Multiethnic Mix: Review of Gerardo Marti "A Mosaic of Believers: Diversity and Innovation in A Multiethnic Church" in The Christian Century

A model of congregational diversity?
Multiethnic mix
by R. Stephen Warner
E
THNIC PARTICULARISM, in the official form of
admissions procedures and ethnic studies pro-
grams and the nnofficial form of students' seat-
ing choices in the cafeteria aud the lilirary, is a
powerfnl Ibrce in American uuiversities. It's also a power-
ful force in American Christianity; IVe spent a lot of time
recently studving the manifestations of
that particularism as it takes shape in
congregations that serve Mexican
Americans, Korean Americans, Indian
Americans or some other immigrant
group.
That's what makes the church Ger-
ardo Marti writes about a precious
anomaly: it has no racial majority bnt
has roughly equal numbers of Hispan-
ics, Asians and whites, along with a few
African Americans.
Mosaic is the name of this 60-year-
old Sontheru Baptist congregation in
Los Angeles which at the time of writ-
ing (Marti says the church is constantly
changing) consisted of over 2,000
mostly single young adults of every
imaginable color who come together
every week for one or more of several
multisensory services in a variety of
rented spaces, including a downtown
nightclub. Allied congregations exist in
Berkeley, Seattle and New York, and
missionaries from the congregation are
all over the world. The senior pastor is
Envin Rafael McManns, a native of El
Salvador, who is the author of An Unstoppable Force: Dar-
ing to Become tJie Church God Had in Mind (Oronp Pub-
lishing) aud Seizin'^ Your Divine Moment (Nelsou Books).
Marti is a sociologist and clergyman who was a member
of Mosaic's pastoral staff while he was researching his dis-
sertation on the church. Me obviously believes iu what the
churcli and its pastor are doing. His task is uot to defend
Mosaic but to explain how it can exist.
As Marti sees it, the key to building a congregation of
people from diverse, often alienated ethnic backgrounds is
to appeal to theui in ways that trump their differences.
The bulk of the book consists of chapter-loug analyses of
five such appeals, called "havens."
A MOSAIC OF
A Mosaic of Believers:
Diversity and Innovation
in A Multiethnic Church.
By Gerardo Marti. Indiana
University Press, 242 pp.,
$39.95.
Mosaic first of all offers a "theological haven," by whicli
Marti means that Mosaic affirms orthodox beliefs, albeit in
unconventional and decidedly non-Cakinist ways. The
church's "artistic haven" attracts people on the creative
edge^painters, sculptors, musicians, dancers, actors.
filmmakersof the kind who gravitate to HolWood. The
church is also an "innovator haven,"
Marti says"a refuge for people who
iu other churches have been called
mavericks, rebels or freaks." Marti's
reference to the church as an "age
haven" is a way of saying that the
church attracts single, childless voune
adnits.
Finally, the "ethnic haven" is the
church's appeal to second- aud third-
generatiou progeny of Los Angeles's
huge and diverse immigrant popula-
tion. Insofar as American culture is
more media-driven, more edgy and
more yonthful with every passing year,
and Americans themselves less likely to
derive from Enropean stock, Marti sees
Mosaic as a model, perhaps the model,
for churches that are viable and faith-
ful.
The concept of havens is the theo-
retical key to Mosaic's astouudiug inter-
nal diversit)'. A church of its sort must
offer things that appeal to people across
the boundaries of their differences. Yet
for Mosaic, uo single haven is suffi-
cient. Each haven shelters some of Mo-
saic's people but deters others. While some are drawn to
alternative fonns of worship, others are put off by them,
finding them "wild," 'uubiblical," even cultlike.
The attention the church gives to the arts appeals to
Hollywood people, bnt it makes others feel inade(|uate.
The stress ou innovation excites some bnt wearies others.
H. Stephen Warner teaches sociolopij at the University of Illi-
nois at Chicago. A collection of his essays, some of which
originally appeared in the CENTURY, ivill he published in
September under the title A Church of Our Own: Dis-
establishment aud Diversity in American Religion (Rutgers
University Press).
CHRISTIAN CENTLiRY July2fj, 2()05
26
The appeal to youth makes some
older people feel unwanted. The
diverse "ethnic haven" draws in
those who have had enough of
their parents' and grandparents'
immigrant churches but repels
those who are committed to
their ethnic and racial identities.
Each haven represents not only
something appealing but also a
refuge from somethingit's a
place to dispose of negative bag-
gage-
This two-edged dynamic is
particularly true regarding the
theological and ethnic dimen-
sions ofthe churcha complica-
tion ofthe argument that Marti
could have spent more time on.
Those who are drawn to the
church's unconventional but the-
ologically conservative worship
are evangelicals turned off by the
dry, boring, narrow, judgmental
churches of their upbringing.
The second- and third-genera-
tion immigrant youth who are
drawn by Mosaic's multiethnic
profile are those who, unhke
their parents, do not speak with
an accent and are not competent
in their ancestral culture, do not
experience discomfort around
Americans of other races and
may be dating across racial lines,
and do not confine themselves to
old-country music but express
theinselves in terms of American
popular culture. Marti makes it
obvious that the proximity to
Hollywood is a special ingredient
in the Mosaic mix, but he does
not sufficiently stress that the
church's demographic depen-
dence on the Angeleno nexus of
conservative Protestantism and
immigrant cultures may limit its
applicability as a general model.
A more important issueone
to which Marti is attunedîs
whether multiethnicity is indeed
a haven for all young Americans.
For the past 20 years, scholars in
race and ethnic studies have
noted that ethnicity is optional in
a way that race is not. For exam-
ple, I can tell my students about
my German identityabout my
grandfather landing in America in
Innovation in LA.
S
CHOLARS AND church growth ex-
perts have been paying attention to
Mosaic Church in Los Angeles, the
subject of Gerardo Marti's book A
Mosaic of Believers: Diversity and Innova-
tion in a Multiethnic Church, Marti, profes-
sor of sociology at Davidson College in North
Carolina, wrote the book after being a partic-
ipant-observer at Mosaic, a multiethnic
church which features innovative, artistic
worship. We talked to him about the church
and his analysis.
Mosaic seems to diverge from a funda-
mental rule propounded by the church
growth experts: people prefer to go to an Gerardo Marti
ethnically homogeneous church.
Some scholars now say churches succeed if they have a niche, if they fit some
type of cultural slot for which people are willing to go out of their way. Mosaic is a
multiniche church. There are many little places "cubby holes," if you likethat
a person can fit into. The more cubby holes people fit, the more deeply involved
they'll be in the congregation. These niches are not just for self-gratification. They
are meant to be a training ground for cultivating a common identity as dedicated
followers of Jesus Christ.
Ethnically, Mosaic appeals to second- and third-generation ethnics who are
becoming broadly Americanized. They know American television and pop music.
It's possible for a person who's Korean to come to church without having to act
"Korean." Japanese, Vietnamese, Chinese and Korean can all be a part of a com-
mon fellowship and not accentuate their differences in language, culture and his-
tory. These ethnics don't feel comfortable in the ethnic enclaves of their parents'
church, and certainly not in each other's parents' church. People of radically dif-
ferent ethnic heritages can date and marry each other at Mosaic through their
common connection to popular culture.
Because the church intentionally embraces popular culture in its pursuit of rel-
evance, whites also fit into Mosaic. The church is therefore relevant to both
whites and assimilated ethnics who have grown up in this culture. Most of our
churches, in contrast, are buried in a past that ethnic groups don't share. When
people who are not Caucasian come into many of our churches, they experience
the worship as a white, European historical remnant that is inherently foreign. A
church that advertises itself in its ethos and architecture as being from the 1950s
or from the 1850s or even from the 1250s is failing to be relevant to the recently
acculturated immigrant population.
Mainline churches have sought for years to be more diverse, without hav-
ing much success at the congregational level.
Many white churches make the mistake of reaching out to the groups most cul-
turally distant from them. This reflects a paternalistic perspective that doesn't
generate the kind of creative, community-building, mi ssi on-empowered cama-
raderie we really want in churches. Instead of taking a leap to people we don't
27 CHRISTIAN CENTURY July26,2005
1895 and the old-eoiiiitrv' language .spoken by the women
in my householdhut tliere is nothing written on my
white face that requires me to confess these things, nor
does being "German," to the slight extent that I am, limit
my life chances.
Marti is marked by his name as Hispanic, but as he
notes (and as the photo on the dust jacket attests), he can
"pass" as Anglo. The son of Cuban imtnigrants, he was
born in this country, and his English is better than his
Spanish. "I have choices," he says.
To a remarkable extent, to judge from the interviews he
cites, choices also exist for many of Mosaic s people, not only
wliites but also Latinos and Asians. Senior pastor McMantis
has a German given name from his grandfather and an Irish
surname from his stepfather, and lie chooses to use his uiid-
dle name to highlight his Liitin Atneric an birthplace. Anoth-
er leader describes herself variously as Hawiiiian, Japanese
and Asian. A member whose motlier is Japanese and whose
wife is Noi-wegi an-American feels he has more iti eomtnon
with his wife's culture than his mothers. Mosaic is not only
multiethnic; many of its people are polyethnie.
Dwelling little on "race," Marti stresses the tnalleability of
identities and the way that being a follower of Jesus Christ at
Mosiiic "transcends" ethnicity. In so doing he offers an ap-
pealing vision of a church that builds on the dyiiamisin of de-
mography and popular etilture to overcome the scandal of
religiou.s segregation (as well as the specter of civic balka-
nizatiou). He thus challenges those of"tny sociological col-
leagues who see the fate of Auiericas second- and third-gen-
eration Latinos and Asians inscribed on their bodies. His
book will be on the syllabus the next time I teaeh a coiu se on
race, ethnieit\' and gender in American religion.
S
EVERAL QUESTIONS remain. Mosaics ethnic
haven has little appeal for African Atuericans,
whose life chances are indeed circumscribed by
their race. To his credit, Maiti acknowledges this
issue throughout and cites experts, such as George Yaucey,
who see the African-Atnerican experience of race as (jualita-
tively different from, and more profoundly iJienating than,
that of Americas otiier racial minorities. Yet he thinks diings
are getting better in the wake ofthe ci\il rights movement,
and that youuger blacks are more willing and able to make
the "cultural leap" necessarv' to join chnrclies like Mosiiic.
