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The following is a comparative study of Vico's New Science and Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise. A common link which unifies these apparently quite disparate works is found in the concept of history.
The following is a comparative study of Vico's New Science and Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise. A common link which unifies these apparently quite disparate works is found in the concept of history.
The following is a comparative study of Vico's New Science and Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise. A common link which unifies these apparently quite disparate works is found in the concept of history.
Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 41, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1980), pp. 49-68 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2709102 . Accessed: 24/03/2014 14:40 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . University of Pennsylvania Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the History of Ideas. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VICO AND SPINOZA BY JAMES C. MORRISON The following is a comparative study of Vico's New Science and Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise.1 A common link which unifies these apparently quite disparate works is found in the concept of history, for as Vico laid the basis for the modern historization of philosophy, so Spinoza laid the basis for the modern historization of religion. Although our main purpose is to bring to light the major philosophical relationships holding between these two revolutionary and foundational works of mod- ern philosophy, we believe that the numerous striking agreements among them in thought, expression, and intention make it highly probable that Vico had read Spinoza and was influenced by him.2 We also hope to demonstrate that a comparative study of the New Science and the Theo- logical-Political Treatise contributes significantly to a clarification of the works themselves. The recognition of the Spinozistic elements in Vico's thought is especially useful for disclosing his real (but veiled) intentions and the ultimate implications of the New Science for religion and Scripture. 1 All direct quotations and references to Vico are from the English translation by T. G. Bergin and M. H. Fisch, The New Science of Giambattista Vico (Ithaca, N. Y., 1968), hereafter designated as NS; numbers refer to paragraphs, which are the same as those in the edition of Vico's Opere, Vol. IV, ed. Fausto Nicolini (Bari, 1942). When quoting directly from Spinoza we have used our own translations based on Carl Gebhardt's edition, Spinoza Opera, Vol. III (Heidelberg, 1924). Numbers refer to pages of this edition, hereafter designated as Op., and to the English translation by Elwes in Works of Spinoza, Vol. I (New York, 1951), hereafter designated as TPT. 2 In regard to the question of Spinoza's direct influence on Vico, cf. Frederick Vaughan, "La Scienza Nuova: Orthodoxy and the Art of Writing," Forum Italicum, II, No. 4 (1968), 350; Vaughan asserts that Vico's New Science was "written under the spell" of the Theological-Political Treatise and Spinoza's idea of a "new kind of critical history." He even goes so far as to say that "Spinoza was the most important influence on the formation of Vico's philosophy." Cf. also Vaughan's The Political Philosophy of Giambattista Vico (The Hague, 1972), 44-51. We have not been able to find an unequivocal affirmation of Spinoza's direct influence on Vico in the writings of Fausto Nicolini or in the Bibliografia Vichi- ana, 2 vols., ed. B. Croce & F. Nicolini (Naples, 1947-58). Croce says in one place, "non par dubbio, il Vico aveva letto il Tractatus theologico-politicus del reprobo Spinoza." And when discussing Spinoza's views on Moses and the Pentateuch, he adds that "si direbbe quasi che dalla critica biblica dello Spinoza il Vico avesse avuto incentive alla sua della formazione e dello spirito dei poemi omerici, e che, passato per tal modo dalla storia sacra alla profana, da Mose a Omero, si fosse poi ostinato a non ripassare a niun patto da Omero a Mose, dalla storia profana alla sacra." La Filosofia di G. B. Vico (Bari, 1965), 182. On this latter point, cf. Section III below. 49 This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 50 JAMES C. MORRISON Our discussion is divided into five sections. In Section I we make some introductory remarks about the general thematic and aims of both works; in Section II we discuss the critique of divine providence; in Sec- tion III we turn to the general critique of revealed religion and Scrip- ture; in Section IV we deal with politics and natural law; and in Section V we draw some of the ultimate implications of Vico's and Spinoza's methods, arguments, and doctrines. 1. The Theological-Political Treatise has a philosophical, theological, and political purpose. These are intimately connected. Spinoza says in his Preface that "philosophical readers" will find mere "commonplaces" (TPT 11; Op. 12). This means that the work is written not for actual philosophers but for potential ones. The latter are those who could or would become philosophers were they not inhibited by the Christian and Jewish claims to possess a suprarational truth which has been revealed by God. The belief in such a revelation inevitably leads to a tension be- tween reason and faith.3 This tension expresses itself either as skepticism, the subordination of reason to faith and revelation, or dogmatism, the subordination of faith and revelation to reason. The Theological-Political Treatise, then, is a philosophical critique of revelation addressed to Chris- tian or Jewish skeptics or dogmatists in order to convert a few of them to philosophy and the use of reason. But the free use of reason is inhib- ited not only by faith in revelation but also by political and ecclesiastical authority. Spinoza tries to remove this other obstacle to philosophy by arguing that everyone ought to have the freedom to "think what he likes and say what he thinks" (TPT 6, 11,265; Op. 7,12,246-7).4 He thus addresses himself to present and future rulers in order to persuade them to permit freedom of conscience and expression. His argument is that such freedom is necessary both for "piety" and "public peace" (TPT 6; Op. 7). In other words, the Theological-Political Treatise seeks to free actual and potential philosophers from persecution by promoting the establishment of a liberal democratic state. But the political and legal free- dom to think, speak, and write is ultimately worthless unless reason itself is freed from the limitations imposed by belief in revelation. The freedom to think without fear of political and ecclesiastical persecution therefore requires for its full realization complete confidence in the "natural light," i.e., one's capacity to know the truth by one's own reason.5 For when the philosopher's own capacity to know is doubted his will to know is paralyzed. The resolute commitment to a task presupposes complete con- 3 In his discussion of miracles or "that which cannot be explained through natural causes," Spinoza says that he recognizes no distinction between a truth supra naturam and contra naturam (TPT 85,87; Op. 85,86). Since the spheres of nature and reason are coextensive, a truth above reason would also be a truth against reason. ". .. For whatever is against nature is against reason, and what is against reason is absurd and so must be rejected" (TPT 92; Op. 91). 4 Cf. the subtitle to the Treatise. 