RENAN BAKER

EPIPHANIUS, ON WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 14:

HADRIANS JOURNEY TO THE EAST AND THE REBUILDING OF JERUSALEM
aus: Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 182 (2012) 157167
Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn
157
EPI PHANI US, ON WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 14:
HADRI ANS JOURNEY TO THE EAST AND THE REBUI LDI NG OF JERUSALEM
*
St Epiphanius, Bishop of Constantia (Salamis) in Cyprus since 367 (b. c.310320 in Palestine, d. 402/403),
1

has often been quoted as suggesting that the foundation of Aelia Capitolina had taken place 47 years after
the destruction of Jerusalem, while Hadrian visited Palestine and Egypt in his rst year in power (117).
This date has been taken for granted both by scholars who postulated or considered such a journey in that
year on the basis of this passage,
2
and by scholars who argued that Epiphanius had confused this journey
or its date with that of Hadrians long journey to the East in 128132, which seems to be well documented
by inscriptions, coins and papyri.
3
This appears to be a result of a casual reading of a specic paragraph
(14) out of its context, using an uncritical edition printed in Mignes PG.
4
The context and content of this
passage will be restored in this study using the scholarly critical edition of Moutsoulas (1973: 157198), and
compared with the relevant epigraphic evidence.
The text and its context
Epiphanius reference to a journey made by Hadrian from Rome to the East (Syria, Palestine and Egypt) is
included in this authors manual on matters relating to the Bible, the so-called arp rtpev xo otoUev
(On Weights and Measures). This work covers three themes relating to biblical studies and is divided
accordingly thus: textual criticism signs in editions of the Bible (18), the history of its translators (9
20) and the weights and measures in the Bible (2124).
5
Hadrians journey and Aquilas appearance
are given in the second part of the work. It was originally written in Greek, translated into Syriac and
also has later Georgian and Armenian adaptations (all translated into European languages, except for the
Greek original, as far as I can tell).
6
A Greek epitome of this work has also survived, and is of paramount
*
I would like to thank Prof. Hannah M. Cotton, Mr Avner Ecker of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, Prof. Benjamin
Isaac and Prof. Bezalel Bar-Kochva of Tel Aviv University for commenting on and giving a critical assessment of the nal
versions of this study. I also thank the editor, Werner Eck, for making useful comments and editorial suggestions. This study
is part of my research on the so-called SHA funded by the University of Oxford (Clarendon Fund, 20092012) and Wolfson
College (Lorne Thyssen Research Fund, 2011). Abbreviations follow those of LAnne philologique, OCD
3
and ODCC
3
. All
dates are CE, unless otherwise stated.
1
RAC, v: 909914; ODB, i: 714; ODCC
3
: 553.
2
Drr 1881: 1617, 66; Gray 1923a: 250251; 1923b: 2425; Groag 1927: 1886.4362; Alon 1967: 276277, 287288;
Capponi 2010: 496498, 500. On the problematic nature of Grays use of papyri to support Hadrians presence in Egypt in
117, see Westermann 1925 (especially 172 with n. 3).
3
Gregorovius 1884: 489496 (a rejection of Drr and with a summary of earlier literature on both these views); von Roh-
den 1893: 501; Schrer 1901: 679680; Weber 1907: 5152, 205ff. with n. 732; SchrerVermesMillar 1973: 540541; Schfer
1981: 1617; Halfmann 1986: 194; Birley 1997: 235 with 347 n. 1; Isaac 2010: 16 with n. 72. Mommsen (1885 (=
5
1904): 544)
suggested that Hadrian had founded Jerusalem as a Roman colony in 130, when he visited Judaea.
4
See and cf. publications listed in nn. 2 and 3 above. Moutsoulass works are listed in the CPG (3746). The PG (43:
237295) derived from Petavius 1622 edition (Moutsoulas 1970: 620 with n. 9; ODCC
3
: 553). The critical editions of Dindorf
1862 and de Lagarde 1880: 149216 (both reprinted in Moutsoulas 1972: 633670) are still useful.
5
The Greek original has survived in various manuscripts only down to 24; the Syriac translation of the Greek has sur-
vived in full (including 2584), and its manuscripts are earlier (seventh and ninth centuries) than those of the Greek original
and the epitome (tenth to thirteenth centuries). See Dean 1935: 36; Moutsoulas 1987: 429 and passim.
6
There is a partial translation of 14 into German by Schfer (1981: 15) based on the PG text; Syriac-English by Dean
1935 with facsimiles of the Syriac; Georgian-French by van Esbroeck (1984a text; 1984b translation); and a collection of the
Armenian texts and authors apparently citing this work by Stone and Ervine 2000 with an English translation.
158 R. Baker
importance for the restoration of the text.
7
The following is an English translation of sections 1314 (lines
346390) based on Moutsoulass critical edition (1973: 172175):
8
13. Then rulers of the Romans. Augustus: 56 years, 6 months, in whose 42nd year [in power] Our
Lord, Jesus Christ, was born according to the esh. Tiberius: 23 years, in whose 18th year [in pow-
er] Christ was crucied. And from the Crucixion to the destruction (xotootpo\) of Jerusalem
the years [are] as follows. The remaining [years] of Tiberius: 5. Gaius: 3 years, 9 months, 29 days.
