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The document discusses the story of the Abitinian martyrs and how it has been used to provide evidence about the outbreak of the Donatist schism in the early 4th century. However, the author argues that the Passio Saturnini, which recounts the story of the Abitinian martyrs, was likely written much later, after 411 AD, and was intended to polemically reconstruct events rather than provide authentic historical evidence. Specifically:
1) Rather than being an early 4th century text, the Passio Saturnini was probably written after the Council of Carthage in 411 AD.
2) It is an inherently Donatist work meant to create stark contrasts between confessors and tra
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The Abitinian Martyrs and the Outbreak of the Donatist Schism
The document discusses the story of the Abitinian martyrs and how it has been used to provide evidence about the outbreak of the Donatist schism in the early 4th century. However, the author argues that the Passio Saturnini, which recounts the story of the Abitinian martyrs, was likely written much later, after 411 AD, and was intended to polemically reconstruct events rather than provide authentic historical evidence. Specifically:
1) Rather than being an early 4th century text, the Passio Saturnini was probably written after the Council of Carthage in 411 AD.
2) It is an inherently Donatist work meant to create stark contrasts between confessors and tra
The document discusses the story of the Abitinian martyrs and how it has been used to provide evidence about the outbreak of the Donatist schism in the early 4th century. However, the author argues that the Passio Saturnini, which recounts the story of the Abitinian martyrs, was likely written much later, after 411 AD, and was intended to polemically reconstruct events rather than provide authentic historical evidence. Specifically:
1) Rather than being an early 4th century text, the Passio Saturnini was probably written after the Council of Carthage in 411 AD.
2) It is an inherently Donatist work meant to create stark contrasts between confessors and tra
by ALAN DEARN It is often claimed that the story of the Abitinian martyrs provides evidence relevant to the outbreak of the Donatist schism. However, this interpretation of the text rests upon a number of false assumptions regarding its manuscript tradition and the celebrity of the martyrs it commemorates. Rather than being written in the early fourth century, the text in its extant form was probably written after the Council of Carthage in 411, and perhaps in response to it. It thus does not cast light upon the outbreak of the schism, but rather on the way in which the events of the early fourth century were polemically reinterpreted at a much later date. T he Donatist schism broke out in the aftermath of the Diocletianic persecution; its catalyst was the disputed election of Caecilian as bishop of Carthage. 1 Elected as the successor of Mensurius, and consecrated by Felix of Abthungi, Caecilian proved to be an unacceptable choice to a number of his new colleagues. Meeting at Carthage, a group of bishops declared Felix to have been a traditor, guilty of surrendering Scripture to the imperial authorities. They therefore considered his consecration of Caecilian to be rendered invalid, and elected Maiorinus in his stead. Taking schism in its most neutral and descriptive sense as a division entrenched in parallel ecclesiastical organisations, this was the moment at which the Donatist schism began. 2 SC=Sources Chretiennes ; VC=Vigiliae Christianae I would like to thank Averil Cameron and Mark Edwards for their comments on this paper. 1 Although not important to this paper, it should be noted that the dating of Caecilians consecration remains controversial. I prefer the early chronology of 307/8 to the more traditional date of early 312, although both remain arguable. See, in particular, T. D. Barnes, The beginnings of Donatism, JTS n.s. xxvi (1975), 1322 (repr. in Early Christianity and the Roman empire, London 1984), arguing for the early dating. For Frends response see W. H. C. Frend and K. Clancy, When did the Donatist schism begin?, JTS n.s. xxviii (1977), 1049. For a summary of the pertinent issues in support of Barness view see A. R. Birley, Some notes on the Donatist schism, Libyan Studies xviii (1987), 2941. 2 See H. Chadwick, Orthodoxy and heresy from the death of Constantine to the eve of the First Council of Ephesus , in A. Cameron and P. Garnsey (eds), The Cambridge ancient history, XIII: The late empire, AD 337425, Cambridge 1998, 562, who denes schism as the separation Jnl of Ecclesiastical History, Vol. 55, No. 1, January 2004. f 2004 Cambridge University Press 1 DOI: 10.1017/S0022046903008923 Printed in the United Kingdom However, a disputed ecclesiastical appointment is not the most evocative motif with which to engage the reader. A far more exciting introduction is oered by the Passio Saturnini, which describes the fate of a group of Christians arrested at Abitina during the Diocletianic persecution. 3 According to this text, the Abitinians were taken to Carthage to appear before the proconsul Anullinus. While they were awaiting their fate in prison, some of the faithful Christians of Carthage attempted to supply them with food and drink. However, they were prevented from reaching the prison. Armed men beat them back, their gifts were trampled into the dust. The confessores, fresh from their struggle against the devil and his agent, the proconsul Anullinus, were left unsupported. But the greatest outrage was that the armed men who prevented the Christians approach were not the servants of the imperial authorities, but were led by the deacon Caecilian, acting under the orders of Mensurius, the bishop of Carthage. The leaders of the Church at Carthage, already tarnished by their apostasy during the persecution, were now in league with the devil. The confessores themselves passed judgement upon them, holding a sort of council in their prison. Their verdict was that true Christians would henceforth have to choose between the Church of traditores and persecutors, or the unsullied Church of the martyrs. This paper examines the ways in which the Passio Saturnini has been used by scholars to cast light upon the origins and causes of the Donatist schism. Discussions of the text are dominated by an orthodoxy that the Abitinian martyrs were venerated by both Catholics and Donatists, and that their hagiography provides evidence for the outbreak of the schism. In contrast, I seek to argue that the Passio Saturnini was written long after the events it describes, and that it is an inherently Donatist work, with a clear polemical purpose. There is little evidence that the Abitinian martyrs were venerated throughout Africa by Christians on both sides of the schism, and certainly no evidence to justify the assumption of their widespread popularity. The text survives only in a Donatist version, and does not provide evidence for the causes of the schism. Rather, it should more properly be understood as illuminating the manner in which the outbreak of the schism was polemically reconstructed at a later date, probably after the Council of Carthage in 411, and perhaps in response to it. The Passio Saturnini asserts what we may refer to as an imagined world, in which a stark antithesis is created between the confessores and traditores. This antithesis is projected back into an account set in 304, a time before the outbreak of the schism, but reects the polemical needs and suspension of ecclesiastical communion and eucharistic sharing without this entailing deviation from accepted central armations of the community or from the forms of ministry through which continuity was preserved. 