Marti went out of his way to speak to some of Mostiic's
few African Atuericans, current and former, in order to
(Continued from page 27J
know and don't understand, we should start by seeking
out people who are very much like us yet have different
ethnic heritages. From there we can begin the process
of joining together our differing streatns of culture.
When a congregation decides to incorporate a hymn
from Africa or a chorus frotu Mexico Git\' in order to di-
versify the congregation, it has misstepped already. You
could never adetjuately represent the variety of ances-
tral backgrounds that already exist in your church.
Moreover, by accentuating the ones you feel to be most
different and exotie, you contribute to a sense of alien-
ation rather than togetherness.
Can you describe Mosaic's integration of the arts
in worship?
One example is when the church brought together
artists and told them, "We want you to paint during the
services." They said, "You want me to do wfial?" The
church said, "Yes, we'll put yon riglit up frout. Jtist draw
whatever strikes you as we experience church together."
Some artists will work on the same canvas for several
weeks, and the members ofthe congregation will see the
development ofthe image as the church's teaching is de-
veloped in their own lives. Eventually the project ex-
panded to include multiple painters and then sculptors.
The most dramatic integration ofthe arts is found in
the re-creation of ph)sical environtnents. For example,
when a Sunday message was based on the metaphor of
vtind, artists created an authentic breeze both inside and
outside ofthe auditorium. Wisps of fabric were used to
suggest clouds or fog. The iu\isible was inade visible
through movement as a precursor to understanding the
work ofthe Spirit as the piieuma or the breath of God
moving in and through our li\ es.
Ou another Sunday, the lights went down and a jungle
rhythm beat emerged from the back ofthe auditorium.
The curtain went up, and there were four men, mostly
naked, with mud covered al! over their bodies, doing a
ritualistic dance in a circle. Despite the mud clumped on
them, yon could see hints of difference. One was white,
one black, a third with Asian eyes and another with
browner skin. Each one danced in the center while oth-
ers would approvingly grunt and moan and sway. The
clear theological imager)' was that Adam, and so all of us,
come from the earth. We are different but still have a
common core. As they finished their dance and the cnr-
tain went down, people roared with enthusiasm.
How does having so many people involved in the
entertainment industry' affect Mosaic?
The church is aware ofthe power of Ilollvwood and
the extent of the degradation that occurs there. Never-
theless, it also understands that the entertainment in-
dustrv' successfully uses every form of creative expres-
sionmusic, dance, acting and sf) onand bundles
them together to communicate a me.ssage.
Mosaic's engagement with Hollywood has parallels
widi otlier t liui ches that hav e made the decision to engage
the world rather than hide from it. In tliis case, the church
didu't have to beg people to be ci eative or to tliink outside
of the box, or to critically examine the power of media in
CnRISTIAN CENTURY JuIy26,2(K)5
28
comprehend that cultural leap. A deterrent for many was
die positiv e draw ol the black church and its traditions. An-
other bai lier, forcefully articnlated by a woman who .sought
out Marti to eonf ide why she was leaving the church, is that
Mosaic affirms "white evangelical" individualism instead of
the black church's systetnic criti(jue of inequality.
Most, however, were turned off by Mosaic's music. Fea-
turing guitars instead of a choir, the unisic was perceived
as "not soulful" and "not gospel." Oue person, not intend-
ing to be contplimetitaiy, called it "\ineyard music." This
was one ofthe instances in which I wished Marti had been
more descriptive and less theoretical, for he gives few
hints as to what, beyond uot including hvnnns, character-
izes Mosaic's music. In one place he mentions preserviee
music drawn from the scores of such films as Lord ofthe
Riiiii.s, Glfuha I or dwd Bmveheati. Elsewhere he savs that
the music is "'electrotiic" and that new songs are intro-
duced every week.
These hints are etiough to tiiake me wonder whether
Mosaic's mnltiethnicit\' is a Fuustian bargain. Marti hon-
estly acknowledges not only that he can pass as white but
that he has "been rewarded" for doing so. The popular
youth culttire that serves to unify church members across
their separate ethnic identities is identified in the end as
"white popular culture," casting doubt on the claim that it
tran.scends ethnicit)'. American whiteness is a huge social
space, one that over time has encompassed wider and
wider segments ofthe populatiou, including Anglo-Siix-
ons, Gelts, Mediterraneans, Slavs, Semites and Turks. I
think Marti is right that it is not necessarily off litnits to
Hispanics and Asians. But the understanding has always
been that African Americans are excluded. It is easy to see
why other Hispanics and Asians, titit tt) mention African
Americans, would be leery of embracing tuultiethnicity on
such terms.
Clearly, Mosaic: is spiritualK' compelling. Its members
are on fire with their frnth, eager to share it with everyone
in Los Angeles. Its leaders take risks that most pastors
would not dare. Marti, himself a church leader before
leaving for a teaching position in North Carolina, is
learned and self-aware. I wish that he had shared more
with his readers ahout what is sacrificednot only hynnns
and soul music but a place for the old and the very
youngîn a church systematically built around the cul-
ture of young, media-sax-vy, single Americans, no matter
how ethnically diverse they are.
everyday life. Those things are all assumed at Mosaic.
You note that some people have complained about
Mosaic's almost exclusive embrace of contempo-
rary culture. One person said she would love to
sing a hymn. Can the effort to constantly be new
and relevant itself become a kind of routine?
I can understand the emotional and nostalgic reso-
nance that hymns may have for people. I could also say
that the Model T was a pretty good car, so why should we
bother to make any adv ances? We could say Shakespeare
said it all and said it best, so why should we botlier craft-
ing new literature? Man\' in the theological realm feel
this way. We say Calvin or Luther or whoever said it best,
and there's no need to enift new theology. Christianity is
a living religion, and I tliink Mosaic admirably shows how
a church can embrac e change rather than fear it.
Wby has it been difficult for Mosaic to reacli out to
African Americans wiib the same degree of suc-
cess that it's had reaching Hispanics and Asians?
The African-American experience is veiy complicat-
ed. Research snggests that the black/nonblack divide is
more i mportant than a white/black divide. Asians, for ex-
ample, more frequently associate with whites than with
African Americans. It appears that in cotuing years His-
panics and Asians will come much closer to being
"white" than will African Amerieans.
Mosaic, for most of its histor\; was located in East
L.A., which was not a place that was welcoming to
African Amerieans. It was not until 1997, when church
services moved one mile west to a neighborhood that
was not as exclusively Gliieano, that the inclusion of
African Americans was even feasible. Their inclusion re-
mains a challenge since studies indicate that if African
Americans exist in too few a number, it's ver) difficult for
that number to grow.
I'm in the midst of writing a book about another con-
gregation that is mostly black/white wnth a growing num-
ber of Asians and Hispanics. I deliberately went to that
church to learn the distinctive dynamics of diversity in-
volving the African-American experience.
You suggest that future churches are likely to look
more like Mosaic.
There are a number of hints that the emerging church
will become more diverse and perhaps ev en more innova-
tive. There's no guarantee ofthat, but there are a few
things working in favor of it: 1) The world is becoming
more diverse, and whites will soon no longer be the ma-
jorit)' in the U.S. 2} We see higher rates of interethnic and
inteiTaciiil dating and marriages. 3) People are associating
themselves with tnore than one background, making for
more bi- and multiracial identities. 4) Blacks raised in the
post-civil rights era appear to be more willing to engage
in cross-ethnic relationships. 5) We see strong evidence of
revival and continued strength in the evangelical subcul-
ture. 6) More churches are encouraging the use of cre-
ative arts beyond choirs and congregational singing. 7)
Emerging church leaders are accommodating the eun ent
pace of social change and are integrating technological
and organiziitional innovations in their ministries.
29
t : HRI STI , \ N CENTURY July2fi. 2(H)5
Gerardo Marti. Ho||y+ooJ Fo:| Ho|:ness, Proser:y, onJ A|::on :n o Los Ange|es C|vrc|. NewBiunswick Rutgeis
Univeisity Piess, 2008. xii 234 pp. S8.00 (cloth), lSBN 98-0-813-4348-2, S2.9 (papei), lSBN 98-0-813-4349-9.
Reviewed by Kathleen Hladky (Floiida State Univeisity)
Published on H-Pentecostalism (Decembei, 2009)
Commissioned by Gene Mills
Christianity, Hollywood Style
Scholais of populai cultuie have long noted the ways
that Chiistians stiuggle to ieconcile seculai activities and
technologies with theii ieligious convictions. Foi some,
involvement in woildly" endeavois is taboo, with sec-
ulai cultuie shunned as anathema to puiity and Chiis-
tian living. Tis is not the case foi the subjects of Gei-
aido Maiti`s book Ho||y+ooJ Fo:|. Like the majoiity
of Chiistian conseivatives in Ameiica, the membeis of
Oasis Chiistian Centei believe that Chiistians should
tiansfoim technologies, enteitainment, and othei ele-
ments of populai cultuie into vehicles foi evangeliza-
tion. ln a congiegation consisting piimaiily of Holly-
wood hopefuls, actois, hlmmakeis, wiiteis, and othei en-
teitainment industiy woikeis, Maiti diaws oui auention
to the way that a newei foim of Chiistian Pentecostal-
ism, ofen coined Woid of Faith oi neo-Pentecostalism,
hts well among the Hollywood woiking class. Woid of
Faith chuiches aie maiked by a belief that tiue Chiis-
tians aie entitled to hnancial piospeiity and success. ln
Woid of Faith communities, wealth and conspicuous con-
sumption aie consideied to be maikeis of divine blessing.
