Background

Most studies have concentrated on impulse

buying and other forms of unplanned pur-
chases in a retail context even though such
behaviour is also likely to occur in the new
shopping arenas of direct marketing (televi-
sion shopping channels, catalogues, tele-
marketing and the WWW). I nterestingly,
Cobb and Hoyer (1986) have reported an
underlying upward trend in unplanned
purchasing and Welles (1986) reports most
shoppers at least occasionally buy on
impulse. The increased tendency to shop in
supermarkets and hyperstores may partly
explain the upward trend. Shopping is much
easier with products highly visible and store
environments acting as prompt lists, allow-
ing customers to defer decision-making
until they are in-store (Bowlbey, 1997;
Stern, 1962). This and the increase in one-
stop shopping mean there is less need for
shoppers to plan their excursions so meticu-
lously. However, it is not clear how the
increase in direct marketing, and catalogue
shopping in particular, may have affected
unplanned and impulse shopping. The ease
with which goods can be returned might
encourage impulse purchasing or possibly
remove some of the excitement of a pur-
chase less risk!
Dittmar et al. (1996) observe that in more
developed countries the consumption of
products is a modern or post-modern means
of acquiring and expressing a sense of self-
identity. Shopping has become a major
leisure and lifestyle activity. This may
explain the increase in unplanned, non-
necessity purchases.
Marketers need to understand such con-
sumer behaviour in order to formulate appro-
priate marketing strategy, allocate marketing
budget below-the-line and design effective
marketing tactics. Interestingly, Narasimhan
et al. (1996), for instance, did not nd a statis-
tically signicant relationship between the
promotional elasticity of a product category
and impulse buying on the basis of which
the authors conclude that price-related pro-
motions might not always be the answer to
high impulse categories.
Finally, both retailers and direct mar-
keters need to know how best to attract a
significant share of unplanned and impulse
purchases.
99
Qual i t at i ve Market Research: An Int ernat i onal Journal
Vol ume 1 Number 2 1998 pp. 99114
MCB Uni versi t y Press ISSN 1352-2752
I mpulse purchasing: a
qualit at ive explorat ion
of t he phenomenon
Geoff Bayley and
Clive Nancarrow
The aut hors
Geof f Bayley i s Research Di rect or at RDS Open Mi nd,
London, UK.
Clive Nancarrow i s Pri nci pal Lect urer at Bri st ol Busi ness
School , t he Uni versi t y of t he West of Engl and, Bri st ol , UK.
Abst ract
Thi s paper revi ew s t he l i t erat ure on unpl anned purchasi ng
and i mpul se purchasi ng i n part i cul ar. Vari ous de ni t i ons
and expl anat i ons of t he phenomena are exami ned.
Because i mpul se purchasi ng may of t en be deemed soci al l y
undesi rabl e, i t i s argued t hat a qual i t at i ve research
approach i s part i cul arl y appropri at e i n order t o gai n
maxi mum i nsi ght . A st udy empl oyi ng enabl i ng t echni ques
(i ncl udi ng sel f -scri pt s, l adderi ng and pyrami di ng) demon-
st rat ed t hat i nt ervi ew ees w ere remarkabl y consi st ent i n
t hei r descri pt i ons of t he i mpul se purchase experi ence.
There w ere, how ever, vari at i ons of t he behavi our w hi ch
mi ght f orm t he basi s of a cl assi cat i on scheme. Most
st udi es have onl y f ocused on ret ai l i mpul se buyi ng. Thi s
st udy expl ored t he subj ect across bot h ret ai l and di rect
buyi ng cont ext s.
Denit ions and models
The literature reveals a number of attempts to
dene the phenomena of unplanned and
impulse purchasing. We briey review key
denitions and descriptions of the impulse
buying and attempt to distinguish it from
other forms of unplanned purchases. In doing
so we discuss the emotional and perceived
irrational nature of impulse buying. We also
examine impulsiveness as a trait, factors that
may intervene in its expression and models to
explain the phenomenon.
Levels of planning and intent
Engel and Blackwell (1982) dene an impulse
purchase as a buying action undertaken
without a problem previously having been
consciously recognised or a buying intention
formed prior to entering the store. Philipps
and Bradshaw (1993) do not distinguish
between unplanned and impulse purchases,
but make the important point that consumer
research also needs to focus on point-of-sale
interaction with the shopper an often
neglected area:
intent to purchase is far from xed and can
continue to be modied right up to the point of
purchase.
Cobb and Hoyer (1986) use the classication
scheme shown in Table I which demonstrates
that an impulse purchase occurs when there
was neither intent to buy a specic brand nor
even from the category prior to entering the
store.
Kollat and Willett (1967) proposed a
typology of pre-purchase planning (also based
on degree of planning or intent before enter-
ing a store):
product and brand decided;
product category decided;
product class decided;
a general need recognised;
general need not recognised.
The last type, (5), when it culminates in a
purchase, may be regarded as a pure impulse
purchase. Given that a need is not recognised
until in-store, the act may still be rational, but
the unexpectedness of the environment offer-
ing a solution to an unconscious or unarticu-
lated need or want may induce a shock of
sorts that disturbs the shoppers emotional
state of equilibrium for a while. The fourth
category (a general need recognised) could
mean a shopper has not decided on a product
category nor brand, but relies on the shopping
environment to provide stimulation. For
example, shopping for a gift or for something
different to wear might fall into this category,
and so is not truly impulsive in nature.
Characteristics of an impulse purchase
Rook (1987) describes impulse buying as
exhibiting a number of characteristics:
the feeling of an overwhelming force from
the product;
an intense feeling of having to buy the
product immediately;
ignoring of any negative consequences
from the purchase;
feelings of excitement, even euphoria;
the conict between control and indul-
gence.
This description suggests emotion overpower-
ing a more cautious and considered approach
to a purchase. Rook and Fisher (1995) note
Impulsive behaviour has a long history of
being associated with immaturity, primi-
tivism, foolishness, defects of the will, lower
intelligence, and even social deviance and
criminality. In Freudian psychoanalytical
theory this might be explained in terms of the
inuence of the Id and primary thought
processes reecting the devil in us!
Primary process thinking is typical of dreaming,
fantasy, and infantile life in which the laws of
time and space and the distinction between
opposites do not apply: the distinction between
past, present and future no longer holds and
different events may occur simultaneously and
in the same place; one symbol may represent a
number of different objects, or has several
different and even contradictory meanings
(Bateman and Holmes, 1995).
Bateman and Holmes description of the
primary process seems to have some reso-
nance with Rooks list of characteristics.
