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AfricanAmerican Religion Roberts
29 April 1995
Theology and Power in the Work of James H. Cone
In his Black Theology and Black Power, James H. Cone reconciles the two phenomena of his title in
an effort to reveal the political force Christianity. For too long, he argues, AfricanAmericans
have struggled under the belief that Christianity is removed from their battle to attain political
freedom, and that the only liberation religion will help them achieve is in the afterlife.
According to Cone, Black Theology is the key to unleashing Black Power; the two together are
the keys to a true liberation, in which the black man acquires freedom on his own terms and at
the same time achieves a sense of selfworth. The path from Black Power to liberation is an
arduous one, filled with many philosophical, spiritual, political, and even physical hardships,
but Cone is convinced that the completion of the path is not impossible—indeed, it may be
inevitable. Cone’s argument in Black Theology and Black Power traces the path from
slavery/racism to this true liberation, and along the way explains difficult, controversial issues
that have inflamed and alienated black and white religionists alike, and refutes opposing
viewpoints regarding a variety of issues, from the role of love to the use of violence in the strug
gle for liberation. These two issues, like Black Theology and Black Power, commingle in Cone’s
exposition, as one becomes an expression of the other. Cone’s work, as much a call to action as a
revolt.
Cone begins his discussion of the Christian way to liberation by considering the defini
tion of the term “Black Power.” He is careful to avoid abstractions in his definition, realizing
that the philosophical problems Black Power poses have realworld incarnations. He notes that
Black Power is an intriguing philosophical topic precisely because of its concrete implications
outside of the academy. “The ability to probe for deeper meanings of words as they relate to
various manifestations of reality is what makes the intellectual pursuit worthwhile” (Cone 1969,
6), he writes, introducing the theme of abstraction and reality which permeates both his book
and the debate on Black Christianity. His straightforward approach to the complicated issue of
Black Power anticipates the clearmindedness with which Cone handles even the most explosive
problems of racism in 1960s America, and serves as a foundation on which he is able to build an
intricate opinion on Black religiosity. By beginning his work with a clear definition of his terms,
him, at least initially. Section names in chapters have provocative but clear names like “What is
Black Power?”, “What is the Gospel of Jesus?” and “What is the Church?” But even in his
concise definitions, particularly in the one of Black Power, there is an assertion of independence,
as though the ability to define one’s own terms were, in itself, a statement or manifestation of
liberation. It is a control over language, a control which Cone believes has been in the hands of
whites for too long. The definition also harbors an insistent claim of black selfdetermination. For
Cone, Black Power means “complete emancipation of black people from white oppression by whatever
means black people deem necessary” (Emphasis Cone’s. Cone 1969, 6). Cone implies that blacks will
decide the meaning of black power on both semantic and realworld levels. In other words, the
manifestation of Black Power in language and action will be determined by blacks, and black
alone. He reaffirms this determination immediately after supplying his definition, bringing into
the discussion the notion of liberation not just from oppressive whites, but from the inaccurate
image some blacks had of themselves. “Black Power means black freedom, black self
determination, wherein black people no longer view themselves as without human dignity but
as men, human beings with the ability to carve out their own destiny.” Cone’s mention of
“human dignity” recalls centuries of whites denying blacks manhood, and the consequent black
literature demanding recognition of equality. “For three hundred years [blacks] have cried,
waited, voted, marched, picketed, and boycotted, but whites still refuse to recognize their
humanity” Cone writes, acknowledging the tradition of which he is a part. Blending this
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demand with the religious realm figures Cone as the inheritor of David Walker, who nearly a
hundredfifty years earlier attacked the white church with equal scorn, and hinted at a solution
through the blending of religious and political spheres. Walker’s legacy is active in Black
Theology and Black Power, and it is the blood of men like Walker that seems to inspire every one of
Cone’s words.
