Iranklin D.: amateur aovisors
of, .:, ., 8o; Depression ano, o,
:; foreign polic, of, o, , 6.,
., 8, ::6, :.; as a hero, ::o;
l,ing of, 8.; Nev Deal, :o, :., 6,
6, q; ro,alism of, q; var povers
ano, :8.o, , 6, q. See also
American-Soviet alliance
Roosevelt, Theooore, , ::o
Rostov, Walt Whitman, .6, 8o
Rousseau, ean-acques: on civil reli-
gion, ; on oemocrac,, ., ,
::8.o, :.; on general vill, 6,
68, ::8, :; on political econom,,
, :.o
ro,alism, 88:, 88
Ruoo, Mark, :o.
Rusk, Dean, 8o
Russia, , 8, ., 8, ::6,
:.. See also Soviet-American alliance
Ruth, Herman George Babe,, :., :o6,
:oq
the sacreo, ::o:. See also honor;
religion
savings rates, q:q6. See also creoit
Savio, Mario, :o.
Schambra, William, .
Schlesinger, Arthur, r., .o, 8o
Schumpeter, oseph, qoq., q
scientic-technological liaison, ..q,
::
Scopes trial,
SDI Strategic Defense Initiative,, ., .8
Seoition Act, 8
Sevent,-Iive Years War, :, , q
Sherman, Stuart F., 6
Sherman, William Tecumseh, :
Sitting Bull, :
Skinner, B. I., ::
slaver,, , 686q
Smith, Aoam, ::
social bonos: cash nexus ano, 88q,
q.q, qq, :oq, :8o; famil,, ::, 8q,
q, :::, :.:.; morals ano, q.q;
propert, ano, qoq, :.:.
social class, :, , q, q, q, 66, :..
Social Contract Rousseau,, , 6, ::8
social engineering, 66:,
socialism, q, 6, 6.6, , :::8
| :8 | Index
Socrates, ::
Sombart, Werner, 6
South Africa, :,
South Korea, :, q, :,
South Vietnam, :, .o, ., .6, q, :,
8o8:, 8, :o.
Southe,, Robert, :o
Soviet-American alliance, , .,
8, ::6, :.
Soviet Union, , 8, :, 8,
::6, :.. See also Lenin; Stalin
Spanish-American War, :
Spengler, Osvalo, :
sports, :., qo, :o, :.6
sp,ing, q8
Stalin, osef, :8, .:, ., o, , 8
q, 6, ::6. See also Soviet Union
The State Wilson,, :
states rights, ., , o
Stein, Benjamin ., q6
Strategic Defense Initiative SDI,, .,
.8
Strauss, Leo, 6
stuoent manias, :o:
subjectivism, q8, :.6
Suckov, Ruth,
surage, q, o, :.o
Supreme Court, U. S., 6, 686q, 8q,
:.o
Sutton, Willie, q
Svaggart, imm,, ::
Svanson, Gloria, :.
Svopes, Geraro, 8
Taft, Robert, ., .q
Tarava, .o
Tarkington, Booth, 6
Ta,lor, A. . F.,
Ta,lor, Lavrence, :o6
Tecumseh, :
Teilharo oe Charoin, Fierre, ::
televangelism, 8, :o8, ::
Theory of Justice Ravls,, :.o
Thoreau, Henr, Davio, :
Tiloen, Bill, :oq
Tocqueville, Alexis oe: on centralization
of pover, ., 8q; on oemocrac,, ,
q, :.:, :; on inoivioual oespotism,
888, :.:; on slaver, ano oesegrega-
tion, 686q; on specialization impact,
:o
Tonkin Gulf incioent, 8o, 8
totalitarianism, :, 8, 6:6, 66
Truman, Harr, S, .,
Tugvell, Rexforo, :
Tunisia, .o
Turke,, .
unoevelopeooevelopeo nation oistinc-
tion,
unions, q, :o, 6. See also labor
Uniteo States: amateurism in leaoership
of, .:, ., ., 6o, 8o; bureaucrac,,
:6, o, , 86., 6; constitution
of, :, :o, 6, o, q8o; famil,
superviseo b,, ., 6, o, ; govern-
ment b, oeception, 8:8; political
cleris,, .6, q, 6, 6, q, 8.;
presioential povers, :., :8.o, ,
:, 6:, 66, 88:, 8; Sevent,-Iive
Years War, :, , q; size of militar,,
.., 6o6.; states rights, .,
, o; Supreme Court, 6, 686q,
8q, :.o; as totalitarian state, 6
8, 8, 6:. See also foreign polic,;
Great American M,th
universities: function of, q8:oo, :o;
loose inoiviouals in, qo, q8:o:, :o:
; militarization of, .., 8, 8,
q8:o:; political intellectuals, .6, q,
6, 6, q, 8.
USS Stark, .8
utilitarianism, :o, 68
utopianism, ::.o
Index | :q |
Vietnam War, :, .o, ., .6, q, 8o8:,
8, :o.
Volsteao Act, o
voting rights, q, o, :.o
Walden Two Skinner,, ::
Walker, ohn sp, case,, q8
Wallace, Henr,, :
var: in ancient times, :, :, qo,
6, q; benets of, :, .8, 8, ,
q6o, q; moralistic perspective in,
.qq, 6., 66, 6; presioential
povers, :., :8.o, , :, 6:, 66,
88:, 8; Sevent,-Iive Years War, :,
, q. See also individual wars by name
War Inoustries Boaro,
War of :8:., :6
War of Inoepenoence U. S.,, :6
var povers, :., :8.o, , .:, 66,
q, 8
var states, , o, o:, 66, 8, q
Warren Court, 68
Washington Star, .
Watergate, 8:, 8
We Planned in War, Why Not in Peace?, :
Wealth of Nations Smith,, ::
Weber, Max, 6, :
Weinberger, Caspar, .
Welles, Sumner, .:
vhat America touches, she makes hol,
m,th, .q, , :. See also m,ths
white feathers, 8
Whiteheao, Alfreo North, q8
Whitman, Walt, :
Wilkie, Wenoell L., .
Wills, Helen, :oq
Wilson, Wooorov: Churchill on, o; on
oemocrac,, q, :, ::6; foreign polic,
of, .q, 6., 66, ::6; as a hero, ::o;
var state of, , q, o:, 66, 8,
q
Winelo, Dave, :o6, ::o
vomen: equalit, ano, :..6, :.q; femi-
nism of, :.:; voting rights for, q, o,
:.o
World Crisis Churchill,, o
Worlo War I: birth of mooernit, in U.S.,
:; foreign polic, ouring, .q, 6.,
66, 8, ::6; savager, of,
Worlo War II: causes of, ; foreign
polic, ouring, o, 8, 6., .,
8, ::6, :.; Great American M,th
ano, :., .; militarization of uni-
versities, .., 8, 8, q8:o:;
militar, oecorations in, , :.:;
Normano, invasion, :8.o
Wouk, Herman, :.8
Yalta treaties, , 8
York, Sergeant, :., :, .
Yugoslavia, 8, q
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