Tough the Woid of Faith movement is global in scale,
Maiti oneis scholais a case study that connects the teach-
ings of Woid of Faith to the success of Oasis Chiistian
Centei and helps us undeistand why the chuich appeals
to membeis who aie woiking to fulhll dieams of fame
and foitune.
ln an enoit to contextualize Oasis, Maiti pays close
auention to the histoiical ielationship between Holly-
wood and Chiistianity, as well as to the giowth of the en-
teitainment industiy in seculai and ieligious communi-
ties. Te impact of Hollywood`s histoiy and suspicion of
Hollywood within Chiistianity become impoitant lenses
foi undeistanding how membeis of Oasis aie able to ne-
gotiate the dieams of Hollywood with the maintenance of
theii conseivative Chiistianity. Taking the woik of Emile
Duikheimas an inteipietive lens, Maiti shows howOasis
piovides a moial community that makes sense of its sui-
iounding context foi its congiegants. Oasis`s teachings
about piospeiity aie cential to this piocess, as congie-
gants` dieams and aspiiations aie validated thiough Oa-
sis`s amimation of mateiial wealth and woildly success.
By emphasizing the ieligious value of ambition and aspi-
iation, Oasis helps makes spiiitual sense of congiegants`
woildly stiuggles and goals.
Tis hnal point diiects the ieadei towaid anothei cen-
tial theme of Maiti`s book Oasis congiegants tend to
be on the losing end of Hollywood`s ultia-competitive
biand of capitalism. Oasis theiefoie piovides a commu-
nity based on moial, iathei than maiket, values. Heie is
anothei of Maiti`s key contiibutions in the book Oasis
is on the vanguaid of not only Pentecostal Chiistianity
but also peihaps Ameiican ieligions in geneial, because it
piovides a ieligious venue foi dealing with incieased job
insecuiity, economic casualization, and the fexibility of
the Ameiican woikfoice that is an incieasing pait of the
Ameiican economy. ln such an unseuled economic envi-
ionment, congiegations like Oasis piovide a sanctuaiy of
stability and community to individuals who incieasingly
expeiience the isolation of woiking tempoiaiy pioject-
based jobs, and not feeling allegiance to any paiticulai
oiganization oi woik-based community.
Of piimaiy inteiest in the text is Maiti`s auention
to the multicultuial and multiiacial composition of the
community. Maitin Luthei King Ji. famously stated that
Sunday at 11 a.m. is the most segiegated time of the
week. Neaily half a centuiy latei, only peicent of con-
giegations in Ameiica aie substantially iacially diveise
and only 2. peicent of congiegations in Ameiica have
signihcant black and white populations. Unlike most
Ameiican chuiches, Oasis has been able to achieve sig-
nihcant iacial and ethnic diveisity. Ovei the yeais, this
maiked diveisity has become a coineistone of how Oasis
congiegants desciibe theii community as uniquely and
1
H-Net Reviews
specially blessed by God. Accoiding to Maiti`s study,
membeis of Oasis tend to downplay iace and iacism as
factois in theii lives. lnstead, they emphasize the im-
poitance of individual choices and actions ovei poten-
tial constiaints that might be a iesult of piejudice oi sys-
tematic inequality. lnteiestingly, in the absence of iace-
based ieligious community Maiti notes that elements of
the black chuich" iemain visible at Oasis. As a com-
munity of piimaiily lowei-class and middle-class woik-
eis, many of Oasis`s congiegants look to the chuich foi
assistance in netwoiking, hnding employment oppoitu-
nities, and having stiength and empoweiment to face
the ongoing stiuggles of day to day life" (p. 11). Moie-
ovei, Oasis`s woiship seivices iely heavily on the Afiican
Ameiican musical tiadition.
Tioughout Ho||y+ooJ Fo:|, Maiti contiibutes to the
study of Pentecostalism and contempoiaiy Chiistianity
by diawing auention to topics too ofen oveilooked by
scholais of ieligion the ielationship between ieligion
and woik, multiiacial Chiistian congiegations, and the
Woid of Faith movement.
lf theie is additional discussion of this ieview, you may access it thiough the list discussion logs at
hup//h-net.msu.edu/cgi-bin/logbiowse.pl.
Citation Kathleen Hladky. Review of Maiti, Geiaido, Ho||y+ooJ Fo:| Ho|:ness, Proser:y, onJ A|::on :n o Los
Ange|es C|vrc|. H-Pentecostalism, H-Net Reviews. Decembei, 2009.
URI hup//www.h-net.oig/ieviews/showiev.phpìd23899
Tis woik is licensed undei a Cieative Commons Auiibution-Noncommeicial-
No Deiivative Woiks 3.0 United States License.
2
Worship across the Racial Divide: Religious Music and the Multiracial Congregation I Oevavdo Mavli
WovsIip acvoss lIe BaciaI Bivide BeIigious Music and lIe MuIlivaciaI Congvegalion I
Oevavdo Mavli
Beviev I BougIas Havlnann
Anevican JouvnaI oJ SocioIog, VoI. 118, No. 4 |Januav 2013), pp. 1151-1153
FuIIisIed I The University of Chicago Press
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due to black exodus, and the demoralization of remaining residents in the
countys relatively closed political opportunity structure. In comparison to
the deliberate and detailed historical exploration of previous chapters,
chapter 8 and the conclusion seem to rush through the eventual reopening,
rebuilding, and integration of the Prince Edward County public schools
from the mid-1960s to the present.
The main limitation of the book is an underdeveloped theoretical foun-
dation for discussion of the continuing signicance of race in the American
political context. While the chapters contribute convincing descriptions of
how the national and local contexts allowed the county to engage in this
radical strategy to avoid desegregation, they often fall short in the explana-
tion of why white leaders and residents saw racial segregation as a vital ne-
cessity. This lack creates a frustrating gap in the explanation of the racial
trajectory identied in the conclusion, where the willingness of contempo-
rary white residents to keep the events under the rug is left unconnected to
the dominant frames and storylines of color-blind racism p. 248. A more
developed discussion of hegemonic constructions of disruptions in the racial
power structure would strengthen the overall argument about the signi-
cance of this case for understanding the consequences of color-blind dis-
course in the maintenance of contemporary racial inequalities.
While the absence of a clearly articulated race theory limits aspects of
the analysis for scholars of race relations, the depth and detail of the book
will be valuable to scholars of social movements and political rhetoric.
The book would be appropriate for graduate-level courses on social move-
ments or methodologies of historical sociology.
Worship across the Racial Divide: Religious Music and the Multiracial Con-
gregation. By Gerardo Marti. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.
Pp. xiv1266. $29.95.
Douglas Hartmann
University of Minnesota
I dont know that Sunday mornings can still be described as the most seg-
regated hours of the American week as Martin Luther King, Jr., so fa-
mously pronounced almost half a century ago. But if so, it is not for lack
of trying. Over the past two decades, religious leaders across the spectrum
of faith systems and political ideologies have been active, enthusiastic par-
ticipants in a range of antiracist and racial reconciliation projects, inter-
faith initiatives, and cross racial coalitions intended to increase racial di-
versity both within their own communities and across the American
religious landscape. Gerardo Martis new book Worship across the Racial
Divide puts music at the center of these efforts.
Martis attention to music is timely, important, and eminently sociologi-
cal. A common thread among many successfully integrated churches in-
1151
Book Reviews
cluding those Marti studied previously in several well-received volumes
appears to be the incorporation of cross-cultural musical styles, and a large
number of church leadersprofessional staff and laypeople alikesee
music and music directors as foundational for the accomplishment of di-
versity. A whole miniature library of advice books and resources is now
availableincluding those prepared by an online resource for multilingual
multicultural worship called Proskuneo, which offers accompaniment
CDs, PowerPoint lyric slides, and a DVD that demonstrates choreography,
staging, and set design; the site also provides retreats, workshops, and one-
on-one training. Not surprisingly, a new eld of study ethnodoxology
replete with its own professional association, curriculum materials, and an
online journalhas now been formed.
To better understand and assess all these developments, Marti undertook
several years of eldwork in a range of denominational and nondenomina-
tional settings though all Protestant in Southern California and conducted
interviews with dozens of church leaders, music directors, choir members,
and other worshippers some 170 in all. Marti comes away convinced that
music has a crucial role to play in the integration of religious communities;
however, he insists that this is not because of any mystical, aesthetic powers
of music or worship itself, for that matter as many believe.
Among the most basic contributions of cross-cultural music is that creat-
ing it helps to diversify church leadership and makes color conspicuous for
congregants and visitors alike. These are steps that churches and church
leaders can be quite intentional about. On this score it is also important to
understand how prominently on display musicians and choir members are
in many churches and worship settingsoften positioned right up front for
all to see as well as hear.
But making diversity visible is far from the whole of musics contribu-
tion. Successful, genuinely integrated religious communities, according to
Marti, are marked and dened by those based in genuine relationships
and meaningful interracial interactions. And it is in the actual practices of
making music together that such community is constructed. Rehearsals,
performances, and worship services all bring people together across social
lines they would not otherwise ordinarily cross and puts them in relation-
ships that are real and deeply rooted. Marti talks about other social func-
tions served by multiracial musical forms and stylespartnerships with
other churches, for exampleand he is adamant that there is no single
model for doing this. Nevertheless, the key for him is clearly in how all in-
teractions and relationships are embedded within the ministry and work-
shop of any given congregation. Here Marti smartly emphasizes the huge
amounts of time and energyall typically underestimated by musicians
themselvesthat go into the making of church music. It is not music but
rather recruitment and participation in musical structures that fosters re-
lationships, community, loyalty, and a sense of connectionthe bonds that
create a sense of what church is together p. 178.
Worship across the Racial Divide has as much to teach about the para-
doxes and challenges of racial integration which both academics and lay-
1152
American Journal of Sociology
people have a tendency to romanticize as about religion, worship, or church
music. Among the deepest, most thought-provoking of Martis insights are
those involving African-Americans, black musical forms, and black-
ness itself. In interview after interview and chapter after chapter, what
comes through is the extent to which African-Americans and their cul-
tural formsgospel music, most of allserve as key markers of differ-
ence and multiculturalism.
There may be good reason to emphasize black folks and forms, but this
often puts a great deal of pressure on a small group of people in any religious
community, and makes fetishizing such differences easy as well. An anec-
dote that Marti says inspired the project illustrates this point. The story in-
volved a church that was committed to diversity and wanted to integrate
quickly. Their solution was to introduce gospel music to the worship with
a fewNegro spirituals thrown in. The result, he tells us, was predictable: Al-
though the almost entirely white congregation experienced the music as
cool . . . this quick x approach ended up reinforcing stereotypes of what
African-Americans are supposed to be overall . . . which effectively deep-
ened racial divides already embedded p. 5.
