Digest # 8 (1994)

SURVEY

KOSOVA CAN ONLY BE INDEPENDENT

by "KOHA" research team

As the Yugoslav state dismantled, the creation of new states occurred. Of course, Albanians
make part of this process, trying to accomplish their independence. But taking into account
that they are living under Serbian occupation, to achieve this goal is very hard. But the
possibilities of Albanian-Serbian divisions are open, and this automatically takes with itself
the danger of having a large-scale conflict in the region. All of these suppositions are based
on the fact that the actual Serbian regime has achieved everything it in Kosova wanted
through war, and that doesn't accept dialogue not only with Albanians but, as it was proven,
in Bosnia, either.

This was the reason why our magazine approached the political parties in Serbia with four
questions regarding the eventual partition of Kosova.

At the same time, people in Prishtina were approached and were asked restricted questions.
208 of them answered to our questions, and the model was spontaneous.

44,7% of the surveyed think that there are no chances for an Albanian-Serbian division.
Almost proportionally the same (40%), are those who think that the division based on an
agreement is possible. Those who had no posture whatsoever made up 15%.

The realization of the Republic of Kosova, but without a division between Albanians and
Serbs, and the supposition that the Albanians would remain in a new Yugoslav federal
association should understand its installation as a unit with a special status in that association.
Nevertheless, 69% of the questioned answered that Kosova can be only and independent
state, meaning that they can't find themselves involved in a new Yugoslav federation with an
equal status as a unit.

When asked whether it could be an equal republic within the Federation, 8,6% responded
positively and those who think that Kosova would not have the same status as other units
made up 8,12%.

Therefore, the majority of these people think that Kosova has no chance to even become part
of this federation with an equal status. And if we add the figures of those who don't think
positively of this possibility and those who think that it wouldn't have an equal status, then it
comes out that 78% of these people can in no way imagine Kosova as part of the new
Yugoslav association. The number of those who have no defined posture is 13,9%.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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The public has had the chance to listen recently, to the proposals about the division of
Kosova. Such territorial partition understands the displacement of hundred thousands of
people and the ethnic redefinition of the territory. This could make things get out of control
which implicates the danger of the escalation of a war in this part of the region. But the
possibility of having a division by agreement is not excluded. 43,2% of the questioned
responded that there can be no division at all, 24,5% think that it can be achieved by war
only, and the ones that think that the division can be achieved through Albanian-Serbian
negotiations is 21,1%. Only 11% are undefined. So it can be concluded that this issue could
only cause conflicts and that it is not of the best solutions to the problem. Because, those who
think that Kosova can't be divided and that the division could bring war make up the same
category (68%, without taking into account those who haven't a clear posture, and whose
approach could be easily foreseen in circumstances of the forcible division of Kosova's
territory).

The fact that the Albanians refuse to go back to the positions under Serbian jurisdiction, often
takes us to the conclusion that it will have war as a result. 30,2% of these people think that
there will be no war even if Albanians are put in this position, and 35,5 of them have no
defined posture. 30,2% of them think the contrary.

ALBANIA

EX-PRESIDENT RAMIZ ALIA IS ALREADY FACING TRIAL

by ALEKSANDER FURRXHI/Tirana

It in not a fantasy. Even though it has been stated that Ramiz Alia would have to stand before
the Courts on May 21, taking a glance over the local newspapers makes you aware that his
trial has already commenced. He, together with other five former members of the Polit-bureau
of the Labor Party of Albania are charged with fraud and the abuse of official posts.

"Ramiz Alia, guilty of historic crimes, the Red Commissar, Hangman of his own people; will
he ever hit his chest?" are some of the titles of articles published in "Rilindja Demokratike" of
the ruling party, whilst "Kombi" of the Party for Unity asks: "Who arrested Ramiz Alia and
will the Courts find him innocent?". The independent "Koha Jonë" claims : "Ramiz Alia has
created the precedent of a trial against a president of the state. Will the former President
defend himself politically?"

Ramiz Alia, for the time being, is alone and has no support from any political party, is the
first former President of the state in whole history of Albania that is facing trial. But not
because he is accused what people think, but for enormous personal and familiar expenses.
Thus it happened with the biggest part of former party officials and heads of the Communist
regime, who are already in prison serving time. It is not just because of the last office he held
that Ramiz Alia is a special case among the closest collaborators of Enver Hoxha. "Alia,
synonym of a political and demagogical man, a charlatan, a server, a hangman...now after his
political failure, has many days to make a balance out of his life, which even though he
presents as positive in interviews, are too accurate in their negativeness..." claims "Rilindja
Demokratike", who also states that Alia, together with Hoxha are guilty of having Stalinized

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the country. There is no doubt that he was one of the closest collaborators of Enver, that he
was one of the commanders of the National-Liberation Army and that since 1983 he was
President of the country and since 1985 the main leader of the Socialist Party of Albania.
"...But, at the same time, it is indisputable that Ramiz Alia, being as he was, he was one of the
most important figures, if not the most important, who opened the path to the democratic
processes in Albania", claims "Kombi".

"Maybe Ramiz Alia is the most complex political figure in the past decades in Albania,
especially taking into account that he lead the country in the most chaotic situation. He is the
less enlightened person, and nobody can really tell what is behind his darkness", comments
the independent "Koha Jonë". In reality, this is the most discussed period of Alia's whole
political career. Does he have any merits to the democratization of Albania, or has he only
sabotaged this process? "Ramiz Alia dirtied the dreams of his own people. When people
sought rebirth, he wanted loyalty. When they sought to become part of Europe, he had the
police massacre them and declared them enemies. When they sought pluralism, he hit them
back with batons and tear-gas", claims the ruling party through their newspaper. "Kombi", on
the other hand, says: "Ramiz Alia prepared the Labor Party of Albania to accept pluralism as
a necessity for the fate of Albania...his role and contribution at the head of Albania has been
and remains indisputable...he tried his best to represent the unity of the people among the
people themselves, and the political parties". The independent "Koha Jonë" concludes:
"Immediately after his visit to the USA in 1990, it seemed as there were other winds blowing
in Albania. Ramiz Alia was granted ovations by the Albanian emigration in the USA and it
seemed as if there he had promised to turn towards the West. Communist Ramiz Alia had it
clear that for a people, which in over five decades hadn't felt not a single blow of democracy,
it was hard for it to come, and even it shouldn't be brought so fast".

In the midst of these press tirades, the former Albanian President will have to go to court for
the third time in a row. The first two times he was witness in the trials against Nexhmije
Hoxha and Fatos Nano. Both times his posture was proud and his testifying was more
directed to the people than the courts. It could be said that he will most probably develop a
political defense, which was even announced in the memoirs he has published recently.

ECONOMY

WHERE ARE THE SANCTIONS?

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI/Prishtina

Many reports of international institutions claim that the embargo is not respected, since
prohibited goods are entering Serbia and Montenegro. The observed had reported before, that
hundreds of fuel cisterns had come in from Macedonia. A journalist of "Deutsche Welle" had
expressed his surprise to know that in time of the sanctions, the border crossing at Vërmicë
was easily used to bring in all sorts of prohibited goods from Albania. At the beginning of the
sanctions, when Serbia could serve as transit territory, nine cistern-wagons crossed the border
at Gevgelija. The war in Bosnia hadn't started yet, but it could be felt in the air. The load was
meant for Bjeljina, a town outside the under sanctions Serbia. The wagons crossed Hani i
Elezit and were headed to Kraljevo. Suddenly, they returned back to Prishtina, and the
director of Customs ordered the load to get clearance in Prizren. The nine of them ended in

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the reservoirs of Krusha e Madhe, under the sign that it was meant to be for the Yugoslav
Army. The other case, that of one year ago happened in Albania. The Albanian financial
police had alarmed that close to Elbasan, five trucks full of urea had stopped along the way.
Those trucks had to transport this fertilizer through Macedonia, Kosova and Serbia up to
Slovenia. The problem was actualized when some chemists concluded that urea could be used
for the production of dynamite, therefore using that territory as transit, meant violation of the
sanctions. Finally, after it was concluded that dynamite would cost to much if produced of
this substance, the authorities allowed these five trucks to go through. But, they never
reached Slovenia and it was never used to produce dynamite. It remained in Kosova, and it
was sold as a fertilizer.

