Source: Western Folklore, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Jan., 1954), pp. 29-33 Published by: Western States Folklore Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1496770 . Accessed: 25/04/2014 04:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Western States Folklore Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Western Folklore. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:49:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Votive Pictures: A Japanese Superstition ENSHO ASHIKAGA IN JAPAN are found many votive pictures hung in Shinto shrines and Bud- dhist temples. These pictures are called ema in Japanese, literally meaning the "pictures of horses." The ema, in the form of framed tablets with chevron- shaped tops, are generally hung in a hall of worship or in a gallery, but a shrine or temple in possession of many pictures has a special building named Emad6 (an ex-voto hall) to contain them. In most cases the Emad6 serves as a resting place for visitors. Generally speaking, a votive offering is presented to a shrine or temple by a person who is going to pray to a deity or Buddha, or whose prayer has been answered. People's prayers are various; consequently there are all sorts of offerings, among which are found a considerable number of votive offer- ings for supplicating the cure of diseases as well as prevention of them. This fact must be due to the belief that the will of a deity or of a Buddha could prevent or cure diseases. The Standard Dictionary of Folklore says that reports from all parts of the world indicate that cures have been effected by the intervention of saints or gods or by faith, prayer, or meditation.' It is natural that people of old, when the nature of a disease was not compre- hended, should have believed that their wishes for prevention and cures could have been realized by a god's will or by prayer. It should be taken into consideration, however, that the belief of presenting articles for pre- vention and cures aims also at the satisfaction of their respective desires therewith. Offerings presented to shrines and temples to pray for cures and preven- tion, or presented as a token of one's gratitude for having had a disease cured are too numerous to be mentioned here. The ema or votive picture is one that has shown a development of its own. There are two kinds of ema, large and small, and the small-sized one, which is dealt with here, is regarded as a product of superstition. The following will illustrate the nature of the ema of small size: 1. "Saka-matsu" (Inverted pine tree).-A picture of an inverted pine tree is presented to the Sakamatsu Shrine in Wakayama for the purpose of praying for 1Standard Dictionary of Folklore (1949), I, 270o, "cures." [29] This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:49:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 30 WESTERN FOLKLORE the cure of trichiasis. The presentation of such a picture seems to have come from the partial similarity between the sounds of the word for "inverted pine tree" and of the word for "trichiasis"-the former is in Japanese called saka-matsu, the latter is called saka-matsuge. 2. "Namazu" (Catfish).-A person who is troubled with leucoderma makes an offering of the picture of a catfish. This is said to have been caused by the fact that leucoderma and catfish are both sounded namazu in Japanese. The temple noted for this offering is the Mine Yakushi-d62 of H6ryfiji, Nara. 3. "AAkaei" (Sting ray).-A sufferer from piles or hemorrhoids, giving up eating a sting ray,' prays for his recovery therefrom to the deity dedicated to the Hirota Shrine near Sumiyoshi in Osaka, and presents thereto a votive picture of a sting ray after his complete recovery. The deity at this shrine was originally the tutelary god of a place, but, because of the Japanese word for "piles" having the same sound as that for "place," it is said, they have come to pray to the deity for their recovery from piles; both the words are pronounced ji in Japanese. "To give up eating a sting ray" is in Japanese expressed as "Akaei o tatsu," and the verb tatsu means "to sever," "to cut off," "break off or with,"' etc.; hence "akaei o tatsu," literally meaning "to break off (relations) with or to sever (one's connections) with a sting ray," implies that it effects a radical cure of hemorrhoids, a livid and painful swelling formed by dilatation of a vein at the anus. And also, since the deity of this shrine is to watch over and protect a place (ji), he is regarded as protecting a person from piles (ji). 4. "Fujin no ashi" (A lady's legs).-A picture representing a lady's legs with a red waist cloth is offered to the Mizutsukai Shrine in Ashikaga, Shimotsuke (Tochigi Prefecture of today). This offering is made in return for one's answered prayer for the complete cure of a disease from the waist down. 5. "Tanishi" (Mud snail).-On the outskirts of Satte, a town in Saitama Prefec- ture, is a hall sacred to Acala(-ndtha),' commonly known as Tanishi Fud6, to whom people pray for curing diseases without eating any mud snail." The offering made to this image of Acala is a picture of tanishi, a mud snail. 6. "Kusakari-kago" (A basket for grass).-To the Yakushi-d6 at Tera-machi, Ushigome, Tokyo, is presented a picture of a basket for grass by an offerer of a fervent prayer for the cure of an eye disease. 7. "Me" (Eye).