In the eld of consumption, Rook and
Fisher argue impulsive behaviour is some-
times associated with being bad and with
negative consequences. These reactions
could be rooted in the morality of frugality in
the Protestant ethic of western cultures and its
increasing conict with post-modernist
100
Impul se purchasi ng: a qual i t at i ve expl orat i on of t he phenomenon
Geof f Bayl ey and Cl i ve Nancarrow
Qual i t at i ve Market Research: An Int ernat i onal Journal
Vol ume 1 Number 2 1998 99114
Table I Cobb and Hoyer (1986) cl assi cat i on scheme t o demonst rat e i mpul se
purchasi ng
I nt ent t o buy t he cat egory
Yes No
I nt ent t o buy Yes Pl anner
t he brand No Part i al pl anner Impul se purchaser
capitalism with its inducements to consume.
The net effect may be a confused and guilt-
ridden consumer.
Cobb and Hoyer (1986) raise the spectre of
social desirability bias in impulse purchase
research. Mick (1996) discusses the nature of
the potential bias (socially desirable respond-
ing SDR) and how this might confound
research on impulsive behaviour. He notes the
behaviour is often seen to be negative and so
he coins the phrase a dark side variable.
Given the history of associating impulsiveness
with various forms of human weakness (Rook
and Fisher, 1995), it is no surprise that some
market research respondents may be reluctant
to divulge fully on the subject. Indirect ques-
tioning and projective techniques in qualita-
tive research may be one way of getting
beneath social posturing.
Rook and Fisher point out that some
impulsive purchases can be motivated by
generosity. Examples they give are buying a
gift for a sick friend or suddenly deciding to
pick up the tab for a meal. In such instances
the acts may be normatively positive and leave
the shopper feeling good (angelic rather than
devilish!). Again, respondents in a research
situation may be reticent (modest) about such
behaviour and qualitative research techniques
might be more productive.
Irrational or rational act?
Some market researchers have tended to
regard impulse as synonymous with
unplanned while psychologists and econo-
mists have focused on the irrational aspects
of pure impulse purchasing (Dittmar et al.,
1996). For instance, economists argue that at
the time of purchase the value of the impulse
buy outweighs its perceived cost, but this
switches post-purchase with consequent
feelings of regret. Psycho-analysts might
explain the self-indulgent behaviour as driven
by a primitive and unreasoned instinct or
force. Other authors, however, have argued
that an impulse purchase is not necessarily
irrational. Malter (1996) argues that while
impulse buying appears to be highly irrational
behaviour spontaneous and seemingly
choiceless, it can be seen to be rational by
the consumer (and the cognitive psycholo-
gist!). In his exposition of embodied cogni-
tion he offers the following description of an
impulse purchase:
the usual and natural mode of processing is
automatic, in which the current conceptualiza-
tion is dominated by the external environment
(especially by the target object). At the moment,
projectable properties from the environment
mesh perfectly with patterns of action from
memory, producing an extremely coherent (i.e.
seemingly rational) conceptualization, strong
positive affect for the product and captivation.
Malter argues that it takes effort to draw back
from the situation (consciously suppress the
contribution of the environment and effortful-
ly constructing counter-arguments).
Thompson et al. (1990) argue that while
impulse buying is an emotional rather than
rational experience, this should not be read as
suggesting it is irrational. The need for analyt-
ical evaluation is obviated because the prod-
ucts rightness is experienced directly. On
this basis the act is reasonable rather than
irrational, which seems to have some reso-
nance with Malters theory. A case of the
cognitive or emotional t between shopper
and product being good, but not always an
easy relationship to articulate. Thompson et
al. apply an existential-phenomenological
approach to the study of impulse buying and
as one might expect, the existentialist analysis
involves the concept of freedom:
impulse buying may be viewed as an act of
freedom occurring within a restricted situation.
Typically experienced by participants as giving
control to the captivating product, impulse
buying allows them to adhere to their desires
rather than to external constraints. In this sense,
the act of impulse buying is a means of not
being controlled by certain life-world
expectations (Thompson et al., 1990).
Paulhus (1984) notes the unconscious capaci-
ty for humans to see themselves in a positive
light for instance, the tendency not to regret
past decisions. This potential rewriting of a
past script may, therefore, lead shoppers to
perceive the decision as rational in retrospect.
The literature on post-purchase dissonance
and psychoanalytical defence mechanisms
would seem relevant to this line of thinking.
Impulse as a trait
Rook and Fisher (1995) dene the buying
impulsiveness trait as a consumers tendency
to buy spontaneously, unreectively, immedi-
ately and kinetically. These authors careful-
ly developed measure of impulsiveness is
based on a self-description battery of nine
scales (see Appendix). An important point to
note is that the scale is designed to measure a
general trait and is not linked to any specic
categories. The researchers argue that those
with a high score on this scale are more likely
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Impul se purchasi ng: a qual i t at i ve expl orat i on of t he phenomenon
Geof f Bayl ey and Cl i ve Nancarrow
Qual i t at i ve Market Research: An Int ernat i onal Journal
Vol ume 1 Number 2 1998 99114
to experience spontaneous buying stimuli;
their shopping lists are more open and
receptive to sudden buying ideas. Also their
thinking is likely to be unreective, prompted
by physical proximity to a desired product,
dominated by emotional attraction to it, and
absorbed by the promise of immediate grati-
cation. Other researchers (for instance
Narasimhan et al., 1996) have locked their
measure of impulsive purchasing onto specic
product categories.
Statement 1: I often buy this product on a whim
when I pass by it in the store.
Statement 2: I typically like to buy this product
when the urge strikes me.
These researchers dene impulse for their
respondents (on a whim/when the urge
strikes me) but interestingly do not use the
word impulse in the statements. This raises
the question of whether these researchers
were concerned with the possible ambiguity
of the term or the potential research bias
associated with a dark side variable.
Rook and Fisher note that circumstances
may intervene and prevent an impulse being
acted on. For instance, a lack of time or nan-
cial resources may inhibit an impulse pur-
chase. The portability of the product, location
of the shop, transport and weather may also
be factors. Phillips and Bradshaw (1993)
discuss the physical and psychological inu-
ences in a shop and the need to study con-
sumers in this environment to help develop
strategies and tactics that cater for the impulse
purchaser. In addition, those accompanying
the shopper, or those who are absent but
important in the shoppers life, inhibit or
encourage the behaviour normative evalua-
tions.
The inuence of others present and
absent
Rook and Fisher (1995) argue that norma-
tive evaluations can inuence whether or not
an impulse purchase takes place and two
studies they carried out seemed to support
this hypothesis. They distinguish their norma-
tive evaluations model from Fishbeins
extended model by arguing that Fishbeins
subjective norm is mediated through
behavioural intention, while their normative
evaluation refers specically to situations
where intent is not relevant. It is a normative
evaluation quite specically relating to
impulsive behaviour and therefore will also be
inuenced by the visibility of this behaviour.
Interestingly, their model seems to suggest
that less public shopping (catalogue, WWW,
by direct mail, telemarketing) and the associ-
ated anonymity may encourage impulse
purchasing.