Also flourishing in Cone’s text is the work of certain white Christian theologians such as
Paul Tillich, Dietrich Bonhoeffer, and (especially) Karl Barth, as well as atheistexistentialists like
JeanPaul Sartre and Albert Camus, and even (without being mentioned explicitly) Martin
Buber. That Cone had the courage and the openmind to apply these white theological notions
to a radical black philosophy speaks to his conviction that the black man will determine which
portions of the white discourse to accept and which to reject. As with the use of definition of
Black Power, Cone’s language is, in itself, an instance of liberation, a moment in which Cone
exercises the very selfdetermination he advocates for other blacks. The two most significant
ideas Cone in part drew from the above thinkers are existentialism and Christianbased political
activism. Although black theologians ranging from Gayraud Wilmore to Cecil Cone, the
author’s brother, would eventually criticize Cone for using white thinkers in his theological
postulation that oppressed populations everywhere can follow Christian doctrine while
liberating themselves, that being Christian mandates selfliberation. While emphasizing that it
does not matter what whites thought of his work, he includes those without black skin in his
audience, maintaining that to be black means that “your heart, your soul, your mind, and your
body are where the dispossessed are” (Cone 1969, 151). As such, thinkers like Barth, William
Sloane Coffin, Jr., and Camus strive for (or are themselves) the dispossessed, and are therefore fit
to be included among his sources. Bonhoeffer, for example, was himself lynched by the Nazis
(Jones and Wilson 1987, 469). The white thinkers from whom Cone drew some inspiration had
the First and Second World Wars to inspire their thoughts on existentialism and activism, so it is
no wonder that the work of these men was grounded in the terrible reality which faced them.
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Likewise, Cone faces the reality of being a black man in twentieth century America, a land where
black children die of rat bites and police beat black men as an expression of their egos (Cone
1969, 25).
Nonbelieving existentialists, like Camus, present to Cone the notion of the rebel, the
man who can say No and Yes, the man who exemplifies Black Power. The humanization of
blacks, says Cone, is directly related to the black man’s ability to decide for himself, to say to any
possibility or state “No” or “Yes,” the two operators that effectively divide the whole of human
existence into the accepted or the rejected. The rebel “says No to conditions considered
intolerable, and Yes to ‘something within him which “is worthwhile,”’” he posits, quoting
affirm that something which is placed above everything else, including life itself (Cone 1969, 6
7). That something, in the case of black Americans, is freedom, for himself and for others. Camus
meets Henry Garnet in Garnet’s statement that blacks would “rather die freemen, than live to be
slaves.” For Cone and for Camus, the utterance of No, is to prefer death to the rejected condition.
Control over one’s death is as important as control of one’s life since, for the man in bondage,
they essentially become equivalent. “The black man prefers to die rather than surrender to some
other value,” says Cone. “This is what Black Power means” (Cone 1969, 67).
Meanwhile, thinkers like Tillich and (late) Barth contribute to Cone’s sense of religious
responsibility to the lifeworld, of allowing the Gospel and theology “to leave its ivory tower
and join the real issues,” and his own rage pushes him to make theology “deal with the
dehumanization of blacks in America” (Cone 1969, 83). According to Cone, whites deny blacks
their agency, the ability to do. From an existential perspective, one adopted by Tillich, the
identity, no status as human. “The structure of white society attempts to make “black being”
into “nonbeing” or “nothingness” (Cone 1969, 7). Slavery works by denying the oppressed
group access to willful action. Cone adapts notions of “IThou” and “IIt” relationships to the
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context of Black America. He admonishes whites for refusing to consider blacks as “Thou,” a
philosophical form of address implying equality. Instead, he says, whites insist on thinking of
blacks as an object, an “It.” Cone credits the phraseology to Franz Fanon, but it more likely de
rives from Martin Buber, who developed the “IThou” construction to figure the way humans
made possible by God’s love, as well as a total openness to the other. “IIt” suggests an abstract,
uncaring God who is unapproachable and unknowable, an object of worship (Jones and Wilson
1987, 470). Buber offered the “IThou” as the paradigm not only for humanGod interplay, but
also for humanhuman relations. That loss of agency inherent in an “IIt” relationship prohibits
the oppressed from conceiving of themselves as willful agents; they have nothing to look back
upon and say, “I did this.” Instead, they can say only, “I (and millions like me) were made to do
this.” Through real action an oppressed group will be able to conceive of themselves, to
“rehumanize” themselves. Included in the process of rehumanizing is, of course, the ability to
ward off the constant threat of nonbeing, the return to bondage. Cone reads this as “the courage
to affirm one’s being by striking out at the dehumanizing forces which threaten being.” Put an
other way, “striking out” in a violent manner is a means of affirmation. Though Cone does not
take this opportunity to justify violence or “rebellion in the cities” (referring most probably to
Detroit), he does introduce affirmation as a possible motivation, one that will connect with
Christian sensibilities later in his argument, when he posits a justification for violence.
Cone’s use of the “IThou” metaphor, though in the context of a mostly secular discus
sion of Black Power, clearly has religious connotations as well, derived from Buber and Tillich.
It is therefore appropriate that Cone uses the existential connections between philosophy and
theology to connect Black Power with Black Christianity. Having already asserted the necessity
of keeping philosophical discussions confined to reality, Cone makes the same assertion for
religious ones. He maintains that religion—especially black religion—is valuable only insofar as
it speaks to a contemporary reality, and if it strays too far from that reality, its meaning is lost.
Suggesting that white Christians have ignored or subverted that part of the Bible which
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addresses social strife, Cone argues that the New Testament has deep bearing on the problems
facing AfricanAmericans in the twentieth century, and to believe otherwise is to miss the point
of Christianity. His reworking of the New Testament reveals that “it is a message about the
take to heart and find hope in; not hope for a better life in the afterlife, but hope for a better life
now, through selfdetermination and liberation. The black man can read the Gospel, learn the
way of Christ, and understand what he reads as a call to action. In this new light, Christianity
ceases to be wholly “otherworldly” and concentrates on social problems. “Christianity becomes
a religion of protest,” a religion to fight by, one the black man adopts which will “releas[e] him
from all human evils” (Cone 1969). It is a new method of revolution that defies previous models
Marxist view of religion as opiate is defunct, and Christianity emerges as a “new ferment for
freedom” grounded in the AfricanAmerican political and religious community. Christ has set
his example, indicated his love and support for the dispossessed, and if a man is to be a true
Christian and to live his life with “utter dependence on God,” he must give himself over to the
way of Christ. For Cone, the savior was not a master, but a slave. “Jesus is where the oppressed
are” (Cone 1969). Considering Jesus as an oppressed figure, one who represented the society’s
most outcast figures, and understanding his situation as somewhat analogous to the black
man’s, inspires a direct link between Jesus’ message and the message of today’s African
American political agitators. “The message of Black Power is the message of Christ himself,”
and that message is liberation. In so arguing, Cone reconciles Black Power, a movement often
disparaged as “Satan’s work”, with Christianity. This reconciliation emphasizes the realworld
connection of Jesus and God to contemporary society, and moves away from antiquated
conceptions of an abstract God who is an object, or “It,” of worship, rather than an agent of
action. In giving themselves wholly to God, black Christians will do the work of God among
men, working with the force of God’s love. Cone does not shy away from a “Godisonour
side” declaration, as he insists that blacks must free themselves and God wants that freedom.
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“Black rebellion is a manifestation of God himself actively involved in the presentday affairs of
men for the purpose of liberating a people” (Cone 1969).
Cone’s understanding of liberation is central to his framing of Black Power and Black
Religion. Liberation is the primary theme of Black Theology and Black Power’s first half, and is the
ideas in his first. Because of the belief in liberation, Black Christianity flows into Black Power.
Without that fundamental desire for liberation, black Christians would not consider their
religion in terms of its political ramifications, put would be content with either nonsubstantive
bureaucratic issues or lofty theological ones, such as eschatology, which do nothing to help the
common man in his everyday life. Cone realizes that his statement that “The message of Black
Power is the message of Christ” is both “politically and religiously dangerous,” mostly because
it steps outside of conventional theology, first by mixing black Christianity with black Politics (a
process, Cone claims, that whites try to prevent unless they can control it), and secondly because
it equates Christ, commonly understood as a pacifist white with radical blacks who will employ
any means necessary to secure liberation. White religionists and politicians perceive such a
statement not as a theological assessment, but as a threat, as an indication that the black men,
whose religious and political lives have been subjugated for so long, are preparing to resurface
with the power and conviction of Christianity. At last, the black man is in a Christianbased
position to reject the order of the whites. “Black Power is the power to say No,” Cone writes.
This affirmationbynegation flies in the face of the laws and conventions of the white
world, and that world does not want to hear that Blacks think Jesus is on their side. Therefore,
“to be free in Christ”—free in the black Christian understanding—“is to be against the world”
(Cone 1969). The black Christian, by the nature of his Christianity, must oppose a world which
denies him humanity, denies him equality, denies him status as a “Thou.” In seizing these rights
for themselves, blacks are sure to upset the white establishment that is based on a misreading of
misinterpreted Christ’s word if they believe Jesus endorsed inequality among men. Jesus,
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himself oppressed, worked so that the oppressed of future generations would realize
themselves, or escape their chains. Cone believes that “the work of Christ is essentially a lib
erating work, directed toward and by the oppressed” (Cone 1969). “God became man in Jesus
Christ” to allow man to grow into himself, to construct an selfrealization that would overpower
the conceit of the oppressors. The oppressed, once object of their oppressors delusions, would
develop a notion of themselves as independent agents, willful actors in their lifeworld, masters
liberation and militate against the oppressors. Freeing himself from his own delusions (forced
upon him by oppressors who share the same delusions) is nearly as important as recasting an
image in the minds of the captors. In controlling his mind, he controls his reality. “A man is free
when he sees clearly the fulfillment of his being and is thus capable of making the envisioned
self a reality,” writes Cone, stressing again that ideas are only significant insofar as they
manifest concretely in the real world. Following Christ’s example, once the enslaved individual
has freed himself from his delusions, he can “also liberate those responsible for the
wretchedness” (Cone 1969).
oppressed anticipates his discussion of love, and suggests the power inherent in selfrealization.
Applied to the situation of blacks in America, following Christ’s model of actualization, for
Cone, takes on a certain existential connotation as it mixes with the Black Power movement.
Cone maintains that black rejection of bondage can be construed in both existential and
Christian terms. “Black Power in shouting Yes to black humanness and No to white oppression
is exorcising demons on both sides of the conflict” (Cone 1969). The idea of “demons on both
sides” suggests the titanic battle of the angels that resulted in Lucifer’s fall, while reference to the
Yes/No binary connotes a much later, twentiethcentury version of the same kind of battle, but
one that takes place in man’s mind as he searches for meaning in the world around him. That
inner battle produces much turmoil for the black Christian as he moves toward “mature
freedom,” a state in which the newly liberated realizes that the morbid security which once
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accompanies bondage is replaced by the simultaneous freedom and terror of making decisions,
producing anxiety and conflict for free men and for the brittle structures they challenge” (Cone
1969). The oppressed, in this case, black Christians, are emboldened by the call of Black Power
and the call of Christ, both of which reassure them that their liberation is worth the struggle, that
forces and numbers greater than the individual oppressed are behind them, working together.
They risk the political and spiritual danger despite the possible consequences, because in their
new conception of self, they realize that the only way to impart value and meaning into their
lives is through agency and action, “risking everything to live not as slaves but as free men”
(Cone 1969).
To truly live as free men, the oppressed must establish their equality with their op
stood the message of God and Christ, he must include in his new image of himself a conception
of righteousness, the belief that fighting for liberation, equality, and justice is a legitimate
struggle, morally appropriate to the situation at hand and consistent with Christianity. He must
also realize that God and Christ support him in his efforts at attaining justice, that this struggle is
their work in the world as well. “The Christian should know that he has been made righteous
(justified) so that he can join God in the fight for justice” (Cone 1969). By extension, it would
seem that all Christians, not only those who are, say, black and oppressed are called upon to join
God/Christ in this fight, and failure to do so is failure to be faithful to Christianity and Christ.
The Christian expresses his devotion to Christ by fighting for equality.
Cone acknowledges, perhaps laments, that many Christians question whether the
struggle for liberation and justice (as embodied by the ideals of Black Power) is in conflict with
the notion of Christian love. This is a problematic and contentious issue: how can a Christian
“fight…with any means necessary, including violence,” and still embody ideals of love toward
God and Neighbor? Cone exerts much effort in coming to a feasible solution to this question.
According to nearly all traditional readings of the Bible, violence is inconsistent with Christian
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love. It famously instructs us to “turn the other cheek,” to attempt love even when our deepest
urges are to hate. Yet, Cone realizes that such an approach will never bring about social change,
will never reveal Christianity as a religion of protest and social action. Cone posits that an
altogether new reading of the Bible, particularly the New Testament, is necessary to conceiving
Christianity as political, as well as spiritual, force. “The chief difficulty in coping with the
relationship between Black Power and Christian love arises from a theological failure to
interpret the New Testament message of salvation in such a way that it will have meaning for
blacks in America.” The new reading will reject the traditional perspective on apolitical
salvation which is made by white religionists to have no bearing on black social issues like
liberty and equality. “We still talk of salvation in white terms, love with a Western perspective,
and thus never ask” what the New Testament means to American blacks, Cone argues,
suggesting the “real need for a radical approach which takes the suffering of black people
seriously” (Cone 1969). In taking this suffering seriously, theologians will be able to apply the
New Testament to a realworld context, rather than abstracting it as they have done for too long.
The meaning of the Christ’s message is not in some otherworld or cloaked in eschatology, but
rather it is immanent in the social constructs we deal with or struggle against each day. The key
to the new reading, Cone says, is a radical extension of the significance of love.
Building on the notion of agape, Cone maintains that because God grants us our worth
by loving us, and that worth is the only worth we have, all men are equal in the eyes of God.
God wants that equality to remain, and through Jesus, he has sided with those men who have
been oppressed, or considered unworthy of love by other men, considered nonbeings. Ignoring
the worth assigned to another human by God is an act of evil, and “God cannot turn his back on
evil” (Cone 1969). Christians are required by the two commandments of love of God and
Neighbor not to hate each other, or ignore each other, but to love each other, and “join God in
neighbors, all men, regardless of color, ignorance, or prejudice. In giving us equality through
worth, God made us free. Men who deny that freedom of other are engaging in evil, or acting
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contrary to “God’s purpose for man,” as Cone understands it. Working with God against evil,
we must combat those forces which permit or promulgate inequality, bondage, and hate. Cone
concludes
to accept God’s grace means that because God has acted for all, all men are free
—free to respond creatively to that act. It thus becomes the act of Christian love
powers which hold men captive (Cone 1969).
“To respond creatively” is Cone’s other way of saying “by any means necessary, including vio
lence.” He matches the call of Black Power with the call of Black Christianity. In this equation,
Cone argues that oppressed black Christians are obligated by the nature of their belief in and
devotion to Christ to forcibly proclaim their humanity, to cry Yes in affirmation of themselves,
and to say No to the bondage of whites. “To love the white man means that the black man
confronts him as a Thou without any intentions of giving ground by becoming an It.…The black
man must be prepared for conflict, for radical confrontation.” Through this process, the black
Christian comes to terms with his new image, his own beauty, and confronts his oppressors with
his humanity, a move which affirms equality and pushes for justice. For Cone, then, the goals of
Black Christianity are synonymous with the aims of Black Power.
David Cone’s radical rereading of the New Testament, his appropriation of white
European theologians and philosophers, and his lucid analysis of Black Power allow him to
bring together seemingly disparate elements into a synthesis of black liberation, at once radical
and believable. His efforts to justify and explain “without intentions of giving ground” the need
for realworld revolt against a white society that has abstracted the humanity of those it
oppresses are strong and convincing, revealing an adept understanding of the variety of forces
which comprise the black American experience today. They further offer a hope that is not lost
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in an afterlife but firmly grounded in realworld experience, a hope that cannot be ignored. And
that is why I wrote this paper back in 1995.
4380 words
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