3 The account of the Abitinian martyrs, the Passio sanctorum Datiui et Saturnini presbyteri et aliorum, is abbreviated here as the Passio Saturnini. The Abitinians take their name from Abitina, the site of their arrest. Abitina was probably in proconsular Africa, close to Membressa: J.-L. Maier, Le Dossier du Donatisme, Berlin 1987, i. 62 n. 22. 2 ALAN DEARN of the time in which it was written, perhaps more than a century later, after 411. Modern scholars who approach the story of the Abitinian martyrs as a source of authentic evidence for the outbreak of the schism are therefore misled by not understanding the text in its proper context. And this is precisely what its author intended. The Passio Saturnini in scholarship With its dramatically evocative language and sharply drawn antitheses, the account of the Abitinian martyrs seems well suited to introduce the story of the Donatist Church, and it comes as no surprise to nd it employed for this purpose. For example, Tilleys recent study of Donatist identity begins in precisely this manner, 4 as does her introduction to the schism in her translation of Donatist martyr stories. 5 However, in addition to being employed for stylistic purposes, the events described in the Passio Saturnini are also seen as casting light upon the reasons for the outbreak of the schism in the aftermath of the Great Persecution. The catalyst for the schism was the disputed election of Caecilian as bishop of Carthage, but the use of force by the bishop of Carthage against a group of faithful Christians, who were acting in support of heroic confessores, would seem to pregure the nature of the dispute. For example, Frend calls the account of the Abitinians trial before Anullinus one of the most moving testimonies of the Great Persecution, and considers the events described in the passio to mark the beginning of the Donatist schism. 6 Tilley places even greater emphasis on the account. Indeed, it becomes for her the seminal event which moulded the Donatists image of themselves. The consecration of Caecilian would not only be disputed because of its being performed at the hand of a traditor. Rather, the disputed election is described by Tilley as the symptom of an earlier cleavage, resulting from Caecilians own acquiescence in the de- struction of the men and women who embodied the words of the Bible in their lives, the Abitinian martyrs . 7 The events of the passio therefore become crucial to her central thesis of Donatist hermeneutics. Indeed, she believes the treatment of the Abitinian martyrs dened the form their hermeneutics would take. 8 Collections of documents illustrating the Donatist schism also reect the perceived importance of this text as evidence for the outbreak of the schism. For example, Maier places the Passio Saturnini in the rst section of his Dossier du Donatisme, where it takes its place along with other evidence relating to the 4 M. A. Tilley, The Bible in Christian north Africa: the Donatist world, Minneapolis 1997, 9. 5 Idem, Donatist martyr stories : the Church in conict in Roman north Africa, Liverpool 1996, p. xi. 6 W. H. C. Frend, The Donatist Church, Oxford 1952, 8. See also his article on Donatism in G. W. Bowersock, P. Brown and O. Grabar (eds), Late antiquity: a guide to the postclassical world, Cambridge, MA 1999, 417. 7 Tilley, Bible, 10. 8 Ibid. 1516. THE ABI TI NI AN MARTYRS 3 period of the Great Persecution. 9 Indeed, Maier echoes Frend in nding the text to be un des documents les plus precieux de lepoque de la grande per- secution, 10 a judgement which appears to have been derived from the earlier opinion of Delehaye. 11 The implication of this chronological ordering is that the text casts light onto the period immediately preceding Caecilians contested election. As we have seen in the case of Frend and Tilley, this is the use that is often made of it. However, this approach to the text is problematic, and its methodological assumptions are open to question. Tilley and Frend evoke the picture of the Abitinian martyrs suering in prison in order to lay the foundations for their interpretations of the causes of the schism and the way the protagonists went on to see themselves and their opponents. But they make the mistake of treat- ing the evidence of the Passio Saturnini as a source for events and attitudes at the time in which the story is set. The reader is misled by evoking a picture of faithful Christians beaten back by a bishops thugs. An image more faithful to a proper understanding of the text is that of a polemicist writing a record of the past to enlist that past against his opponents. Polemical texts such as the Passio Saturnini primarily furnish evidence for the context in which they were written, amended or used, rather than for the context to which they refer. It is particularly pertinent to assert this in the case of hagiographical texts, which are often notoriously dicult to date, and thus lend themselves to erroneous interpretation. Martyr stories may comprise or include a contemporary account, perhaps even the record of the martyrs trial before a magistrate. However, hagiography aims at presenting the martyr or ascetic in such a way as to provide an example for an audience. The way their lives and deaths are interpreted is therefore primarily evidence for the context in which the process of representation takes place, and not necessarily for the context in which the story is set. In the disputes between Catholics and Donatists, hagiography oered a way through which the past was reassessed in order to assert the legitimacy of ones own position, and the illegitimacy of ones opponents. Therefore, care needs to be exercised to avoid using hagiography anachronistically, and such care is often lacking. For example, the Passio Sancti Typasii Veterani has been used as a source for the ideology of martyrdom in north Africa at the time of the Great Persecution, despite the likelihood that it was written or revised a century later. 12 The story of the Abitinian martyrs presents a similar problem. 9 Maier, Dossier, i, no. 4, pp. 5792. 10 Ibid. i. 57. 11 H. Delehaye, Contributions recentes a lhagiographie de Rome et dAfrique, Analecta Bollandiana liv (1936), 293, described the text as un des monuments les plus precieux de lhistoire des persecutions romaines . 12 Tilley, Bible, 4950. For the dating of this text see D. Woods, A historical source of the Passio Typasii , VC xlvii (1993), 7884; A. Dearn, The Passio S. Typasii Veterani as a Catholic construction of the past , VC lv (2001), 8698. 4 ALAN DEARN Before proceeding, it is important to clarify the dierent views held con- cerning the dating of the Passio Saturnini. Tilley asserts that the text, in the form in which it has come down to us, was written between 304 and 311/12, and therefore casts light on the origins of the schism. 