Rook and Fisher note that some buying
situations are recognised and accepted as
encouraging impulsive behaviour and conse-
quently there is little negative evaluation by
others of impulsive behaviour in such contexts
where it is the norm for example fun fairs,
casinos and car boot sales. Lehhtonen and
Menp a (1997) discuss the different types of
shopping excursions in a mall in the suburbs
of Helsinki and the roles they play beyond the
simple acquisition of goods namely social
bonding, norming of tastes and preferences,
and play. In the latter case the shopper goes
out with, as an end in itself, a longing to come
across something that is unexpected or new,
desirable and stands out from a grey and
indifferent mass. In addition, shoppers can
try on new things and styles and fantasise,
wrapped in the anonymity of a self-service
environment. These authors touch on shop-
ping and consumption as a means of self-
building. On a similar theme, Dittmar et al.
(1996) developed a social psychological
model.
Social constructionist model
Dittmar et al. (1995) argue that some con-
sumers impulse buy goods that offer them
material symbols of personal and social
identity. Hence, clothes are more likely to be
impulse bought than, say, basic kitchen equip-
ment. A propensity to impulse buy will be at
its strongest when there is a perceived self-
discrepancy between the actual self and the
ideal self on the most important attributes to
that person. Symbolic consumption or mate-
rialism are the compensatory mechanisms the
authors focus on in their paper, though they
acknowledge there are other strategies for
rectifying the discrepancy.
Dittmar et al. (1996) also regard pure
impulse buying as a novelty or escape. A
purchase which breaks the normal buying
pattern. Interestingly their research also
indicated that the impact of an impulse pur-
chase on a persons mood was a signicant
factor and the notion of some impulse pur-
chases being carried out simply to lift mood is
a possibility.
This brief review of some of the literature
has already suggested a number of different
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Qual i t at i ve Market Research: An Int ernat i onal Journal
Vol ume 1 Number 2 1998 99114
perspectives on what drives an impulse pur-
chase:
immediate gratication the victory of
basic instincts over reason (Freudian);
a break from the constraints of the world
(existentialist);
self image compensation (social construc-
tionist);
a mood change (cf. Elliot, 1994);
cognitive simplied meshing of require-
ments and solution (new cognitive);
irrational/dysfunctional decision-making
(economic man model);
Situational and personal predictors of
impulse purchasing
Cobb and Hoyer (1986) noted that not only
had researchers experienced problems in
operationalising the concept of impulse pur-
chasing but also had not been too successful
in identifying predictors of the phenomenon.
Stern (1962) identied nine product-related
factors that might be inuential:
(1) low price;
(2) marginal need for the product/brand;
(3) mass distribution;
(4) self-service;
(5) mass advertising;
(6) prominent store display;
(7) short product life;
(8) small size;
(9) ease of storage.
This suggests products that are more expen-
sive and require more time and effort (high
involvement purchases) are less likely to be
bought on impulse. Kollat and Willetts
(1967) research suggested that impulse
purchasing was more likely to occur on a
larger grocery trip and a major shop rather
than an interim top-up. So while considerable
focus had been placed on predicting which
types of products led to impulse purchasing,
Cobb and Hoyer argued that little attention
had been paid to the personal characteristics
of the impulse buyer, though they concede
that Kollat and Willets research did also
examine this aspect of the phenomenon, but
with few statistically signicant ndings.
Cobb and Hoyer carried out a study on 542
shoppers who bought either bathroom tissue
and/or coffee in-store. Shoppers were given a
self-completion questionnaire to determine
shopping lifestyle, general shopping behav-
iour, personality and demographics. Cobb
and Hoyer concluded that impulse purchasers
do very little in-store information process-
ing and value quality almost as much as do
planners. Their investigation was limited by
the sample size of the impulse purchaser
group.
M et hodologies
A number of different research methodologies
have been used to study different aspects of
impulse buying in particular determining its
incidence as well as the motivational and
situational aspects of the phenomenon.
Measuring the incidence of the
phenomena
Two commonly used methods to measure the
incidence of such purchases involve stopping
shoppers at the time of a store visit and check-
ing which purchases were planned and which
were not. One of these methods checks what
shoppers intend to buy before entering a store
and then re-interviews them on exit. This
method has been criticised by Pollay (1968)
as likely to prompt shoppers to formulate
their mental shopping list and, perhaps, then
commit to the list. On the other hand, memo-
ry failure and a desire to shorten the before
interview may lead to the list of planned
purchases being reported only partially,
resulting in an over-read of unplanned pur-
chases at the exit interview. An alternative
procedure to this pre-post design is the
post only design. Shoppers are interrogated
about what they bought as they leave a shop
and for each item they are asked whether the
decision to buy an item was made before or
while they were in store. This method may
suffer from respondents over-reporting what
they regard as a socially desirable (rational)
planning behaviour and so might under-read
unplanned purchases and impulse. Both these
methods, as Dittmar et al. (1996) suggest,
seem likely to lump together quite different
types of purchases in the unplanned category.
Table II lists four kinds of purchase that might
be categorised as totally unplanned, but
which do not seem to be examples of what
some authors may have in mind as impulse
buys.
The need for a qualitative research
approach
Many authors have adopted positivist
research approaches to the study of the
phenomenon in that they set out to measure
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Geof f Bayl ey and Cl i ve Nancarrow
Qual i t at i ve Market Research: An Int ernat i onal Journal
Vol ume 1 Number 2 1998 99114
various aspects of the behaviour and, in some
instances, test hypotheses (Cobb and Hoyer,
1986, Dittmar et al., 1996; Rook and Fisher,
1995). However, Thompson et al. (1990) did
carry out a small scale phenomenological
study but unfortunately impulse purchasing
was not the main focus of their study. Cobb
and Hoyer (1986) state that it would be par-
ticularly interesting to examine motivational
factors underlying partial planning versus
impulse purchasing. This would seem to be
an argument for qualitative research which
would be more appropriate to explore what
motivates and inuences impulse buying.
Most studies have selected specific cate-
gories of retail products for study often for
very good reasons. I t may be more produc-
tive to let the shopper define what they mean
by an impulse purchase which might there-
fore include direct purchases and so provide
valuable insights by comparison and con-
trast. Letting the shopper choose the cate-
gories may also help the respondent to
describe the salient features of the experi-
ence.
Despite considerable research on the
impulse buying, it is clear there is still much to
be resolved. While the level of unplanned
and/or impulse purchasing across different
product categories has attracted most atten-
tion, there has also been some interest in
other predictors of the phenomenon. Cobb
and Hoyer have argued for research into the
motivation of the behaviour and given the
various explanations of what drives the behav-
iour, this seemed a useful line of investigation.
Many studies have been positivist or quantita-
tive in format, atomistic and have ignored the
problem of SDR. A qualitative approach with
the following unique combination of features
may yield a different, richer and more mean-
ingful perspective:
impulse purchasing dened by the intervie-
wee (many studies dene the behaviour for
the respondent);
a broadening of the focus of the study to
include direct marketing and so open up
the possibility of greater insight (by com-
parison and contrast);
the focus on benets, costs, motivations
and emotions associated with the behav-
iour;
attempts to neutralise SDR and encourage
full disclosure;
Given this approach, a holistic impression of
the phenomenon might be formed and the
basis of a model developed that will be both
useful to practitioners as well as stimulate new
lines of investigation.