The embargo is violated in other ways too. At least some Kosovan producers who through
different speculations send their goods abroad. Until recently, the role of the mediator
belonged to Macedonia. And this until it didn't find itself under the Greek blockade, Serbia
and Greece made their trade through Macedonia. The Kosovan electric-power plants used to
export at least 90 megawatt/hours a day to Macedonia. The Nickel produced in Gllogovc, was
imported by a private enterprise in Austria (and there are doubts that the owner of the
enterprise is Albanian), under the label of a producer from Kavadarci. Later, through
Macedonia, the Nickel reached Hong Kong, but the money wasn't deposited in Gllogovc or in
Serbia, but in a bank in Rumania or Cyprus. The tubes produced in Ferizaj are being sold in
Greece as products produced in Kumanovo (Macedonia). Therefore, it is no surprise that the
Radiator factory in Gjilan has evidenced the biggest profit from exportations, in the past year.

The Security Council resolution of the UN was supported by all institutions of government of
Albanians in Kosova, political parties and the Trade-Unions. They have even insisted to have
the sanctions still on, until the solution to Kosova's problem and that of the Albanians in the
Former Yugoslavia is not found. From the aspect of the attempts to accomplish their
aspirations, it is OK that the Albanians support the embargo, despite the fact that two years
ago it most severely affected Kosova. But, the closeness to Macedonia and the enormous
number of private enterprises- mainly trade and commerce- made Kosova not feel the
sanctions too much. As one Albanian businessman declared, it is surprising how much stocks
of goods there are in Kosova. He said that for some weeks now he had stopped buying
wheat-flour, because the consumers don't want it. And this is not because of the price, for
now it is the lowest in the past two years, but the issue is that there is a lot of flour in the
market. The only segment where the embargo and blockade are evident is the fuel and its
derivates. The amount and the price oscillate depending on the moment. Now it is true that
this article is missing and that it is pretty expensive.

The embargo had caught the Albanians unprepared, for at that time, over 120 thousand of
them had been dismissed, which means over 700 thousand individuals (members of families
of the dismissed), who had no income. The situation which announced a serious situation was
overcome in two ways: the Albanian emigration abroad had sent enough quantity of money to
cover the basic expenses and second, in that period of time, over 14 thousand private
enterprises were established, and their good job had flooded the market with all types of
goods. Many times, the international observers closed their eyes before the huge contingents
coming into Kosova. There have been also words on corruption and bribery of foreign
customs officers by our businessmen. This also counts for the Serbian ones, just to bring in
the goods to the warehouses of their enterprises.

It is characteristic that Serbia, in times of the economic embargo has made its custom acts

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even harsher, i.e. it restricts the possibility of import. This is made through the taxes on all
imported goods, which were removed ten days ago, but also through the restriction of
contingents of a variety of goods. The well acquainted with this matter claim that in this way,
Serbia is safeguarding the monopoly of some producers, mainly those of the food industry.
There is enough production, but the prices are of the highest in Europe. In case that it allows
the import of goods, which despite the sanctions is accomplishable, it would put at stake
many enterprises. At the same time, in some analyses, it has been stated that the economic
embargo has rarely achieved the desired results. For some time, it causes and keeps the
situation of crisis and tension in a country to which the embargo applies, but to the population
it becomes habitual. This is best illustrated with the cases of Cuba, Iran, and South Africa at
one stage. The same thing is happening with Serbia and Montenegro.

POLEMICS

WHO WANTS BEAR'S FEET?

by VETON SURROI

If it weren't for "Koha", and I allow myself to interpret the article of dr. Agani, the
conclusions from the visit of the Minister of State of Great Britain Douglas Hogg wouldn't be
neither "pseudo-realistic", "defeatist" nor "of capitulation". They would be "realistic",
"mobilizing" and finally "victorious". In this direction, the conclusions would state that "Mr.
Hogg expressed his support to the policy of the Albanians in Kosova and promised that he
will be engaged in the immediate solution of the problem of Kosova". And the rest of what
this official has said, would be kept silent.

If this is the political determination to treating reality, then I must say that it is incompatible
with the professional concept of journalism. I, as a journalist, couldn't keep silent about Mr.
Hogg messages, however "dark" and "without prospective" they might have been. Even less
knowing that this would suit the political organization to which Mr. Agani belongs, or the
interest to have the projection of the "spirit of mobilization" in this precise moment. The
spirit of mobilization, as an expression in journalism, is a synonym for propaganda, which
was known to these regions as AGITPROP.

I believe that we have, to certain extent, positioned the differences about the limits between
journalism and the political needs. Now, I voluntarily will skip over this thin limit to take
conclusions about Mr. Hogg's visit and the reaction of Mr. Agani, high official of the LDK,
the dominating Albanian political force.

a) The citizens are entitled to know what is going on in Kosova and around Kosova from
sources and authentically. They are also entitled to know about messages that do not suit
them. The reality, and not the pseudo-reality in Kosova, is unpleasant, and this the citizens
must see through public expression and the media. It will depend on every individual and the
whole how will this reality be interpreted further on: will this mean that "our chances are
low", or that "disregarding this, we will win", it is a personal issue of each one of us. As
public activists, both dr. Agani and myself, have the obligation to offer the citizens as many
informations and as qualitative ones.

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b) If Mr. Hogg sees Kosova within the internationally (?) acknowledged borders of Serbia,
this doesn't mean that the reader will see the same thing. But, if in the same time, Mr. Hogg
expresses his support to the policy of the Albanian leadership, then immediately we'll have
two conflict situations. This will mean, there is a disproportion between the support to the
political leadership and its purposes, articulated in public.

c) At least in the three past years, it has been declared thousands of times that the Albanian
policy has the support of the relevant international factors. And the behavior of the population
has been conditioned to a large extent with this belief. The Albanians themselves have
random explained which were the limits of this support, why is it this way, and how could the
situation change.

d) Facing reality serves, not to "declare defeats" of this or that policy, but to reconsider each
and every political move - be it tactic, be it strategic. If the actual Albanian leadership will
take any dilemma or asked question expressed in public as an attack, this is one reason more
to insist on reconsideration, because this leadership is not able to do this itself.

e) In the meantime, while the reconsideration is going on, I believe that the distribution of
bear's feet is unnecessary. They don't serve the purpose, neither in journalism nor politics. As
souvenirs, they don't even have any values.

REFUGEES

ALBANIAN REFUGEES KEEP COMING

by FADIL GASHI/München

Even though not same as before, the river of the Albanian refugees keeps flowing. Despite the
rigorous measures at the border, the Albanian refugees clandestinely enter Germany and
request for asylum.

After the statements of the German authorities regarding the return of the asylum-seekers,
including those from Kosova, the refugees are at unrest. For the time being they are under
temporary protection, which means that their cases can be taken to study very soon.

The circumstances have forced the European countries to become more rigorous when it
comes to crossing the border. Hungary has not yet applied the visas to Yugoslav citizens, but
nevertheless doesn't allow anyone without a visa to other countries (Germany, Austria or the
Czech Rep.), to cross the border at Kelebija. Conscious of this problem, the tourist agencies
have chosen another path to take the future asylum seekers to Germany, and that is the tour
through Bulgaria, Rumania and the Czech Republic, from where they illegally go over to
Germany. Nowadays, people have started crossing the border from Poland, in the same
fashion.