-It is widely practiced in various districts to make an offering of a tablet on which two or more eyes are painted. This is also for the purpose of praying for the cure of an eye disease. 8. "Hina" (Doll).-A picture of a doll is presented to the Awashima Shrine in Kii Province, the purpose of which is to pray for the cure of venereal diseases." 9. "Kokue no ka-hanshin" (The lower half of the body in black).-The picture offered to the Kushida Shrine at Hakata represents the lower half of the body wearing black cloth; this is also to supplicate for the cure of venereal diseases. 9 To this Yakushi-db (Temple dedicated to the Buddha of Medicine) a coarsely made gimlet is also presented by a person having ear trouble; this probably has the implication of boring with the gimlet. See M. Fujikawa, Shink6 to Meishin (Belief and Superstition) (Tokyo, 1928), p. 120o. - A broad flat fish which can give severe wounds with its sharp spines; it is used for food in Japan. 4Acala, known as the God of Fire, is believed to have the power of keeping down all the evil spirits. SA species of river snail found in rice fields; in Japan some people eat them. 6For detailed accounts concerning the folk belief in the deity worshiped at the Awashima Shrine, see Taro Nakayama, Nihon Minzoku-gaku Jiten (A Dictionary of Japanese Folklore) (2d ed.; Tokyo, 1936), I, 55-57, "Awashima shink6." This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:49:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VOTIVE PICTURES 31 10. "Me no ji" (The letter "me").-A votive tablet on which the letter "me" is written can be found in various districts; this is for the purpose of praying for the cure of an eye disease. The letter "me" means an "eye." 11. "Unagi" (Eel).-A picture of an eel is presented to the Mishima Shrine in Kyoto, the purpose of which is to pray for an easy delivery, slippery as an eel. 12. "Awabi" (Abalone).-They offer a picture of an abalone to the Hanazono Shrine in Kusano Village, Iwaki District, Fukushima Prefecture, to pray for prevention against chapped hands or for the cure of venereal diseases; and it is said that the parishioners of the shrine do not eat abalone. The presentation of the ema of small size, as seen in the above illustra- tions, in most cases aims at the cure of diseases; however, attention must be given also to the fact that there are numbers of votive pictures used for other purposes; i.e., for the purpose of praying for family well-being, for better fortune, for impregnation, or for control of the passions such as tem- perance, etc. These are, of course, the products of superstition, or the prod- ucts of a mistaken belief in deities and Buddhas by whom, people thought, human prayers would be answered. Concerning the origin of ema, it is generally believed that an ancient Japanese custom of offering to a deity a live horse as a present or as a fee for augury or exorcism developed into the ema, large and small, of later age, gradually losing its original meaning with the change of times. From the archaeological point of view, it is further said that the clay figures of horses discovered from various provinces are said to be remains of the transition period from the live horse offering to the so-called ema presentation. These figures, different from those of the haniwa, archaic clay grave figures, have been discovered from the precincts of Shinto shrines; hence it is presumable that these horse figures are the remains showing the change from the live horse offering.' Besides the use of the clay figures of horses, the offering of a live horse seems to have been substituted by that of a wooden horse or of a paper horse. According to Japanese literature, the ema made its first appearance during the Heian period (794-1185): in the Hokuzan-sh6, I, the author, Fujiwara- no-Kimit6 (966-1041) records that in the seventh month of the third year of Tenryaku (949), itatate-uma, a standing wooden horse was used in place of the live horse presented by the Bureau of the Imperial Stables because it had met with an accident. The wooden horse now in the possession of the Hachiman Shrine of Tamuke-yama, Nara, is said to be one of the itatate-uma used at that time. It is also mentioned in the Honch6 Monzui compiled by Fujiwara-no-Akihira (989-o1066) that shikishi-uma, a picture of a horse painted on shikishi (a square piece of thick, fancy paper), was presented to the Kitano Shrine in the ninth year of Kwank6 (10xo12); and this was followed 7 Naoichi Miyaji, "Jinja to K6kogaku" ("Shinto Shrine and Archaeology"), K6kogaku K6za, XVI (Tokyo, 1929), 200-202. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:49:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 32 WESTERN FOLKLORE by the presentation of a wooden tablet representing but a horse, which is recorded in the Konjaku Monogatari compiled by Minamoto-no-Takakuni (1oo4-1o77).8 The popularization of ema, however, seems to have taken place in the Kamakura period (1186-1333), during which time the custom of offering tablets representing various implements besides a horse was also practiced widely; this is rather thought to have developed from an ancient custom of offering weapons and the like as a token to a god. Then, from the Muromachi period (1334-1573) to the Edo period (1603-1867), the ema had, fallen into corruption, having added many other things in representation, and thus becoming superstitious. It must not be forgotten, however, that there was also the ema presented merely as an ornament; this was rather due to the vogue by which people were swayed to have artists paint beau- tiful pictures, and so it is needless to say that some ornamental ema have nothing to do with religion. As stated before, the ema may be traced back to the presentation of a live horse to a deity in ancient Japan; however, brief mention should be made here of a similar custom practiced in ancient China which may be thought to have been brought to Japan. In China, this kind of votive offer- ing is called chih ma (lit. "paper horse"), commonly known as chia ma. A live horse, as in the case of ancient Japan, was offered to a deity during the Ch'in Dynasty (221-2o6 B.C.); but it was substituted by yii ma or a wooden horse, which was further replaced by chih ma or a paper horse during the reign of Hsiian Tsung Ming Huang Ti (713-756 A.D.) of T'ang (618-90o6). This chih ma was presented to the spirit of an ancestral hall. But later, a printed image of a deity or Buddha on a five-colored paper was burned before the consecrated spirit of one dead; this was also called chih ma. It is also said that in ancient times a horse was pictured for riding use on the upper part of a paper representing a deity or an ancestral spirit, which is the reason why it was called chih ma." The custom of burning the chih ma in honor of the spirit of the dead seems to have been practiced for the first time during the Sung Dynasty (96o-1279) and to have been introduced into Japan.' In the Zen temples of Japan, when prayer is offered or the Urabon" service is held for the sake of the dead, the Hannyashin-gyo12 and a picture of a horse, printed on paper, s Miyaji, op. cit., p. 202; Kokushi Jiten (A Dictionary of Japanese History), (Tokyo, 1940), I, 832 a. Tz'u yiian (15th ed.; Shanghai, 1947), p. 1154 b, c. 10 Shink6 Mochizuki, Bukkyo Daijiten (A Comprehensive Dictionary of Buddhism), (Kyoto, 1944), I, 289 c. 11 See the author's article entitled, "The Festival for the Spirits of the Dead in Japan," Western Folklore, IX (1950), 217-228. ' See the author's article entitled, "The Sutra of the Heart of Wisdom," The Way, I (Los An- geles, 1949), 2-4. This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:49:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VOTIVE PICTURES 33 to which paper coins are added, are hung from the pillar of the main hall, and are burned after sfitra-chanting. The burning of paper bearing a pic- ture of a horse is said to be for the spirit's riding use. It is not known when this custom was first practiced in Japan; however, it is believed that the custom practiced by the Zen sect of Sung was introduced into Japan." In this manner, both the ema in Japan and the chih ma in China have similarities in their early stage of development. This fact alone will refuse to accept the theory that the ema is of Japanese origin. Furthermore, during the Nara (646-793) and Heian periods, Japan was busy importing and assimilating T'ang civilization, and also the first appearance of ema, as men- tioned before, was made in the Japanese literature during the Heian period; hence it follows that the ema of Japan must have been brought in from China. Nevertheless, the ema in its later stage should be considered to have developed in a way peculiar to Japan, with the exception of the custom of burning the ema at the Zen temples which was also introduced from China during the Sung Dynasty. From the "Theory of Plural Origin of Culture," it must be said that the ema has independently developed in Japan; however, from the "Theory of Single Origin of Culture," it is regarded as having its origin in ancient China. Although there are the evidences afforded by the results of excava- tions that the horse had lived in Japan during the Stone Age, the common opinion of all is that horses in Japan were imported from the Asiatic con- tinent, which has been also verified by the etymological study of the Japa- nese word for the horse or by the ethnological investigation of the custom of offering a horse to a deity." To conclude, the ema in general was a product of primitive religion; but later, losing its primary use as an offering, it developed into a sort of ornament; and then, especially in the Edo period (1603-1867), the ema of small size came to be used as an object of folk belief, or rather of superstition, which would satisfy one's desire for the cure and prevention of diseases, better fortune, etc. Thus, a number of small ema have come to be presented to a small shrine by the roadside or to a popular god attracting people on account of some wonderful power displayed by him. And, even today, some dilettanti collect them as their favorite curios. As to the question of the origin of the ema, it is rather difficult to draw a conclusion; etymologically and ethnologically speaking, however, it may not be going too far to say that the horse offering custom of ancient China had something to do with the development of the ema in Japan. 18 Tokun6 Oda, Bukky6 Daijiten (12th ed.; Tokyo, 1929), p. 252 b-c, "Ky6ma." 14 Kokushi Jiten, op. cit., 674 a; Shinji Nishimura, Bunka Idd-ron (A Study on Cultural Migra- tion) (Tokyo, 1930), p. 323- This content downloaded from 182.178.246.250 on Fri, 25 Apr 2014 04:49:30 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions