Vol.6 no.2 1991 Pages 163-171 Conceptual models for health education research and practice Jo Anne Earp and Susan T.Ennett Abstract Introduction Although conceptual models are frequently used to illustrate research questions under investiga- tion, there is a paucity of articles about how to develop conceptual models or their importance to health education research and practice. A number of uses of the term model exist. Therefore, we describe a conceptual model developed to guide health education research or practice as a diagram of proposed causal linkages among a set of concepts believed to be related to a specific public health problem. Although informed by the multicausal models of public health, the concep- tual models we describe differ from those models in that they do not incorporate all factors correlated with an endpoint of interest. Rather they show only the small part of the causal web selected for study. Conceptual models differ from theory in that they are not usually concerned with global classes of behavior but with specific types of behavior in specific contexts. They often are informed by more than one theory, as well as by empirical findings. Because of the usefulness of conceptual models in narrowing both research questions and the targets of intervention, we advocate the inclusion of the model development process in public health education research methods courses. Department of Health Behavior and Health Education, School of Public Health, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC 27599, USA Over the span of several years, during the annual process of preparing to teach a basic research methods course in public health education, the paucity of articles on why, when and how to construct conceptual models became all too apparent. It was not that we lacked examples of such heuristic devices; historically many articles, some of them classics in the health services and medical care research fields, have included conceptual diagrams of research questions. Social science-minded health educators usually insist upon the inclusion of such models in their own, their students and, as reviewers, their colleagues' research proposals. Yet we searched the literature in vain for any article that defined, in simple, public health-relevant terms, what a conceptual model is, how it differs from a theory, why it is particularly relevant to public health and how to go about developing one. Therefore, each year we decided, once again, to assign Daniel Horn's (1976) paper, "A Model for the Study of Public Choice Health Behavior", even as it was supplanted by newer, perhaps more rele- vant (although not more elegant) models for explaining or predicting health behavior (Prochaska and DiClemente, 1982) or for planning and implementing health education interventions (Green et at., 1980). Although not answering specifically the above questions, the Horn article still did the most thorough job of illustrating what a model is and discussing its public health origins. Using the Horn article and handouts of models going back almost 25 years to Suchman's (1965) framework for health behavior, Graham and Reeder's (1972) "Social Factors in Chronic Oxford University Press 163
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J.A.Earp and S.T.Ennett Diseases", which organized the multiple deter- minants of cancer of the scrotum by levels of causality, through Anderson et al.'s (1970) model for medical care and Rosenstock's (1974) health belief model, we certainly did not lack examples. However, neither Horn's model nor the handouts were specific enough to allow students to walk away from the course able to design their own conceptual models or even, more basically, to understand why using a model helped them as both researchers and practitioners. Hence, we decided to write such an article ourselves. In it, we discuss how we define a conceptual model, why we believe conceptual models are particularly appropriate to public health, how they aid in planning research or interventions, how to develop a useful conceptual model, some barriers to their acceptance and use, and recommen- dations for learning how to work with conceptual models. Definition Before we describe how to define the term concep- tual model, we should note that the term model has many different uses and meanings. Included among these are: a conceptual framework for organizing and integrating information; a diagrammatic system of measurement (i.e. mathematical and statistical models); and a conceptual structure successfully developed in one field and applied to some other field to guide research and practice (i.e. an analogy) (Marx, 1976). Also, the term model often is used interchangeably with the term theory or is used to mean the visual representation of the elements of a theory. Our working definition of conceptual model derives primarily from the first usage. We define a conceptual model as a diagram of proposed causal linkages among a set of concepts believed to be related to a particular public health problem. By concept (also referred to as a factor or variable), we mean an abstract term able to be empirically observed or measured. Hence, a conceptual model, through concepts denoted by boxes and processes delineated by arrows, provides a visual picture that represents a research question under investigation or the present focus of a specific intervention effort. A conceptual model can be informed by more than one theory and conceptualized at multilevels (from micro to macro). As importantly in an applied field, it allows the inclu- sion of processes or characteristics not grounded in formal theory, but that represent empirical findings or the experience of practicing professionals. As an example, we use a simple model of compliance that we have used in class (Figure 1). The concepts in this model are the communication between a physician and patient, the patient's understanding of a treatment and the patient's compliance with a medical regimen. The arrows, by their directionality, indicate that the communication between a doctor and patient influences the patient's understanding of some recommended treatment which, in turn, influences the patient's compliance. It is clear from the model that physicianpatient communication is the predictor variable, or the 'cause', and that compliance is the dependent variable, or the 'outcome'. As the model is concep- tualized, the patient's understanding of the regimen is a mediating variable (i.e. an intervening, explanatory variable or process between the predictor variable and the outcome). Of course, as students are quick to point out, this is an incomplete and unrealistic model. There are other factors certain to affect compliance either directly or indirectly. For example, the degree of difficulty for the patient in carrying out the regimen, whether cost is covered by medical insurance, or particular characteristics of the condition, such as whether it is symptomless, could affect compliance. Also, compliance could be affected by factors that Physician-Patient Communication Fig. 1. Simple three-variable conceptual model. Patient Understanding of Regimen Compliance 164
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Conceptual models influence physician-patient communication. For example, does educational level of the patient or whether the doctor and patient are of the same gender affect communication and, in turn, compliance? Clearly, the model becomes more complex as variables are added that the investigator feels are needed to account for the outcome (Figure 2). Models and the ecological perspective As health educators we believe an ecological perspec- tive is needed for understanding and explaining health-related behaviors. This perspective implies that behavior results from the interaction of both Physician & Patient Gcnden Physician-Patient Communication individual and environmental determinants (McLeroy et al., 1987). Indeed, virtually any health behavior, be it patient compliance, smoking, AIDS-related or any of many others, results from a multitude of factors arising from biological, psychological, social, cultural and structural spheres. Thus, in planning research and intervention efforts, we need to consider not only individual, microlevel factors, but influen- tial environmental and social forces that act, in concert, on individuals who are part of groups. Health education models frequently reflect this perspective by including factors at multiple levels of influence. The ecological perspective of health education is Patient Understanding of Regimen Compliance Fig. 2. Five-vanable conceptual model showing modifying and confounding variables. Epidemiologlcal Model Complexity of Regimen Ecological Model AGENT ENVIRONMENT HOST Fig. 3. MulticausaJ models of public health (from Susser. 1973). 165
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J.A.Earp and S.T.Ennett mirrored by the classic public health agent host environment model and, more currently, in multicausal models (Figure 3), which de-emphasize the agent but elaborate on environment as a web of reciprocal relationships among factors (MacMahon and Pugh, 1970; Susser, 1973). Yet these models, while informing how we conceptualize health problems, are not to be taken as literal examples of the conceptual models we are advocating for application to health education research and prac- tice. Multicausal models of public health illuminate the complexity of health problems and help our understanding of the dynamic inter-relationships that sustain disease, but they pose a dilemma for construc- ting models that apply to health education research and practice. With multicausal models it is often difficult to sort out relationships, much less direc- tionality or causation. Indeed, that is not their point. Rather, their purpose is to call attention to the play of factors at multiple levels, the inevitable interac- tion among correlates and the fact that such concep- tions stand in contrast to germ theory or medical models of causation with their usual unidirectional, univariate agents of disease causality (Cassel, 1964). For behavioral-science-trained health educators, conceptual models must be, at once, both conceived within the broadly based framework of multicausal models and more specifically defined when applied to the explication or solution of problems of interest. In constructing conceptual models for health educa- tion research and practice, we must be attentive to the multiple determinants of health behaviors and the complex inter-relationships among factors; at the same time we also must be willing to fix an 'endpoint' or outcome of interest and move back- wards from it to selected determinants, ruling out others. Our point is to cut into the multiple levels and myriad possible determinants, to show only a small part of the causal chain rather than to depict the entire causal process. This contrasts with indeed, it may seem to contradictthe point of reciprocal interactions that multicausal models show. It means we have to limit our scope and fix our focus, even while being aware of the larger causal web surrounding our particular research question or intervention effort. Our conceptual models will almost certainly not incorporate all the factors that relate to our endpoint, but will show the relation- ships for only that small part of the causal web we have selected for study or have targeted for change. The relationship between models and theories Although the term model is often used loosely to mean theory, conceptual models and theories are not the same. Theories consist of one or more general and logically inter-related propositions offered to explain a class of phenomena (Bauman, 1980). They are usually concerned with very general and global classes of behavior and do not deal directly, as conceptual models do, with specific types of behavior in specific contexts. Also, theories generally repre- sent reality from a discipline-specific perspective, be that sociological, economic or biological. Because they are discipline-specific, theories often specify level-specific causes. Our concerns in health education virtually dictate that we cannot apply or test only one theory from one discipline, nor can we delimit the levels of causalityhence the usefulness of conceptual models. In developing conceptual models, we often draw on a number of theories for help in understand- ing a specific problem in a particular setting or context. Furthermore, we draw on empirical findings and on the knowledge we may have about the specific topic and context under consideration. Although the domain of interest of our conceptual models is usually narrower than that of theories, it is important to note that models have several similar functions to theories. Conceptual models are useful for summarizing and integrating the knowledge we have, defining concepts, providing explanations for causal linkages and generating hypodieses. An important role of theory in model development is guidance on narrowing the concepts to include in the model and for help in understanding and predic- ting relationships. A recent investigation, for example, of parental influences on adolescent smoking (Foshee, 1989) was informed by both social control theory (Hirschi, 1969) and social learning theory (Bandura, 1971). Social control theory states 166
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Conceptual models that the more adolescents are attached to family and friends, committed to conventional activities, and believe in the conventional rules of society, the less likely they are to deviate from conventional behavior. The behavior of significant others, either family or friends, is not included in control theory but has been consistently found to be a strong predictor of adoles- cent smoking behavior. Social learning theory, however, states that parents and peers influence adolescent behavior by providing models to imitate and by expressing favorable or unfavorable attitudes toward the behavior. Hence, a new model for predic- ting adolescent cigarette smoking was proposed that incorporated processes of both theories (Figure 4). This example demonstrates the utility of using theory to provide guidance on the choice of concepts for investigation and for specifying the relationships to be expected. It also demonstrates that a single theory is usually insufficient to incorporate all variables of interest to conceptual models in health education. Expecting this to be so, model builders should be open to using several theories as well as past research findings. Model building then becomes a process of invention, subject to modification as new findings emerge that confirm or redirect how problems are conceptualized. Use of models Susser (1973) describes several uses of public health models pertinent to our discussion, including representational, organizing and explanatory func- tions. As health educators, we also include their usefulness in planning interventions. The represen- tational function of models is to present, in a simplified form, relationships believed to exist. Part and parcel of conceptual models' representational function is their usefulness as organizing tools. According to Susser, they "organize and synthesize a complex of related factors into coherent forms" (1973, p. 33). The best models parsimoniously convey complex information, allowing the viewer to quickly visualize and grasp complicated relationships. At their most practical level conceptual models help to narrow global research topics into specific research questions, designate variables to be operationalized under particular conditions and anticipate analytical approaches before the sample is chosen or the data collected. As conceptual models are developed, they serve an important function in making explicit alternative routes to the same endpoint. When we construct models, we inevitably struggle with including some Commitment to Conventional Activities Belief in Conventional Rules of Society Fig. 4. Conceptual model incorporating processes from social control theory and social learning theory (Foshee, 1989). 167
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J.A.Earp and S.T.Ennett concepts and excluding others, and with posing different relationships between concepts. Some of diese may be valid alternatives to those selected for study or intervention. By using models to reason through alternative explanations before implemen- ting our research, we have the opportunity to gather data needed to control confounding factors or to test these alternative pathways. At the least, we become aware of potential influences beyond the specific factors under study. Finally, conceptual models are extremely useful for helping identify potential targets of intervention. Aldiough a model does ot tell us how to intervene, it does make clear where intervention efforts can be aimed. The more comprehensive the model, the greater the number of points and levels of interven- tion suggested. Depending on where efforts are focused, we can look at die linkages shown in our model and speculate on the intervention's effects on these relationships. Developing a conceptual model Using an existing model as a starting point and/or beginning with a comprehensive inventory of risk factors, the researcher or intervention planner begins developing a conceptual model by specifying an endpoint of interestthe dependent variable, outcome or target point of intervention. Smoking initiation, for example, is a different endpoint from persistent smoking behavior, attitudes toward smoking or smoking cessation. The model builder may change or move the endpoint, as the concep- tual model is fleshed out, to be more proximal to the predictors selected or more practical. Even though the endpoint might change, however, the