5 Cf. Spinoza's critique of the belief that "the human understanding is naturally corrupt" (TPT 7-8; Op. 10). This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VICO AND SPINOZA 51 fidence in one's ability to complete the task. The philosophical quest for wisdom would be annulled in advance it one did not have complete con- fidence in one's ability to become wise. The possibility of revelation or a suprarational truth leaves open the possibility of a contrarational truth and hence casts into doubt the certainty of reason's clear and distinct ideas. The "deceiving demon" of revelation must therefore be exorcized by reason and philosophy themselves, which must demonstrate their autonomy and power by demonstrating the limitations and deficiencies of revealed religion. In short, the ultimate aim of the Theological-Political Treatise is to refute the revealed religion of Christianity and Judaism and replace it by philosophical wisdom. Whereas Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise is a propaedeutic to philosophy dealing primarily with theological and political questions, Vico's New Science is a philosophical work dealing primarily with philo- sophical and historical questions and only secondarily with theological and political ones. Although Spinoza's work is primarily theoretical, it has an important practical purpose. Vico's New Science is also primarily theoretical but seems to have little direct practical bearing.6 Its main aim is not to free potential philosophers from a pre-philosophical servitude to faith and revelation but to lay the basis of a new philosophy. Vico's whole problematic rests on a fundamental distinction between the world of nations (history) and the world of nature. This distinction is linked with the epistemological principle that the knower can know only what he has made and the metaphysical-theological principle that nature can- not be the subject of human science (NS 331).7 Vico nowhere tries to bridge the dichotomy between nature and history or to reconcile them in a higher unity. For him there is no all-embracing single whole but two mutually exclusive parts.8 The specific subject-matter of Vico's "new science" is "the common nature of nations" or "the origins of institutions, 6 Only in ##1405-11 (not included in the published versions of the Scienza nuova) does Vico explicitly raise the question of the "practice" (prattica) of his work. There he briefly alludes to possible political implications and applications of the "theory" of the New Science for "the wise men and princes of the com- monwealths" who desire "to recall the peoples to their acme or perfect state" (#1406). These sections have recently been translated and published in Giam- battista Vico's Science of Humanity, ed. G. Tagliacozzo & N. Verene (Baltimore, 1976), 451-54. 7 It also follows that man can have no knowledge of God. Nor can man know that nature has been created by God. From the point of view of Vico's science, the belief in God and His creation is a mere postulate. Men can know the divine only insofar as it is a human creation. Vico's point is that human knowledge is limited to the human. It ends where the realm of history ends and that of nature begins. 8 By contrast, Spinoza's thought is essentially a doctrine about an all-embracing whole. Everything that is, is either nature or an aspect or part of nature (the substance, its attributes and modes). Human things are merely finite parts of an infinite whole. Humans and their creations are thus wholly natural. They do not constitute an independent realm in opposition to nature but are themselves ultimately manifestations of the power of nature. This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 52 JAMES C. MORRISON religious and secular, among the gentile nations"(NS 31). Its aim is to study these "in the light of divine providence" (NS 31,342). On one level this means showing how "God" or "the divine will operates" (NS 182). On another level it means showing the way providence "naturally" guides the process by which man becomes human or the families and civil society develop from the natural state of "bestial wandering" (NS 146,310,338). On yet another level it means showing "that the world of civil society has certainly been made by men" (NS 331). Vico's argument moves vertically from the divine to the natural to the human. The chief accomplishment of the New Science is therefore the secular- ization of human history. The old Judaeo-Christian theocentric under- standing of human things as guided providentially by a divine mind is replaced by a new anthropocentric doctrine according to which men themselves have made the world of nations. Tacitly recalling the Car- tesian assumption that all traditional opinions might be false, Vico speaks of "the night of thick darkness enveloping the earliest antiquity." All historical knowledge is obscure and hence doubtful. But in the midst of this "darkness" Vico discovers the "eternal and never failing light of a truth beyond all question: that the world of civil society has certainly been made by men . . ." (NS 331). The "truth" that the human world has been made by men recalls the Cartesian "certainty" of the cogito. But Vico replaces the Cartesian "Archimedian point" of self-conscious- ness by human self-making: the identity of thinker and thought becomes the identity of maker and made. He thereby completes the Copernican revolution in astronomy and the Cartesian revolution in metaphysics with a new revolution in history. Human things will be understood by Vico solely in human terms: men have not been made by God or nature but by themselves. Human self-making will in turn provide the basis for the accomplishment of the ultimate aim of the New Science, namely, to unite history ("philology") and philosophy. II. If the history of human things is to be understood anthropologic- ally, the theological conception of divine providence must be "demytholo- gized": it must be shown to be a metaphor enclosing and concealing human truths. In Vico's own terminology, it must be translated from an "imaginative genus" into an "intelligible genus." This is in fact what Vico does. He presents a non-theological and non-traditional account of the corso of the nations under the veil of a theological and traditional account of divine providence. But at the same time he provides the hermeneutical rules for stripping away this poetic-theological surface and disclosing its historical-human nucleus. For the New Science, which overtly presents the method of interpreting the divine poems of the "theological poets," also covertly presents the method for interpreting its own divine poem of history as the unfolding of providence. Just as all myths are essentially "civil histories," so the mythical guise of Vico's providence masks the This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VICO AND SPINOZA 53 historical-philosophical truths which make up the real content of the New Science.9 According to the surface argument of the New Science, the idea of providence is linked to the division between gentiles and Jews, for God aids the former "naturally by divine providence" and the latter "super- naturally by divine grace" (NS 136; cf. 310, 313). This division, Vico says, was made by the Jews themselves (NS 313). It is thus not a philo- sophical division but a traditional opinion. Consistent with his purpose of replacing old opinions by new knowledge, Vico persistently ignores the division between the history of the gentiles and that of the Jews, eventually collapsing the distinction between them and replacing the theo- logical ideas of providence and grace by the philosophical idea of "the ideal eternal history" which holds universally for all nations (cf. NS 245, 250,349,393). Vico's distinction between the "ordinary help from provi- dence" for the gentiles and the "extraordinary help from the true God" for the Jews (NS 313) is strikingly reminiscent of Spinoza's distinction between "the internal aid of God" and "the external aid of God."10 The former is "whatever human nature by its own power alone can do for preserving its existence," while the latter is "whatever accrues to man's use by the power of external causes" (TPT 45; Op. 46). Both of these reduce to "the fixed and unchangeable order of nature or the chain of natural things" (TPT 44, cf. 82,89; Op. 45-6; 82,89). So for Vico, the "help" of divine providence reduces to the unchanging order of the corso of the nations. Both Spinoza and Vico therefore secularize the divine. Spinoza does so by naturalizing providence and identifying it with the course of nature, Vico by historicizing providence and identifying it with the course of history. According to orthodox belief, a primary manifestation of divine providence in the Old Testament is God's covenant with the Hebrews. For Spinoza, however, the "election and vocation" of the Hebrews has only a political meaning. It has to do with "the temporal happiness and advantages of sovereignty" (TPT 47; cf. 48; Op. 48; cf. 49). Apart from that, "God is equally kind, merciful, etc. to all" (TPT 49; Op. 50). Solomon, who speaks "more rationally of God" than anyone in the Old Testament, "taught that all the goods of fortune to mortals were vain" (TPT 39; Op. 41).11 The difference between Jews and gentiles is not based on the fact that the Jews alone had the gift of prophecy, for all 9 This is the real meaning of Vico's phrase, "rational civil theology of divine providence" (NS 342). Vico's reasoning shows that the theology of divine provi- dence is really a civil history (cf. NS 352). 