This journalist had the chance to speak to some of those who illegally arrived to Germany,
and they claim that it has become very expensive to "travel" this way. They had to pay up to
1.500 German Marks, and nevertheless they couldn't be sure that they would be on safe. It
happens very often that the Albanians are robbed and cheated, they are deserted somewhere

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along the way and often caught by the guards and taken back where they came from. Once in
the "promised land" they are received by the "picklocks" who also have their price for taking
them to refugee centers.

The chances to be caught by the German police even before reaching these centers are big.
The control of aliens in Germany has increased, especially on the highways. To tell the truth,
Albanians are recognizable, and the police in civilian outfit don't find it hard to catch them.

Once they reach the center, they first hand over a personal document, very rarely the passport.
Then comes the interview and the refugee explains his reasons why he fled the country and
gives answers to a series of questions. After he is accommodated, in a three months period, he
gets the first instance answer. In 90% of the cases, it is negative. Unless the asylum-seeker
does not hire an attorney to file him the complaint and thus postpone the proceeding for
another three months, he will get the order of expulsion. The majority hire an attorney, but
after the first three months, they are transferred to another center, therefore they have no
chance to chose their new place of residence.

Actually it is considered that there are around 200 thousand Albanian asylum-seekers in
Germany. Before, it had happened that after three months, a refugee would get the
opportunity to work, but from now on, this practice has been abandoned, and this is the case
of those refugees who apply for extensions of permits (the refugees have a deadline for
everything). The explanation of the German authorities is that these people have gotten
political refuge, and that until their cases are not solved, the things should remain such. The
other reason is the high unemployment rate that Germany has been facing lately. Only some
of them work, and they do it illegally. The others watch the days go by. Talking to some of
them, the impression we got was that they were bored and very concerned about their
families. All of them had left behind someone they loved. The majority of them spoke in
superlative of the great reception they had experienced, but there were also some of them who
complained. Those were the ones that thought that the streets would be full of German marks
waiting for them to pick them up. The refugees receive a food basket on a weekly basis and
90 DEM a month, each.

Some centers give the refugees a check worth 250 DEM in order to buy clothes every six
months, but there are also cases when this need is fulfilled with the assistance of the Red
Cross of the town.

A special chapter is that of the behavior of the refugees. There are more frequent cases of
robbery and other misdoings which damage our interest. The number of those paying their
debts in prison is not small either. This category, as the majority says, are abusing of the
German hospitality and they should be taken back home, for they weren't ever persecuted nor
shall they be, by the Serbian police. This misfortune has made Albanian workers in Germany
lose the prestige and respect they had, as valuable and devoted workers. The things are so
serious, that these workers have decided not to accept these youngsters to be part of their
association of branches or political parties. Finally, the political parties should be engaged
even more to help sort out things, and make a clear distinction between those who deserve the
attention of the host country and those who don't.

On the other hand, the German authorities have decided to return 3.200 asylum-seekers from
Albania, who had "broke-in" the German embassy several years ago. The reason is that the
German authorities think that they can go back to Albania, since the conditions have changed,

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and that these people have been proven as very bad workers. There is a big difference
between asylum-seekers from Albania and those from kosova. The first ones have to invent
problems with local authorities, whilst the Kosovans, don't have to, it is evident. Then, the
ones coming from Albania are always complaining about the living conditions of a country
which is a super-power in economy. Nevertheless, these people had benefitted from their
status in the past, and they have saved money, so now they can go back to their country and
try to build a new life. The Kosovans think that they will be able to do this. The little they
get, they share it with their families. And even more, they pay the 3% contribution, more
regularly than our workers abroad.

FOUR QUESTIONS FOR SERBIA

UNITY INSTEAD OF ANSWERS

by BATON HAXHIU/Prishtina

Four were the questions we asked the Serbian political factors, in order to understand which
are the political movements in their policies, that determine the new developments regarding
Kosova. Since Kosova is one of the main issues in the Balkans, at the same time an actual
Albanian-Serb problem, in times when new Balkan states are formed, then the dilemma arises
whether both sides can agree upon the division and mutual definition. There is also a doubt
could Kosova, in new circumstances become an equal unit (the Republic of Kosova) in the
framework of this new creature.

While Dobrica Cosic was President of Yugoslavia, but even before that, he spoke of the
possibility of division of Kosova. The media has spoken of this issue too, but in essence, this
matter has been silenced by politicians and the international community, who are evading the
solution of it. This happens because a formula for (radical) solutions is missing. This is why
there are few signs that these negotiations might start because there is a big gap between the
points of view on the status of Kosova. Thus, the negotiations are as far, as are the
differences regarding the status of Kosova. According to some forecasts and analyses of many
experts, the postponement of negotiations about Kosova suits Serbia, while it still has two
opened fronts, and it is far away from solving the issue.

These were the reasons why we asked the most important political parties in Serbia, of great
influence among people, about their standpoints in this regard. We got answers from four
political parties, which as it will be seen, don't differ much from the postures of the ruling
party in Serbia.

In times when new Balkan states are being created, concretely on the territories of the Former
Yugoslavia, what are the chances to have both Albanians and Serbs agree upon division and
their determination?

The Socialist Party of Serbia doesn't want to give a reply to this question in this precise
moment, because their posture is clear and decisive. The Government of Serbia told us that
these kind of questions need special discussions, "...therefore we don't want to give any
hastened replies regarding this matter". The Radical Party of Seselj, told us that any
questions regarding the problem of Kosova have no answers, because there is only one

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posture regarding the issue of Kosova, and "our standpoints are known to the public in
Serbia".

The Citizens' Association (Gradjanski Savez), claims that the Albanians and Serbs have many
things to talk about and to agree upon, and not only speak of territories, their division and
new borders. "If it weren't for these extremes, the wars in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia,
wouldn't have started. We have been engaged before", says dr. Nebojsa Popov, member of the
leadership of this party, "and we are engaged now that the national and governmental issues
be discussed and decided upon in the Parliament and not on the battlefield".

The Serbian Renewal Party (SPO) claims that the alleged "Albanian problem in Kosova" (and
this region is called by them as Old Serbia) is treated as an internal problem in Serbia and that
it can be solved exclusively only by democratic means. SPO is of the opinion that the
Albanians should be entitled to all the rights that minorities enjoy in Europe and the world.

Our public is acquainted with the standpoints of this party, which bases it program on Kosova
on the medieval past and the presence of orthodox churches in Kosova. The Kosova medieval
myth is present in the programs of the other political parties, giving it the attribute of "Serbian
Kosova". If it is valid to communicate with civilization categories, then which are those
religious values that are of greater importance than 2 million people. If we use the arguments
of science, then solely in the region of Budapest, there are more Serbian churches than in
Kosova altogether, and based on this logic, then this region too, should be a place where the
Serbs should settle in the future.

To the question whether there are conditions for having the Republic of Kosova become
equal in a new Slavic creature, all the parties answered with a political euphemism that the
rights of the Albanians should be accomplished only based on the principles of the rule of law
and civilization concepts. These claims seem as cynical and offending, because after all those
killings, arrests and un-civilized treatment of Albanians of the same rule of law, which the
Serbian political parties are engaged in favor of, it seems as if it were expected the Albanian
political innocence to embrace this political bluff which has been served, in at least the past
100 years.