Research object ives
The objective in this study was to understand
how respondents perceive and account for
impulse shopping for themselves. We were
interested in what styles of shopping and
product areas they would include under the
banner of an impulse shop. We wanted to
determine the range of motives, benets,
rewards, and concerns associated with buying
on impulse. We also wished to explore the
rational-emotional nature of the phenome-
non.
M et hodology
We were concerned not to pre-empt the con-
tent of the research and we wanted to facili-
tate respondents ability to be reective and
open in expressing their feelings and emotions
without self-censure or inhibition about how
others may perceive them (minimising SDR).
Accompanied shopping, shop exit inter-
views, group discussions and depth interviews
were considered and ruled out. The rst two
techniques seemed likely to encourage postur-
ing and post-rationalisation respectively as it
would be difcult and/or time consuming to
build up the necessary rapport and trust to
overcome such behaviours. Group discussions
with eight or so participants who are strangers
to each other might encourage disclosure
(Krueger, 1994), though the presence of six
to eight people might still bring about SDR,
simply through the presence of one or two
participants who may act in a judgmental
manner. We wished to promote a more private
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Impul se purchasi ng: a qual i t at i ve expl orat i on of t he phenomenon
Geof f Bayl ey and Cl i ve Nancarrow
Qual i t at i ve Market Research: An Int ernat i onal Journal
Vol ume 1 Number 2 1998 99114
Table I I Unpl anned, non-i mpul si ve purchases
The oversi ght not on a ment al or w ri t t en shoppi ng l i st but needed.
Shop di spl ay remi nds t he shopper and act i vat es t he need st at e
The def erred deci si on deci de t o wai t unt i l i n-st ore w here a more
i nf ormed deci si on can be made
The shop as prompt no need t o pl an, a w el l oi l ed rout i ne al l ow i ng
shops t o act as shoppi ng prompt l i st
The unpl anned i s demanded cert ai n cat egori es of product s some-
t i mes requi re an unpl anned purchase. A shopper does not want t o
buy t he same as bef ore (f or exampl e, cl ot hes, j ew el l ery, gi f t s)
and secure focus to encourage full disclosure
on impulse purchases but depth interviews
seemed inappropriate as they can lack the
necessary level of psychological support for
the respondent to disclose fully.
We opted for two innovative research tech-
niques, friendship pair interviews and self-
scripts, both of which we have used across a
variety of projects in recent years. A team of
three researchers, all experienced in these
approaches, worked on this project and cross-
checking of outcomes and hypotheses across
the team served as an important control. Two
of the researchers adopted a grounded orien-
tation to the analysis while the third
researcher, familiar with the academic litera-
ture, used this as a framework for interviewing
and analysis. This provided the basis for
fruitful discussion and triangulation (Tindall,
1994).
Friendship pairs
Respondents are recruited as very close
friends. Their familiarity with each other gives
them the condence to openly explore and
challenge both their own and each others
behaviours, motivations, satisfactions and
anxieties. The approach allows in-depth
probing of personal feelings to an extent not
achievable in groups. Compared to an indi-
vidual depth interview, however, the friend-
ship pair retains some of the spontaneity and
surprising twists and turns that lead to insight
in group discussions. It avoids the self-con-
sciousness and concern to give the interviewer
the right response that interviewees can
experience in individual depth interviews.
In the sessions we worked for some of the
time with friends individual responses,
encouraging and pursuing comparisons and
contrasts between them. For part of the inter-
views, we explored the concept of impulsive-
ness outside the specic context of shopping
and more in relation to values and attitudes to
life in general. This off the subject explo-
ration of personal values can throw fresh
insight back on to the topic of specic
enquiry, in a way that cannot occur when you
constrain discussion into the area of immedi-
ate relevance to the project.
In order to go off the subject we adapted
questioning approaches used by George
Kelly, namely Opposites, Laddering and
Pyramiding (see Tindall, 1994). These are
powerful in uncovering the personal denition
and value of core and secondary constructs of
a person, or in the case of marketing the
personal meanings associated with different
behaviours. To give an illustration from the
starting point of the word impulsive:
(1) Opposites:
Q. What, for you, is theoppositeof impulsive?
(This question can be repeatedly asked
for each suggestion given until an agreed
opposite is arrived at. Negative prexes,
(unimpulsive) are disallowed).
A. (For example) The opposite is pre-
dictability.
(2) Laddering:
Q. Which do you prefer impulsive or
predictable?
We then work on both poles separately
by again asking repeatedly:
Q. Why is it important to you to beimpulsive?
This creates a ladder of values, e.g.
make the most of opportunities;
acting resourcefully;
self-respect;
personal pride.
(3) Pyramiding:
Q. How would an observer know that you
werebeing/had been impulsive?
Repeat for each answer.
Q. Specically what would you bedoing, what
physical behaviours or signs would denotethis?
An example of an impulse shop pyramid
would be as in Figure 1.
A succession of opposites, ladders and pyra-
mids, using dimensions uncovered as new
starting points, serves to open up a fertile
range of ideas around the core concept. The
playful aspect of the exercises helps to build
rapport, trust and willingness to disclose as
well as to suspend the urge to rationalise.
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Impulsive
Quick
On my ow n Ignore any dist ract ions
Not t hinking about
t he price
Excit ed Pupils dilat ed
Lot s of
carrier bags
Same it em in
different colours
Figure 1 Impul se shop pyrami d
Self-scripts
The self-scripts approach has similarly been
adapted from Kellys technique of self-charac-
terisations. We have used this on several pro-
jects as a pre-task for friendship pairs or group
discussions. Additionally, for this project, we
used this as an independent source of data.
Self-scripts involve no questions save for
the title of the area for consideration, in this
case impulse shopping. It is a private
process, respondents are not directly
accountable to anybody but themselves and
the technique is specically chosen to min-
imise self-censorship.
Respondents are asked to write about
themselves in relation to the topic/product
area in the third person, as if a principal
character in a play/lm but, from the stand-
point of somebody who knows them really
well.
By writing in the third person, respondents
free themselves from self-consciousness and a
degree of self-censorship. Stepping outside of
themselves and reecting on their behaviour
and feelings serves to reveal embedded
thoughts and emotions. They are asked to let
their thoughts ow freely, not to prepare what
they write and to write as little or as much as
they like.
Respondents enjoy the experience of writ-
ing self-scripts, although, at rst it feels
strange. Once started, the writing gathers its
own momentum and a level of self-discovery
does occur. The technique does not require
respondents to have anything more than basic
literacy and works successfully across the
social spectrum.
Sample
A total of eight friendship pairs (one-and-a-
half hour interviews) and 46 self-scripts were
completed for this project during Septem-
ber/October 1997 in London, the Midlands
and the North of England.
Demographically, the sample was BC1C2,
life-stage based and covered men and women
as shown in Table III.