13 She bases her dating on the fact that Caecilian is only referred to as a deacon in the text, suggesting that had the text been written following his consecration in 311/12, it would have suited the polemical purposes of the author to point this out. 14 However, even accepting for a moment that the date of 311/12 for Caecilians consecration is secure, Tilleys argument is not con- vincing. In particular, the author of the Passio Saturnini describes Mensurius as Carthaginis quondam episcopus (formerly the bishop of Carthage). 15 The text therefore must have been written after his death, and following Caecilians election. Given that the legitimacy of Caecilians consecration was the subject of dispute, it is unsurprising that the author did not go out of his way to point out that Caecilian was later made bishop, especially as the text simply describes the alleged events surrounding the treatment of the Abitinians in 304. Tilleys view that the Passio Saturnini in its extant form was written shortly after the events it describes is not shared by other scholars who have studied the text. As we shall see, the more usual view is that the text we know as the Passio Saturnini was the work of a Donatist polemicist writing in the fth cen- tury, but that he made use of an earlier passio based on the authentic acta of the Abitinians trial before Anullinus. Unfortunately, this belief in a hypo- thetical earlier passio has led to confusion in the interpretation of the text which we actually have. This appears to be the case with Frends use of the text. Although he does not discuss the issue of the dating of the text directly, he arms the view that the extant text reects later editing, with propagandistic intent. However, he is still prepared to accept the testimony of the polemical appendix to the text as though it were an accurate record of events in 304. 16 In what follows, I will attempt to unravel the misunderstandings and assumptions which have led to confusion over what this important text is, and is not, able to tell us. Overview of the text The Passio Saturnini may be divided into ve sections. The rst (ss 12) consists of a polemical preface, in which the narrator introduces the account of the Abitinian martyrs, making it clear that it has been derived from public records, and is being told in order to distinguish the true ecclesia catholica of 13 Tilley, Bible, 58. 14 Ibid. 194 n. 11. 15 Passio Saturnini 20. 16 Frend, Donatist Church, 10. THE ABI TI NI AN MARTYRS 5 the martyrs from that of the traditores. The story of the martyrs themselves then begins with a second introduction (ss 24), giving an account of their arrest at Abitina, and their dispatch to the proconsul Africae Anullinus at Carthage. 17 The main body of the Passio (ss 518) is taken up with a long account of the Abitinians undergoing interrogation and torture before Anullinus. One by one they face their persecutor, undergo hideous torments, yet emerge victorious as mighty warriors of Christ. 18 Their imperial per- secutor is confounded. The account of their victory however ends with Mensurius and Caecilian preventing the faithful Christians of Carthage from helping them, and with the council the confessores hold in the prison in response (ss 1923). In the polemical climax of the text, the confessores assert the radical incompatibility between the Church of the martyrs and the false Church of the traditores. 19 Baluzes 1761 edition of the text ends with a brief account of the death of the confessores in prison from hunger, which he derived from a manuscript no longer extant (s. 23). Since this does not appear in the extant manuscripts, and since it contradicts the statement at the beginning of the Passio that the Abitinians diuersis locis temporibusque discretis beatissimum sanguinem profuderunt , 20 this would seem to have been a later addition. 21 Was the Passio Saturnini an exclusively Donatist text ? The rst point to make is that the Passio Saturnini has survived in only one form. The six main extant manuscripts of the text all contain the editorial comment implicating Mensurius and Caecilian in the interdiction of supplies for the Abitinian martyrs, and identifying Caecilian only as a deacon. They may thus be described as Donatist, in that they have a clearly polemical agenda reecting the point of view of one side in the dispute. 22 However, this fact has been obscured by the texts publication history, leading to confusion which has bedeviled interpretation. Prior to the Studi e Testi edition compiled by deCavalieri in 1935, the most accessible editions of the text were those 17 For Anullinus see A. Mandouze, Prosopographie chre tienne du bas-empire, I: Afrique ( 303533), Paris 1982, s.v. Anulinus 1; A. H. M. Jones, J. R. Martindale and J. Morris, The prosopography of the later Roman empire, I: AD 260395, Cambridge 1971, s.v. C. Annius Anullinus 3. 18 Hic certaminis magni pugna percitur, hic diabolus superatur et uincitur, hic martyres Christi de passionis futurae gloria aeterna cum gratulatione laetantur : Passio Saturnini 18. 19 Si quis traditoribus communicauerit, nobiscum partem in regnis caelestibus non habebit : ibid. 21. 20 Ibid. 1. 21 See P. F. deCavalieri, Note agiograche, Studi e Testi lxv (1935), 71; Maier, Dossier, i. 92 n. 92. 22 The best modern edition of the text is that of deCavalieri, Agiograche, 171, which forms the basis of that of Maier, Dossier, i, no. 4, pp. 5792. For a description of the manuscripts see deCavalieri, Agiograche, 456; Maier, Dossier, i. 58. 6 ALAN DEARN found in Migne. This included two versions of the Passio, one edited by Baluze in 1761, 23 the other by Ruinart in 1689. 24 Baluze provided the complete text of the manuscripts he was working from. Ruinart, however, exercised his editorial judgement in order to rid his text of what he saw as its Donatist accretions. 25 That is, he removed from his edition the rst introduction and the appendix (ss 12, 1923) which contained the material explicitly critical of Mensurius and Caecilian. By doing so, he sought to detach the original acta of the Abitinian martyrs from its later polemical additions, assumptions which I will discuss further below. Unfortunately, the juxtaposition in Migne of Baluzes edition with that of Ruinart gave the impression that there were distinct Catholic and Donatist versions of the Passio Saturnini. This impression appears to have survived despite deCavalieris edition, which showed it to be groundless. In particular, Tilley continues to refer to Catholic and Donatist recensions of the text, citing the two versions in Migne as support. 26 However, the only Catholic version of the text is that created by Ruinart. The Passio Saturnini is therefore known to us only as a Donatist text. Part of the confusion over this text, as we have seen, results from the partial edition of Ruinart included in Migne. However, confusion over whether the text should be seen as Donatist also stems from the same presuppositions which prompted Ruinart to invent his Catholic version of the text in the rst place. Ruinart believed that by removing the introduction and appendix from the text he had recovered an earlier passio (ss 218) containing the original and thus Catholic acta (ss 518) from their Donatist frame. 