"The status of Kosova, can be best determined in the continuation of democratic processes,
where all the citizens would freely express their point of view. This is the reason why we
insisted to have the Albanians participate in the elections, so we could together fight in favor
of democratic principles, which is usually done by all civilized states. The Albanian political
leadership in Kosova is responsible for the continuing rule of the ruling party in Serbia",
claims SPO. "The status of Kosova will not be solved by boycotting elections. The
responsible politicians, if they are interested in the future of their citizens, should embrace the
democratic principles of the civilized world, and until this regime in Serbia is not changed,
there is no future for any of Serbia's citizens. The lack of a democratic state is the reason for
the difficult situation in Kosova".

The fact that the Serbian opposition is blaming the Albanian element, because in case the
Albanians would have participated in the elections, they would have won, is serious and
without any scruples. The engagement if the opposition in their programs and concrete
actions have no essential positive elements which would improve the Albanians position. If
this is so, then the participation of Albanians in the elections would mean that their fate
would be part of contours of a new violence of the Serbian democracy. It is known that the

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civil option in the Balkans (at least in these moments), and especially in Serbia, seems as
illusive, as democracy in Serbia.

In present circumstances, because Kosova can't be held always by force, because of its ethnic
composition and its geography, the Serbs have very often mentioned the possibility of the
division of Kosova. Cosic had declared on one occasion that this is the time for separation,
and this means division. Even, as he was still president, it had been said that he had sent a
project on the division of Kosova to the UN. President Rugova had declared that we could
agree upon division, but even if this happens, then the division must understand the swamp of
territories and to be equal. Leposavic should be exchanged for the territories of Eastern
Kosova (Southern Serbia). This is why we asked whether Kosova could be divided and how
could it be accomplished?

The Serbian parties claim, all of them, that such a solution would take us to war, with many
victims on both sides. This is why the division of Kosova, outside the democratic processes
means war. The realization of this option should be done by Albanians in the Parliament.

The wars in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia were results of the wish to detach from the hidden
Serbian domination. Since the Albanians were the ones that most have felt the Serbian
repression on them, it is hard for them to accept to go back to the positions under new
domination. They were declared against it in the elections and on the Referendum. But, the
orientation of Milosevic's regime is the continuation of violence and war. Taking into account
these facts, the last question was referred to whether there will be war in Kosova, when it is
well known that Albanians don't accept to undergo Serbian domination?

SPO, in its reply signed by the Secretary general Vladimir Gajic, says that this party is against
violence, war and killings as methods of solving political problems. It is much better to
negotiate 100 years that have one day of war, and this Party is of the opinion that the
problems will be solved through negotiations, because war would be catastrophic and that
nobody would win it.

Dr. Nebojsa Popov (Citizens' Association), thinks that being part of the democratic processes
doesn't mean to be subjugated to anyone's domination, and everyone who is aiming at the
realization of the political goals outside the democratic processes and the parliamentarian
procedures, takes oneself the responsibility for the violence and eventual victims. "When we
ourselves do not accept the misuse of the Serbian national interests, we can't accept those of
other nationalities either. We were also the first ones to start the dialogue for the democratic
processes, including Kosova's problem, and we have never interrupted the communication,
but unfortunately not all of it depends on us.

The most concise reply regarding this issue came from the Democratic Party of Serbia (Zoran
Djindjic), which claimed that these are not only party issues, but issues that "should be solved
by referendum".

Knowing the public postures of the Serbian parties, the Institute for International Politics and
Economy in Belgrade, which openly stated its postures regarding these matters, differs very
much from the opposition and ruling parties in Serbia! Their experts claim that Albanians
and Serbs should be separated. Serbia should not allow a new autonomy of the Albanians in
the country, and the reasons are the following: the Albanians have not enough land (space) to
cover their needs. It is supposed that there are over 400 thousand Albanians working abroad

- 10 -
and that they have saved large amounts of money. In a eventual democratic state, the
inclusion of the accumulated capital will, by all means, start to push their territories in the
direction of Central Serbia. Having in mind the birth rate, the new population will be
reproduced, despite the fact that the birth rate has decreased, it would be catastrophic for
Serbia to enter the same problem similar to the one in Bosnia, 10 years later, in Kosova.

A possible confederation, with Kosova as an equal unit, is not likely to happen. Maybe
Albanians, in such a new creature, in a very short period of time, would relativize so much
the border obstacle with Albania, which would make the unification of one people
unstoppable. The motives and the caprice of the state would not allow the division to take
place without any consequences, therefore it would be outrageous to have Serbia facing a
similar separatism it is facing now in Kosova.

When it comes to war, the posture of some of the experts of this Institute is that it would be
the biggest disgrace and that such a thing shouldn't be allowed. First of all, Serbia considers
Kosova to be its territory and the civil war would be the continuation of violence which the
world would see immediately as aggression. The, if this doesn't ever happen, and supposing
that Serbia will take a part of the territory it has imagined to take, and thus expelled over 1
million Albanians, then there would be a mobilization of millions of Albanians without
shelter, which would seek revenge for this Serbian action. Finally, in that situation, Serbia
would need 300 or 400 thousand soldiers to keep Kosova. "Such an option, which should be
applied, would not be of a democratic state with civilian leadership, but it would be a military
state", claim the experts of the Institute. Such a state would not suit Europe, because then it
would fear of a conflict of large extent which could get out of control. Therefore, if Serbia
could infiltrate the division of Kosova and get something out of it, this would be only option
it would use in this case. How much of this will be accomplished, will be evident after the
relation of forces is created.

Other institutions, that deal with similar problems including the Kosova issue, concretely
think that the Albanian matter has no solution within a new future federation. "Since the
international circumstances make war impossible in Kosova, because of the fear of its
extension, then as soon as the Serbs understand that they can't keep Kosova by force, it will
be easier for all of us to define the Balkans" (Jonathan Eyal).

According to the statements given to us, the conclusion is that there is no movement outside
the Serbian status-quo to, by force, keep Kosova. The lack of new concepts, nevertheless,
doesn't mean that Serbia has forgotten Kosova's problem. On the contrary.

INTERVIEW

Nenad Canak, Chairman of the Social-democratic League of Vojvodina

IT IS USELESS TO TALK WITH MILOSEVIC

by DUKAGJIN GORANI/Prishtina

KOHA: Mr. Canak, how did it all start?

- 11 -
CANAK: As the Communist ideology was degenerating and vanishing, the possibility to get
the power "from inside" appeared. And this was done by the well organized "right wing"
Communists who vitalized the national-socialist ideology, by using the Serbian nationalism
which had been put to sleep for a long time. And it works, creating a peculiar hybrid of the
nationalist ideology and the socialist rule with the control over the economy and the media,
enforcing it by the police and army. The sole aim of this regime is the power. Will it be
extended from "Vardar to Triglav" it is not important. Even if Serbia would be reduced to
Banovo Brdo in Belgrade, Milosevic would be very happy, as long as he remains president.

On the other hand, the illusion of pluralism in Serbia was created by allowing the foundation
of political parties. But there is no pluralist life in Serbia, and in these conditions, there can't
be.

Welcome to the Nazism in Serbia!

KOHA: Your book "Wars are coming", published last year was taken to be an apocalyptic
vision of the future in Former Yugoslavia and present Yugoslavia. Why did wars start, and
why could other wars begin?

CANAK: The war in Vojvodina started with the anti-constitutional annexation of Vojvodina
(and later of Kosova) by Milosevic's regime, in 1988. But the military operations started
three years later in Slovenia. Then, the Yugoslav military forces retrieved from Slovenia,
even though the Constitution stated that it should defend the territory of the whole country.
Why? The answer was imposed to me as I read the memorandum of the Chetnik ideologist
Dr. Stevan Molevic (of 1941) and the main postulates of the Chetnik movement, and which
served as basis for the ill-famed Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.
The main task of the followers is "...to create a homogenous Serbia which would provide the
Serbs ethnic territories where they could live and assure the main strategic lines which would
enable them to freely develop their economy, politics and culture forever".