Sample differences
Across the self-scripts common tendencies in
impulsive shopping behaviour were more
observable than differences by variables such
as gender or life stage. Where such differences
did occur they reinforce previous literature.
Friendship pairs/self-scripts (16)
From the sample of 46 self-script respon-
dents, 16 were recruited for follow up friend-
ship pairs (see Table IV).
I nt erpret at ion of t he dat a
The presentation of our interpretation of the
qualitative data will, where appropriate, make
reference to the earlier literature review.
Impulse purchasing consumer dened
Examples of impulse purchases given by
respondents excluded the following
unplanned purchases: oversights, deferred
decisions, the shop as prompt and the
unplanned is demanded (see Table II).
Though in the latter case where the shopper is
looking for something different, limits
(amount likely to be spent, number of items
to be purchased, criteria for purchase, e.g.
something (clothing) for the winter) are set
and if the purchase goes beyond these then
the purchase becomes classied as impulse.
The accounts given by respondents indi-
cate a common set of subjective feelings
around a typical impulse purchase and many
of these are in line with observations in previ-
ous papers (Rook and Fisher, 1996, Dittmar
et al., 1996, Thompson et al., 1990):
the object becomes irresistible; a
must-have feeling takes over;
there is an urgency about the decision to
buy; a once and only opportunity;
the purchase creates a magnied sense of
self-awareness and excitement, a buzz,
feel the adrenalin;
the purchase is satisfying at the time and
often raises self-esteem and/or mood (even
naughtiness is read as rebellious,
demonstrating freedom , a break from
lifes constraints);
guilt may tinge the purchase (either at the
time or later) though a number of mecha-
nisms can preserve a sense of rightness
about the deed.
These elements (object xation > urgency >
adrenalin rush > lift to self-esteem/ mood >
guilt) are characteristic of impulse buying
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Table I I I Demographi c st ages of respondent s
Pre-f amily 10 respondent s
Family, wit h children under 5 10 respondent s
Family, wit h children 6-14 10 respondent s
Family, wit h children 14-20 8 respondent s
Empt y nest ers 8 respondent s
across a range of product categories, from the
necessary to the discretionary. It best
describes the experience of physically (retail)
shopping for goods.
This process occurs irrespective of material
value or product category. Respondents
describe experiencing this mix of feelings
when buying two for one grocery items,
plastic kitchenware, personal items such as
clothes or cosmetics, jewellery, even cars and
houses. The intensity of the accompanying
feelings can vary across product categories,
from the necessary to the discretionary and
from high to low involvement. Variations in
impulse purchasing within our sample tended
to occur by frequency of buying within per-
sonal discretionary areas rather than by
impulsiveness generally. The most signicant
feature of the self-scripts is that purchases of
all kinds engender a similar process of captiva-
tion with the object and a boost to self-esteem
through making the purchase.
In the case of mail-order, catalogue pur-
chasing and shopping channels, the merely
representational contact with the product and
the time lapse between buying and receiving
does threaten to disrupt the usual process of
the impulse purchase. (Though the fact you
can return goods so easily does encourage
trial purchases.) Many sellers appear to
have recognised the importance of injecting a
sense of urgency and once and for only
opportunity in terms of availability or price to
optimise impulsiveness in these media.
Guilt and rationality
Alongside the enjoyment of the impulse pur-
chase, especially where the object purchased
is a discretionary one, respondents self-
scripts indicate a sense of confession and
feelings of guilt. Comments such as She
didnt really need it or Hes managed with-
out up to now are common, alongside
judgements that She ought not to have done
it. References to regret are most commonly
about the expenditure; the captivation with
the object usually remains intact.
Such references to guilty feelings need to
be understood at two levels, the personal and
the public. Simultaneously, respondents
derive signicant benet from making the
purchase while upholding a public norm that
this is inappropriate behaviour open to
perceived public censure (normative evalua-
tions, Rook and Fisher, 1995). While
expressing varying degrees of regret about
acting on impulse respondents are always
quick to excuse themselves. The satisfactions
associated with the purchase are a greater
inuence on future behaviour. There is little
indication of any conviction to curtail their
impulsive shopping.
It is clear that the concept of impulse
buying implies a contrast to the perceived
normal shopping state of mind that is con-
trolled and considered, less aroused and
urgent. Respondents accounts suggest ratio-
nal describes normal shopping and emo-
tional describes impulse shopping. Impul-
siveness is seen to be surrendering to emotion
even where the product is seen to full a
necessary function and the purchase achieves
some nancial advantage. For instance, bulk
buying of food products in supermarkets is
described as temporarily losing control in
terms of actual needs. Respondents described
impulse buying as a sporadic aberration. They
also, however, describe impulse purchasing as
a constant and signicant part of their shop-
ping behaviour and this includes repeated
discretionary purchases. It is in fact neither
sporadic nor an aberration.
This self-selected referral to a rational-
emotional dichotomy about impulse purchas-
ing is limiting and fails to account for the
complex experience of shopping. Nevertheless,
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Table I V Fri endshi p pai rs
1. Pre-married/ part nered No ki ds Femal e C1C2 22-28 London
2. Pre-married/ part nered No ki ds Mal e C1C2 22-28 London
3. M arried Ki ds under 5 Femal e BC1 25-35 Leeds
4. M arried Ki ds under 5 Femal e C2 25-35 London
5. M arried Ki ds 6-14 Femal e C1C2 25-35 Manchest er
6. M arried Ki ds 14-20 Femal e C1C2 30-45 Leeds
7. M arried Ki ds 6-14 Mal e C1C2 30-45 London
8. Empt y nest ers M/F C1 60-65 Manchest er
it is signicant to shoppers; its simplicity
makes it accessible; I should behave rational-
ly has become a publicly acknowledged
ideal! In contrast, I got carried away with
emotion has become an excuse, suggesting
failing to live up to expectations. Respon-
dents explanations of some impulse purchas-
es could, of course, be interpreted in terms of
the interaction, conict and reconciliation of
the Id and super-ego and use of defence
mechanisms. However, not all impulse pur-
chases seem to be driven by self-interest (Id
driven) and so the psycho-analysis model
clearly has shortcomings.
One consequence of this private-public
dichotomy is that respondents have developed
behavioural strategies that serve to rationalise
or suspend feelings of guilt. These also main-
tain the prevailing public stereotype of the
norm of the rational shopper.
Over-buying: the possibility of taking it (one
of them) back or of buying three and keep-
ing two.
Hidden owning: leave it in the carrier bag/
box/hide it in the wardrobe subjectively
not bought; which defers the expenditure
reckoning.
Comparativeexpenditure: competing to
consume resources at the level of your
partner or peer; he spends his money on
his bike, down the pub, on his camera
equipment so it is fair that I spend some on
myself.
A self gift: a deserved self-indulgence, or a
reward for other tasks, the weekly shop,
caring for children, working long hours!