Music, Martis research makes clear, can contribute to the agendas of
antiracism, racial reconciliation, integration, and diversitybut only when
it is part of larger behavioral changes, institutional shifts, and new patterns
of interaction. Other paths overestimate the power of music and religious
worship and underestimate the depth, complexity, and intransigence of race
and racism in the United States today.
Peasant Life in China. By Fei Xiaotong [Hsiao-Tung Fei]. London: Rout-
ledge, 1939. Pp. xvii1300.
Earthbound China. By Fei Xiaotong [Hsiao-Tung Fei] and Zhang Zhiyi
[Chih-I Chang]. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1945. Pp. xv 1319.
Barbara Celarent*
University of Atlantis
Fei Xiaotong was born in the last years of the Qing dynasty. In his lifetime,
China would see revolutions, wars, and invasions. It would see empire, re-
publicanism, nationalism, and communism. By his death, China had been
not one but many Chinas, andFei himself not one but many Feis. For manas
for country, the question remains: Should we see continuity or difference?
In Fei, at least, many readers have seen difference. For them the rst Fei
was a Westernized academic researching the countryside, the second Fei a
*
Another review from 2051 to share with AJS readers.Ed.
1153
Book Reviews
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Overview
Description
Table of Contents
Author Information
Reviews and Awards
The Deconstructed Church
Understanding Emerging Christianity
Gerardo Marti and Gladys Ganiel
Provides a comprehensive sociological assessment
of the Emerging Church Movement
Draws on a large and varied data set from
Emerging Church Movement participants,
communities, and conferences
Offers multiple examples of alternative forms of
Christian communities, such as pub churches,
Christian arts collectives, and neo-monastic
communities, and explores the motivations, ideas
and practices of the people involved
Description
Table of Contents
Keyword, Author, ISBN, Title Search Advanced Search
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Education
Ebook
The Emerging Church Movement (ECM) is a creative, entrepreneurial religious movement
that strives to achieve social legitimacy and spiritual vitality by actively disassociating from
its roots in conservative, evangelical Christianity and "deconstructing" contemporary
expressions of Christianity. Emerging Christians see themselves as overturning outdated
interpretations of the Bible, transforming hierarchical religious institutions, and re-orienting
Christianity to step outside the walls of church buildings toward working among and serving
others in the "real world."
Drawing on ethnographic observation of emerging congregations, pub churches, neo-
monastic communities, conferences, online networks, in-depth interviews, and
congregational surveys in the US, UK, and Ireland, Gerardo Marti and Gladys Ganiel provide
a comprehensive social-scientific analysis of the development and significance of the ECM.
Emerging Christians, they find, are shaping a distinct religious orientation that encourages
individualism, deep relationships with others, new ideas about the nature of truth, doubt,
and God, and innovations in preaching, worship, Eucharist, and leadership.
Preface
1. Introduction
2. Pluralist Congregations
3. Being an Emerging Christian
4. Faith as Conversation
5. Deconstructing Congregational Practices
6. Following Jesus in the Real World
7. Understanding Emerging Christianity
Appendix: Research Methodology
Notes
Bibliography
Index
Author Information
Gerardo Marti is L. Richardson King Associate Professor of Sociology at Davidson College.
He is author of A Mosaic of Believers: Diversity and Innovation in a Multiethnic Church,
Hollywood Faith: Holiness, Prosperity, and Ambition in a Los Angeles Church, and Worship
across the Racial Divide: Religious Music and the Multiracial Church.
Gladys Ganiel is Lecturer and the Programme Coordinator of the Master's in Conflict
Resolution and Reconciliation at Trinity College Dublin at Belfast (the Irish School of
Ecumenics). She is author of Evangelicalism and Conflict in Northern Ireland and co-author
(with Claire Mitchell) of Evangelical Journeys: Choice and Change in a Northern Irish
Religious Subculture.
Reviews and Awards
"[Professor Marti] and Professor Ganiel have just given us the most complete, balanced,
useful, and sound overview of Emergence that we have to date." --Phyllis Tickle, author of
The Great Emergence: How Christianity Is Changing and Why
"As growing numbers of Americans say they are 'nonreligious,' observers note a comparable
shift among those who are religious toward looser, more individualistic, anti-institutional,
experimental expressions of faith. Marti and Ganiel have done a superb job of examining
these emerging expressions, illuminating both the practices and beliefs of individuals and the
innovative congregations they are forming." --Robert Wuthnow, Gerhard R. Andlinger '52
Professor of Sociology and Director of the Center for the Study of Religion, Princeton
University
"In the midst of a polarized landscape, where 'religion' and 'church' signal a lack of vitality
and authenticity, Emerging Churches are putting together something new out of the debris.
Marti and Ganiel show us why we should pay attention. They describe the faith found here as
neither shopping nor seeking, but a conversation carried on in congregations that are
determinedly open and inclusive. This book provides a careful analysis of this much-
discussed movement and shows why it is so well-suited to our times." --Nancy T.
Ammerman, author of Sacred Stories, Spiritual Tribes: Finding Religion in Everyday Life
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The Religious Racial Integration of African
Americans into Diverse Churches
GERARDO MARTI
Department of Sociology
Davidson College
Recent scholarship asserts that members of racial groups can transcend their ethnic differences, but other
research asserts that ethnoracial identities must be reinforced in order to participate in multiracial churches.
Analysis of eld notes and interview data from a large, black-white Protestant congregation shows that while the
core membership of African Americans come specically for its ethnic and racial diversity, they also look for
markers that afrma distinctive African-American experience. Ethnic reinforcement attracts highly race-conscious
participants who eventually move toward processes of ethnic transcendence and congregational integration.
The value for researchers is that distinguishing ethnically transcendent and ethnically reinforcing processes
encourages the discovery of subtle, racially specic, and continually reinforced afnities that would otherwise
remain hidden in seemingly ethnically transcendent settings.
INTRODUCTION
The unique history of African Americans in the United States fuels much of the discussion on
the relationship between religion and race in diverse congregations (e.g., Tranby and Hartmann
2008). Indeed, the impetus for much of the current research on multiracial churches began with
Emerson and Smiths (2000) pessimistic assessment of the potential for black-white integration
within American Protestant Christianity. Arguing that fundamental ideological assumptions be-
tween black and white groups operate at cross-purposes, they assert the possibility of black-white
churches is remote as individualistic orientation toward social change, especially among evan-
gelicals, keeps whites ignoring the structural inequality that further perpetuates the American
racial divide. Follow-up work by Emerson (2006) and Edwards (2008b) continues to afrm the
weakness of religion in the face of racial obstacles such that achieving true religious integration
between blacks and whites seems nearly impossible.
In contrast, other perspectives argue that religious racial integration is achieved by redening
the bases of shared identity among members and focusing on idealized religious commitments
(Becker 1998; Ecklund 2005; Jenkins 2003; Marti 2005; Stanczak 2006). We know that African
Americans, like other racial-ethnic groups, negotiate their racial identities in differing contexts
(Hutchinson, Rodriguez, and Hagan 1996; Young 2007). And even within Protestant multiracial
churches when different ethnoracial groups exist in an uncomfortable alliance (Garces-Foley
2007), these congregations utilize distinctively religious resources to overcome racial obstacles
and nurture religious identities to foster long-term, cross-ethnic relationships. Marti (2005, 2008a,
2009a) presents a process of ethnic transcendence that describes how the religious culture
of Protestant congregations can foster integration. In this strain of scholarship all ethnoracial
groupsincluding African Americansare able to overcome their racial particularities by taking
on a religiously based master status as a base of solidarity (see Bartkowski 2004; Ecklund 2005).
Correspondence should be addressed to Gerardo Marti, Department of Sociology, Davidson College, Box 7011, Davidson,
NC 28035-7011. E-mail: gemarti@davidson.edu
Journal for the Scientic Study of Religion (2010) 49(2):201217
C 2010 The Society for the Scientic Study of Religion
202 JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION
In short, sociologists of religion are bringing new insights and new debates to the grow-
ing phenomenon of racially diverse congregations, and much of the most recent and extensive
attention to these congregations has appeared in this journal (Dougherty and Huyser 2008; Eck-
lund 2005; Edwards 2008a; Emerson 2008; Emerson and Kim 2003; Garces-Foley 2007, 2008;
Jenkins 2003; Marti 2008a, 2009a; Tranby and Hartmann 2008; Yancey and Kim 2008; other
research includes Christerson, Emerson, and Edwards 2005; Dougherty 2003; Emerson 2009;
Yancey and Emerson 2003). A persistent question in these and other studies remains articulating
the relationship between religious identity and racial identity within these churches. The im-
plicit debate wrestles with the relationship between processes of ethnic reinforcement and ethnic
transcendence within congregational structures. The question is most accentuated in the case
of African Americans. On one hand, scholars assert the importance of ethnic reinforcement by
suggesting that African Americans require acknowledgment of the struggles and issues embed-
ded within their own specic racial identity in order to foster authentic, cross-racial religious
participation (Edwards 2008b; Emerson 2006; Emerson and Smith 2000; Yancey 2003b). On the
other, research also asserts that it is possible to discern African Americans successfully deempha-
sizing their racial distinctiveness in multiracial congregations and accentuating shared religious
identities as a base for integration (Becker 1998; Ganiel 2010; Jenkins 2003; Marti 2005, 2008a,
2008b, 2009a; Stanczak 2006). Awareness of this debate adds an important nuance to our under-
standing of how religion relates to constructing ethnic identity, negotiating racial alliances, and
overcoming racial oppression in the United States.
Following recent ethnographic research on black-white congregations in Emerson (2006) and
Edwards (2008b), this article focuses the religious racial integration of African Americans into
Protestant multiracial congregations through a case study of yet another black-white church, Oasis
Christian Center. What is the relationship between religion and race for African Americans in this
multiracial congregation? More specically, does African-American religious participation in a
diverse Protestant congregation require reinforcement of racial identity or does religious involve-
ment move them toward transcending the idea of race? In the end, while religious imperatives
can prompt members to participate in racially diffuse congregations, the distinctiveness of the
African-American experience in white-dominant American society appears to require multiracial
congregations to construct diversity-afrming havens such that blacks are afrmed, protected,
and even entertained in ways that acknowledge a shared African-American heritage.
Ethnic Transcendence: Congregational Havens and the Negotiation
of Racial-Ethnic Boundaries
The analytical approach introduced by Marti (2005) explicitly frames the experiences of
religious racial integration in Protestant churches as a process by which members of ethnoracial
groups subsume their contrasting ethnic identities to a shared religious identity (see Ganiel 2010).
Marti follows ethnic identity management theorists (De Vos and Romanucci-Ross 1975; Lyman
and Douglass 1973), which extend insights from Goffmans (1959, 1963, 1967) impression
management theory and views race and ethnicity as one of multiple aspects of personal identity
that is accessed and negotiated within organizations (Marti 2009a; see also Nagata 1974; Stryker
1981). Ethnicity (not race) among these theorists is a complex aspect of the self that can be
highlighted or obscured, constructed or recongured, guided by interests involving social status
and social mobility according to the demands and constraints of presentation; as circumstances
require, other social statuses are emphasized (Alexander 1992; Conzen et al. 1992; Fenton 1999;
Lacy 2007; Leonard 1992; McCall and Simmons 1978; Nagel 1994, 1996; Royce 1982; Sollors
1989; Stryker 1981).
Marti analytically builds on ethnic identity theory through an understanding that American
congregations are voluntary organizations. Individuals connect to congregations by taking oppor-
tunities for relational interactions that appeal to at least one aspect of their social selves. Diverse
congregations are those that construct relational havens (dened as situationally specic arenas
THE RELIGIOUS RACIAL INTEGRATION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS 203
of interaction) from the interests, beliefs, values, and life circumstances that ally people together
regardless of ancestral heritages. Havens therefore exhibit an interesting dualism as self-selective
mechanisms that drawcertain people and repel others. Over time, member participation in havens
obscures their ethnic identications and bring out other valued aspects of their personal identity,
and ultimately a shared religious identity becomes more important than their disparate racial
identities (see also Marti 2008a, 2008b, 2009a).
The process of ethnic transcendence as originally developed depends on havens being racially
neutral. And because Marti initially presented this process in a case study of a church with only
2 percent African American, the analysis is ambivalent as to whether the process is applicable for
understanding the religious racial integration of African Americans. The church studied conducts
its activity in the context of a popular American culture available to English-speaking immigrant
children and achieves diversity by attracting both native whites and children of immigrants who
acculturate into the segment of American culture most accessible to them. Among these second-
generation ethnics, a generational passing of ancestral history is substituted with socialization into
white dominant popular culture. Although a few African Americans in the church nd afnities
based on theology, artistry, or age, no haven acknowledges or afrms a black racial identity.
And the few younger blacks in the church report either rejecting their parents and grandparents
African-American expressions of spirituality or growing up immersed in white-dominant schools
and neighborhoods (see Marti 2005:8, 10, 62, 141, 16263).
Ethnic Reinforcement: African Americans and the Acknowledgment
of Racial-Ethnic Distinctives
Given the distinctive challenges of African Americans in white-dominant culture, dening
the process of religious racial integration in terms of segmented portions of individual identity
presents difculties for understanding howmultiracial churches connect with African Americans.
In contrast to Martis (2008a) more uid approach to ethnoracial identity, both Emerson (2006)
and Edwards (2008b) draw on racial formation and critical race theories to underscore how
race is more signicant than ethnicity (which Edwards sparsely denes as oriented around
claims of shared culture, history, or common descent) for understanding American society and
to demonstrate how the structural advantages of being white extend to the structure of black-
white churches (Bonilla-Silva 2003; Doane 1997; Lewis 2004; Lipsitz 1998; Omi and Winant
1994). For example, in his study of an interracial Protestant church Emerson (2006) argues that
whites fail to acknowledge their dominant structural position and use their power to insist that
churches operate in ways preferred by them. Edwards (2008b) similarly asserts that a proper
understanding of whiteness and the racial hierarchies and boundaries that resulted throughout
U.S. history indicates race to be a central and determining structural characteristic and argues
that African Americans must adopt white-dominant cultural norms and practices in order to t into
this integrated church. For both these scholars, race is not viewed as a particular characteristic
of African Americans but rather as a dominating one.
Both Emerson and Edwards extend research that supports being black in America is not
simply one aspect of identity but rather overwhelms the identity of a person that religion largely
fails to address. Everett Hughes (1945) classically constructed the concept of master status
with particular reference to how racial stigma overwhelms other markers of prestige through
observations of how whites treated African Americans in professional occupations, and black
social theorists have described how their race dominates denitions of their identity and relations
across society (Du Bois 2003; Fanon 1965, 1967). What W. E. B. DuBois called the problem of
the color line remains evident in studies on the pervasive social consequences of segregation and
stigmatization based on skin color, legal denitions of whiteness, and institutionalized racism
(quoted in Lewis 1995:639; see also Bobo, Kluegel, and Smith 1997; Drake and Cayton 1945;
Freeman et al. 1966; Hunter, Allen, and Telles 2001; Keith and Herring 1991; Lopez 1996).
African Americans who attempt to assimilate into a white culture must make a cultural leap
and still experience prejudice and discrimination (Feagin and Sikes 1995). Because African
Americans are involuntary minorities who are painfully aware of their disadvantaged status in
comparison to native majority members (Kao and Tienda 1998; Massey et al. 2003; Ogbu 1978,
1981), Yancey (2003a) forcefully argues that African Americans experience an alienation that
cannot be compared to other racial/ethnic groups.
Neither Emerson nor Edwards provides an explicit description of the process of religious
racial integration through the ethnic afrmation that they believe is necessary for achieving
truly integrated congregations; yet, both argue that religious communities need to accentuate
the distinctive racial experiences of African Americans and create hospitable environments that
explicitly welcome and incorporate them(see also DeYoung et al. 2003; Yancey 2003b). And both
stress that nonwhites joining diverse congregations are not race traitors who wish to deny their
ethnoracial distinctives; instead, these members want to afrm the uniqueness of their racial
identity while at the same time being around people from other cultures at church (Emerson
2006:129). Emerson (2006:16869) provides a list of ethnic reinforcement mechanisms found
in multiracial churches (see also Yancey 2003b). He primarily argues that interracial churches
must make a clearly stated institutional commitment to racial equity and create structures to
ensure that equity. Emerson issues a two-fold call: whites should accede privileges for the sake
of marginalized nonwhite groups, and blacks (as well as other oppressed minorities) should
avoid victimization and take bold initiatives to create racially afrming, integrated religious
communities. Furthermore, congregational leaders are said to be central to cultivating integrated
congregations by personally committing to racial equity, creating forums where racial issues are
actively discussed, and actively managing member commitment toward common religious goals.
Edwards (2008b:137) similarly urges interracial church leaders to select African Americans
as key contributors to the process of creating an environment of racial inclusion to counter
white hegemony. In resisting white normativity and structural dominance, she calls interracial
churches to create congregations where the culture and experiences of all racial groups are not
just tolerated, but appreciated. Tranby and Hartmann (2008) also apply whiteness studies and
critical race theory to the possibility of black-white congregations, specically arguing that racial
identity should be highlighted and afrmed rather than merely subsumed under the auspices of
religion.
Given the contradictory assertions between these two perspectives, the question remains:
Do African Americans retain racially specic identities as a primary base of interaction and not
obscure or subsume their racial specicity in order to participate in a multiracial community
of faith? Or, does religious racial integration require transcending racial specicity in favor of
religious unity? Doughtery and Huyser (2008:39) state that the central challenge of race in the
United States remains black and white. Correspondingly, the congregational identity necessary
to unite blacks and whites may look different than an inclusive identity for other racial-ethnic
groups. Consequently, is there perhaps a more dynamic relationship between the processes of
ethnic transcendence and ethnic reinforcement that remains to be uncovered?
METHODS
To examine the manner in which African Americans in diverse congregations understand
their own experiences in the context of interactions within their diverse congregation, I focus on
interviews with attenders and eld notes gathered during participant observation in a multiracial
church. These data are part of a larger project (Marti 2008b, 2010). Between 2003 and 2004,
I conducted an ethnographic study of a Los Angeles church, Oasis Christian Center, to under-
stand the processes involved in joining and integrating racially and ethnically diverse people into
multiracial congregations. Oasis is a large, broadly evangelical, Protestant nondenominational
congregation. I intentionally selected Oasis as a counterpoint to my previous study of Mosaic
(Marti 2005). At the time of my study, Oasis had just completed a four-year growth spurt, leveling
out at around 2,200 weekly attenders. The congregations racial/ethnic composition is estimated
using membership les and systematic observation at weekend services. At 45 percent, African
Americans comprise the largest proportion. Whites are the next largest at 40 percent, followed
by Hispanics (10 percent), Asians (3 percent), and other including Middle Eastern and non-
native blacks (2 percent). In terms of leadership, founders and co-pastors Philip and Holly are
both white. While the rest of the paid pastoral staff is racially mixed including white, black,
and Hispanic, a majority are white. Yet it should be quickly noted that black and Hispanic
staff members are equally prominent in both platform presence and backroom decision making.
With respect to African Americans, it is consistently emphasized by long-time members that
Oasis has had a signicant proportion of African Americans from its founding, and the black
presence in both membership and lay leadership has been signicant throughout its 25-year
history. Furthermore, Oasis attenders regularly interact across different racial and ethnic back-
grounds through the churchs weekly gatherings, small groups, and multiple ministry teams in
addition to informal relational networks outside programed church ministries. For example, the
worship leader at the time of the study was a black woman; her team of singers and musicians
both reect the diversity of the congregation and often work and play together beyond church
activities.
I spent 12 months doing eldwork in the church. Rather than impose my understanding of
social processes onto leaders, members, and attenders, I tried to attend very closely to the lived
experience of the participants in the church and earnestly attempted to uncover the understandings
of the attenders and bring conceptual order to what I found (Ammerman 1987; Bender 2003;
Marti 2005; Orsi 2002). I also attempted to distinguish between ofcial pronouncements advo-
cated by church leaders and the everyday happenings of all congregants (leaders and nonleaders)
to the actual operations of congregational life. I participated in church events regularly attended
by members, new guests, and those in the process of joining the church, including both week-
end and mid-week church functions. As part of being a participant observer, I went through its
membership process and also attended various classes and seminars for highly committed vol-
unteer church leaders. I reviewed available archival material and conducted personal interviews.