27 Because of the apparent use of the Passio Saturnini at the Council of Carthage in 411 (see below), he assumed that there was an original version of the text, unsullied by Donatist polemic. Monceaux in particular sought to legitimise Ruinarts approach by identifying three stages of composition in the text : an authentic acta (ss 518), an early passio (ss 218), recovered by Ruinart, and the nal Donatist passio in the form edited by Baluze (ss 123). 28 Of these, Monceaux believed that both the second and third stages of composition were the work of Donatists, the early passio from the pen of a moderate, the later introduction and appendix from that of a fanatic (le nergume `ne). 29 However, this view of successive Donatist accretions to an authentic core has been shown to be unlikely by 23 Stephani Baluzii miscellaneorum, Paris 1761, ii. 5676, PL viii. 689B703B. 24 Th. Ruinart, Acta primorum martyrum sincera et selecta, Paris 1689, 40919, PL viii. 703C715B. 25 P. Monceaux, Histoire litte raire de lAfrique chre tienne depuis les origines jusqua linvasion arabe, Paris 1905, iii. 143; E. Buonaiuti, Il cristianesimo nell Africa romana, Bari 1928, 295 n. 4. For a description of Ruinarts methodology see H. Delehaye, Les Le gendes hagiographiques, 4th edn, Brussels 1955, trans. D. Attwater as The legends of the saints, Portland, OR 1998, 923. 26 Tilley, Martyr stories, 267, and Bible, 59, 194 n. 13. 27 Ruinart, Acta sincera, 407. 28 Monceaux, Histoire litte raire, iii. 1437. 29 Ibid. iii. 147. THE ABI TI NI AN MARTYRS 7 deCavalieri, who pointed to the verbal similarities between both the introductions (ss 14) and the appendix (ss 1923). 30 He therefore argues that the text of the Passio Saturnini as we have it is the work of a single Donatist author, writing at some time around the beginning of the fth century, who framed an authentic acta of the Abitinians with an introduction and appendix, 31 and embedded polemical interpretations into the account con stretto vincolo al corpo della narrazione. 32 This view that the Passio Saturnini contains elements of an early fourth- century account remains widespread. 33 DeCavalieri and Monceaux considered the passio to be the work of a Donatist polemicist writing in the early fth century, yet both assumed that it was based on an authentic account. Indeed, the very value of the text for deCavalieri lay in its preser- vation of parts of a lost original. 34 But what is the evidence for this assump- tion? Partly, the argument rests on the evidence of the text itself. However, more important is the apparent evidence gleaned from the records of the Council of Carthage in 411 and epigraphic sources that the cult of the Abitinians was widely recognised and venerated in north Africa by both Catholics and Donatists. 35 If so, then the assumption that the Donatist author of the Passio was drawing on earlier material would seem reasonable. So then, having established that the Passio Saturnini as we have it is an exclusively Donatist text, what of the assumption that an original version of their hagi- ography existed? Let us examine the evidence for this pervasive idea. Was there an original Passio Saturnini ? There are several features of the Passio Saturnini which appear to support the idea that the Donatist author of the fth century was working from earlier material. To begin with, this is what he himself claims, beginning his account with the statement that the events it describes were found in archiuo memoriae and are derived ex actis publicis. 36 Is it then plausible to imagine that the Passio, in the form which has come down to us, contains elements of the ocial acta describing the trial of the 30 DeCavalieri, Agiograche, 46. 31 Ibid. 6. Note his reference to la malignosa appendice. 32 Ibid. 5. 33 For example see the recent survey of north African hagiography by V. Saxer, Afrique latine, in G. Philippart (ed.), Hagiographies, Turnhout 1994, 61, which assumes that the Passio Saturnini in its extant form is a result of Donatist interference with an earlier text. 34 DeCavalieri, Agiograche, 4. 35 For the unlikely possibility that the Abitinians appear in two of Augustines sermons see V. Saxer, Morts, martyrs, reliques en Afrique chre tienne aux premiers sie `cles, Paris 1980, 220. 36 acta martyrum legat quae necessario in archiuo memoriae conscripta sunt ne, saeculis transeuntibus, obsolesceret et gloria martyrum et damnatio traditorum! aggredior, inquam, ex actis publicis scribere : Passio Saturnini 1. 8 ALAN DEARN Abitinians, and contemporary with the events it describes? Or that it was perhaps based on an earlier passio which made use of these acta? The manner in which the extant Passio is structured makes this at least possible. From sections four to eighteen of the extant text, the martyrs are pitted against Anullinus as the representative of the devil. They arrive before him in a body, as though ready for battle, and their interrogations and tortures are described in military and athletic terms as a series of single combats. 37 They wear their torturers out, Anullinus is unable to endure, and the Abitinians emerge vic- torious, ready to have their triumphs conrmed by martyrdom. 38 However, in the framing introduction and appendix to the Passio Saturnini, the imperial persecutors hardly rate a mention. The enemies the author dwells upon are instead the traditores, and Caecilian and Mensurius in particular. 39 These are the opponents against whom the Abitinians dene themselves whilst in prison awaiting their fate, and the main preoccupation of the author of the Passio. 40 The Donatist author of the Passio Saturnini may therefore have based his work on an earlier account of the Abitinian martyrs which did not have the same explicit aim of enlisting their support against their Catholic opponents. Some measure of external support for this view may be gleaned from the gesta of the Council of Carthage in 411, which has often been invoked in support of the view that the Abitinians were widely venerated throughout Africa. During the third session of the council, the Donatists attempted to cast doubt upon the authenticity of the minutes of the so-called Council of Cirta, 41 claiming that no such assembly of bishops would have been able to take place during the persecution. 42 In response, the Catholics cited the evi- dence of at least two gesta martyrum, which were read out at the conference, that collecta of Christians had been able to meet despite the persecution. 43 37 Quique cum ad ocium Anullini tunc proconsulis peruenire starentque in acie constanter ac fortiter, saeuientis impetus diaboli dominica constantia retundebant. Sed cum non contra omnes simul milites Christi diabolica rabies praeualeret, singulos in certamina postulauit : ibid. 4. 38 Hic certaminis magni pugna percitur, hic diabolus superatur et uincitur, hic martyres Christi de passionis futurae gloria aeterna cum gratulatione laetantur : ibid. 18. 39 Anullinus and the representatives of the imperial government have become almost irrelevant : Erat etus horribilis et acerba omnium qui aderant lamentatio, prohiberi a complexu martyrum pios et diuelli a pietatis ocio christianos, Caeciliano saeuiente tyranno et crudeli carnice : ibid. 20. 