Molevic's map had no connection of Serbia to Slovenia, whatsoever. The best solution would
be to "expel" Slovenia from Yugoslavia, by framing a small conflict, the result of which
would satisfy both nationalistic groups. Then would come, Croatia, Bosnia and the war would
go on. This I used as the example to prove that the Yugoslav Peoples' Army was a puppet
used to the creation of Greater Serbia.

KOHA:...and the Kosova knot?

CANAK: I don't know much of Kosova. This is the first time I am here. The tragedy of
Kosova I understand as a causality of the circulus vicious of national-chauvinism, of a
damned circle of the Great-Serbian appetites. All of the said are true, and have been repeated
historically: the Serbian mythomania on Kosova, the use of history and the revival of national
archaisms by Milosevic in order to get the power, so on and so forth. But I do believe in the
theory that Milosevic, really, doesn't need Kosova. He keeps it as a political ace to blackmail
the West for his own purposes, and to attract the attention and mobilize the Serbian
mediocrities against the "eternal enemy in the middle of Serbia".

KOHA: What about the policy of the Albanian parties in Kosova?

CANAK: I do highly evaluate the tolerance and patience applied to evade the conflict and

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bloodshed which was long expected in Kosova. I can say that the Albanian radicals are
Milosevic's best pals. He would like something like this to happen.

Whatever it might be, I have had no official contacts with the political subjects in Kosova,
and I hope that in the future there will be attempts for a fruitful and indispensable
cooperation.

KOHA: In your book you say that before war starts in kosova, the same thing will happen in
Macedonia. How?

CANAK: It is true that this state is calm and has been spared of the war and destruction. But,
the frictions between the Macedonians and Albanians could cause a conflict, and it would suit
Serbia by all means, for at least two reasons:

- first, the Macedonian state is weak militarily speaking and would have to ask for the
assistance of its neighbors against the Albanian rebels. Eliminating Albania, Bulgaria and of
course, Greece, Serbia would be "a less bad" solution. The American troops wouldn't be
involved at the beginning of the conflict, for they are militaries, and for smaller problems you
would have the police involved first. The inclusion of Serbian military forces in Macedonia
would strengthen the pro-Serbian leadership in Macedonia and in fact this would be the
inauguration of Macedonia within the Greater Serbia. Of course the Western part of
Macedonia wouldn't be defended, and reaching an agreement with the Albanian extremists
there, they would give up on that part of the territory.

-second, such a war could easily spread to Kosova, and this fact would make it easier to give
up on the South-Eastern territories of Kosova, and handing them over to the Albanian
leadership in Kosova. The option on the division of Kosova has foreseen this long time ago.

KOHA: Is there any political opposition in Serbia?

CANAK: Strangely enough only myself, Vesna Pesic, Vojislav Kostunica and Mirko Jovic
have never been members of the ill-famed Communist party. The opposition as it is now, I
divide it into three categories: the pro-Memorandum, the anti-Memorandum and
non-Memorandum (Memorandum of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Serbia).

The pro-Memorandum ones are those of nationalistic characteristics who are engaged in
changing the borders within former Yugoslavia, and try to link the "ethnic Serbian
territories". Those subjects are opposition to the ruling party because of their anti-Communist
ideology. The anti-Memorandum people are subjects with citizens' options of non-national
character, who are struggling to preserve the existing borders and in favor of religious and
national equality. The non-Memorandum subjects are those comprised of non-Serbs gathered
in political organizations.

KOHA: It seems as if there is no chance for talks with Milosevic's regime. Some days ago,
Kosova was visited by Douglas Hogg, a british high ranked diplomat, who left a lot of dust
behind him and enlivened the challenges of possible negotiations with Serbia. What do you
think about this?

CANAK: It's just a waste of time to try to talk about Kosova with Milosevic. First of all
because you can't trust him. He is an orthodox liar and he breaks all the promises he makes.

- 13 -
Second, Kosova is the mobilizing column of one part of the Serbian people, and any talks
regarding the political status of Kosova would be in vane from the start.

KOHA: How do you see the solution of the problem in Kosova?

CANAK: First of all Milosevic's regime must fall and a new regime must come, a regime to
which you could talk to. In the future I would like to see Kosova as a fourth unit of a
Federation which would be of citizens and not nationalities (Vojvodina, Serbia and
Montenegro), where Sandzak would have a special status of an autonomous province. The
detachment of Kosova, is out of the question. Whatever it might be, the situation in Kosova is
serious, and it needs an urgent solution. But, once again I say, that talking to the actual
regime, would mean losing time.

KOHA: It seems as if you were speaking of a future Yugoslav federation...

CANAK: No! There can't be any Yugoslav federation as it was before. If it would come to
co-existence, then a new organization should be made, a different one compared to the 1974
Constitution. On the other hand, if Serbia achieves its goal to create Greater Serbia, the next
step will be unification with Croatia to create a mutual state. This I say because the present
regimes are very similar to one another. Finally, since the beginning of the wars, such a thing
has been attempted several times. One of them was the London Conference in 1992. I am
afraid that such an agreement could be reached and the public will be told that this is a
"historical agreement between Serbs and Croats".

INTERVIEW

Douglas Hogg, British Minister of State

"I HOPE THERE WILL BE CONVERSATIONS"

by ARBEN MANAJ/BBC London

BBC: Mr. Hogg, the informations coming from Kosova tell us that one of the purposes of
your visit was to try and enable the development of conversations between Serbs and
Albanians. Is this true?

HOGG: I went there to speak to the Serbs and Mr. Rugova and other members of the
Albanian community in Kosova. The main purpose, in fact, was to try and identify the
position which both parties have adopted. Indeed, I had some messages to communicate. I
wasn't there to try and start a dialogue between the parties.

BBC: Which were the messages?

HOGG: First, and the most important one, that Kosova, as we see it, is part of Serbia and
should remain part of Serbia. We do not support separatism. But we support a high level of
autonomy.

BBC: What is "high level of autonomy"?

- 14 -
HOGG: I have in mind that the people in Kosova must have political and administrative
control for the policies that regard them, but always inside the external borders of Serbia.

BBC: How was your suggestion accepted by the Albanians?

HOGG: It depends on the identity of the person you speak to.

BBC: I'm referring to Mr. Rugova.

HOGG: Dr. Rugova is of the opinion that it is very hard for the Albanians to closely
cooperate with Serbs. At times, he has also expressed their point of view of becoming
independent from Serbia. I hope that he will be willing to cooperate closely with the Serbs
aiming at the broader autonomy and the transition of power.

BBC: You also met with Mr. Milosevic and told him about your suggestion. What was his
reaction to this?

HOGG: Both Milosevic and the Serbian officials told me that they were ready to give
Albanians a much higher level of autonomy. They also told me that they were very
unsatisfied with the existence of the parallel institutions in Kosova. The Serbs told me that
they were regretting that there were no contacts between them and the Albanians. I told them
that they should be judged upon their words and actions and that they must find the ways to
convince the Albanians to enter the negotiations to achieve a sort of autonomy which would
suit Kosova.

BBC:How do you see the possibilities for the negotiations between the two parties?

HOGG: It is very hard for me to say. The Serbs claim that they are ready to negotiate.
Milosevic even told me that he had started some contacts, not being specific about names. I
also think that there are Albanians ready to talk. Regarding Rugova's standpoint about this,
you should ask him. But I hope there will be negotiations which would lead to the autonomy
and the transition of power.

BBC:Serbs claim that they want negotiations and on the other hand they request the
prohibition of the LDK party.