Archived sources consisted of selected books published by leaders, sermon and seminar tapes,
and pamphlets publicly distributed by the church. I randomly sampled individual membership
records. The church utilized oral tradition to recall its history, so specic historical records
were largely absent. Thus, personal interviews were used to reconstruct church history as well as
obtain information on member experiences.
Semistructured, face-to-face interviews included leaders (both paid staff and nonpaid volun-
teers), long-time members, occasional attenders, and rst-time guests. I formally interviewed a
total of 50 people. Because Asians and Latinos were oversampled and because most long-time
staff members were white, the proportion of racial-ethnic groups interviewed was slightly differ-
ent than that of the congregation as a whole. In the interviews, 42 percent were white, 32 percent
African American, 13 percent Latino, 5 percent Asian, 2 percent Middle Eastern, and 6 percent
self-dened as some form of mixed/multiracial ancestry. Within this sample, I interviewed a
wide variety of people currently attending the church including those who made commitments to
become dedicated followers of Jesus Christ at the church and those who had made such commit-
ments elsewhere, long-time members and recent attendees, and men and women. I interviewed
a range of age groups from young adults to senior citizens, marital statuses from unmarried to
married people, and, most importantly, people of all notable racial and ethnic groups. In the
interviews, I focused on the process by which members came to join the church, reasons for
staying (and in some cases returning), and their reporting about why others stay or leave the con-
gregation. Interviews averaged around 90 minutes and were transcribed and themes, categories,
and codes emerged from various levels of coding using NVIVO qualitative software. I also had
numerous conversations with blacks and nonblacks during my eldwork, and these were coded
using NVIVO as well.
THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE IN A RACIALLY DIVERSE CHURCH
Looking through eld notes from congregational observation and analyzing the interview
responses and conversations with African-American participants in this black-white church,
I nd evidence of both ethnic transcendence and ethnic reinforcement among blacks in this
congregation. I also nd a nuanced interaction occurring between the two.
More Than Just Black
In both formal interviews and informal conversations, nearly all blacks in the congregation
express a desire to escape being religiously immersed in black racial enclaves. While all the
African Americans I encountered had immersive experiences in the Black Church, not all spoke
of these experiences in a complementary way. Ben, 43 years old, said: My mom started us off
early. The pinching ear stage, you know, when youre supposed to sit there and you dont. He
joked about his experiences. The preachers just barked at you, and you could barely understand
them. And the breathing things that they would do. They go, Aaaand, [with a lot of breath].
That whole show. We would wake up when he got to that part because it was close to the end
of the sermon. Like Ben, all black attenders at Oasis had been members of a Black Church at
some point in their lives, and they would mimic call and response preaching or comment on
long worship services. Cherise, 32 years old, said:
There were times I loved it, and then there were other times where Im like, Were going to church again? We
would get there at nine, and then we would leave this one service at three. So it was like six hours. And then we
would go home and eat, and then we would go back for Sunday night. And then Tuesday would be rehearsal, and
then Wednesday we would be at services. So for a child it was a bit much. It was constantly being there . . . . When
I was a kid, I didnt really get into it. I was like, Oh no. Id get in trouble for playing tic-tac-toe on the back pew.
Their joking characterizations of the Black Church is one way in which African Americans at
Oasis overall acknowledge their racial identities as black while rejecting an exclusivist black
orientation. African Americans approach their memories of their Black Church with nostalgia,
yet consciously choosing to leave the Black Church is a consistent aspect of narrating their past.
Ben, who had spent most of his life in Black Churches, said: That was okay back then, but this
is now. I need something different.
Apart from their Black Church memberships, African Americans come to Oasis with an
experience of diversity, looking for diversity, and appreciating diversity. Cherise said, I was
always the type of person where I wanted everyone in my life, every type of person in my life.
Cherise speculated that young adults are attracted to Oasis because they get the opportunity
to be around different races. She discussed African-American involvement specically, saying:
Because we have so many young people coming, they want and crave that type of environment
where people look different, people dress different, talk different. But they are getting along.
Different races having a good time together, thats like a drawing card for people. Other African
Americans agreed, talking about their own attraction to the congregation. Franklin, 27 years
old, said: One thing I just loved about Oasis was it is really diverse. Thats just the rst thing
I noticed. And that was something that would speak to me. Leron, 30 years old, said: The
part of this world that I love is the diversity . . . . I love the fact that you have a whole bunch of
different couples that are interracial . . . . You see a lot of little kids running around, Black kids
with red hair and blond hair you go, OK, what are you? What are you mixed with? Its just
such a neat expression of unity really. He added: When you have so many beautiful people
together, so many different races together, its hard for you to say that one is better than another,
or these people are ugly. It really does make a huge difference. Ben said: The younger Blacks
are coming because they are into it. They can see the big picture is not about just being Black.
That this is different than how they were brought up and that this is the way of the world. We no
longer live in this bubble. Weve got to get out and do this and do that. And mingle and whatever.
Rather than seek another ethnoracially homogenous church experience, African-American
members at Oasis actively sought a church characterized by diversity. Franklin is among many
who looked for diversity before committing to a congregation. I started looking into churches
that were more diversiedand that I felt were more open to thisbecause it was big on my
heart, and I wanted to get more into it. For Franklin and others, they embrace diversity because
thats how church should be. Tia, 57 years old, told me:
Ive always lived in ethnically diverse situations and Ive always worked in diverse situations. I indeed refuse
to do anything other than that. Because heaven is going to be diverse, all right? Everyone should learn how to
get along, to work with, have a relationship with one another. So had Oasis been an all Black church, I would not
have joined.
Monica, 33 years old, said with a tone of appreciation: It was refreshing . . . people fromdifferent
backgrounds and different races. I thought it was just great. I didnt even think it was an option.
Brandon, 52 years old, said: This is my heart. Because I imagine heaven being, you know, God
just having everybody and thats where my commitment lies . . . I know when I get to heaven
theres going to be some of everything and everybody and all that.
In these statements, the processes of religious ethnic transcendence appear to be most primary.
For example, there is a profound, shared belief that the sermons preached at Oasis touch the deepest
part of all humanity regardless of race. Julia, a 33-year-old white member, said: When you come
here, you see all these different types of people, and you listen to the Word in a practical sense and
see howit applies to everyone on a personal level. . . . The implicit belief is that a shared religious
orientation is being cultivated and afrmed in the congregation that is more fundamental than
ethnoracial distinctions. In another interview, Kiara, a 62-year-old long-time African-American
church member, pointed to the entrance and said, I remember walking through those doors, and
all of my life I have never seen a church where there were Black people, White people, Hispanic
peopleI mean every race, every color of skin, tone, literally. I stood in the door, and I just
gasped. Oh, my gosh. And the next thought that came to my mind was This is what Heaven
will be like. Kiara continued: When I walked into Oasis, I just saw all of these people as you
see here, and it actually took my breath away. And I thought, How wonderful. We can actually
be here on this planet and actually go to church together on a Sunday. People didnt tell me the
pastor and his wife were White. Im like, Theyre White!
For some, this religiously based unity complements their past experiences of diversity. Otis,
33 years old, said he did not consider the diversity of the church either difcult or unusual because
he is used to diversity. He said:
I never really noticed the diversity until people started talking about it. The pastor I had in college was a White
guy, so I was used to going to a church that was mixed, White-Black or whatever. So that really didnt bother me.
So when I came to the Oasis, everyone was talking about the diversity but it didnt really seem like an issue with
me because I had been there before. I just kind of slipped right into a situation I was comfortable with.
Jerome, 34 years old, said: Most of my upbringing has been among predominantly White
communities. Sierra, 40 years old, is another who dismissed any struggle to participate in an
integrated church and said, Ive always been around people with different backgrounds even in
her church experiences.
The value for diversity is so strong that some members reject Black Churches simply because
in their judgment the Black Church reinforces segregation. Ben said: It comes out of experiencing
it as a kid throughout my whole life . . . . The prejudice was so prevalent . . . . When I was a young
kid, we got bussed to a White school. The bullying, group conict, and racial tension affected
himdeeply as he consistently remained committed to diverse relationships. Ben hates prejudice,
and his attempt to maintain diversity in his relationships keeps him invested in a diverse church
for his religious involvement. Ben said: If I had to put it into words, the mission of Oasis is
e-racism [short for erase-racism]. Just the prejudice side of it, man, I just hate it. Its crazy. But
thats how I see it. One step at a time. E-racism. Just getting rid of it. He was passionate. The
church is missing it. You have pastors that are missing it. And that bothers me. Thats huge with
me. Ben said, I would hope that this would be a springboard. I would hope that it would start
inltrating other churches and that people would really grasp that. Because thats how Jesus was.
And its like we miss it. We miss it.
Franklin believes African Americans are not stigmatized in this church. Were really great
about not recognizing minorities, Franklin said. When I walked into another church I felt like
a minority because somebody pointed it out. Somebody made me aware of it, so then thats why
I was aware of it. Well, here I can honestly say Im not aware of it. Franklin continued:
People will sometimes say, Your church is so diverse. And it reminds me that my church is so diverse. You
know? Oh, we are diverse . . . . Its at a place where I dont know. You know, its like I really do forget, Oh, you
are Black, and I am not. You get at a place where family is family. We are really diverse, and so I think that
minorities might come in and go, Wow! There are people like me, and everybodys here. But that quickly fades
because you are just family.
Others also remarked that the diversity of the church made it welcoming to guests of all racial
and ethnic groups.
Finally, in addition to the appreciation for diversity some African-American members refuse
to be categorized or labeled by race or ethnicity. In my interview with Jerome, he began to muse
on the issue of blackness philosophically by asking:
Is Black a denition of pigmentation differentiation or is it an attitude? Is it a physical characteristic, or is it a
social characteristic? And me, I think its a social characteristic. What denes a person who is Black is completely
independent to the observer and the observed. What the observed decides is what they are going to be.
In a more pragmatic approach, Dakota, 59 years old, said, I am, you know, multicultural. Im
mixed. Im multicultural. Im Black, Irish, Filipino, Chinese, French-Canadian, and American
Indian. So I never really felt comfortable with all one or the other. Dakota had attended Black
Churches but felt uncomfortable. They were both all-Black churches, and I just didnt feel like I
belonged there. So when I came to the Oasis and saw all the different cultures and all the different
races, I was just ecstatic. I felt like I had come home.
Recognize Black Distinctives
Although black attenders do not want to be exclusively black in their church community,
they appreciate that Oasis provides recognition for blacks and want this aspect of the church to
continue. African Americans at Oasis appreciate diversity, but they do not express ambivalence
about their own racial identity. (In contrast, 29-year-old Andrew of Middle Eastern descent
said, I dont feel completely Assyrian, and I dont feel completely American. I feel like Im
somewhere in between. Although Andrew was embedded in Middle-Eastern social networks,
he was born in the United States.) African Americans at Oasis always note their distinctives as
black Americans. For example, 34-year-old Steve is an African American who grew up in a
white community. Although he does not want to be black exclusively, he values being black
and spoke about aspects of the church, including music and racially explicit discussions, that
resonate with afnities found among African Americans. So while the social settings at Oasis are
diverse, the congregation retains aspects recognizable to blacks like Steve as being especially for
themselves.
Interviews with African Americans reveal a deep connection between musical styles in
congregational worship and their connection to the church. More specically, blacks in the
congregation universally talked about the worship music of the congregation as having a black
sound. While talking about growing up in her Black Church, Cherise said she appreciates the
R&B-gospelly-Black sound, if that is what you would term it at Oasis because thats what I
grew up with in church. The music style at Oasis is consistently described as a mix of funk,
gospel, and R&Bwith a heavy bass and strong, danceable rhythmthat invite people to stand, clap,
move, and groove as they worship. Louie, a long-time Latino member, said, [b]asically its
gospel, and went on to call it full gospel and kind of like Kirk Franklin. Members believe
the R&B and the soul element of the music is distinctive to African-American musical taste.
Steve described the sound further, explaining:
There are forms of [musical] expression in what would be considered Black churches . . . . We have certain elements
of those things. Every now and then we can do one of those little double-time things with the band, and they will
do it just for fun because it brings back some memories of people, and people will remember something they
dont normally get in our church. And that makes them feel more connected . . . .
In short, while the diverse membership of Oasis incorporates racially diffuse arenas of reli-
gious interaction, the congregation also includes racially specic markers in its worship music,
markers that are not readily evident to nonblacks. The incorporation of what black members
recognize as racially specic symbols helps sustain the incorporation of African Americans into
the membership of the congregation over time.
Beyond music, processes of ethnic reinforcement are also evident in how the leadership of
Oasis holds a clearly stated institutional commitment to racial equity. Pastor Philip said: We
thought [racial diversity] was something God was doing, but we should protect it, or nurture it.
In pursuing this, they went against a basic church growth principle touted by their mentorsThe
Homogenous Unit Principle (McGavran 1955; Wagner 1976, 1984, 1987). The Homogenous
Unit Principle states that churches must target racial and ethnic groups that share a homogenous
culture in order to succeed. In contrast, they pursued an explicit orientation toward racial diversity.
References to the racial demographics of the congregation by both leaders and long-time members
regarding its founding and history frequently afrm that Oasis has always been an integrated
black-white congregation.
Pastors Philip and Holly intentionally highlight racial issues and train for racial awareness in
public and in private, and both black and nonblack members consistently afrm that the churchs
leaders are personally committed to racial equity. Mike, a 26-year-old Caucasian member, is
among others who said: They very proactively address those issues and talk about ways to
overcome them. And 55-year-old Helen, another long-time Caucasian member, said: He brings
it up, and he keeps it in front of our faces. The discussion of prejudice is not to educate blacks,
but rather to create a proactively protective environment for blacks. As Helen points out: When
you talk about diversity, the people of color understand the situation. Its the White folks that
need to get the clue. The pulpit regularly addresses issues often left unspoken between blacks
and nonblacks in congregations. Pastor Holly said: We never take it for granted and we dont
just assume it happens. We talk about bigotry. We talk about it, and we dont just talk about it on
Martin Luther King, Jr. Day either. You know, we talk about it all the time. We will say things
like, If all your friends look like you, then you are in trouble . . . . According to Pastor Holly,
We say, Dont ask if you are prejudiced, just ask where am I prejudiced? Philip said: No
matter what topic Im teaching on, that usually comes into play. We will use an example because
it just affects so much of our lives. So, I nd myself making racial commentsnot slurs, but
racial commentspretty regularly.
Black members also believe that their church leaders adjust ministries in response to needs
to protect racial equity. Ben pictures Pastor Philip as actively navigating the racial composition
of the church. Philip is like with reins. He wont let it go all Black or all White. Hell come
right out and say it, Okay, now, we need to have something else because were not just Black.
Open church discussions on and off the platform highlights to blacks that racial issues are not
being ignored and alerts nonblacks that any form of prejudice is not acceptable. I often heard
references to racial prejudice during my time at Oasis as well as direct confrontation of different
forms of interpersonal discrimination. On becoming aware of racial issues in their congregation,
Holly said: We dont hide. We get on the pulpit and go, That is so stupid. Again, Holly said:
Well tell them to turn to their neighbor and say, Im prejudiced, or whatever. We try to deal
with it straight on. Leaders openly confront racial issues, and one public manifestation is at the
Welcome Table where greeters regularly give away free CDs with a message from Pastor Philip
on racial harmony.
So, in developing attitudes to create a hospitable environment for African Americans Oasis
incorporates messages, ministries, and counseling sessions that regularly focus on prejudicial
attitudes. Here we see processes of ethnic reinforcement. Oasis accentuates discrimination against
blacks and the recognition of their oppression. In other words, racial awareness at Oasis centers
on issues of African-American alienation. I found it especially signicant that the Application
for Ministry form, which dates from the late 1980s and is completed by those who desire to
volunteer or lead in the church, includes the question: Are you racially prejudiced or do you
have struggles in that area? The same form lists prohibitions against drugs and sex outside of
marriage that are typical of church ministry applications, yet few churches (if any) include such
an explicit prohibition against racial prejudice. The form essentially acknowledges that racism is
a sin to which one must be accountable. This helps to maintain a viable haven for diversity
in which African Americans can participate.
Finally, the presence of African Americans on staff signals to other blacks the afrmation
of a distinctive black identity. When black members began to critique the lack of black staff
members, the leaders of the church took notice. One long-time African-American member in her
mid 50s said: Once that was brought to Pastors attention, it was addressed. They have been very
responsive. As things have come up, theyve worked to determine the validity of the concern and
been responsive to those issues. While the pastors insist staff members are hired on the basis of
qualications rather than racial quotas, respondents noted with appreciation the current presence
of black staff members. All assume that the hiring of black staff is an intentional response
to the black presence of the congregation. Thus, even if the hires did not occur in response to
grousing among members, the perception that leaders were responsive furthers the sense not only
that blacks are protected and respected but also that their concerns are heeded.
Not Black Enough
For many African Americans, Oasis is simply not black enough. Several black members
told me their black family and friends ask: How could you go to church with a White pastor?
Angela, 52 years old, said: People hate the fact that I come here. [They refuse] to come because
the pastor is not a Black man. They say, There is no way those two people understand anything
about us. They have no clue. They could not really empathize or sympathize with an African
American. Angela was dating a black man who would not come to the church. He said to her:
Never. Ill never sit through his preaching and pastoring me. Ben explained: Its sad but true.
It has to do with Theres this White man up there. He cant really relate to the struggles that Ive
been through. Another African-American member in his mid 30s said: Some people grew up
in a Black church or just grew up in a different time before this whole MTV side to it will have
problems tting into the church, especially if you are a Black man who is 40 and above and you
grew up in a Black church in a family that considers itself Black. He went on to say:
There are still people who are Id say 50, 60 years old who still might have issues with something as supercial
as taking advice or listening to the word of a White pastor. Ive actually heard that quite a good number of times
over the years. I just cant be under a White pastor. I need to be under a Black pastor. And these are things that
are built into people, and there are some people who have become self-aware enough or independent enough to
decide, Thats not what Im going to base my decision on where Im going to church. But there are some people
who just cant get past that, and thats what makes them comfortable.
In short, Oasis might disturb some very old school people who are on the old side or the Black
side or both.
Black members say that what keeps these older blacks away is concern for the racial knowl-
edge of the pastor: There is a white man up there. He cant really relate. Ben said the church
provokes reactions because its too white. His black Christian friends say to him: Oh, Ive
got to go to my Black church. And the concern about white pastoral leadership is not limited to
older blacks. One black woman invited her 20 something year-old daughter:
And she said, Really? Oh my gosh. What kind of music is it? I cant imagine that the music could be great. And
I said, The music is great. And for a while she wouldnt come . . . . But she nally came, and she was blown
awayso much so that she actually sat down and wrote [Pastor Philip] saying, I didnt want to come because
my mom said that you were White.
Pastor Philip is aware of how blacks may distrust white leaders. He said: We get a lot of colors
in there, but there are a lot of people who are untrusting of me. So we try to address that.
Although people who refuse to join the church believe the lead pastors could not possibly
understand the black experience, those who stay emphasize that the founding pastors not only
understand certain critical elements of it (like musical styles) but also consciously raise awareness
of issues in the black community by actively working against racial prejudice and discrimination.
And while Pastor Philip is adamant that there is no consideration of racial representation in
hiring, the presence of black staff accentuates for black members the belief that the pastors of
the church compensate for their lack of complete racial understanding by bringing other blacks
on church staff. In addition, the younger, middle-class, and upwardly mobile African Americans
in the congregation are less likely to discuss racially based injustices or exploitation embedded
in broader society in comparison with older African Americans in the congregation. Young and
upwardly mobile blacks in the church see themselves as responsible for their own destiny and
able to control the circumstances such that any experiences of frustration in work, housing,
or education that could be interpreted as stemming from racial discrimination are connected
to stories of those who are not African American yet seen as sharing similar troubles. In short,
younger and upwardly mobile blacks rely less on racial explanations for their social and economic
circumstances and connect with whites (as well as other groups in the congregation) on the basis
of perceived shared frustrations of living in a complex, urban society (see Marti 2008b: Ch. 7).
DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS
The core black membership of Oasis come specically for its ethnic and racial diversity and
describe their experience of coming to church as an anticipation of what heaven will be like
(see Christerson et al. 2005). These black members have interracial social networks, want to
escape the encapsulation of the Black Church, and seek to participate in a diverse congregation.
Among these members, Oasiss intentional focus on diversity and programs to promote intergroup
contact to foster an inclusive identity indicate processes of ethnic transcendence (as described by
Marti 2008a, 2009a; see also Dougherty and Huyser 2008). At the same time, African-American
members also recognize and appreciate the markers that afrm a distinctive African-American
experience. Ethnic reinforcement is achieved in this church by recognition of blacks up front,
by race-specic practices (e.g., musical styles), and by racial awareness preached from the
pulpit rather than by specic race-targeted ministries and subgroups within the congregation.
While Oasis accomplishes such racial afrmation adequately enough for many blacks through its
history, music, messages, and stafng, the church does not appeal equally to all blacks. For these
other African Americans, Oasis is not black enough, and this failure to adequately incorporate
all blacks on racial grounds further indicates the importance of ethnic reinforcement. So, while
other studies have argued for the importance of mixing musical and preaching styles as well as
providing an awareness of racial issues fromthe pulpit to keep a multiracial congregation together
(DeYoung et al. 2003), this case study suggests that the exceptionalism of African Americans
plays itself out in the interaction between reinforcement and transcendent and prompts a closer
understanding of the importance of these practices.
It appears that in order to accentuate diversity as a value it is necessary that congregational
leaders emphasize ethnic specicity at the same time religious unity is being urged. In other
words, an emphasis on both ethnic transcendence and ethnic reinforcement is required to attract
and retain African Americans into this multiracial congregation. The congregation must reinforce
the distinctive culture of African Americans as a racial group as many among them value their
racial specicity more than diversity and fail to see the emphasis on diversity in the congregation
as a haven but rather as ignoring aspects of the black experience they believe should not be
neglected. This is the group for whom ethnic transcendence does not naturally appealat least
initially.
In one sense this analysis essentially agrees with Marti (2005; see also 2008a, 2009a) that
racially diffuse arenas of interaction are required in order to sustain any multiracial congregation.
Because diversity is central to the congregation, we may view the congregation as constructing
a diversity haven, a place of unique inclusion for people who value diversity, for both blacks
and whites. These are the sixth Americans that Emerson (2006) identies who know diversity,
appreciate diversity, and welcome participation in a diverse congregational setting. Emerson
points out that certain groups of Americans have developed a multiracial lifestyle in which
they no longer socialize with mostly those of their own race. Race does not disappear as being
important for these church members, but it does not become a master status for those who join
diverse congregations like Oasis. Although Emerson suggests there are lower percentages of
black sixth Americans than of other racial groups, these individuals may be the mainstay of
the future growth of multiracial churches. African Americans who fall into this status as sixth
Americans can be drawn toward the haven of diversity in multiracial churches since they value
racial diversity in their relationships. Following the homophily principle, it is possible blacks
are drawn to multiracial churches but just not in as large of numbers as other races since racial
identity is more strongly embedded within African-American social networks in comparison with
other races (Judd et al. 1995; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, and Cook 2001; Quillian and Campbell
2003). This is also consistent with Edwardss (2008b:85) unconrmed hypothesis that African
Americans who attend interracial churches will have a relatively weak racial identity, while
simultaneously possessing a high regard for their racial group.
However, by demonstrating that African Americans participate in multiracial congregations
in ways that highlight both ethnic reinforcement and ethnic transcendence, this research supports
a more nuanced understanding of the relations between religious and racial identity that accom-
modates the exceptionalism of the African-American experience. We must be cautious about
homogenizing and overgeneralizing the African-American experience and instead accentuate the
manner by which individuals navigate their racial identities in various contexts (Hill and Thomas
2000; Lacy 2007; Thompson Sanders 2001; Williams 1995). Identity management and the various
hierarchies of salience within the self occurs even among ethnoracial groups that are supposed to
be overwhelmed by their racialized status (Rosenberg 1979). As demonstrated in howsome Oasis
attenders nd their racial identity afrmed while others nd Oasis not black enough, African
Americans have varying degrees of closeness to their black identity (Demo and Hughes 1990;
Oyserman et al. 2003; Rosenberg and Simmons 1972). As Thompson Sanders (2001:163) states:
In practical everyday life, African Americans live with a variety of stances and attitudes with
respect to their racial group afliation.
The distinctives of the African-American experience in white-dominant American society
appears to require multiracial congregations to construct relational havens in such a way that
blacks are afrmed, protected, and perhaps even entertained (the band . . . will do it just for
fun). Rather than conceptually allowing only for racially neutral havens (even if it is a diversity
haven), it is important to expand on Martis notion of havens to allowfor racially afrming havens
(see Marti 2009b:xiixv). Thus, the congregation does not merely practice ethnic reinforcement;
rather, the congregation places the value of diversity at the center of the congregation in a way that
recognizes the unique experience of African Americans. Recently, research has shown African-
American worship practices like spontaneous physical worship are ethnically distinct (Edwards
2009). Historically, much of the Black Churchs ministry involved political mobilization and
corporate empowerment since the oppression of blacks in American society is what prompted the
development of the Black Church (Harris 1999; Patillo-McCoy 1998). Although we should not
assume these churches are homogeneous, scholars of African-American religious history have
long argued these churches have a shared tradition within Christianity and are fundamental to the
collective experience of African Americans in the United States (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990:45;
Pinn 2002:xii). The experience of racism led to a collective solidarity and obligation to support
one another. Moreover, research supports that black identity is stronger for African Americans
involved in traditional black denominations (Ellison 1991). For this reason, distinctions within
the African-American experience cannot be ignored.
In sumin multiracial churches that promote the value of diversity, ethnic reinforcement
(or racially specic acknowledgment and incorporation) functions to attract race-conscious par-
ticipants who eventually move toward processes of ethnic transcendence and congregational
integration. This presents a more comprehensive understanding of both processes of transcen-
dence and reinforcement. The issue of race is openly acknowledged at Oasis, yet the races at
Oasis come together through corporate initiatives that emphasize the religious, nonracial aspects
of their identity. Oasis creates racially diffuse arenas of religious involvement that encourage
interaction and identication apart from racially specic group membership such that the inte-
gration of races at Oasis occurs in the act of creating religious afnity in ways supplementary
to their racial identities. Yet, Oasis also highlights racial markers and accentuates racial issues
in their pursuit of racial equity. More generally, I anticipate that congregations that successfully
integrate African Americans have racially afrming havens centered on the value of diversity;
however, in order for these congregations to become and remain multiracial, they must harness
their religious resources to move members to adopt nonracially based identities as well (Ganiel
2010). Accommodating for the racial distinctiveness of African Americans through such havens
afrms Edwardss (2008b:99) nding that people of different races can worship together, even
when the salience of racial identity drastically differs across racial groups.
In short, analytically separating ethnically transcendent fromethnically reinforcing dynamics
accentuates that racially specic identity can be afrmed in a racially diverse setting and may
even be necessary for sustaining cross-ethnic relationships. Christerson et al. (2005) arrive at a
similar conclusion. The numerical minorities in the multiracial congregations they studied were
more likely to remain if they had safe social spaces within the congregation to connect with people
of their same race/ethnicity. This suggests that ethnic reinforcement is important for any ethnic
group that is in the numerical minority in an organization, not just African Americans. Even more,
researchers may observe a plurality of ethnoracial groups interacting in a common setting yet be
misled in thinking only commonalities are being afrmed (only ethnic transcendence is operating)
without seeing racially specic afrmations. For example, at Oasis a Kirk-Franklin-style gospel
song is played (racially specic) at the same time that worshippers are encouraged to reafrm
their common identity as children of God (racially diffuse). Members of all ethnoracial groups
may love the music, but African-American members resonate with the music as connected with
their racial identity as worshippers in the Black Church.
The complexity of multiracial congregations, therefore, includes the manner in which racial
specicity is negotiated within the constraints of calling forth broadly shared religious connections
that attempt to be racially neutral. Researchers have long argued that certain ethnoracial groups
like African Americans constitute distinct cultural groups in America as their stigmatization based
on phenotypical type-casting constrains members to develop their own heritages in the context
of a Eurocentric American society (Hunter et al. 2001; Porter and Washington 1993; Sanders
2002; Takaki 1979; Tuan 1998; Vigil 1998). Black-white congregations cannot escape the power
dynamics still operative in the larger society. Perhaps truly integrated black-white churches are
not possible in the United States. By truly, I mean that these churches equally acknowledge,
equally assert, and equally value the distinctive ethnoracial backgrounds and experiences of each
group.
Combining this research with others, it appears that the ever-present issue of race for many
African Americans makes pluralism (inclusion of separate and distinct elements of all racial
cultures present) a more likely outcome for black-white Protestant congregations than integration
(maintains aspects of separate cultures while creating a new culture; see the conceptualization
of DeYoung et al. 2003:16469). And while DeYoung et al. (2003) offer alternative models of
a multiethnic church, it may be more appropriate to say that too strictly isolating the dynamics
embedded within these ideal-type models fails to adequately account for the intersecting and
interwoven (rather than merely contrasting and mutually exclusive) dynamics that occur in diverse
congregations. While this article emphasizes the interplay between religious and racial identity
in the experience of African Americans at Oasis, certainly there are other factors that may shed
light on the dynamics observed in this congregation. Demographic characteristics of age, class,
neighborhood, and percentage of mixed marriages are examples of important variables that may
affect the integration of African Americans into multiracial churches, yet external social factors
alone are not sufcient to accomplish diversity (Dougherty and Huyser 2008). This research
therefore emphasizes that by employing a more varied conceptual lens researchers may discover
subtle, racially specic arenas of interaction and recognition being continually reafrmed among
members in diverse congregations that would otherwise remain hidden to observers, particularly
when they are not members of that ethnoracial group.
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