In our laddering exercises impulsiveness
was fairly consistently a creative and liberat-
ing force existing as a foil to conformity
and greyness (some resonance with the
existentialist viewpoint expounded by
Thompson et al., 1990). It exists as a safety-
valve, a way of investing in and nurturing a
sense of an independent and experimental
self, free from obligations to others and given
roles. The elevation of a rational ideal for
shopping in the consumers mind fails to
acknowledge the more general need for
impulsiveness in our lives.
The continued existence of the rational
ideal at this removed level, in terms of per-
sonal relevance, perhaps suggests:
the rational behaviour-guilt model suited
shopping norms in less consumerist times?
It is more central to an age when thrift was
a moral virtue and debt a personal dis-
grace;
its accessibility has enabled it to remain
prevalent. The functional/needs fullment
model of shopping behaviour perhaps
protects us from recognising our social and
psychological dependency on shopping,
and we still have an unwillingness to fully
recognise the latter. Perhaps to do so lays
us open to more compulsive behaviour?;
a t with physical money transactions
rather than credit ones? As an illustration
of behaviour at odds with this norm, a
survey by the Wall Street J ournal published
in 1997 described Generation X (under
35s) credit card debt as averaging 890
and the source of much of this was ascribed
to impulse purchasing of holidays, moun-
tain bikes and cars.
While impulsiveness engenders guilt, and
judgement primarily at an ideal or ritual level,
it does not correspond to respondents feel-
ings about acting impulsively at the point of
purchase or lead them to curtail their behav-
iour. Before considering the content of their
impulsive shopping behaviour, we need to
consider why they are shopping beyond
functional needs. What needs are served by
impulse shopping?
Functional versus socio-psychological
models of shopping functional
Underlying respondents accounts about their
impulse purchases is a functional stereotype
about shopping which is in effect a restate-
ment of what we have already described as a
rational-guilt model.
The functional stereotype of shopping is
characterised by:
objective recognition of needs and wants;
a conscious plan to buy;
goods chosen with good value/functional
performance criteria as the prime criteria
for choice;
the matching of outlay to resources.
Such a functional stereotype serves a require-
ment to be a responsible and solvent econom-
ic manager. It is an important nding that
respondents do include under their percep-
tions of impulsive behaviour purchases that
full functional/good manager needs and
benets. Respondents describe trolleys half
full of impulse items, often purchased to
bolster the good manager self-esteem and a
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resultant feeling of pride in obtaining bar-
gains, irrespective of the nal bill.
Other models for shopping do exist along-
side the functional one, however, and other
benets are derived from impulse shopping,
besides the self-esteem derived from being a
good economic manager.
Socio-psychological
At a pragmatic level, it is clear that most
respondents do not shop with a specic plan
or list of items to buy and that to do so is to
deny themselves part of the pleasure and
satisfaction of shopping. They choose to shop
with a level of openness to making snap deci-
sions in the shop environment.
They value being open to the shop expe-
rience because important social and psycho-
logical benets are only obtainable through
this openness. For example, socio-cultural
benets:
shops are a medium of information
exchange about what is new/different in the
contemporary scene;
both looking and purchasing are ways of
securing your belonging in the
contemporary scene, ensuring you have
kept apace/ not been left behind;
there is both a personal and a family/
household responsibility to avoid being
disadvantaged by being left behind.
(cf. Douglas and Isherwood, 1978, Storey,
1994).
Psychological benets are:
afrming, developing, experimenting with
your individual identity;
protecting and boosting your self esteem
(cf. Dittmar et al., 1996).
From the standpoint of viewing shopping as a
necessary surveillance exercise we can go on
to consider impulse purchasing as something
with a purpose and value that goes way
beyond the sense of a sporadic aberration that
is suggested by the functional model. Objects
are bought for their symbolic role in terms of
cultural meaning and psychological well-
being, alongside their functional value, and
sometimes independently of any functional
value (witness from our sample: unopened
bags and boxes in the wardrobe, the unread
books on the shelves, the unplayed/rarely
played CDs, the electronic gadgets or DIY
equipment never used/rarely used).
The socio-psychological value can become
a dominant driver for an impulse purchase in
the shopping environment. Acquiring the
object is not just a nancial transaction but
also at some level is also a cultural and/or
personal endorsement. It makes up a signi-
cant part of the irresistibility, urgency, adrena-
lin and pride of the impulse buy. Shopping
becomes an activity that involves imagination
and decisiveness. To return home empty
handed is to experience a sense of loss of self-
esteem (imagination, decisiveness) and a
weakening of your ability to stay apace of
contemporary society.
If I was to come home from town without
having bought anything I would feel like going
straight to the gin bottle (female 35-45; two
children).
Signicantly, the physical experience of shop-
ping is capable of inverting our priorities as
functional reasons to buy lose out to more
psychological or sociological benets excited
by the objects on view. This seemed to vary in
degrees across factors such as:
gender;
life-stage;
personality style;
signicance of materialism as a measure
of self-esteem for the person.
It can also vary by type and style of shopping
occasion:
weekly grocery task;
family/household;
personal.
Given this variation, our data suggest that the
socio-psychological benets occur across the
wide range of shopping trips.
Regular supermarket shoppers often
describe (the idea) of the family shop as an
irksome repetitive task but this rarely repre-
sents their total mindset when they are in
shops. Even the mundane, necessary house-
hold items can be the source of meaning,
benet, of a burst of adrenalin or shopping
buzz.
This process can be summarised in a
schematic diagram (Figure 2).
The public norm of rational/functional
purchasing continues to prevail in the passive
state away from the immediacy of the
Impul se purchasi ng: a qual i t at i ve expl orat i on of t he phenomenon
Geof f Bayl ey and Cl i ve Nancarrow
Qual i t at i ve Market Research: An Int ernat i onal Journal
Vol ume 1 Number 2 1998 99114
Figure 2 Funct i onal versus soci o-psychol ogi cal reasons f or shoppi ng
Setting out In the shops Back home
Heightened Economic/ funct ion Socio-psych Economic/ funct ion
Subdued Socio-psych. Economic/ funct ion Socio-psych.
109
shopping experience. The socio-psychological
requirement for openness takes over for the
activity of shopping.
The experience of shopping is about a
dialogue between the individual psyche and
the product, the result of which is a reward or
self-afrmation for the shopper. Openness to
this dialogue enables the shopper to full the
desire for a boost in self-esteem. This can be
fullled through a range of levels of function-
ality of the goods bought. Self-esteem can be
reinforced and/or boosted in three areas,
either discretely or in interaction with each
other:
(1) as a good economic manager, e.g. buy
two get one free offers;
(2) as a member of community/society
(social), e.g. in product categories
olive oil, bottled lager, unisex fragrances;
(3) as an individual (psychological), e.g.
shoes, clothes, lipstick.
In any one purchase, and across different
purchases in one shopping trip these different
styles of benet can be achieved.
Types of impulse shopping
Analysis of our research ndings leads us to
suggest:
two different styles of openness to the shop
experience;
four different styles of motive and reward
in relation to impulse purchases.