HOGG: I have the impression that Milosevic will request the withdrawal of the Declaration
of Independence. I think that Rugova won't do this, but I hope that these details won't make
the conversations more difficult. If something of the kind happens, there will be no progress,
but just a blockade of the situation.

BBC: What do you think of the actual situation in Kosova?

HOGG: It is more than unsatisfactory. There is no dialogue between the two parties. Surely
there is a repression from the Serbian authorities that would cause the concern of the world.
Milosevic told me that in Kosova there were no political trials and that there were no political
prisoners. I think there are. I would like to see the CSCE observers in Kosova again, who
would give us an unbiased report on the situation, so we could judge ourselves.

Some of the reports that we have been receiving, as I see them, are very critical towards

- 15 -
Serbs, than the facts prove. In essence, we would want to see some progress in the path of the
transition of power and local autonomy. This must be done as soon as possible, before the
situation grows worse.

BBC: Albania is inciting to have the issue of sanctions conditioned to the solution of
Kosova's problem. Do you support this posture.

HOGG: I think that no one should insist on conditioning the sanctions with the solution of
Kosova's problem. The sanctions were implemented because of the situation in Bosnia.

Nevertheless, to tell the truth, as long as there are no solutions regarding the minorities within
Serbia, having in mind the position of Sandzak, Vojvodina and Kosova, and if the solutions
are not satisfactory, it will be very hard for Serbia to fully reintegrate in the international
community.

BBC: Many circles have expressed their concern about the developments of the situation in
FYR Macedonia, having in mind the situation of Albanians there. Is there any room for
concern?

HOGG: Allow me to say the following. I think it is in the interest of all those who live in
Macedonia to have this country stable. And this is also in the interest of the Balkans.

I also think that it is especially in the interest of the Albanians in Macedonia this country to
have stability. I am very encouraged with the constructive posture of the Albanians, and
especially of those who make part of the Macedonian government. I also think it is very
important for Gligorov and the Macedonian government to keep on with the same policy,
which would not allow anyone to think that the Albanians are discriminated.

Actually some encouraging steps made by President Gligorov regarding the Albanian media
and education are visible. This is very encouraging. I am optimistic about the stability of
Macedonia. And it will continue thus, only if the Macedonian government provides
non-discrimination of Albanians, and if Albanians in Macedonia get to understand that it is in
their own interest to have a stable Macedonia.

ESSAY

"WE ARE SELLING OUT TOO"

by REXHEP ISMAJLI

Somewhere between 1956-1960, as a child, in the hardest possible way was I learning the
geography of Turkey: the habitual talks in the evening would concentrate on emigration, with
so many strange names of towns mentioned. A fellow had sold his house. the other one had
bought a chest of drawers and was awaiting for a broom and some other few things. Durak
had gone to Kumanova, Asllan to Shkupi, Ferid had already reached Löleburgas...Avni has
been taken to Diyarbekir, Rrustem even farther. "We are selling out too", was the usual
refrain. There were people with many problems: in conditions when not even grain was
easily assured in May, it was whispered, as a refrain, about the daily events on the bizarre

- 16 -
police persecution of someone who has listened to the radio in Albanian, someone because he
dared to cut some wood in the forest which used to be his, because his grandfather or
great-grandfather was such and such, why the color of his hair was such, or...But there were
also those who fled because such was the created climate. There were even specialists who
were finding the shortest ways to sell all property overnight, to get the papers from the
municipality, to grab the little leftover money.

The ones who were conscious, the determined not to turn their backs on the fatherland, those
of no phrases, the patient, the most numerous, the aged and those with many children, which
in fact didn't even see a chance to survive abroad, wouldn't become part of the game. I had the
opportunity to often listen to people saying, and this I can't ever forget: "even if one house
remains, I'll never leave".

All the exodus, above all, in essence was a result of one elementary fact: repression, the
words and all of them were in function of creating a climate of lack of prospects in the land.
There were even propaganda people who sold their lies about the prospects of "salvation" in
Turkey. People wouldn't see a way out, they wouldn't see the light at the end on the tunnel.
Thus, I have been told, only in the outskirts of Istanbul a new birthplace of mine was created.
In 1961, that small town had only one class of high school in Albanian. Even though another
five years passed until the repressions stopped, and even nothing had really changed in the
aspect of survival, the posture towards the exodus had been changed totally. Of course that
such an explanation would be a unacceptable simplification of the situation. And I am not
referring to this. The high school class was the sign of a prospect which would open, a little
bit blurry, unclear, insecure, a sign that something would, however, change.

After I turned 45, I am going through the experience of the exodus of my relatives, which I
had seen in my childhood: now to the Western world, to the free world. The same
conversations after dinner, the same mechanisms of trade with people, alien tools with
modernized names of enterprises whose owners are Albanians. The efficacious study of the
geography of Europe from the grandparents, painful above all. Two thousand German Marks
per person, after a week or ten days, you'll find yourself somewhere in Germany, they say,
and then think about it.

Many of them have fled because of the many problems: the wild police terror, persecution,
searches, beatings, close-down of schools, of journals, of broadcast, culture, extermination of
life from every angle, and even after some time of having had those rights, which makes
things more difficult than on the ocassion of the first exodus. Even more, the TV doesn't stop
offering a room with views of terror and massacres that "could be dedicated to us". And all of
these in the function of the creation of the lack of prospects, which equals the concreteness of
each case later on. For when you look into each case separately, in all of the cases the
conclusion could be that, running away was indispensable.

Even though the population is visibly more mobile, which means that closing down inside our
environment is not fulfilling our needs, even more knowing the break down we are suffering
will impose a higher scale of the people's movements, a level which has been necessary and
fruitful, such exodus is not only a reflection of this need, whilst the dimensions of the
problems, the difficulties and painful human consequences because of the lack of documents,
throwing yourself into the sea and you can't swim so you have to employ all your energy to
survive, they are hard to be seen positively right now.

- 17 -
A diplomat, had once asked about the reason of this mobilization of the population around
one determined political project, and once he got the answer that the request was plebiscitary,
he had cynically replied: "...by this I understand that you have a high consciousness. From
what I see of those who try to get their documents in order, doesn't prove this fact to me".
However good-willing he might have been, and however he might not have understood the
main fact, that of the lack of prospects, nevertheless he had noticed the panic reaction.
Something similar to this would be a comment made by German judges who often hear these
responses to their questions:

"When will you go back to Kosova?"

"When Kosova is free!"

"And who will free Kosova?"

...and usually getting no response to this. The cynics had gone that far to have claimed that all
the wasted energy of these people who are trying to stay in Europe, would be enough the free
it, and not only Kosova. Are they right? No way, unless they would face the same problem.

We couldn't be so dishonest and not to see the big problem the people are facing: the lack of
prospects. Has this been caused by others, has it been imposed by force, should we try to get
rid of it ourselves? Yes, but how?

The difference between the two emigrations could have one characteristic each: the first
would be to no return, with the final introduction to the Turk identity, and the other one with
at least the hope that they will come back to the free Kosova. Nobody, then nor today, has
ever fled to the state of the Albanians, which had the bravery to protest up to the
"International Center of the Marxist-Leninist Groups". And now?

When you get away a little bit from the forest of preoccupations, your mind will tell you that
a people can't vanish and that better times will have to come. The tunnel must have an end.
Someone would have to show these people where the light of the tunnel is, would have to
give them, if not prospects, at the least the faith that it exists and it could and should be
found. These are moments of debility before the difficulties which could be defeated by a
concrete constructive action, the building one. Keeping up with the educational system is one
of the brightest examples. But, inside this same action, is everything in the framework of the
possible? Should this be its end? What about the other chain rings?

The Albanian TV, now, shows us that in the Caravasta Lagoon, 30 small pelicans had died.