40 Quam ob rem fugienda bonis et uitanda semper est religiosis conspiratio traditorum, hypocritarum domus pharisaeorumque sententia : ibid. 22. 41 Maier, Dossier, i, no. 7, pp. 11218. 42 Gesta conlationis carthaginiensis anno 411, capitula iii. 407, 442, ed. S. Lancel, in Actes de la confe rence de Carthage en 411, SC cxcv, ccxxiv, ccclxxiii, 197291; Augustine, Breuiculus conlationis cum Donatistis iii. 17.32, ed. M. Petschenig, CSEL liii, 1910, 3992; Augustine, Contra partem Donati post gesta 14.18, ed. M. Petschenig, CSEL liii, 1910, 97162. See also Lancel, SC cxciv. 947. 43 Gesta conlationis Carthaginiensis iii. 42950. THE ABI TI NI AN MARTYRS 9 Unfortunately, these references can only be gleaned from the terse capitula of the conference. The sections of the conference minutes to which they refer have not survived, and thus do not identify which gesta martyrum were used as evidence. However, Augustines references to this section of the conference in his polemical works have provided a rationale for those who wish to see in them an account of the Abitinians. According to Augustines tendentious summaries of the council, the Donatists attempted to support their claim that the Council of Cirta could not have taken place during the Persecution by producing a gesta martyrum. Their aim in doing so seems to have been to use the dates mentioned in the gesta to prove that persecution was occurring at the time when the Council of Cirta was said to have been held, which by their argument would prove the account of the council to be false. However, according to Augustine, this attempt backred upon the Donatists, as the Catholics were able to point out that the very text which the Donatists produced as evidence for the date of the persecution contained a description of Christians meeting together in a private home. This then prompted the Catholics to produce at least two other gesta martyrum, one of which even described Christians being baptised in prison. With this evidence of organisation under persecution, said the Catholics, the meeting at Cirta was perfectly plausible. 44 None of the gesta used at Carthage are named, either in the capitula or in Augustines works. However, two factors have led to an orthodoxy that one of the texts was the Passio Saturnini, although not in its extant Donatist form. First, the fact that the gesta were produced at Carthage to prove that meetings of Christians could take place during the persecution resonates with the description in our extant text of the Abitinians being arrested at a private house. 45 The second reason for associating the text with the Abitinians is more compelling. Augustine mentions the date of the gesta martyrum, in order to argue that the time interval between the gesta and the Council of Cirta had been tallied incorrectly at Carthage. The date Augustine gives, pridie Idus Februarias (12 February) is the same as that recorded in the Passio Saturnini ; this has led to the gesta martyrum produced at Carthage being equated with the Passio Saturnini. 46 It therefore may be that some version of an account of the Abitinians was produced at Carthage. However, it must be emphasised that Augustines 44 Ex his martyrum gestis, quae ipsi proferebant, admoniti sumus et in alia gesta martyrum intendere, et inuenimus et diximus feruente tempore persecutionis et priuatam domum, quod illi eri potuisse negauerant, congregationi christianorum fuisse concessam et in carcere fuisse martyres baptizatos : Augustine, Contra partem Donati 14.18. 45 Passio Saturnini 2, 11. See also Lancel, SC cxciv. 95 n. 6. 46 Nam gesta martyrum, quibus ostendebatur tempus persecutionis, consulibus facta sunt Diocletiano nouies et Maximiano octies pridie Idus Februarias : Augustine, Breuiculus conlationis iii. 17.32; Passio Saturnini, praefatio; Maier, Dossier, i. 57 n. 2. 10 ALAN DEARN reference to the date of the gesta is the only evidence that this was the case, and practically the only evidence for the popularity of the Abitinians amongst Catholics and Donatists during the fourth and early fth centuries. The mirage of the Abitinians popularity The epigraphic evidence for the popularity of the Abitinians in Africa before 411 is also not as unequivocal as sometimes claimed. According to the Passio Saturnini, a group of forty-nine Christians, all of whom are named, were arrested at Abitina and taken to Carthage to appear before Anullinus. 47 Some of their names appear on inscriptions set up in north Africa in honour of martyrs. 48 This led Monceaux in particular to see epigraphic evidence for the memorialisation of the Abitinians throughout north Africa. 49 However, the evidence supporting this conclusion is problematic. No in- scription refers to the Abitinians as a group, or lists a series of names corre- sponding to those in the Passio. Rather, the Abitinian names which appear on inscriptions occur by themselves, or in the company of other martyrs whose names are not found in the Passio. Since groups of martyrs are seldom listed on fourth-century inscriptions, this is not in itself surprising. But given that many of the names found in the Passio Saturnini and in epigraphic sources were amongst the most common in north Africa, it is often dicult to identify to whom a particular inscription refers with certainty. For example, an inscription found at Bir A da in Numidia honours a martyr named Ianuaria and her unnamed companions (comites). 50 Although two women by that name appear in the Passio Saturnini, the name also appears twice on an inscription honouring another group of Diocletianic victims found at Ha dra. 51 Ianuaria was also the name of one of the Scillitan martyrs, executed in AD 180. 52 However, the Ianuaria commemorated at Bir A da was probably none of these, but rather a locally venerated martyr otherwise unknown to the histori- cal record. 53 Similar problems surround the identication of the martyr Emeritus, the subject of two closely associated dedicatory inscriptions from A n Ghorab and Henchir Taghfaght, also in Numidia. 54 As Duval points out, the identication of the Emeritus honoured on these inscriptions with the Abitinian martyr of the same name is far from certain, the evidence pointing 47 Passio Saturnini 2. 48 The most comprehensive and accessible survey of north African epigraphic sources concerned with martyrs is Y. Duval, Loca sanctorum Africae : le culte des martyrs en Afrique du IVe au VIIe sie `cle, Rome 1982, iii. See the inscriptions which mention Datiuus (no. 182), Emeritus (nos 70, 77), Victoria (nos 97, 157) and Vincentius (nos 87, 150). 49 Monceaux, Histoire litte raire, iii. 1779. 50 Duval, Loca, ii. 690, no. 114. 51 Ibid. nos 512. 52 Passio sanctorum scillitanorum 16, ed. H. Musurillo, in The acts of the Christian martyrs, Oxford 1972, 869. 53 Duval, Loca, i. 242. 54 Ibid. nos 70, 77. THE ABI TI NI AN MARTYRS 11 to the popularity of a local martyr cult, rather than to the wider popularity of the Abitinians. 55 Indeed, there is no north African inscription which can be denitely associated with them. 56 We must therefore be wary of forcing coherence upon our fragmentary evidence by identifying individuals known from inscriptions from the lists of martyrs found in literary sources. 