10 Vaughan has pointed this out but not developed it; cf. op. cit., 349-50. 11 Cf. Spinoza's account in the Tractatus de Intellectus Emendatione of his decision to dedicate himself to philosophy "after experience taught me that all things which are usually found in common life are vain and futile." Spinoza Opera, op. cit., II, 5. This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 54 JAMES C. MORRISON nations possessed prophets. The gentile "augurs" were "true prophets" and the Jews themselves were often deceived by false prophets (TPT 49- 52; Op. 50-3).12 Vico, when discussing the three "kinds of reason," calls the first kind "divine" and defines it as a form of "external speech" to the gentiles "through the auspices, the oracles, and other corporeal signs," and "through the prophets and through Jesus Christ to the Apostles" (NS 948).13 Spinoza asserts that "the prophets always had some sign by which they became certain of the things they were imagining prophetic- ally," that the prophets' revelations were always accompanied by "words and figures," and that only Moses heard a "true voice." But God re- vealed Himself "to Christ's mind immediately," for Christ was not so much a prophet as "the mouth of God" (TPT 25,28,64; Op. 28,30,64).14 According to Vico, the ignorant and vulgar "refer the causes of the things they do not know to the will of God without considering the means by which the divine will operates" (NS 182). A little earlier he suggests that this "means" is "a confused idea of divinity" (NS 178). Because of this ignorance of natural causes, "the human mind" "makes itself the rule of the universe," so that men ascribe to the gods what they them- selves do (NS 180; cf. 375). Where Spinoza asserts that "misconcep- tions" about God arise from the view that "all things in nature act as men themselves act, namely, with an end,"1' Vico says that "because of the indefinite nature of the human mind, wherever it is lost in ignorance man makes himself the measure of all things" (NS 120). Spinoza speaks of men "imagining miracles," believing themselves to be "God's favorites, and the final cause for which God created and continually directs all things" (TPT 82; Op. 82). "The law and word of God" is "used meta- phorically for the order and fate of nature" (TPT 169; Op. 162). The idea of God as "legislator or prince" is used by Paul only as a concession to the weakness of "the understanding of the vulgar" (TPT 65; Op. 65). Such usage illustrates the method which "depicts all things poetically and refers them to God" (TPT 92; Op. 91). In the same way, Vico speaks 12 Cf. Spinoza's reference to those who "dream that nature had formerly created different kinds of men" (TPT 45-6; Op. 47). ". .. All men, Jews as well as Gentiles, have always been the same, and in every age virtue has been very rare" (TPT 166: Op. 160). 13 As far as we can determine, Vico refers explicitly to Christ in only two other places in the New Science. One reference is to a Jesuit who claimed to have read (Chinese?) books written "before the coming of Christ" (NS 50). In the other reference, Vico says that during "the returned barbarian times" paintings of God, Christ, and Mary depicted them as "exceedingly large" (NS 816). 14 Cf. Spinoza's interpretation of Exodus VII: 1, where he says that Aaron, in communicating Moses' words to Pharoah, acted the part of a prophet, and Moses himself was "like a God to Pharoah, or one who plays the part of God" (TPT 13; Op. 15). 15 In the Ethics, Spinoza calls "the will of God" "the sanctuary of ignorance." "Everyone judges of things according to the state of his brain, or rather mistakes for things the forms of his imagination." Ethics, Part 1, Appendix. Cf. TPT 86; Op. 86. This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VICO AND SPINOZA 55 of "that religious way of thinking according to which it was the gods who did whatever men themselves were doing" (NS 629; cf. 922). III. The Theological-Political Treatise is a critique of both religion and Scripture, for Scripture is the record of God's revelations to man. Revelation is the essential element common to Judaism and Christianity. The conclusion of Spinoza's critique of Biblical revelation is that Scrip- ture contains no speculative philosophical truths about God but only "vulgar" moral precepts (TPT 8,190-5; Op. 9,180-5). Scripture does not teach or claim to teach theoretical knowledge but only practical obedi- ence: it "has nothing in common with philosophy" (TPT 9; Op. 10). Scripture demands only justice and charity in practice. Whereas Spinoza launches his attack against Biblical authority di- rectly, Vico proceeds under the mask of the pagan poet Homer. Homer is Vico's pseudonym for Moses."' The first and greatest of the pagan poets corresponds to the first and greatest of the Hebrew prophets. The question of the historical existence of Homer is the question of the his- torical existence of Moses. The question of whether Homer wrote the Iliad and Odyssey is the question of whether Moses wrote the Pentateuch. The questions whether Homer was wise and whether his poems contain "esoteric" or philosophical wisdom are whether Moses knew God better than all other prophets and whether the Pentateuch contains true knowl- edge of the nature of God (cf. NS 780). And just as the Homeric poems are "two great treasure houses of the customs of early Greece" (NS 904), so the Old Testament should be read as a treasure house of the history of the Jews: their customs, institutions, beliefs, laws, etc. In short, the method which Vico uses to "discover the true Homer" is the same method to be used to discover "the true Moses." The aim of Book III of the New Science, "Discovery of the True Homer," is, in common with the aim of Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise, to undermine the authority of Scripture.17 That explains why 16 Vico also sometimes uses Homer as a pseudonym for all the authors of Scripture. From this point of view, the Iliad corresponds to the Old Testament and the Odyssey to the New Testament. For example, he emphasizes that the Odyssey was composed later than the Iliad because it contains references to more advanced and refined customs. For while in the latter violent passions pre- dominate, in the former there is evidence of an increased level of reason. The hero of the Iliad, Achilles, is "the hero of violence," while the hero of the Odyssey, Ulysses, is "the hero of wisdom" (NS 879). Similarly, Spinoza views the Old Testament as more primitive than the New Testament because in the latter apostles or teachers of morality replace prophets or interpreters of God. Whereas the apostles wrote their epistles "solely by the natural light," the prophets prophesied by their vivid imaginations (TPT 24-25,161; Op. 27-28,155). Paul and the other apostles "philosophized," but the Jews always "despised philosophy" (TPT 164; Op. 158). 17 According to Nicolini, Vico adopts in Book III "precisamente il metodo instaurato dal filosofo d'Amsterdam e dal mentovato Simon, e perfezionato dalla critica moderna, nello sconvolgere analogamente la tradizionale storia esterna o This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 56 JAMES C. MORRISON Vico made it the central book. What initially appears as a digression-a discussion of the existence and characteristics of an historical person-is in reality the center: a critique of the truth of Holy Scripture. While the conclusion of the Theological-Political Treatise is that Scripture contains no philosophical theoretical knowledge but only vulgar practical precepts, the conclusion of Vico's critique of the Homeric poems is that they con- tain no philosophical wisdom but only vulgar opinion about the history and customs of the Greek peoples. The real content of the Homeric poems is not philosophical but historical: they give us not philosophical truths but philological certainties. ". . . The meanings of esoteric wisdom were intruded into the Homeric fables by the philosophers who came later" (NS 834).'8 The Homeric poems are an "expression of the history of the natural law of the gentes" (NS 904). Vico argues that the (false) belief that Homer was a real historical individual and the actual author of the works traditionally attributed to him has obscured this fact from historians. This suggests that the (false) belief that Moses was a real his- torical individual and the actual author of the Pentateuch has prevented historians from realizing that the Old Testament is an expression of the natural law of the Hebrews. Vico argues that Homer was not an his- torical individual but an imaginative genus: "Homer" is a class term denoting an indefinite number of historical individuals.l' As the literal meaning of the name "Homer" implies, Homer was "a binder or compiler of fables" (NS 852),"' "an idea or a heroic character of Grecian men" (NS 873), "the Greek peoples were themselves Homer" (S 875). Moses, viewed as the great law-giver of the Hebrew people, is analogous to Solon, the great law-giver of the Athenians. Solon too was not an in- dividual person but "the Athenian plebeians themselves." Moses is to the strutturale del Vecchio Testamento." La Religiosita di Giambattista Vico (Bari, 1949), 147. Vaughan too maintains that Vico uses Homer as a "screen" for his critique of the Bible. Op. cit., 353. 18 Cf. Spinoza's criticism of Maimonides' method of interpreting Scripture, according to which reason is used as a standard for deciding what a given text means and the prophets were considered "supreme philosophers and theologians." Thus, if the literal meaning of a text is unreasonable or false, it must be interpreted metaphorically. For Spinoza, this amounts to a distortion of Scripture (TPT 115-17; Op. 113-15). Cf. Section V below. 19 Nicolini recalls how Finetti (an early vociferous critic of Vico's heterodoxy) noted that, once Homer is reduced to a "carattere poetico," "non v'e alcuna ragione valida per non adotterla anche nei riguardi della personalita storica dell'autore dei Salmi." Op. cit., 148-49. 20 Vico derives homeros from homou (together) and erein (to link) (NS 852). Cf. Martin Buber's surprisingly Vichian analysis of the name "Moses" as meaning "he who draws forth," which signifies Moses as "the one who drew Israel forth from the flood." Buber calls the Mosaic books an historical "saga" or "mythisa- tion of history," i.e., "the report by ardent enthusiasts of that which has befallen them." Moses (New York, 1958), 17,36. This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VICO AND SPINOZA 57 Hebrews as Solon is to the Greeks, Romulus to the Romans, Thrice-great Hermes to the Egyptians (NS 414-6).21 Although Spinoza, unlike Vico, accepts the historical reality of Moses,22 he too denies that Moses actually wrote the Pentateuch. Just as Vico's Homer is reduced to a "compiler of fables," so Spinoza replaces Moses by the "editor" Aben Ezra. For Spinoza the Pentateuch, like Vico's Homeric poems, is a complex collection of written and oral tradi- tions extending over many years and issuing from many hands and mouths (TPT 128-30; Op. 125-7). Just as Vico's Homer lived many years after the events his poems describe (cf. NS 804,806), so Spinoza's Mosaic books were written and edited long after the Mosaic period. Ac- cording to Vico's Chronological Table,23 the revelation to Moses at Sinai occurred in the "year of the world" 2491. (Given that the traditional year of creation was 4004 B.C., this means 1513 B.C.) The same table says that in the year 3290 (= 714 B.C.) "vulgar letters [alphabetical writing] had not yet been invented." This implies that the Pentateuch, at least in its present form, could not have been written by Moses.24 Since alphabetical writing is, according to Vico, always preceded by heroic and divine writing (or "hieroglyphs"), "Moses" must have been a number of theological poets who wrote fables about the gods in "a divine mental language" and imagined that all things were done by the gods (NS 933-5; 922,929). If we take this conclusion and relate it to Vico's description of the synchronous structure of "the course the nations run" outlined in Book IV (cf. NS 915ff.), we may draw the following inferences about his view of Hebrew history during the Mosaic period. The "nature" of the Hebrews was "poetic or creative" (NS 916); their "customs" were 21Vico remarks that Homer was called "the founder of Greek polity or civility" (NS 897). 22 In many respects, Spinoza's interpretation of Moses is strikingly similar to Machiavelli's description of the virtuous prince. Moses is the great law-giver, the founder of the Hebrew people, nation, and religion. For Moses "surpassed the others in divine virtue"; by his virtue "he established divine rights and prescribed them to the people"; "because of his virtue and at the divine command he intro- duced a religion into the commonwealth" (TPT 75; cf. 74,39; Op. 75; cf. 74,41). Cf. for example Machiavelli's discussion in Chapter VI of 11 Principe of the virtu and deeds of the four great princes, Romulus, Theseus, Cyrus, and Moses. 23 Cf. the insert at the beginning of Book I of the New Science. 24 Nicolini calculates that according to Vico alphabetical writing succeeded hiero- glyphic writing no later than the 7th or 6th centuries B.C. He thus draws the obvious conclusion that Vico believed that Moses had not written the Pentateuch, Joshua the Book of Joshua, David the Psalms, nor Solomon the works associated with his name. For the events recorded in these books actually occurred, and were said to have oc- curred, before the development of alphabetical writing. In short, Nicolini infers that Vico's chronology of the history of language "significava asserire che la materia anche di ciascuno di codesti libri santi, al pari di quella dei poemi omerici, si fosse formata poligeneticamente; significava, insomma, aderire, implicamente se non esplicamente, alle conclusioni del Tractatus theologicus politicus dello Spinoza e dell' Histoire critique du Vieux Testament del Simon." Op. cit., 145-47. This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 58 JAMES C. MORRISON "tinged with religion and piety" (NS 919): their "natural law" was "di- vine," i.e., "made or done by a god" (NS 922); their "government" was "theocratic" (NS 925); their "jurisprudence" was a "mystic theol- ogy" (NS 938); the "time" of Moses was "the religious times" (NS 976), etc. (Cf. NS 944,948,955.) The reader of the Theological-Political Treatise will recognize in the above the basic characteristics of Spinoza's own view of the early He- brews. Further similarities between Vico and Spinoza also readily sug- gest themselves. Where Vico notes that Homer was called "the father of all other poets" (NS 900), Spinoza follows tradition in calling Moses the chief of the prophets. And when Vico says that Homer was "the source of all Greek philosophies" (NS 901), Spinoza suggests that Moses' prophecies became the basis of all subsequent theology (cf. TPT 7-8; Op. 9). Where Vico says that one of the three chief aims of all great poetry, including Homer's, is "to teach the vulgar to act virtuously" (NS 376), Spinoza says that Moses' laws aimed at controlling the "stiff- necked" and "obstinate" Hebrews (TPT 75; Op. 75). Spinoza speaks of the Hebrews at the time of Moses as "men accustomed to the super- stitions of the Egyptians, crude and sunk in the most wretched slavery" (TPT 38; Op. 40-1). For Vico, the Hebrew exodus from Egypt would be an instance of the rebellion of the plebs against the patricians or the "clients" against the "fathers." Moses, like Solon, would have been a leader of the plebs and their first law-giver (cf. NS 416). The Pentateuch, as the history of the beginnings of the Hebrew people and nation, would be a barbarous and fabulous history of barbarous and bestial men with "quite wild and savage natures" (cf. NS 338, 302, 840). When Vico speaks of the poverty of the Greek language in early times (cf. NS 830), we recall Spinoza's complaints about the obscurities and inadequacies of the ancient Hebrew language (cf. TPT 108ff.; Op. 106ff.). Finally, many of Vico's remarks about early Roman history would be applicable, mutatis mutandis, to early Hebrew history. The most ob- vious example is his lengthy discussion of the Roman Law of the Twelve Tables. Vico's main concern is to prove that this law was not imported by the Romans from Greece but was an indigenous expression of the natural law (sc. natural customs) of the Romans themselves. Similarly, the Mosaic Decalogue was not adopted by the Hebrews from Egyptian law, but was an indigenous expression of the natural customs of the He- brews.25 The Hebrews, like all peoples in the divine age, attributed their laws to the gods. For Vico, however, this poetic myth should be "cor- rected" by replacing God and Moses by the Hebrew people. The stone tablets on which the Decalogue was inscribed are the poetic equivalent of the bronze tablets of the Roman Law of the Twelve Tables. They were 25 In NS 44, Vico explicitly raises the question of whether Moses brought Hebrew "divine institutions" from the Egyptians; and in NS 396 he says that Selden had failed to prove that the Jews "taught their natural law to the gentiles." Cf. NS 794. This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VICO AND SPINOZA 59 thus written, not by the hand of God or Moses, but by the Hebrew peo- ple (if indeed they ever actually existed). The Mosaic Decalogue was formulated long after the Mosaic period by several unknown authors in order to codify traditional Hebrew customs, just as the Twelve Tables were a later formulation of Roman legal tradition. And just as the validity of the Roman law is delimited by the geographical confines of Rome and her territories, so the validity of the Decalogue is limited by the temporal and geographical confines of the Hebrew state. It is not a uni- versal law valid for all men at all times, but a law only for the Hebrews- just as the Roman law was binding only on Roman citizens and subjects. This conclusion, at least in its main outlines, corresponds to Spinoza's interpretation of the Mosaic law as a "national law" (TPT 17; Op. 19) and Hebrew law and ceremony generally as valid only for the Hebrew state while it existed and for the Hebrews when they lived within its borders. The Hebrew God was "the God of the land" and the laws of the Old Testament were revealed only to the Hebrews (TPT 37; Op. 39). In short, for Vico as for Spinoza, the morality of the Old Testament is not the true morality simpliciter nor by implication, is that of the New Testament. The revelation at Sinai and the Sermon on the Mount are merely historically conditioned expressions of the historical lives of par- ticular peoples. They must therefore be replaced by a new moral teaching and a new doctrine of the natural law. Both Vico and Spinoza, although in different ways, attempt to effect this replacement by means of a new philosophy. IV. The New Science and the Theological-Political Treatise both con- tain a doctrine of natural law. Their respective teachings differ from one another and, even more importantly, from the traditional theory about natural law. Vico and Spinoza try to refute the traditional teaching by subverting it, that is, by collapsing the distinctions which served as its basis or essence.26 For example, the traditional view contrasts nature (physis) and custom (nomos). The distinction between the natural and the customary was the distinction between what exists independently of man and what exists as a result of human thought and activity. Vico, however, derives his doctrine of natural law (diritto naturale) not from nature simply or from human nature (in contrast to human customs) but from those human customs which are found historically among all men: "the natural law is coeval with the customs of the nations" (NS 311; cf. 134-5).27 Thus, the distinction between the natural as what exists everywhere and always among men, and the customary as what 26 The blurring and collapsing of basic distinctions and the tendency to reduce transhuman phenomena to the human is typical of classical Sophists. On Spinoza's relation to sophistic doctrines, cf. Hermann Cohen, Jiidische Schriften, Vol. III (Berlin, 1924), 303-04. 27 Cf. NS 309 as an example of how Vico characteristically blurs and collapses the distinctions between diritto and legge, costumi and natura. This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 60 JAMES C. MORRISON exists only in some places and times, collapses. Vico's central notion of "the natural law of the gentes"28-a single law which is both a law of nature (ius naturae) and a law of the peoples (ius gentium)-thus im- plies the reduction of political and moral right to historical fact: what ought to be is what everywhere and always is, has been, or will be. Polit- ical philosophy thereby becomes an "aspect" of the philosophy of history or the unity of philosophy and philology.29 Traditional political philoso- phy also rested on the opposition between right (ius) and power (poten- tia). Spinoza, however, identifies right and power. Natural right is simply the power (conatus) every individual being has by nature to act and per- sist in its existence (TPT 10; cf. 200-01; Op. 11; cf. 189-90). This means that political and moral right are reduced to natural fact: what ought to be is what every being can do. Political philosophy thereby is derived from the philosophy of nature or the doctrine of the unity of substance. Traditional political philosophy conceived natural law as a trans- human standard, knowable by human reason, prescribing limits to hu- man actions.3" Vico denies, contrary to Spinoza, that the natural law is known by reason. Rather, it is known by "sense," i.e., the "common sense" possessed by all peoples of what is useful or necessary for life. "Human needs and utilities" are "the two sources of the natural law of the gentes" (NS 141,142; cf. 145). Spinoza denies that a natural right is a trans-human standard possessing prescriptive force in itself; for "it depends on human decree that men yield, or be compelled to yield, the right which they have from nature and bind themselves to a certain plan of living" (TPT 57; Op. 58).31 Spinoza does not say that natural right is itself the product of human decree. Natural right in the sense of one's natural power and desire is given by nature. But this natural right be- comes a political and moral right, and hence a standard for action, only when men "decide" to yield it to those who will rule them, i.e., when in- dividual men by a "contract" (pactum) create a ruler or sovereign (TPT 10, cf. 202-05; Op. 11; cf. 191-94).32 Since men "have had to decree and establish most firmly to direct all things . . . only by the dictate of rea- son," it follows that man is not by nature a rational animal but by "com- 28 Vico's expression is diritto naturale delle genti. 29 Vico calls the sixth "principal aspect" of the New Science "a system of the natural law of the gentes," which is a "history of human nature" or a "history of the ideas, the customs, and the deeds of mankind" (NS 394,368). 30 Cf. Hugo Grotius' succinct definition of the jus naturale as a dictatum rectae rationis. De Jure Belli ac Pacis, I,I,X,1. 31 On Spinoza's tendency to reduce reason to a "plan" or "project" cf. Leo Strauss, Spinoza's Critique of Religion (New York, 1965), 16. 32 The "utilitarian" aspect of Spinoza's political thought and his theory of the compact are no doubt the reason for Vico's contemptuous description of Spinoza's "commonwealth" as a "society of hucksters" (NS 335). For according to such a view, the state is formed by striking a bargain on the basis of mutual self- interest and profit. This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VICO AND SPINOZA 61 pact" (TPT 203; Op. 191; my emphasis). A life in accordance with reason is not natural but "conventional." "Human nature" is so "consti- tuted" that "all indeed seek their own utility, but not from the dictate of sound reason" (TPT 73; Op. 73).33 Men do not by nature pursue what is good, but each man pursues his own self-interest or what he "judges" is the greatest good or the least evil. Spinoza adds that "this law is so firmly inscribed in human nature that it ought to be placed among the eternal truths which no one can ignore" (TPT 203; Op. 192).34 For Vico, the state is not a deliberate creation resulting from a "com- pact" or "yielding" of natural right, but develops naturally from families or "society." Families are the first societies since they consist of the "fathers" and their socii (or dependents). These form the basis of the later political classes of civil society, i.e., the patricians and plebs. The state or civil society emerged not when isolated individuals yielded their right or power but when the fathers chose a leader to defend themselves against the rebellion of their dependents who sought to share the natural rights already possessed by the fathers (NS 583-4; cf. 554-5). "Civil power" emerged from "family authority" (NS 585). Since those who made up the families "were concerned only with the necessities of life"; "they did not recognize good faith" (NS 570). Thus, a compact, which presupposes mutual trust, was impossible. In other words, for Vico neither the state nor society can arise from a compact because compacts presuppose the state and society.35 For both Vico and Spinoza the state arises from human actions. But for Vico, these actions are not a con- tractual agreement against nature but historical responses to natural ne- cessities. The decision to found a state is not a decision to live rationally according to a "plan" rather than naturally according to desire and pas- sion, but is a natural response to natural needs and utilities. While Spin- oza contrasts human reason and nature, Vico coalesces them; for Spinoza the state is an artifice, for Vico it is a natural institution arising from natural customs. Spinoza and Vico also differ concerning the end or purpose of civil society. For Spinoza, "the end of every society and government" is that men may live with "security and comfort" (TPT 47; Op. 48).36 To achieve this end it is necessary "to free everyone from fear." Living se- 33 It follows from this that the philosophical life-or the pursuit of rational truth and wisdom-is also not natural for most humans. Philosophy is not the fulfillment of man's inherent nature. Cf. Spinoza's opening statements in the Preface about men being naturally superstitious (TPT 3-5; Op. 5-7). 34 Cf. Vico's statement that "legislation considers man as he is" in order to turn human vices into virtues (NS 132). 35 Vico quotes with approval Pomponius: "when the institutions themselves dictated it, kingdoms were founded'' (NS 584). 36 Cf. Spinoza's interpretation of God's "choice" (electio) of the Hebrews and their "vocation" (vocatio) in terms of "temporal happiness and advantages" (TPT 47; Op. 48). This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 62 JAMES C. MORRISON curely involves not only the safety of the body but the exercise of one's "free reason": "therefore the end of a republic is indeed liberty" (TPT 258-9; Op. 240-1). For Vico, the aim of civil society was first to render secure the lives, property, and rights of the family fathers against the armed threat of their dependents and ultimately to make possible the full deveopment of reason and thus human nature itself (SS 326,554-5,918, 924,927,973,1008). The corso of the nations is therefore fulfilled in a monarchy, in which the natural equality of all men is actualized and protected by law and institutions (NS 995-8,1008). In this sense, mon- archy for Vico is both the most natural and the best form of government because it is consistent with both the natural end of the historical process and human nature. By contrast, Spinoza's reduction of right to power, and hence natural right to natural power, implies that democracy is the most natural regime, for there is no natural hierarchy of better and worse and no natural end of either history or man. Since all men are naturally "equal," democracy is "most in harmony with human nature" (TPT 263; Op. 245). And because sovereignty is the product of a compact, a ruling class does not exist because of its natural superiority but by a common convention. Democracy is also the most natural form of government be- cause it is "most consonant with individual liberty" (TPT 207; Op. 195). For Vico, however, there is a natural hierarchy not only in civil society but also in the state of nature. This hierarchy is ultimately de- termined by superior virtue or piety, for the founders of the families and the cities were the pious ones whose fear of the gods caused them to set- tle in one place.37 The fathers were the virtuous few, the natural aristoi. In this sense, for Vico aristocracy is natural, since it is rule by the natur- ally virtuous few over the naturally vicious or bestial many.38 But this natural inequality is, in the development of the nations, replaced by the progressive emergence of reason and the demand of the plebs for an equal share in the rights, privileges, and power of the patricians. This is accompanied by a weakening of the plebs' belief that the patricians are of a different "nature" from themselves, i.e., that they are descended from the gods. The old belief in natural inequality is replaced by a new belief based on the recognition of the sameness of nature insofar as all men are rational. That is, it is replaced by the belief in a common human nature which, in its state of perfection, is "reasonable" and "intelligent" (NS 918). The original natural inequality of piety is replaced by the natural equality of reason: pious virtue and justice become rational virtue and justice. 37 . . . The frightful thought of some divinity .. . imposed form and measure on the bestial passions of those lost men and thus transformed them into human passions" (NS 340; cf. 177,338,339,376ff.). Spinoza, however, explicitly denies that religion exists in the "natural state," in that "no one knows from nature whether he owes any obedience towards God." The state of nature is without religion or law (TPT 210; Op. 198). 38 "The earliest kings were chosen by nature," that is, because of their greater piety, strength, and courage (NS 584). This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VICO AND SPINOZA 63 Vico presents his "rational civil theology of divine providence" as a refutation of the doctrine of "chance" of Hobbes (despite Hobbes's de- terminism), Machiavelli, and Epicurus, and the doctrine of "fate" in Spinoza and Zeno (sc. the Stoics) (NS 179,1109). In Vico's refutation, he says he sides with "the divine Plato," the "prince" of "the political philosophers" (NS 1109; cf. 130). He also presents his philosophy as a refutation of the atheistic doctrine of Bayle and Polybius, according to which human society and virtue are possible without religion and piety (NS 179, 1109). Vico refutes the "false dictum of Polybius that if there were philosophers in the world there would be no need for reli- gions" (NS 179,1112). Human things cannot be understood without the recognition of the essential role of religion and religious belief. Al- though Vico does not associate Spinoza with the atheistic enlightenment view of Bayle and Polybius that science or philosophy could replace reli- gion, he might easily have done so. For the main purpose of the Theo- logical-Political Treatise is precisely to show that a "republic" requires the freedom of thought and expression, i.e., the freedom to philosophize without restriction. Thus a society of atheists is not unqualifiedly con- demned. However, a society of philosophers in the sense of rational men living in accordance with a plan cf reason rather than the impulsion of natural desire is not possible, since it contradicts human nature.39 For all men are by nature superstitious (TPT 3; Op 5). Only a very few can perform the extremely difficult unnatural feat of mastering their passions by means of reason.4 Whereas for Spinoza a society of philosophers is a natural impossibility, for Vico it is an historical impossibility. So too for a society of atheists. For society presupposes law and law presupposes religion. The first society, that of the families, rests on the three "princi- ples" of religion, marriage, and burial (belief in immortality). The first laws and institutions were believed to be of divine origin, for law or juris- prudence was originally "the science of Jove's auspices" (NS 398). And since civil society presupposes families, it too rests on piety and religion (NS 179). Finally, philosophy presupposes religion because it presup- poses civil society, for philosophy is possible only when reason has emerged from passion and imagination, and this can occur only through the historical development of the nations. Philosophy thus arises only in the third and last stage of the monarchical form of government (NS 927, 951; 1040-3). V. Vico found the "master key" to understanding the myths of the early men in the "discovery" that "the early gentile peoples, by a demon- 39 Laws are necessary because men are "so constituted by nature" that they do not desire only "what true reason dictates" but are motivated by "desire and the passions of the mind" (TPT 73; Op. 73). 