"I will ask myself for help", was the message of an Arbanas poet from Calabria, five centuries
after the runaway.

- 18 -
THE ALBANIAN ISSUE AT THE AMBASSADORS' CONFERENCE IN LONDON (II)

FIVE PROJECTS FOR THE BORDERS

by REXHEP QOSJA

Now, about 82 years later, when the Albanian issue is revisited, when some European
countries that have dealt with it, are again dealing with it, it is necessary to know how were
the Albanian borders determined then- that is, how has the Albanian issue been created in
today's contents, and how the Big European Powers, aligned in two rival blocks - the Cordial
Anatante comprised of Russia, England and France but lead by Russia, and the block of the
Three-Party Alliance comprised of Austro-Hungary, Germany and Italy, led by
Austro-Hungary, which had used the Albanian ethnic territories to bargain upon their
opposite interests.

From the beginning of the Conference in London, five projects to determine the borders
between Albania and its neighbors had emerged:

1. The Serbian-Montenegrin project

2. The Greek project

3. The Albanian project

4. The Russian project, and

5. the Austro-Hungarian project.

During the labors of the Conference, the countries which had proposed certain projects had
made small or big changes in the initial projects, therefore some of them appeared with new
projects.

What did this projects foresee?

The Serbian-Montenegrin project proposed the northern border of Albania to be at the Mat
river, whilst the eastern border at the Drini river and the Ohër Lake. According to this
project, Serbia would keep Kosova, Macedonia (it's Western region, inhabited mainly by
Albanians), a part of present Northern Albania and would get the way out to the sea - in
Durrës or Lezhë; Montenegro would keep the Shkodra plain including the Shkodër Lake,
Hoti, Gruda, Tuzi, Gucia, Plava, Rugova, Peja and Gjakova with its surroundings. In Jan.
1913, Montenegro presented its maps to the chairman of the Conference, the British Foreign
Minister Edward Gray, with a special Memorandum requesting Shkodra, a part of Sandzak,
Peja, Deçan and Gjakova, and finally it also requested the determination of borders with
Serbia, with the purpose, as it was stated, to stop the further penetration of Austro-Hungary.

The Albanian territories sought by Serbia and Montenegro had been previously occupied by
them during the Balkans' Wars.

Even more interesting than the projects of two states, is the Memorandum of the Serbian
representatives at the London Conference on Jan. 8, 1913, delivered to the British

- 19 -
government and the Ambassadors of the Great Powers, on which they try to find excuses for
their territorial aspirations, before all in Albania. From these explanations it is evident that
Serbia didn't expect that the principle of the "independence of Albania" would be possible.
Forced to even accept "such an Albanian state", the Serbian representatives hastened to tell
the Great Powers that they were the ones to decide where the new borders of the state would
be set, which were the rights over the territories they were claiming. They claimed: "...we
have the right to, first of all, establish the right of the conqueror, because on these grounds the
Turks had taken over our lands; but, we, first of all insist on the historical, ethnographic and
cultural reasons, that is our moral right!" And what are these rights and moral reasons of the
Serbs like?

The first right, the strongest, that the Serbian people gives itself the right to request- they
continued- was the historic right: that right on which the official policy of the Serbs stands
since the middle of the 19th century. The grounds to this right are the Serbian medieval states
- the Empire of Stevan Dusan, Raska and Zeta - which is comprised of Upper Zeta (present
Montenegro) and Lower Zeta, which was extended not only to the Drini river but had also
covered the lands on its left bank. Serbia and Montenegro as "legitimate heirs of the rights
and traditions" of medieval Serbia, Raska and Zeta, should have the same territories as then!
Today it is hard to know what has been said at the Ambassadors' Conference in London
regarding the projects of different delegations, but from the existing and known documents, it
can be seen that Russia was defending the historical right of Serbia and Montenegro over the
claimed territories. It could be that the majority of Ambassadors didn't consider it to be urgent
to discuss about it at all. And how could they? For each one who knew a little bit of history of
the Balkans, it was clear that there were historical rights much older than these ones, even
more legitimate and moral, if we would express ourselves as the Serbian-Montenegrin
representatives. When the Serbs arrived to the Balkans, it is certain that the Balkans were not
deserted: without any people or civilization, as if it were reserved for them. Now, where they
are living today, before and even after the Serbs came, before and after the medieval states,
Albanians, Greeks and Rumanians lived - as autochthonous people in the Balkans. This is
why the historical right of the Albanians to claim the lands that the Serbs and Montenegrins
were claiming is not less stronger than theirs. On the contrary: it is more convincing. But, if
such a historical right would be taken as criteria to determine the state-hood political
appertaining of the Balkans, which wanted to be adopted by the Serbian representatives, then
this right would belong to Italy, as well, - "...as the legitimate heir of the Byzantine Empire",
which had reigned in the Balkans after the separation from the Roman Empire; or Greece,
that inherited the Western Roman Empire; or Turkey the heir of the Ottoman Empire which
had reigned in the Balkans for over five centuries! It is not strange, therefore, why the
insistence of the Serbs on the dead historical right has been made fun of by Serb intellectuals.
For example, Kosta Novakovic wrote: "..when they took over Kosova, the Serbian
imperialists informed the world that they would reinstall their historical rights they had on
1398 (before the Kosova Battle). Based on these "historical rights", then half of Europe
would be claimed by Italy or France, either Greece or Turkey, who used to rule on these
lands. France could even claim a part of Russia, because Napoleon had been once in Moscow
in 1812."

Apart from this historical right the Serbs claimed to have, the Serbian representatives
explained their claims through another right, which was then called ethnographic, and as we
say today, ethnic. It is true, they admit in their Memorandum - that "the majority of the
population in these regions are Arnauts (Turkish term describing Albanians), but since the
middle of the 14th century and up to the end of the 17th century, this was such a clean and

- 20 -
cultivated Serbian land, that Serbs even built their Patriarchy in Pec." If from the 17th century
and on this is not, however, a "pure Serbian" land any longer, that is, if since that century and
on the Albanians make up the majority of the population in this region, then the question
arises: how could the claim of this land be grounded on the ethnographic right? The authors
of the Serbian Memorandum, find a simple way out by saying: "the Arnauts represent new
colonizers, or invaders rather not only in Kosova but also on the "Serbian lands at the north of
Ohrid and the banks of the Beli Drim (Drini i Bardhë) river and the united Drim (Drin)". But
if not even this argument can prove the ethnographic right of the Serbs, i.e. that the Albanian
ethnic right can't be denied, the authors of the Memorandum find another way out to this by
saying that "Arnauts from this region are of Serbian origin". But, how is it possible for such a
cultivated population as are the Serbs, a population with such sophisticated cultural and civil
postures so superior to the others, to lose its language, customs, culture, civilization, religion
and be assimilated by a un-cultivated, barbarian, primitive and lack of culture and civilization
population such as are the Albanians - and to this question, the Serbian authors don't even try
to find an answer. And why should they? They were convinced that the rhetoric used at the
Ambassadors' Conference in London would be accepted as the truth, and its conclusions
would have proven that their convictions were fully grounded.

Not sure that they would be able to convince the representatives of the Great Powers with the
historic and ethnic reason, the authors of the Memorandum brought up a new argument: that
of the cultural right, which in other words was named the right of the civilized people to
colonize the uncivilized! "As a cultured people - we have more right to make fellow citizens
of the Arnauts, and rule over them, naturally giving them guarantees, as every educated
government would offer, much better than the ones that the uneducated and ignorant Arnauts,
not at all acquainted with issues of civil and political freedoms, would offer the Serbs under
their rule". And thus, at the eve of the 20th century, when the process of decolonization had
started, the small and underdeveloped Serbia volunteered to accomplish a cultural mission in
the Balkans - where the Western civilization started - similar to the one realized by England,
France, Spain, Portugal, The Netherlands in Asia and Africa!