57 The same is also true of individual martyrs known from liturgical texts such as the Calendar of Carthage. 58 It may also be possible to look at the evidence in a dierent way. Instead of seeing the scattered Abitinian names which occur in epigraphic and liturgi- cal sources as indications of the cult of individuals drawn from the Passio Saturnini, we may instead see this literary text as a compendium of local and previously unconnected cults. Certainly this is suggested by the authors vagueness concerning the eventual fate of the Abitinians, when he notes only that they died in dierent places and at dierent times. 59 The successive encounters between the individual Abitinians and Anullinus may thus reect the traditions of separate cults, associated with each other and given cohesion by a Donatist author, who enlisted the support of the dead against his Catholic rivals. It may be that the collective presentation of the Abitinian martyrs is itself evidence for the late composition of the Passio Saturnini. The willingness of historians to believe that the Passio Saturnini was produced at Carthage in 411 has therefore been prompted by the circular reasoning that the text was well known in Africa, and already featured in Donatist polemic against their opponents. For example, Lancel describes the account of the Abitinians being used as a machine de guerre contre leurs adversaires before 411. 60 As we have seen however, it is unclear how Lancel arrives at this conclusion, as there is in fact very little evidence for a cult of the Abitinians, or its polemical use, at any point during the fourth century. In particular, the silence of Catholic polemicists is striking. In his polemical account of the schism, written in or shortly after 384, 61 Optatus makes no mention whatsoever of the Abitinians, or of Caecilian or Mensurius denial of supplies to confessores during the persecution. Given his readiness to defend the Catholics from involvement in the deaths of Marculus and Donatus, 62 it is unlikely that he would have kept silent about the Abitinians if they had been a source of Donatist polemic when he was writing. To the silence of Optatus we may also add the absence of any reference to the Abitinians in Augustines 55 Ibid. ii. 6867. 56 Ibid. ii. 68491. 57 Ibid. ii. 690. 58 Monceaux, Histoire litte raire, iii. 142. The names which appear on the Calendar of Carthage (Ruinart, Acta sincera, 61819) are Rogatus (24 June), Felix, Eva and Regiola (30 Aug.), Ampelius (12 Sept.), Ianuarius (19 Sept.) and Victoria (24 Oct.). See also Saxer, Morts, 2257. 59 Passio Saturnini, praefatio. 60 Lancel, SC cxciv. 95 n. 6. 61 For the date of Optatus work see M. Edwards, Optatus : Against the Donatists, Liverpool 1997, pp. xvixviii. 62 Optatus, Contra Donatistas iii. 68, ed. M. Labrousse, SC cdxiicdxiii, 19956. 12 ALAN DEARN works. At no point does he nd it necessary to respond to the accusations found in the Passio Saturnini, or even to use the Abitinians as exemplars in his polemical works or surviving sermons. If the Abitinians were a focus of Donatist polemic in the fourth or early fth centuries, the two greatest Catholic polemicists appear to have been unaware of it. More striking still is the lack of reference at the Council of Carthage to the accusations raised in the Passio Saturnini against Caecilian and Mensurius. It may be that some account of the Abitinians was produced at Carthage, but the text obviously had little in common with the one known to us. Otherwise, it is dicult to account for the complete absence of any reference, from Catholics or Donatists at the conference, to the polemical stance which is integral to the extant text. This may mean that there was a neutral, or even a Catholic version of the text. However, this need not imply that such a text was the original nor that it formed the basis of the Donatist text which we possess. 63 Nor does it follow that the original version of the text used at Carthage can be recovered from the Passio Saturnini as we know it. Above all, there is absolutely no reason to suppose that the text preserves accurately the events of 304, or even that the accusations it contains formed part of Donatist polemic at the time of the council. The basilica of Uppenna Although the Abitinians have no denite attestation in the epigraphic record, the most plausible and signicant possible reference to them is found in the basilica of Uppenna in Byzacena, which is worth considering in detail. 64 The basilica, excavated poorly in 1905, 65 contained two interesting mosaic inscriptions of dierent dates. The earliest, associated with the small eastern apse of the basilica, is incomplete, but apparently commemorates a group of martyrs who suered [di]e IIII non(as) aug[ustas] , that is on 2 August, and which included two men named Saturninus. 66 At a later date, the basilica was greatly expanded. The area of the eastern apse, with its mosaic, was covered by a square martyrium, associated with two depositions of reliquaries. 67 Over these, a mosaic pavement was laid, measuring 2.45 m. by 2.7 m. 68 This de- picted a large jewelled cross, framed by a oral border, and anked by two sheep. Below the arms of the cross appears a list of thirteen martyrs. These correspond with those listed on the earlier inscription, although a copyists 63 Monceaux, Histoire litte raire, iii. 144; Maier, Dossier, i. 57. 64 Duval, Loca, nos 279; D. Raynal, Culte des martyrs et propagande donatiste a` Uppenna, Les Cahiers de Tunisie xxi (1973), 3372. 65 Raynal, Uppenna, 34. 66 Duval, Loca, no. 27. 67 Ibid. i. 68 (and see p. 60 for a plan of the successive stages of the basilica). 68 Ibid. no. 29. THE ABI TI NI AN MARTYRS 13 error appears to have been made on the later inscription, where the date of the martyrdom appears simply as die nonas agustas [sic]. However, of much greater interest is the inscription which appears above the cross: Hec sunt nomina martirum Petrus, Paulus, Saturninus presbiter. It is this which prompted Raynal in his 1973 study of the inscription to see it as Donatist propaganda. 69 Raynals main argument is persuasive. According to his reconstruction, the original apse inscription listed a group of otherwise unknown local martyrs of Uppenna, who appear in full on the later mosaic. 70 However, as he points out, the earlier mosaic cannot have had the space to include the opening dedication of the latter, to Petrus, Paulus and Saturninus. He therefore considers that these three names were added to the list of thirteen names on the earlier inscription, and that the cult of the new martyrs was associated with the old, 71 a process of holy ination similar to that which may have produced the Passio Saturnini. This then raises the problems of when the second mosaic was made, and who the new martyrs were. The date of the later inscription is uncertain. Given the poor execution of the original excavations, the only clues as to the date of the mosaic are those it reveals itself, in its iconography and orthography. Examining these criteria has usually resulted in the dating of the mosaic to the Byzantine reconquest, 72 although Raynal argues for a date during the Vandal occupation. 