You are looking at 1-7 of 7 items for: keywords : constitutional arrangements Human Rights: Have the Public Benefited? : Thank-Offering to Britain Lecture Lord Woolf in Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 121, 2002 Lectures Published in print: 2003 Published Online: February 2012 ISBN: 9780197263037 eISBN: 9780191734007 Item type: chapter Publisher: British Academy DOI: 10.5871/bacad/9780197263037.003.0012 This lecture discusses the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR), which was established due to the atrocities committed by the Nazis during the Second World War. It looks at the scale of the changes that occurred in constitutional arrangements, and considers the fact that these changes have been achieved without damaging the underlying constitutional arrangements and traditions of the United Kingdom. The lecture also considers whether these changes would benefit the public, and studies some of the arguments that are both in favour of and against the ECHR in becoming a part of the country's law. Semi-Presidentialism in Europe Robert Elgie (ed.) Published in print: 1999 Published Online: November 2003 ISBN: 9780198293866 eISBN: 9780191599156 Item type: book Publisher: Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/0198293860.001.0001 Semipresidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semipresidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixedterm president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. Page 2 of 4 For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decisionmaking process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semipresidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semipresidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semipresidential studies is considered. Ministerial Responsibility1 Diana Woodhouse in The British Constitution in the Twentieth Century Published in print: 2004 Published Online: February 2012 ISBN: 9780197263198 eISBN: 9780191734755 Item type: chapter Publisher: British Academy DOI: 10.5871/bacad/9780197263198.003.0008 This chapter examines the changes in ministerial responsibility in Great Britain during the twentieth century. It suggests that the twentieth century saw the decay of imperfect but working conventions, the divisions between policy and operations and accountability and responsibility which may suggest a rationalisation of ministerial responsibility. The chapter explains that, for more than a century, ministerial responsibility has underpinned Britain's constitutional arrangements and the Westminster system of government, andhas provided the rationale for the institutional structure of government and the basis for political relationships. Page 3 of 4 The Political Economy of Federalism in India Nirvikar Singh and Govinda Rao Published in print: 2006 Published Online: October 2012 ISBN: 9780195686937 eISBN: 9780199080571 Item type: book Publisher: Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/ acprof:oso/9780195686937.001.0001 This book deals with the system, institutions, and outcomes from the interplay of political and economic forces in Indian federalism. It significantly broadens the conceptual framework for analysing Indian federalism by exploring political elements and institutions and their strategic interaction with fiscal variables. The book is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the political and economic theories of federalism, dimensions of federal governance, the historical background of Indian federalism, and the issues of bargaining, control, and commitment. The second section examines Centrestate economic relations and efficiency and equity implications of the constitutional arrangements and their actual working. The final part explores the various politicaleconomic issues associated with intergovernmental reform. Disagreement and Precommitment Jeremy Waldron in Law and Disagreement Published in print: 1999 Published Online: March 2012 ISBN: 9780198262138 eISBN: 9780191682308 Item type: chapter Publisher: Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/ acprof:oso/9780198262138.003.0012 This chapter examines the precommitment view of constitutional constraints and a Bill of Rights with judicial review of legislation. It explains that the precommitment view considers constitutional arrangements as a kind of rational and shared precommitment among free and equal sovereign citizens at the level of constitutional choice. With this principle, the citizens provide themselves with a means for protecting their independence and sovereignty by granting a non- legislative the right to review democratically enacted legislation. The Institutional Organization of Churches Norman Doe in Canon Law in the Anglican Communion: A Worldwide Perspective Published in print: 1998 Published Online: March 2012 Publisher: Oxford University Press Page 4 of 4 ISBN: 9780198267829 eISBN: 9780191683381 Item type: chapter DOI: 10.1093/ acprof:oso/9780198267829.003.0003 This chapter examines the institutional organization of churches in the Anglican Communion. It describes their national assemblies, diocesan assemblies, and assemblies operating within the various divisions of the diocese and those administrative bodies accountable to the representative assemblies. Anglican churches are arranged on a territorial basis of provinces, dioceses, and local ecclesiastical units. These constitutional and canonical arrangements indicate a legal unity in the Anglican Communion in terms of the institutional church organization. Constituent Power MARTIN LOUGHLIN in The Idea of Public Law Published in print: 2004 Published Online: January 2010 ISBN: 9780199274727 eISBN: 9780191708329 Item type: chapter Publisher: Oxford University Press DOI: 10.1093/ acprof:oso/9780199274727.003.0006 This chapter begins by differentiating constituent power and constituted power. It then focuses on the assessment of the contribution made by the concept of constituent power to an understanding of public law. It notes that this is a complex task because constituent power resists simple absorption into juristic categories. It explains that the main reason for it is the fact that constituent power articulates the power of the multitude: constituent power is the juristic expression of the democratic impetus. It adds that the concept expresses the tensions between democracy and law. It clarifies that constituent power is the generative principle of modern constitutional arrangements. It provides juristic expression to those forces that constantly irritate the formal constitution, thus ensuring it is able to perform its political function. It outlines the emergence of democracy in modern political thought.