40 Since only "very few" can acquire "the disposition of virtue from reason alone," without Scripture "we would doubt of the salvation of almost all men" (TPT 199; Op. 188). Cf. the concluding statement of the Ethics: "But all things excellent are as difficult as they are rare." This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 64 JAMES C. MORRISON strated necessity of nature, were poets who spoke in poetic characters" (NS 34). Later he speaks of the need "to descend from these human and refined natures of ours to those quite wild and savage natures," namely, the passionate-imaginative minds of the first theological poets (NS 338; my emphasis). Once one understands that the first men were of a differ- ent "nature" from ourselves, that they could imagine and fantasize but not think and conceive, the true meaning of the myths and early stages of human history can be understood. For Spinoza, too, the master key to understanding the early stages of Hebrew history is the discovery that "the prophets conceived God's revelation by the aid of imagination" (TPT 25; Op. 28).41 Prophecy is the result "not of a more perfect mind, but a more vivid imagination" (TPT 19; Op. 21).42 Because they could imagine but not think, the prophets believed that God was a body, they "saw" God in visions, dreams, etc. (TPT 18-9; Op. 20-1). So for Vico, the early peoples conceived of everything as a body; they were "all body" (NS 570).43 The primitive character of Spinoza's early Hebrews in par- ticular and Vico's first men in general is proved by their anthropomor- phic idea of God. Scripture speaks of God as having a heart, a mind and body, emotions, breath, etc. (TPT 22-3; Op. 25). Similarly, according to Vico, the theological poets in their fables about the gods expressed everything in imaginative genera, "they attributed senses and passions . . . to bodies" and made their own minds the measure of what is (NS 402; cf. 180,405). Vico's first men were the children of the human race,44 for it is in childhood that imagination predominates (NS 211,408). Accord- ing to Spinoza, the early Hebrews were "like children," with absurd, childish, and irrational views about God and nature (TPT 165; cf. 44; Op. 159; cf. 45).4' Like all children and primitive peoples, the prophets could not distinguish between dream and reality, sleeping and waking, an imaginary voice and a real voice. Neither Spinoza nor Vico maintains a clear distinction between an- cient religion and superstition; Vico, for example, defines piety simply in terms of belief or fear of the gods, not in terms of the truth of the belief. Thus, pagans, Jews, and Christians are equally pious. Spinoza says that if someone is obedient, "he has pious faith," even if he believes false 41 Spinoza goes so far as to identify "the imagination of the prophets" with "the mind of God" (TPT 24; Op. 27). 42 Both Vico and Spinoza see an inverse relationship between the power of imagination and reason. Spinoza's statement, "those who are especially strong in imagination are less skilled in understanding things" (TPT 27; Op. 29) is virtually paraphrased by Vico in his "axiom": "imagination is more robust in proportion as reasoning power is weak" (NS 185). 43 Thus Vico calls the first men "giants," i.e., "sons of Earth" (NS 531). 44 But far from being noble innocents, they were "stupid, insensate, and hor- rible beasts" (NS 374). Vico is wholly devoid of the "sentimentality" of his near contemporary Rousseau. 45 Cf. Spinoza's statement that he had been imbued from his "boyhood" with the ordinary opinions about Scripture (TPT 139; Op. 135). This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VICO AND SPINOZA 65 things (TPT 181; cf. 186; Op. 172; cf. 176). Spinoza's basic distinction is not between superstition and traditional religion but between philoso- phy and reason, on the one hand, and religion and superstition on the other. Superstition reduces to belief in a suprarational truth; it "teaches men to despise reason and nature" (TPT 99; Op. 97). Superstition origi- nates in human passions. Men "desire without limit," vacillate continu- ally between "hope and fear," are "extremely prone to credulity," and ignorant of the true causes of things. The principal cause of superstition, however, is fear (TPT 3-5; Op. 5-7). Corresponding to Spinoza's analy- sis, is Vico's quotation of the maxim, primos in orbe deos fecit timor. He asserts that "false religions were born not of imposture but of credulity" (NS 191), for the ignorance of "natural causes" leads men to "attribute their own nature to them" (NS 180) and to think that gods cause natural phenomena (NS 375; cf. 182). And where Spinoza says that men are superstitious because they cannot "govern all their circumstances by set rules" (TPT 3; Op. 5), Vico says that men first conceived "some notion of God" when their own power or "natural forces" fail them (NS 339). On the most fundamental level, Vico's master key to his new science of man and human things implies that to understand the creations of the mind one must first understand the mind itself. Since man can only know what he himself has made, and since this making is an activity of the mind, a science of the creative activities and powers of the mind-a "metaphysics of the human mind"- is the necessary and sufficient con- dition for understanding human history. Thus, to understand primitive creations one must understand the primitive mentality that created them. Like Vico, who proves that the ancient myths and old books like the Iliad contain no "esoteric" or philosophical wisdom because the men who created them could not think in concepts but only in images and meta- phors, Spinoza denies that any theoretical or speculative knowledge is contained in the Bible because the early Hebrews, and especially the prophets, had "vivid imaginations" not "perfect minds."46 In short, since the early writers could not think rationally, their writings cannot contain any rational knowledge. According to Vico, to interpret such "hiero- glyphic" writings one must peel away their mythical-theological surface and disclose their historical-political core. "Our mythologies," he says, "will be seen to be civil histories of the first peoples, who were every- where naturally poets" (NS 352). In this way, "truth is sifted from false- hood" in all the "vulgar traditions" (NS 356; cf. 149). Spinoza too at- tempts to understand "hieroglyphic" or obscure books, namely the Bible, by means of a new method of interpretation. His method requires that one "examine Scripture completely anew with a free mind and affirm nothing of it, and accept nothing as its doctrine, which [one] cannot de- 46Cf. Spinoza's denial that the Hebrews were specially elected because of their superior "intellect" or "virtue" (TPT 46-7; Op. 48). This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 66 JAMES C. MORRISON rive very clearly from it itself" (TPT 8; Op 9).47 Interpreting Scripture wholly "from itself" is necessary "so that we do not confound the true meaning [of the text] with the truth of things" (TPT 101; Op. 100). This implies putting aside the belief that the Bible is "in every passage true and divine," that is, abandoning all "human fictions."48 Spinoza claims that his method has two important advantages. It avoids, on the one hand, the "theological prejudices" of those who read the Bible in the light of faith and, on the other hand, the philosophical prejudices of those who read it in the light of reason. Both kinds of readers inevitably dis- tort the Bible's "literal" meaning by forcing it to fit beliefs they hold in advance to be true. For in order to know whether any passage in the Bible is true one must first know what that passage means, and in order to know this one must not assume that the passage (or the Bible as a whole) is true. Only "doubt" will lead to clarity and certainty-only an "agnostic" can understand the Bible. In short, in order to understand the Bible one must assume that it is not a divine book but a human book. Spinoza, then, substitutes a new anthropocentric perspective on Scrip- ture for the traditional theocentric one, just as Vico substitutes a new anthropocentric view of human history for the traditional theocentric one. In both cases, the master key is a philosophical-scientific-i.e., non- religious-understanding of man's original nature. Spinoza says that to understand the Biblical text one must know the intentions of the Biblical authors (TPT 99; Op. 98). This involves historical knowledge about how the text came to be written, when it was written, under what circum- stances, by whom, the mind and temperament of the writer and proph- ets, etc. (TPT 101ff.; Op. 99ff.). The "history of Scripture" provides the basis for the correct interpretation of Scripture and proceeds in the same way as the "history of nature" provides the basis for the correct under- standing of nature. For just as the true understanding of nature shows that nature is not the creation of a transcendent God, so the true inter- pretation of Scripture shows that Scripture is not the revealed word of God. And just as the history of Scripture begins with the most universal principles and proceeds to less general or particular truths, so the science of nature begins with universal statements or "first notions" about the infinite whole of Nature or Substance and descends to less general truths about the finite parts of the whole. The philosophical method of the Ethics provides the paradigm for the historical method of the Theological- Political Treatise. Historical knowledge is relevant to Scripture because Scripture is an expression of "faith," which is based on "history and language" (TPT 189; Op. 179). By contrast, historical knowledge is wholly irrelevant to 47 This is the equivalent of Vico's rule: "So, for the purposes of this inquiry, we must reckon as if there were no books in the world" (NS 330), i.e., assume initially that no book, including the Bible, has any authority. 48 Cf. the later reference to Spinoza's escaping "theological prejudices" (TPT 99, Op. 98). This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VICO AND SPINOZA 67 philosophy.49 The truth of philosophical doctrines presupposes not his- torical facts but clear and distinct ideas. In addition, while historical knowledge is necessary to understand obscure books like the Bible, it is wholly irrelevant for understanding clear books, which are based on rea- son rather than imagination. But while Spinoza emphatically denies that historical knowledge is necessary for either understanding or judging scientific or philosophical books, Vico asserts that historical knowledge is essential for understanding and judging all books. For he seeks to show that the universal truths of philosophy must be made certain by the par- ticular facts of philology and (conversely) that these particular facts must be made true by the universal principles of philosophy. The union of history, philology, and philosophy constitutes the "new science" of man and human things. Spinoza, however, uses history neither to certify the truths of philosophy nor those of faith. Rather, he uses history first for interpreting faith and then for undermining it. For the three elements of a history of Scripture which Spinoza lays down are necessary condi- tions for understanding Scripture. By elaborating the "difficulties" and "imperfections" of achieving an adequate history of Scripture he shows that these conditions cannot be fulfilled. Thus Spinoza repeatedly empha- sizes that his method, although "the only true one," "does not suffice to explain everything in the Bible"; "the true meaning of Scripture is in many places inexplicable"; "no possible method could solve all of them" (TPT 108; Op. 106-07). The imperfections indicated by Spinoza's method are thus ultimately the imperfections of Scripture itself. On the one hand, Spinoza asserts that Scripture contains no specula- tive doctrines about the nature of God but teaches only practical precepts. On the other hand, he argues that just and charitable actions are com- manded by God as a lawgiver and that this conception of the nature of God is contrary to reason (cf. TPT 248; Op. 231). Thus, Scripture both does and does not have a speculative teaching about God (cf. TPT 77, 104 with 89; 92 with 91, 102; Op. 77,102-3 with 89; 91 with 90,101- 2).50 Also, Spinoza says that Scripture contains a single consistent moral teaching and that it does not. For he says that the moral teaching of the Old Testament is incompatible with that of the New Testament and that of the New Testament is incompatible with itself. Justice in the Old Test- ament means an eye for an eye and hate your enemies (sc. all non-He- brews), whereas justice in the New Testament means turn the other cheek and love one's enemies (TPT 105,250; Op. 103-4, 233).51 The 49"The truth of histories, whatever they may be, has nothing to do with the divine law," which is "to love God as the highest good" (TPT 60; Op. 60-61). 50 On the question of Spinoza's contradictions and manner of writing, cf. Leo Strauss, "How to Study Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise," in Persecution and the Art of Writing (Glencoe, Ill., 1952), 170ff. and Elmer E. Powell, Spinoza and Religion (Boston, 1941), 61-65. 51 Spinoza refers to Matthew X:43, where the old and new teachings are con- trasted by Christ (TPT 250; Op. 233). This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 68 JAMES C. MORRISON New Testament is inconsistent regarding the relative importance of faith and works, for Paul teaches that salvation depends on faith alone, and James teaches that works are necessary for salvation (TPT 163; Op. 157). According to Spinoza's method, when Scripture is inconsistent one should suspend judgment and assume that it teaches nothing (TPT 102; Op. 101). If, then, the basic teaching of Scripture reduces to the practical precept of justice and charity, and since Scripture teaches con- tradictory things regarding them, it must be concluded that Scripture teaches simpy nothing. Spinoza's method thus ultimately proves, and was intended to prove, that Scripture is unintelligible. The more one "under- stands" Scripture, the more one understands that it cannot be under- stood.52 Spinoza's history of Scripture shows that it is only confused and inconsistent opinion produced by the imagination. True knowledge about man and nature is found by reason, which transcends the imagination.53 Vico's history of Scripture, however, like his history of other obscure books, reveals that the Bible is imaginative-mythical opinion hiding philo- sophical-historical truths about man. This difference regarding the inner truth of the Bible reflects another difference regarding the cognitive status of historical knowledge generally. For Vico, historical knowledge about the products of the human mind is the only possible knowledge for man. For Spinoza, however, the highest form of knowledge attainable by man is intellectual knowledge of the laws of nature. As for historical knowledge, he says simply that "men narrate in their chronicles and his- tories their own opinions rather than the deeds themselves" (TPT 92; Op. 92). Whereas Spinoza uses history to refute religious faith in order to prepare the way for the free use of philosophical reason, Vico uses his- tory to ground philosophical reason in order to prepare the way for its union with history ("philology"). Spinoza's critique of revealed religion seeks to eliminate the "prejudices" which stand in the way of a complete understanding and-acceptance of his Ethics: it is a "prolegomena" to the metaphysics of nature. Vico's critique of religion is a corollary of his New Science: it is a "theorem" of the philosophy of history or "meta- physics of the human mind." Where Spinoza completes the foundation of modern rationalistic naturalism, Vico lays the foundation of modern secular historicism. University of Toronto. 52This explains the apparently paradoxical remark made by Spinoza to van Blyenbergh: "I openly and unambiguously confess that I do not understand Scripture although I have spent several years in the study of it .. ." Epistola XXI, Spinoza Opera, op. cit., IV, 126. 53 Cf. the identification of imagination with opinion and their opposition to reason and intuition in the Ethics, Part II, Prop. XL, Note II. According to Powell, "for Spinoza, who thinks he has a very definite knowledge of reality, theological conceptions are neither approximations to the truth nor symbols of it, but the utterly mistaken products of the 'imagination.'" Op. cit., 288. This content downloaded from 143.106.1.138 on Mon, 24 Mar 2014 14:40:16 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions