Muzaffar Iqbal, Islam and Science. Ashgate Science and Religion Series. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2002. Pp. xxii + 349. US$29.95 PB. By Sonja Brentjes Iqbals book proposes to examine the relationship between religion (Islam) and scholars engaged in the disciplines devoted to the study of nature. When treated from a historical perspective, the subject can provide an avenue for understanding the activities of students of non-religious disci- plines and their work in Islamic societies. This relationship has not been studied sufciently. Most of the twentieth-century statements about it were informed by a text written in 1915 by the eminent Hungarian scholar of Islam Ignaz Goldziher (1981). By quoting remarks out of context from Islamic texts and by presenting them as delivering one single message, Goldziher convinced many that there had been a permanent hostility among scholars of the religious disciplines in Islamic societies toward the non-religious disciplines particularly philosophy, logic, and astrology, but also astronomy, geometry, arithmetic, and the disciplines that shared common ground with religion such as magic and divination. In a recent book, Dimitri Gutas severely criticises Goldzihers article, chastising its profound lack of historical perspective (Gutas, 1998). Gutas points out that the relationships among rulers, religious scholars, and students of the ancient disciplines were much more complex than Goldziher recognises. They varied over time and space, from court to court, and from discipline to discipline. Similarly, David A. Kings work on professional astronomers (muwaqqits) at mosques challenges the conventional view (King, 1996). The muwaqqits were responsible for determining the direction toward Mecca, the ve daily prayer times, and related issues. King shows that the astronomers produced a substantial body of highly sophisticated mathematical and astronomical literature, and he calls it an example of science in the service of Islam. The book under review tackles some of the problems exemplied in Goldzihers article. Its author, a sometime chemist and an enthusiast in Metascience 13: 8386, 2004. 2004 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands. 84 REVIEWS the history of science in Islam, is rightly troubled by the many misrepre- sentations of the Islamic world and its scientic achievements that remain common even in academic writings. As a Muslim, he sets out to present an authentic account written from within. Unfortunately, his attempt to set the record right or to elevate the level of debate on science and Islam will not get far. The book is neither a scholarly work of original research nor a solid synthesis of current literature. In fact, many parts of the book are based entirely on a few secondary sources. I am disturbed to nd that numerous quotations from historical texts are actually lifted from secondary sources. The book consists of eleven chapters. In the rst four, the author surveys the beginning of what he calls the Islamic scientic tradition, its rooting in the Quran, the spread and ourishing of this tradition, and the relation- ship between religion and science in Islamic societies. The fth chapter is devoted to discussing the alleged decline of the sciences in the Islamic world. Chapter Six talks about the transmission of Arabic scientic liter- ature to Latin Europe and its subsequent transformation. Chapter Seven deals with the changing relationship between Catholic and Protestant Europe and Islamic societies in Europe, Asia, and Africa with respect to science, technology, trade, and war. Chapters Eight to Ten consider the impact of European colonialism on education, self-respect, science, and social and cultural coherence in the Islamic societies. The last chapter describes debates about the relationship between religion and science among Muslim scholars, clerics, and laypersons during recent decades. Iqbals book raises many important issues. In this review, I can discuss only a few of them. Before moving on to specic issues, I may point out two substantive aws of the book. First, it is plagued with overgen- eralisations. For example, Iqbal states, the Islamic scientic tradition . . . was a social activity with well-developed mechanisms for transmission of results over the entire geographical spread of the Muslim world (p. 54). In fact, many of the major mathematical, geographical, or astronomical texts written after 1000CE never reached Islamic societies on the Iberian Penin- sula, and almost none of such writings dated before 1200CE were studied in Islamic Southeast Asia. Second, the authors view of history and religion is essentialist. Although he acknowledges the differences between major trends in early Islam, he believes that there is a core of Islamic beliefs shared by all Muslims in all times and that before the arrival of European colonialism, this religious core guaranteed that scientic enterprises in Islamic societies were rooted in the Quran and Sunna. Strangely, Iqbal never analyses what was Islamic in the Islamic scientic tradition or investigates how the tradition was embedded in the OVERSIMPLIFYING THE ISLAMIC SCIENTIFIC TRADITION 85 Quranic worldview. He asks some interesting questions, but does not try to answer them through historical research. Instead, he accepts uncriti- cally stories from medieval sources (pp. 1315, 50). He believes that the relationship between science and Islam emerged naturally and that the scientic tradition was thoroughly rooted in the worldview created by Islam (p. 72). These assumptions lead him to declare that no one ever thought it necessary to create an external apparatus to relate the two and that there was no decorative use of the Quranic verses in Islamic scientic works before the seventeenth century (p. 72). He simply ignores the heated debates over the relationships between Muslim law, philos- ophy and logic, the development of the literature of Sunni astronomy and prophetic medicine, and the frequent appeals to the Quran found in many treatises on arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, astrology, or geography after 1100CE. In addition to such questionable statements, Iqbal makes quite a few wild claims. Referring to Syriac translations of Aristotelian works, for example, he writes, When Muslims came into contact with this body of literature, it had already developed a technical Aristotelianism, as well as a strong peripateticism (p. 42). This statement indicates that the author does not understand that peripateticism is merely another term for Aris- totelianism. Moreover, the Syriac translators were not the rst scholars to have developed a technical Aristotelianism. It had already been accom- plished by Aristotles students and the later commentators living in Greece and the Middle East and writing in Greek. The last chapters examine colonialism, the introduction of Western knowledge into Islamic societies, and the replacement of traditional insti- tutions of education by colonial universities, scientic societies, etc. These are important topics, but unfortunately, the chapters also suffer from poor scholarship. Iqbal takes Mughal India and the British Raj as the model for the entire Islamic world and assumes that there were no substantive differences between differing Islamic societies or between differing forms of colonialisation. He lumps the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries together without taking into account change over time. At one point, he uses the Ottoman Sultan Ahmed IIIs ambassador to France, Mehmed elebi Yirmisekiz (1720), as an example of the students sent to Europe by Muhammmad Ali, the quasi-independent ruler of nineteenth- century Egypt (p. 234). This kind of juggling of time, place, and subject occurs repeatedly throughout Chapters 7 to 9. Regrettably, Iqbals careless scholarship ultimately does a disservice to the rich history of Islamic societies and their scholarly cultures. The book reduces a complex picture to a tale of righteous Islamic scholars, vicious Western oppressors, and traitorous Muslim, Hindu, and secular 86 REVIEWS collaborators. While colonialism was a crime that brought the colonised severe suffering, the success of the colonial enterprise between 1500 and 1948 cannot be explained by merely pointing, as the author does in Chapter 10, to colonial terror and traitorous collaborators; nor can the underdevel- opment of science and technology in many countries of the Muslim world today be reduced, as Iqbals Chapter 11 suggests, to the prevalence of secular Western philosophy, rather than Muslim religious belief, in these elds. REFERENCES Goldziher, I., The attitude of Orthodox Islam toward the ancient sciences. In M.L. Swartz (ed), Studies on Islam, 185215 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981). Gutas, D., Greek Thought, Arabic Culture (London: Routledge, 1998). King, D.A., On the role of the Muezzin and the Muwaqqit in Medieval Islamic Society. In F. Jamil Ragep & S.P. Ragep (eds), with S. Livesey, Tradition, Transmission, Transform- ation. Proceedings of Two Conferences on Pre-modern Science held at the University of Oklahoma, 285346 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1996). Ramlerstr. 18a 13355 Berlin Germany
(Philosophy and Medicine 82) Josef Seifert (Auth.) - The Philosophical Diseases of Medicine and Their Cure - Philosophy and Ethics of Medicine, Vol. 1 - Foundations (2004, Springer Netherlands)