The megalomaniac ambition is explained through racist notions: "When we request to keep
the land we have conquered, on which we have historical right and to which the Arnaut
element has penetrated throng usurpations, violence and Turk governmental policy, then we
seek nothing else apart from being recognized as a cultural people by Europe, as a people apt
to takeover the cultural mission". We don't know of whether there were any reactions and
what were they like to this Memorandum. Knowing that some of the Great Powers was
already accomplishing some of these "missions" elsewhere, that it is possible that these
remarks were most probably accepted in silence rather that contradicted. What is known is
that the Great Powers left aside almost half of one people at the mercy of the governors, who
as using such arguments to talk about their right "to civilize", in reality were exercising the
occupation of one people!

The Serb-Montenegrin Memorandum didn't not make any account of the right of the Albanian
people to claim the territories it had originated from and where it made the absolute majority.
It is not strange, therefore, why since that time, there are intellectuals and politicians amongst
Serbs who say that the requests of the Serbs are chauvinistic, that they had a completely
different concept of the Albanian-Serbian relations, about the governmental policy of Serbia
towards Kosova and, in general, towards Albania. They claim that the policy is of occupation
and of liberation. Unfortunately , these people will remain a minority in the chauvinistic sea
of the Serbian governments. It is therefore not strange to understand how present

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Montenegrin historians state that this Project "didn't take into account the vital interest of the
Albanians, but it sought the takeover of territories inhabited almost totally, by Albanians".

The Greeks, on their side, were claiming for themselves: Thesalia - as a territory mainly
inhabited by Greeks, and then, part of the Jannina Villayet, the whole of Çamëria and parts of
Southern Albania - as territories of Albanian ethnic units and only small Greek enclaves.
These claims were based on the so called Megali-idea (the Big Idea) of Yani Koleti, on
building up Greek borders towards Stara Planina and the Sharr mountains! Differing from the
Serb-Montenegrin memorandum, where the conquering requests were explained by the
historic right, dead four centuries and a half ago, and where pseudo-cultural rhetoric is used
as the main language, the Greek Memorandum was elaborated, without any doubt, with real
diplomatic ability and the requests are explained through contemporary arguments: the
strategic, economic, ethnic and cultural. This doesn't mean that the descendants of Odyssey
have given up on all the valleys and mountains their predecessor had travelled through.

They explained their claims in the following way.

Some Albanian towns and regions were claimed by Greece for strategic reasons: "because the
border should be giving guarantees for defense and peace". This is why, because of Jannina
and Corfu and their strategic security, the Greek government was claiming the whole of the
Albanian shore, up to the Gramata Bay. And this was the logic followed by the memorandum
based on which Greece claimed true Albanian towns and regions. The other reason is the
economic links that certain towns have with Greeks towns. The Greeks claimed that the
region of Himara totally depended upon Corfu and that it was totally detached from the
interior of Albania! The same "economic" and "commercial" logic was used when the
Albanian Konica valley was requested, same as the Jannina and Gjirokasër valleys. It would
have been much better if the Jannina region would have attached to the two mentioned
valleys, instead, for the Albanians made up the majority in the three of them. The final
solution would be unification of these regions to Albania - but this, was not elaborated by the
Greeks.

Some other towns and regions are sought based on the ethnographic and civilizing reasons,
similar to the Serb-Montenegrin Memorandum. They based their right on the number of the
Greeks as a majority, the number of churches and monasteries and Greeks schools - as a proof
of their civilizing and cultural character! There is no doubt that the arguments on the number
of Greek churches, monasteries and schools would be strong arguments to determine the
appertaining of towns and regions requested if it weren't relying on the unacceptable principle
of the national ideology of the Greeks in which the religion and the nation are one. The Greek
Memorandum treated the towns and regions where the Orthodox make up the majority of the
population over the Muslims, as Greek, regardless of the fact that those Orthodox people
speak Albanian, i.e they are Albanians. The fact that the people that went to church, prayed in
Greek and learned that language because the Greek Patriarchy would have expelled them
from the Church if they have dared to pray in Albanian, and that even the Turks would have
persecuted the for the same reasons, were Albanians - it was of no importance whatsoever to
the Greek government! The official and religious Greece, these Albanians were Greek and
only Greeks. The ones who have the chance to read the minutes of the International
Commission that established Albania's southern border, will not find it difficult to see that
these ethnographic and civilizing reasons have allowed Greece to keep some parts of
territories, in which the Albanians constituted the majority of the population. The decisions
made, do not always depend on the trueness of the arguments and reason, but from the way

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they are used. (To be continued)

EDITORIAL

THE TRANSPARENCY OF THE SECRET

by Veton Surroi

Last week a Greek diplomat asked me whether there were Albanian-Serbian secret
negotiations going on. I hope he understood his mistake even before he ended his question,
for it is very clear that the answer would mean that there is no secret any longer. The
substance of the secret has turned into something else, something similar to when water
becomes vapor.

He received no answer, that is he did, for as far as I am informed, these negotiations are not
going on. Even my sentence was of the same nature as the question of the diplomat: finally,
if I would have known that these negotiations would be taking place, then they wouldn't be
secret any more.

The crisis in the Former Yugoslavia, as the old ones in the Balkans at the beginning of this
century, make the feeling, that something is going on in the dark, emerge to the surface.
Paradoxically, this happens in times of the greatest communication achievements. Thus, the
Serbian authorities pretend to conceal the soldiers, trucks and tanks - over two thousand
people, that cross the Drina bridge from Serbia into Bosnia. And, it denies any accusation in
this direction, even tough the very next day the diplomatic offices of the world receive
photographs from spy satellites, that are so clear that they can even register the registration
plates of the military trucks.

This feeling, of property of secrets, is created, naturally, by people. Three weeks ago, Lord
Owen very secretly ("Don't tell anyone"), told some chosen journalists on the
Sarajevo-Belgrade plane, that he had recently met Serbia's president Milosevic, in Pozarevac,
and that he spent over 9 hours with him, and that he had discovered a secret which was not
reachable to ordinary people: that the Milosevic couple is neither nationalistic or chauvinistic.

The bad guys are some other Serbs, but not these ones.

So, the secrets are not fully secret, or said in other words, those are secrets for everybody
apart from those to which transparency exists. Thus, the chosen foreign journalists had access
to this information, but not the Serbs in general.

It is something as the moon-lightning. The moon as have claimed the experts of Pink Floyd,
is in essence totally dark, there are no special dark spots on it. Speaking of secrets, they are
totally transparent, those are informations, and there are no parts of it that can't be revealed.
But, they need the moon-lightning. And, as in the case of the moon, a person can see only that
side of the Moon which is enlightened by the Sun. Thus, Kosova, for example, is not
acquainted with the fact that the Republic of Kosova is the biggest consumer of the services
of the Washington "Rudder and Finn" public relations agency. This agency, which does all
the political marketing for almost all non-Serbian states in the Former Yugoslavia, has mostly

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worked (or has spent mostly Kosovan money) for the officials of the Republic of Kosova.
This fact, totally unknown to the Kosovans, which is being kept secret, is really a part of the
annual report which can come to the hands of any interested person in Washington. The
biggest paradox is that the area dedicated to the public information is evaluated as "top
secret".

Secrets in the era of communication? Hardly. Then, where does all this interest of humanity
to send delegations to unknown places, to meet totally unknown people and communicate
about the problem, come from? For, if the rational plane can be registered by different
devices, there is a segment of human life which is not able to be caught: the emotion. In
essence, at times I think that the diplomacy today is more evaluating the emotions, than
listening to reason.

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