73 By any reckoning therefore, the mosaic was laid down at some time after the Council of Carthage in 411. As for the identity of the martyrs added to this later inscription, Petrus and Paulus are certainly the Apostles. 74 The appearance of Saturninus with the title of presbyter makes it most likely that he is to be identied with the leader of the Abitinians in the Passio Saturnini, 75 although it is also possible that the reference is to a presbyter of the Uppenna church itself. 76 69 Raynal, Uppenna, 3372. 70 Note that the only potential connection between the Abitinians and the Uppenna inscriptions is the reference to Saturninus presbiter on the later mosaic. The list of martyrs below the cross, who appear to have been the subject of the earlier mosaic, do not correspond with the list of names found in Passio Saturnini 2. The mosaics therefore do not primarily commemorate the Abitinians, despite the recent comments to this eect in W. H. C. Frend, North African and Byzantine saints in Byzantine north Africa, in Romanite et cite chre tienne : permanences et mutations, inte gration et exclusion du Ier au Vie sie `cle (Me langes en lhonneur dYvette Duval), Paris 2000, 321. 71 Raynal, Uppenna, 379, 64. The likelihood that the addition of new names to the list of martyrs also involved their ritual remembrance is further suggested by the apparent deposition of a new reliquary at the time of the second mosaics construction: Duval, Loca, i. 64. 72 Duval, Loca, i. 64. 73 Raynal, Uppenna, 6772. 74 For the cult of the Apostles in north Africa, and their appearance in epigraphic sources, see W. H. C. Frend, The memoriae apostolorum in Roman north Africa, Journal of Roman Studies xxx (1940), 3249. 75 Passio Saturnini 2; Raynal, Uppenna, 40. 76 Duval, Loca, i. 66. 14 ALAN DEARN These conclusions prompted Raynal to see in the inscription an expression of Donatist self image, inuenced by the Passio Saturnini in the form that has come down to us. 77 Although he perhaps over-interprets aspects of the mosaic, 78 his general conclusions seem likely. In Raynals view, the inscription gives legitimacy to a group of local martyrs (those listed under the arms of the cross) by conjoining them with the Apostles and the leader of the Abitinians, perhaps symbolising the group as a whole. The mosaic may thus be under- stood almost as a symbolic representation of the Donatist conception of the Church of the martyrs, both those of the apostolic age and those who may be seen as continuing their example. 79 Saturninus the presbyter does not appear on the earlier, probably fourth-century mosaic. Rather, the association of his name with a local martyr cult in the Vandal or Byzantine period suggests the later importance of the Abitinians for Donatist identity and polemic. From this examination of the use of the Passio Saturnini in north Africa, several conclusions may be drawn. First, only one version of the text has come down to us, a version which may be described as Donatist, reecting as it does a polemical posture towards Caecilian and his Church. This text may have been based on earlier hagiography relating to a group of Abitinian martyrs, or perhaps on a number of unconnected cults, but the text which survives is a specic work owing its existence to a polemical context. Second, the willingness of scholars to believe that there was an earlier version of the passio, produced at Carthage in 411, has been supported by the supposed popularity of the cult of the Abitinians in north Africa during the fourth and fth centuries. There is little evidence to support this assumption. Third, confusion in the use of the Passio Saturnini raises the methodological problem of the search for the Ur-text in the study of hagiography. Monceaux and deCavalieri both saw that the extant text owed its composition to a late context, perhaps in the fth century. 80 However, their interest was not so much in the text as it has survived, but in the more authentic text which they believed it to be based upon. This approach has dominated the study of hagiography, reected in particular in Delehayes typology of hagiogra- phical texts based upon the degree of authenticity and historical accuracy they possess. 81 It is however equally valid to treat such texts as evidence for the way in which traditions of the past were made relevant to the par- ticular contexts in which they were written. They may be approached as giving accurate evidence illustrating the imagined worlds of identity and polemic. 77 Raynal, Uppenna, 42. 78 This is especially true of his attempts to connect the cross on the mosaic with the military imagery of the Passio: Raynal, Uppenna, 52. 79 Ibid. 4954. 80 Monceaux, Histoire litte raire, iii. 147; deCavalieri, Agiograche, 45; Maier, Dossier, i. 58. 81 Delehaye, Legends, 89. THE ABI TI NI AN MARTYRS 15 The interpretations built upon the assumption that the Passio Saturnini is an accurate record of events in 304 are therefore problematic at best. In particular, Frend assumes that the account of the council held by the Abitinians in prison records actual events. 82 He is therefore able to use it as an example of what he sees as the long-standing tension between the authority of the confessor and the cleric in north African Christianity. The incident is thus grist to his mill in explaining the Donatist schism through a meta-narrative of pre-existing tensions within north African Christianity and society. 83 Similarly, as I have already mentioned, Tilley sees the Passio Saturnini as evidence for Christian identity in north Africa prior to the schism, and believes that the story was popular among Donatists because of what it recorded about Mensurius actions. 84 She is thus able to treat the Passio as a kind of Donatist foundation-text, which provides the key for understanding the form that Donatist identity would take. Unfortunately, once it is established that the Passio Saturnini had no long pedigree in the north African Church, these interpretations dissolve. The text is not a reliable source for nascent Catholic or Donatist attitudes at the time of Caecilians consecration or before, but for the way in which later attitudes were projected back into the past for polemical purposes. Appreciating this moves the seductive power of Christian polemic to centre stage. Rather than furnishing evidence for the early fourth century, the Passio Saturnini is evidence for what I have referred to as an imagined world ; a picture of a groups identity partly asserted and maintained through a polemical reconstruction of the past. The most plausible context in which this imagined world took shape is not the early fourth century, but some time after the Council of Carthage in 411. Since the accusations made in the Passio Saturnini against Caecilian and Mensurius do not appear to have been part of Donatist polemic before or during the council, we may reasonably consider the council to be the terminus post quem for composition of the Passio Saturnini in its extant form. More precise dating is problematic, particularly as we know so little about the fate of the Donatists after the Vandal conquest and the death of Augustine, our main source of evidence, in 430. 82 Passio Saturnini 21. 