Two styles of openness
The research ndings indicate two differing
styles of openness that correspond to our
sense of either consciously going along with
an impulse purchase or being totally over-
whelmed by an impulse:
Self-willed impulse. Individual semi-con-
sciously directs impulse towards the
purchase versus
Captivated impulse. Individual submits to
the passion of the impulse and enjoys a
feeling of being totally out of control.
Self-willed impulse. In some shopping situa-
tions respondents are aware of themselves as
good economic managers and as a conse-
quence can feel that an impulse purchase is to
some extent self-willed. An example of this is
reacting to offers that encourage bulk pur-
chasing. In responding to these offers, they
ignore any plans/partial plans such as shop-
ping lists, expenditure limits, or the state of
current stock. It becomes irresistible,
adrenalin inducing, satisfying. They are con-
sciously acting in line with the functional ideal
but also, accurately, describe this experience
as an impulsive one.
This sense of a self-willed impulse is also
observable in purchase areas where more
personal, social and psychological benets are
desired.
One tendency in self-willed impulse, is a
step-by-step sequence whereby the individual
takes a number of unintentional or uncon-
sciously intentional decisions which
inevitably lead to a purchase:
Id been to the iron-mongers and had about half
an hour until I pick the kids up. I found myself
driving past Reedmans and noticed I could
park. I popped in and I came out with two
jumpers. I hadnt thought about them at all
(mother of three; 30-35 years old).
Mail-order and catalogue impulse purchases
also appear to represent this more conscious
self-willed openness to impulsiveness.
Captivated impulse. This is more in line with
the existing literature on impulse purchasing
where the shoppers motives are at a level that
lacks any degree of self-awareness.
Four styles of impulse shopping
Respondents self-scripts and research nd-
ings from the friendship pairs suggest four
principal categories of impulse purchases,
differentiated in terms of the experience of the
purchase and in terms of rewards and benets
desired.
In summary these are:
(1) Accelerator impulse(self-conrmation role)
stockpiling/advance purchase to full
perceived future needs (Narasinhan et al.,
1996 used the term accelerator). Con-
rms image of good shopper/ housewife.
(2) Compensatory impulse(self-compensation
role) could be a reward for completing
an onerous task, mood elevator, a com-
pensation for failure to secure purchas-
es elsewhere or addresses a self-esteem
(cf. Dittmar et al., 1996).
(3) Breakthrough impulse(self-redening role)
a sudden reaction to act now usually
triggered by a desire to resolve a long-
standing unconscious discontent or
conict. This can involve high expendi-
ture and be life changing. Often it can
have functional as well as socio/psycho-
logical benets, e.g. buying a car on
impulse occurred in a few self-scripts.
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(4) Blind impulse(dysfunctional) a sense of
being overwhelmed by the product,
irrespective of any function or cost con-
straint. There is a sense of rightness/
completeness, you have to have it
immediately.
Accelerator impulse
An impulsive purchase that is motivated by a
sudden desire to stock-up for a future need.
The sense of self-esteem derived is related to
being a good economic manager. If mis-
takes, wasted purchases, bad bargains occur
the guilt that this engenders is rationalised as
merely a side-effect of pursuing a legitimate
bargain. Such errors of judgement rarely
have any impact on modifying this behaviour
in the future. The accelerator impulse is not a
compensatory response to a feeling of lack of
self-esteem. It is behaviour that reinforces an
existing positive self-perception.
Her husband liked meatballs in the can, she
already had six in the cupboard at home but she
still bought another six and paid for four (age:
25-35).
In this section he saw a pair of football boots in a
sale. It was summer and not the football season
but Steve knew that come September he would
have to buy some new boots as his old ones were
broken (age: 33).
Compensatory impulse
The idea of impulsively buying something as a
compensation and reward features strongly in
the self-scripts, especially from female respon-
dents. One common behaviour is the buying
of clothes, shoes or personal cosmetics that
are not objectively needed but may address a
self-esteem decit. Respondents may also
create a partial plan to purchase other items
but have failed to nd the right style, the
acceptable size. To return home empty hand-
ed not only feels like a wasted shopping trip
but also undermines the very self-esteem and
connectedness that shopping as a behaviour is
meant to deliver. The prospect of failure
militates against conscious planning or even
partial planning and fosters a desire to be
open and reactive.
Another style of compensation maybe
more broadly related to moods, a way of
lifting an emotional down. Sometimes it is a
way of rewarding oneself for completing other
tasks that have been irksome or arduous.
At other times it may be getting-your-
own back on a partner or ensuring that your
discretionary expenditure is not being out
paced by your partners/peers.
Compensatory buying strategies appear to
be repeated and become a characteristic
behaviour of the respondent. Many see them-
selves as close to compulsive behaviour and
rows with partners and problems with debt
had been experienced. Nevertheless, there
remains a level of self-awareness and con-
sciousness throughout the shopping experi-
ence. There is a component of self-willing the
impulse in the way in which they talk about or
describe this. It is an enduring behaviour
which gives them a signicant buzz and which
they do not want to give up. They have a sense
of liberating their more illicit, selsh, private
persona and escaping the usual restraints and
responsibilities of job, home, or family.
Sue is a single parent living on a budget but
sometimes when she goes shopping she forgets
this. She went into M&S and bought three pair
of trousers with every intention of taking two
back she couldnt decide between them and
ended up keeping two out of three (age: 35-45
(with children)).
Lindas a shopaholic, shes got wardrobes full of
clothes shes never worn and shoes bursting out
of cupboards still in their boxes. She sees some-
thing and thinks do I really need it, but the
adrenalin kicks in and she thinks why not, I
cant go home empty-handed her real weak-
ness is shoes (age: 25, (pre-married)).
Kaths been feeling a bit down lately and when
she feels like that she wants to spend money,
even though she hasnt got it. She doesnt
smoke or drink and shopping seems to be a
release from the real world. It makes life a little
more exciting. Shoes are one of Kaths impulse
buys and on one shopping trip she came home
with two pairs (age: 45, (divorced)).
Some impulse buys of Rosalinds are inexpen-
sive, an exotic tropical fruit, she could buy 2lb
of eating apples for the same price but that
would be boring (age: 45-55, (empty-nester)).
Breakthrough impulse
Breakthrough purchases are often high expen-
diture items including jewellery, art, cars,
furniture, houses. They tend to have a higher
than usual level of social-status, symbolic
markers of our place in the community. At the
same time many of these purchases are also
primarily functional. Accounts suggest that
respondents feel taken by surprise in their
decision to buy. The purchase outcome is not
consciously anticipated as a possibility, they
did not set out with a predisposition to be
open to such an occurrence, or even, sub-
consciously, to seek it out. Events unfold in an
unpredictable and unrepeatable way, these are
one-offs.
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Post-purchase rationales can be interpreted
as indicating an underlying desire or need.
Often the purchase can be seen as resolving an
underlying conict and moving the individual
forward, symbolising a signicant step/change
in life. Such purchases are symbols of a
change in status and the need for self-
redenition.
A few years ago Winnie went out to buy a spare
set of car keys and signed up for a new car.
Usually shes not all that impulsive (age: 60-65,
empty-nester).
After a row with the wife he jumped in the car to
drive around and to cool down. He drove past a
house for sale and something made him stop.
He put an offer on it there and then and went
back to tell his wife the good news (age: 35,
former at-dweller).
There was a selection of paintings at the rear of
the shop. Then one of the paintings seemed to
leap out at John. It had to be that one. He knew
that he had to make the decision there and then.
There was a slight difculty he didnt have
enough money on him. Knowing his own mind
John realised that if he left he would not come
back. He paid the shop a deposit for the paint-
ing, the decision was made. That painting now
hangs on the wall of his dining room (age: 40,
single).
Blind impulse
The categories of accelerator, compensatory
and breakthrough all suggest that impulsive
behaviour does have an underlying purpose
and that it fulls needs of either a functional,
social or psychological nature. There are
however odd examples of brainstorm pur-
chases that appear to fall outside of explana-
tion. The object shares the characteristics of
being irresistible, urgent, exciting but in
retrospect their purchase is likely to be more
dysfunctional than functional. They may
relate to aspects of the purchasers desire to
experiment with identity or social-status but
they are not obviously markers of self-esteem.
They may also be simply a transient, dysfunc-
tional captivation with an idea or aesthetic
aspect of the product.
Once she bought a cast iron replace for 25
and didnt know why or what to do with it, that
was probably her most embarrassing impulse
buy (age: 46, empty-nester).
We went to Woolworths where a plastic special
kitchen set caught our eye; a bowl, a sink tidy
and a knife and fork thing it wasnt much and
we both bought one but when we got home we
had to laugh cos wed got no use for any of it
(pair aged 35-45, both mums of kids 5-15).
Summary of impulse styles
With accelerator and compensatory impulse
purchases there seems to be a higher frequen-
cy of occurrence and it is often an established
and repeated behaviour. Although an inten-
tion to buy only comes into focus at the
moment of seeing the product, there is an
underlying predisposition to put themselves
into the situation where this impulse can be
triggered; a self-willed openness to con-
sciously seek out and go along with the
impulse.
Breakthrough and blind impulse purchases
tend to occur less often. For breakthrough
purchases there is a deep and signicant sense
of redening yourself in response to a per-
ceived change in status or phase of ones life.
The infrequency of such changes means the
psychological process is less well recognised
and the purchase behaviour seems to come
out of the blue from a deeper level of sub-
consciousness. Blind purchases are also less
frequent, seemingly as sudden and best
explained in terms of a dysfunctional captiva-
tion.
The classication of impulse shopping can
be summarised in a classic two dimensional
map as shown in Figure 3 (though with some
purchases the location may be a case of
emphasis):
Conclusions
The literature examined denitions and
explanations of unplanned and impulse pur-
chasing. The phenomenon of impulse
Impul se purchasi ng: a qual i t at i ve expl orat i on of t he phenomenon
Geof f Bayl ey and Cl i ve Nancarrow
Qual i t at i ve Market Research: An Int ernat i onal Journal
Vol ume 1 Number 2 1998 99114
High Functional Benefit
High Symbolic Benefit
Captivated Self-
Willed
Openness
Accelerat or
Compensat ory
Breakt hrough
(Blind)
Figure 3 Tw o-di mensi onal map i l l ust rat i ng i mpul se
shoppi ng
112
purchasing has principally been researched
from a positivist perspective with the risk that
the dependence on this approach coupled
with potential SDR bias may have limited
insights into the subject. To understand and
explain impulse purchasing in more depth, a
qualitative research approach employing a
number of enabling techniques was carried
out.
The qualitative research demonstrated that
shoppers perceive impulse purchasing as a
quite distinctive form of unplanned purchase.
It is differentiated from the straightforward
oversight, the deferred decision, shop as
prompt and unplanned is demanded types
of purchase. Some researchers have not differ-
entiated unplanned from impulse purchases
and this study would suggest that to not do so
may confound attempts to study this phenom-
enon.
An impulse purchase typically consists of a
number phases: object xation> urgency>
adrenalin rush>lift to self-esteem/or mood>
(guilt?). A typology of impulse purchases is
proposed that might provide a basis for future
research as well as indicate appropriate mar-
keting tactics. The four main types of impulse
purchase described were accelerator, com-
pensatory, breakthrough and blind impulse.
These were mapped in terms of their func-
tional versus socio-psychological need full-
ment and in terms of degree of being per-
ceived to be self-willed or truly captivated.
The ndings support the view that many
impulse purchases arise from the fact that
shoppers are psychologically pre-disposed to
obtain a level of self-expression and social ties
through shopping of all kinds and they are
reluctant to reduce any shopping experience
to an automatic, habitual task.
The elation that accompanies the impulse
buy, however, is likely to be partially deated
as the functional/economic model kicks in
once back home; not only Do I really need
another pair of shoes? but also Why have I
stocked up on another six cans of meatballs or
eight packs of pasta ? The latter may be
easier to rationalise or justify in terms of the
economic/functional model than the former.
Marketers may need to provide the support-
ing rationalisation in other instances (where
this is morally justiable) though shoppers
have a number of mechanisms to minimise
feelings of guilt impulse purchasing in direct
buying situations is noted and the implica-
tions for marketers are high-lighted.
As expected, shoppers think impulse pur-
chasing is often seen by others in a negative
light. It seems therefore to qualify as a dark
side variable and, so, future research on
impulse buying should consider how to han-
dle potential SDR. The qualitative approach
and combination of enabling techniques in
this study seemed to encourage disclosure and
minimise SDR, though, as is so often the case
with consumer research, this is a subjective
judgement (Gabriel, 1990).
Finally, we concur with the school of con-
sumer research that argues for more market-
ing research to be carried out in context, i.e.
in a shopping environment (or its simulation).
This would enable us to understand better
how various stages of consumer readiness
towards a category or brand are or might be
transformed at point-of-sale. Given the
increased tendency for shoppers not to plan
and the potential socio-psychological benets
of shopping and impulse purchasing, mar-
keters cannot afford to ignore this stage of
buying behaviour.
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Appendix. Buying impulsiveness scale
Rook and Fisher (1995) identied the follow-
ing buying impulsiveness scale:
I often buy things spontaneously.
Just do it describes the way I do things.
I often buy things without thinking.
I see it. I buy it describes me.
Sometimes I feel like buying things on the
spur of the moment.
I buy things according to how I feel at the
moment.
I carefully plan most of my purchases.
Sometimes I am a bit reckless about what I
buy.
114
Impul se purchasi ng: a qual i t at i ve expl orat i on of t he phenomenon
Geof f Bayl ey and Cl i ve Nancarrow
Qual i t at i ve Market Research: An Int ernat i onal Journal
Vol ume 1 Number 2 1998 99114