model development process cannot really start until some outcome is selected. Having chosen the endpoint of interest, the model builder begins by selecting potential correlates and proceeds by sorting out at least initial relationships among those concepts. Linkages among concepts are drawn, based on empirical and theoretical evidence, as well as on the knowledge one may have about the specific topic under consideration. Causal explana- tions are made explicit by the directionality of arrows connecting concepts. It is at this point that the model builder usually must begin to pare down a probably- too-global, too unwieldy, set of concepts to those particular aspects of the problem that he or she decides can be realistically addressed in this research effort or intervention strategy. The choice will be affected by many considerations: interest, practical considerations, the relative importance of various factors or relationships, past research and scientific merit, and theoretical considerations. The process of narrowing the concepts in the model is one of die most difficult steps in its develop- ment. The investigator is usually forced to accept that there are alternative routes to the endpoint of interest or complementary causal pathways to the one(s) selected for focus. This process of reasoning through what is important and what to leave in or take out of the model should make clear to the investigator or practitioner exactly what is not being investigated. As noted earlier, this knowledge can be useful in planning what additional information to gather or for later suggesting explanations for unanticipated intervention effects or contradictory research findings. The simplicity of die final product usually belies the difficult work that goes into it. As we hope is obvious, the process of developing a conceptual model requires clear understanding of what is being considered, for the model explicitly lays out concepts of interest and anticipated relationships even as it deliberately omits other factors and pathways. Although the analysis and thought behind concep- tual models are rarely simple, the conventions for drawing them are. For models constructed for research purposes, only concepts that will be opera- tionally defined and measured are included in the final model; all other concepts not direcdy considered are excluded. For models that guide intervention, all factors targeted by the intervention or expected to be influenced by it are shown. Because of the usually greater diversity and number of levels involved, intervention models often will be more complicated than diose drawn for research purposes. Conceptual models generally are read from left to right or up to down, going from causes to effects. The direction of causality is indicated with arrows. 168
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Conceptual models Antecedent or mediating variables are indicated by their placement next to other variables. Confounding variables, variables that affect the dependent variable and vary with a predictor variable, are shown by a line or double-headed arrow (if the direction of causality is not known) drawn from the confounder to both the dependent and predictor variables. A variable thought to modify the relationship between two variables is indicated by an arrow drawn to the midpoint of the line connecting the two related variables (Figure 5). Labels of concepts or variables included in the model should be succinct; neither operational defini- tions nor the values of variables are shown. For example, a model could show that 'peer smoking behavior' is related to 'adolescent smoking initiation', but the hypothesis that having more than two smoking friends is related to earlier smoking initia- tion, while having two or fewer smoking friends is not, should not be indicated (Figure 6). Hypotheses are stated in the text accompanying models, as are the values of all variables shown in the model. It can be helpful to remember that constructing a conceptual model is as much an art as a science. Antecedent Variable Predictor Variable Predictor Variable Mediating Variable Confounding Variable Dependent Variable Dependent Variable Predictor Variable Dependent - Variable Modifying Variable Predictor Variable Dependent Variable Fig. 5. Types of relationships between variables in conceptual models. Making the model visually pleasing helps in making it readable and understandable. Boxes drawn around concepts make the model easy to interpret, as do boldface type, different type fonts and other computer graphic features. Usually, several attempts are needed to arrive at a pleasing and meaningful model. It is probably no coincidence that where the model builder stumbles in this process is often a good clue to where conceptual clarity is lacking. Barriers to developing and using models We have already alluded to the biggest barrier in developing conceptual models: clarity and rigor of thinking are required. Explicating the mechanisms of action of a set of concepts is very difficult. It involves learning to 'think small' and learning how small is small, giving up many favorite concepts to narrow the scope, and choosing a realistic endpoint that is still conceptually interesting and defensible. The outcome first chosen, until one learns from experience, is usually too gross. For many people, the initial feedback about this outcome, or other typical problems encountered in constructing a model, may not be accompanied by suggested alter- natives. Without such suggestions, it can be difficult to make refinements on one's own. Many health educators are uncomfortable with developing and using conceptual models because their exposure to them and experience using them are limited. When models are taught, the process is too often truncated at the intellectual level. Students rarely have the 'hands on' learning experience of developing and refining a model after being exposed to a classroom lecture on the model development process. To our knowledge, no published collection of public health or health education models exists for instructors to use with students. Furthermore, guidelines that point to what is left out of a model are non-existent. Many people use the agenthostenvironment or multicausal models such as PRECEDE (Green et al., 1980) as starting points for conceptualizing health problems. However, as McLeroy et al. (1987) note, multicausal models lack sufficient specificity to guide concep- tualization of a specific research question or to iden- 169
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J.A.Earp and S.T.Ennett Friends' Smoking Behavior CORRECT Tetn Smoking Initiation >2 Smoking Frtenda S 2 Smoking Friendj INCORRECT Earlier -Smoking Initiation Later Smoking Initiation Fig. 6. Correct conceptual model showing concepts; incorrect model showing values of variables. tify appropriate and feasible interventions. In fact, taking a multicausal approach may be paralyzing by its immensity and tendency to assign equal weights to all factors. Citing some of the shortcomings of using the multicausal model to direct disease preven- tion policy, Tesh (1988) observes that ". . . the multicausal model easily becomes a rationale for not taking action" (p. 62) because the maze of connec- ting links seems to require that prevention policy attack all causes at once, an impossible strategy. Recommendations Our recommendations for learning how to appreciate, develop and use conceptual models are first to look at examples of models developed for health education research or practice and to practice working with your own. For example, we give students a health behavior or health education outcome and have them come up with a list of correlates of that outcome. They group these concepts into conceptually similar clusters, name each cluster, and finally draw arrows to indicate the connections they think are most logical between their set of concepts and the outcome. A follow-up assign- ment involves drawing forth one or two research questions from the narrowed down model, followed by posing one or two hypotheses from each ques- tion, and finally attempting to operationalize the variables, including specifying their values and the methods that will be used to measure them. At a more general or programmatic level, we suggest that all basic research methods courses, at least in public health education, avoid simply teaching data collection methods, research designs and analytical techniques without putting these techniques in the context of using conceptual models to narrow a research area to a defined set of research questions. This, in turn, may mean we need to re- evaluate our basic methods courses and/or revamp our approaches to the teaching of both theory and methods in public health. Until professors themselves become more comfortable with the design and use of conceptual models, it is unlikely that their students will think about using, much less struggling to construct, conceptual models to guide their research or shape their program interventions and strategies. We hope this article represents one step to advance these goals. Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge Kathleen Welshimer's contribution to the development of some of these ideas. Karl Bauman, Robert Flewelling, 170
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Conceptual models Vangie Foshee and Carol Runyan made helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper. References Anderson,R.A. (1968) A behavioral model of families' use of health services University of Chicago Center for Health Administration Studies Research Series, no. 25. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL. Bandura,A. (1971) Social Learning Theory. General Learning Press, Morristown, NJ. Bauman.K.E. (1980) Research Methods for Community Health and Welfare. Oxford University Press, New York. Cassel,J. (1964) Social science theory as a source of hypotheses in epidemiologic research. American Journal of Public Health, 54, 1482-1488. Foshee.V. (1989) The role of parents in the initiation of adoles- cent cigarette smoking: An empirical investigation of control theory. PhD dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Graham,S. and Reeder.L.G. (1972) Social factors in the chronic diseases. In Freeman,H.E., Levine.S. and Reeder.L.G. (eds), Handbook of Medical Sociology, 2nd cdn. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ, pp. 63-107. Green.L.W., Kreuter.M.W., Decds.S.G. and Partridge.K.B. (1980) Health Education Planning: A Diagnostic Approach. Mayfield Publishing, Palo Alto, CA. Hirschi,T. (1969) Causes of Delinquency. University of California Press, Berkeley, CA. Hom,D. (1976) A model for the study of public health choice behavior. International Journal of Health Education, 19, 89-98. MacMahon,B. and Pugh.T.F. (1970) Epidemiology Principles and Methods. Little, Brown & Co., Boston, MA. Marx.M.H. (1976) Formal theory. In Marx.M.H. and Good- son.F.E. (eds), Theories in Contemporary Psychology, 2nd edn. McMillan, New York, pp. 244-246. McLeroy.K., Bibeau.D., Steckler.A. and Glanz.K. (1988) An ecological perspective on health promotion programs. Health Education Quarterly, 15, 351-377. ProchaskaJ.O. and DiClemente.C.C. (1982) Transactional therapy: Toward a more integrative model of change. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice, 19, 276-288. Rosenstock.I.M. (1974) Historical origins of the health belief model. Health Education Monographs, 4, 328335. Suchman,E.A. (1965) Social patterns of illness and medical care. Journal of Health and Human Behavior, 6, 2 16. Susser.M. (1973) Causal Thinking in the Health Sciences: Concepts and Strategies of Epidemiology. Oxford University Press, New York. Tesh.S.N. (1988) Hidden Arguments. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ, pp. 58-70. 171
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