83 This thesis is summarised clearly in W. H. C. Frend, The Donatist Church: forty years on, in C. Landman and D. P. Whitelaw (eds), Windows on origins : essays on the early Church in honour of Jan Stoop on his sixtieth birthday, Pretoria 1985, 7081, repr. in his Archaeology and history in the study of early Christianity, London 1988, no. xv: Donatism had been a movement of social and economic as much as religious protest, centred in a well-dened area of eastern and central Algeria I tried to show the reasons for the outbreak in terms of a Berber and rural identity for Numidia in contrast to the more Romanized province of proconsular Africa where the African Catholics formed the majority (p. 73). 84 Tilley, Martyr stories, 256; Bible, 10. 16 ALAN DEARN Nevertheless, several features of the text suggest a response to the Donatist defeat at Carthage, and so may indicate a date of composition shortly after the council. The outcome of the council of 411 was decided before it had begun. It did not seek dialogue or consensus, but the symbolic defeat of the recalcitrant Donatists, at the hand of the imperial administration and the Catholic Church which it supported. 85 In this context the Donatist depiction of an assembly of heroic martyrs asserting their antipathy to the Church of the traditores subverts the power exercised against them. The Donatists were defeated by their opponents at the council, but as a result were aorded the opportunity of emulating their heroic forebears under pagan persecution. 86 Time is thus collapsed, the struggle of the Donatists given meaning through its connection with that of the Abitinians. Furthermore, the imperial persecutors of the Abitinians are conated with the Church of Caecilian, presenting a monolithic Other against which the Donatists could dene themselves. This impression is heightened by the authors use of the term bellum to describe both the imperial persecution and the antithesis between martyres and tradi- tores. 87 The text therefore may be seen as a Donatist foundation-text, but it is one looking backwards from the fth century, not forwards from the early fourth. Similarly, Frend may be right to evoke the perennial African tension between bishop and confessor in his interpretation of the text, but not in reference to the context of the early fourth century. Rather, the authority asserted by the Abitinians in their prison council subverts the episcopal authority of the Council of Carthage. 88 Perhaps the best indication of this is the authors own statement of his aim. Introducing the story of the Abitinians, the author of the Passio Saturnini makes it clear that the events which he will describe are the most signicant cause of the bellum between Catholics and Donatists. 89 That is, responsibility for the conict is assigned to the betrayal of the Abitinians by Mensurius and Caecilian, not to the accusations of their traditio. Since it seems that their involvement in the fate of the Abitinians was only invented, or perhaps highlighted, after the Council of Carthage, then we may see in the Passio an 85 See, for example, the discussion of B. D. Shaw, African Christianity: disputes, denitions, and Donatists , in M. R. Greenshields and T. A. Robinson (eds), Orthodoxy and heresy in religious movements : discipline and dissent, Lewiston 1992, 1520. For the ritualised nature of late antique public disputation see R. Lim, Public disputation, power, and social order in late antiquity, Berkeley 1995, 99106. 86 consulto quidem hoc faciens duplici scilicet modo, ut et imitatoribus eorum ad martyrium animos praeparemus et, quos uiuere in perpetuum atque cum domino Christo regnare condimus, etiam confessiones ipsorum, pugnas atque uictorias, cum in litteras digerimus, aeternae memoriae conferamus : Passio Saturnini 1. 87 Ibid. 12. 88 On the theme of the Donatist attempts to subvert their powerless position during the Council of Carthage see the pertinent analysis of Shaw, African Christianity, 2333. 89 Placet igitur in principio causam ipsius belli tractare totiusque mundi discrimen necessario breuiter omni celeritate discurrere ut, agnita ueritate, et praemia martyrum et poenas quis nouerit traditorum : Passio Saturnini 1. THE ABI TI NI AN MARTYRS 17 attempt to maintain the imagined world of Donatist identity. Unable to establish their case in the judicial context of the council, the legitimacy of the Donatists position is portrayed as resting upon the legacy of the martyrs. Indeed, the account of the council of Abitinians also subverts the very use made of the gesta martyrum at Carthage. The Catholics had enlisted their support to demonstrate that Christians had been able to congregate during the Persecution. Perhaps in response to this, the Donatist author of the Passio Saturnini concedes the point. Christians are depicted meeting together, but in prison and in condemnation of Caecilian and his Church. The text of the Passio, as well as the epigraphic evidence of Uppenna, suggests that the Abitinians enjoyed popularity through their polemical use by Donatists after the Council of Carthage. However, it is important not to overstate the case. The Abitinian martyrs may have been used to assert Donatist legitimacy and identity after 411, but the paucity of evidence makes it impossible to establish the extent to which a Donatist Church survived both imperial suppression and Vandal invasion, and what importance the Passio Saturnini may have held for it. The evidence which does survive does not necessarily support the view that all Donatists viewed the text as equally important. This is suggested by the chronicle generally known as the Liber genealogus. 90 This text expresses a Donatist point of view, accusing Caecilian and Mensurius of traditio, and referring to Honorius anti-Donatist legislation of 405 as a persecution of Christians. 91 Although the Donatist version of the chronicle seems to have been written between 405 and 411, 92 dierent manuscripts attest to at least four subsequent recensions, in 427, 438, 455 and 463. 93 However, despite mentioning the names of prominent victims of the various persecutions, the Abitinians are completely absent from any version of the text. 94 On the one hand, this is further evidence for the fact that they did not form part of anti-Catholic polemic prior to 411. On the other hand, however, it is notable that they were not added to any subsequent revision of the text, perhaps implying that they were less important to fth-century Donatists than they have often appeared to modern scholars. The martyrs of the Passio Saturnini may have been venerated as part of a past held in common by all north African Christians prior to 411, but there is no evidence that they enjoyed any special prestige. Rather, it seems that their hagiography gained in popularity in the years after the council to reinforce the group identity of at least some Donatists. Regardless of whether they ever really suered under Anullinus, the Abitinians as we know them are a Donatist invention. 90 Liber genealogus, ed. Th. Mommsen, MGH ix. 1891, 15496; Monceaux, Histoire litte raire, vi. 24958. 91 Liber genealogus, lines 6267. 92 Monceaux, Histoire litte raire, vi. 251. 93 Mommsen, MGH ix. 154. 94 Note that Tilley, Bible, 144, implies that they are included in the text. 18 ALAN DEARN
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