Claudius: 13 years, 2 months minus 2 days. Nero: 13 years, 7 months and 27 days. Galba: 7 months,
26 days. Otho: 3 months, 5 days. Vitellius: 8 months, 12 days. Vespasian: 9 years, 7 months, 12 days.
Titus: 2 years, 2 months, 2 days. In that time the devastation (rp\eoi) of Jerusalem took place,
the 50th year after the Crucixion of Christ (rt arvtqxootov rto t[ Xpioto otoupeore)
minus 3 months. Domitian: 15 years, 5 months. Nerva: 1 year, 4 months. Trajan: 19 years. Hadrian:
21 years, in whose 12th year [in power] Aquila became known. Accordingly, from Augustus to
Hadrian: 180 years, 4 months, minus 9 days, so that there were 430 years and 4 months minus 9
days from the time of the translation of the 72 translators to Aquila the translator and to Hadrians
12th year [in power].
14. This Hadrian having been injured in his body and having summoned all the multitude of phy-
sicians within his empire demanded from them a treatment for his body. And after they toiled a
lot and made many things, and accomplished nothing, they were mocked by him, who also wrote
an abusive letter against them, while accusing their profession of being devoid of knowledge [lit.
that it knew nothing]. And because of the illness that came upon him, he set forth to the land of the
Egyptians. And when he advanced from Rome [lit. the city of the Romans] to these [cities] one after
the other, it was necessary for him to explore those cities, because he was a curious person. Accord-
ingly, he passed through the city of Antioch, went beyond Coele [sc. Coele-Syria] and Phoenicia,
and arrived in Palestine, which is also called Judaea, 47 years after the devastation of Jerusalem
(rt rtq t[ tev Trpoooiuev rpqeore). And he went up to Jerusalem, the celebrated
and famous city, which Titus son of Vespasian destroyed in the second year of his reign. And he
saw the entire city levelled to the ground, and the Temple of God ruined, except for a few houses
and for the small church of God, which stood where the Disciples, who returned after the Saviour
ascended from the Mount of Olives, went up to the upper chamber. For there it was built, that is in
the part of Zion that escaped the devastation; and [there were] parts of houses around Zion itself
and seven synagogues, which stood alone in Zion merely as huts, of which one survived to the
time of Maximonas the Bishop and the Emperor Constantine as a cottage in a vineyard accord-
ing to the scripture. At all events, Hadrian intended to build the city, and not the temple. And after
he took Aquila, the above-mentioned translator, who was a pagan since Hadrian himself was a
pagan, and Aquila was the brother-in-law of the Emperor himself and originated from Sinope in
Pontus he appointed him to that place in Jerusalem as an overseer of the building works of the
city, after he gave the city, which was being built, his own name and the designation of the imperial
name. For as he was called Aelius Hadrianus, so he called the city Aelia.
From the context it is clear that Epiphanius aim is to establish the chronology and background (Hadrians
visit to Jerusalem) for the arrival of Aquila to Palestine prior to his translation of the Bible.
7
Published by Moutsoulas (1972: 633670). It was apparently not written by Epiphanius, but its manuscripts are earlier
(tenth and eleventh centuries) than those of On Weights and Measures itself that contain the passages relevant to us (the earliest
of which is from the thirteenth century, V
1
). See Moutsoulas 1970: 623624; Moutsoulas 1971: 473489 = Moutsoulas 1987.
8
The Greek text is cited in Appendix I.
Epiphanius, On Weights and Measures 14 159
Chronological linchpins
The chronology of Aquilas appearance, and consequently that of Hadrians journey and rebuilding of Jeru-
salem, is linked to the supputatio of the Crucixion of Christ and the destruction of the Second Temple. At
this point Epiphanius provides a rather accurate chronology for each Roman Emperor,
9
and an inaccurate
supputatio for some of the events.
The Crucixion of Christ. According to Epiphanius, Jesus was crucied in the 18th year of Tiberius
reign:
10
this gives the year 31/32 for the Crucixion, since Tiberius came to power on August 14
11
even
according to Epiphanius.
The destruction of Jerusalem. Epiphanius then continues to provide the calculation of the years from the
Crucixion down to the destruction of Jerusalem. The regnal years add up to about 49 years, and this gure
is also conrmed by Epiphanius statement that 50 years minus 3 months had passed from the Crucixion
to the destruction. These gures correspond to the year 81/82 for the destruction (31/2 + 50 = 81/2), which
roughly falls on Titus second year in power as Augustus, i.e. 80/81.
12
The claim that the destruction took place 50 years after the crucixion minus 3 months, given in the
better manuscripts and in the other versions of this text including its epitome and the Syriac translation,
13
is
conrmed by other statements in the same passage: the inclusion of the months in power of the usurpers of
69, Vespasians nine years in power, Tituss two years in power in the supputatio of the regnal years down
to the destruction, and the date Epiphanius gives to the year in which Aquila became known (see below). It
is clear therefore that the reading of 50 years minus three months and the miscalculation of the destruction
to 81 go as far back as the Urtext of this work of Epiphanius, who seems to have got his gures wrong at
this point, as he did elsewhere in this work.
14
Hadrians journey. Hadrians arrival in the East is dated 47 years after the devastation of Jerusalem.
This destruction (xotootpo\; 13, l. 349) or devastation (rp\eoi; 13, l. 354), we have seen, was dated
by Epiphanius to c.81/82. The erroneous dating of the destruction to Titus second year in power is also
restated in this paragraph (14). Here outo, when read out of context, could indeed mean either the second
year of Vespasian or the second year of Titus. However, when this sentence is read in the context of 13
(ll. 353354; see above), where Vespesians nine years and Titus two years in power are included in the
year count from the Crucixion to the destruction, it is clear that Epiphanius meant Titus second year in
power as Augustus (81). In other words, the wrong dating of the destruction to 81/82 yields the year 128/129
for Hadrians arrival in the East (31/2 + 50 + 47 = 128/129).
The appearance of Aquila. This reading and the calculation it gives, which dates Hadrians arrival in the
East to 128/129, is supported also by the separate chronology Epiphanius suggested for the year when
9
The gures he gives were compared to those in Kienast 2009: 61133.
10
This is also the reading of the epitome (ll. 355358 = Moutsoulas 1972: 648), the Syriac translation (Dean 1935: 29, 94)
and the Georgian adaptation (van Esbroeck 1984a: 17; 1984b: 31).
11
Kienast 2009: 76
12
Kienast 2009: 111; cf. below, n. 15
13
See Moutsoulas 1973: 173 with apparatus ad loc.; V
1
and V
2
have arvt\xovto (sc. rtq; cf. epitome) for arvtqxootov
rto (cf. Ancoratus 110.9). The epitome (above, n. 7), reads from the Crucixion to the destruction of Jerusalem 50 years
minus 3 months (ll. 362365 = Moutsoulas 1972: 649: ao to otoupo re t[ rpqeore Trpouooi rtq v aop
[vo y). This is also the reading of the Syriac translation (above, n. 5; Dean 1935: 29, 94), and of de Lagarde 1880: 166. The
reading is also in the Georgian version, see van Esbroeck 1984a: 17; 1984b: 31. The variant rqxootov aratov found only in
the later Greek manuscripts (Moutsoulas 1973: 173 ad loc. and 1987: 436) is obviously a scribal error.
14
For instance, he thought Octavian and Augustus were two separate people and that Antony was called Octavius (12,
ll. 341342; 13, l. 346), and he had Caracalla and Geta as being one and the same person who had inherited Antoninus Pius
and ruled for seven years (16, ll. 425428). He did get some of these gures right in his earlier works (Ancoratus 60.4; Pan-
arion 19.5.6; on these works: RAC, v: 914917), but not in the work under discussion (cf. above and below n. 15). In which case,
even though the context of these passages points to Hadrians long journey to the East in c.128/9, whatever he reports must be
treated with caution.
160 R. Baker
Aquila became known. This, according to Epiphanius, happened in the 12th year of Hadrian (13, ll. 357,
360; 14 ll. 383387), whose rst year in power was 117, even according to Epiphanius, i.e. 128/129. Since
this date is arrived at independently of the dates Epiphanius provided for the Crucixion and the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, it conrms that Epiphanius used the erroneous date for the destruction as the basis for
calculating the gap between the destruction and Hadrians visit and the appearance of Aquila (128/129
81/82 = 47).
15
The dates, according to Epiphanius, for the four major events in his narrative can be summarized in
the following table:
Event Date given by Epiphanius
Crucixion c.31/32 (18th year of Tiberius)
Destruction of Jerusalem c.81/82 (50 years after the Crucixion)
Hadrians arrival in the East c.128/129 (47 years after the destruction)
Aquila becomes known (appointed by Hadrian?) c.128/129 (12th year of Hadrian in power)
At this point, therefore, it can, and in fact must, be concluded that Epiphanius did not record a journey from
Rome to Egypt and Palestine in 117 and that he did not confuse an earlier journey with the well-document-
ed journey to the East in c.128131/2, but was actually referring to this very same journey to the East begun
in Hadrians 12th year in power: any time between 11 August 128 and 10 August 129.
16
This chronology
accords with the well-documented journey to the East during the years 128132.
The geographical scope of Hadrians journey and the epigraphic evidence
Hadrians long journey to the East started in Rome in c.128/129 (probably in 129),
17
after a short stay there
following his visit to Africa. The general itinerary of this journey, with slight disagreement among scholars
about specic dates and places between c.128131/2, is usually Rome Greece Asia Minor Syria
(Antioch) Arabia and Judaea (Jerusalem) Egypt. This itinerary is based on a combination of the two
continuous literary sources: Cassius Dio (69.1015; i.e. Xiphilinus and other excerpts) and the vita Hadri-
ani (SHA)
18
(13.414.8); and relevant entries in the chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome
19
supplemented by
numismatic, epigraphic and papyrological eviden ce.
20
For the present discussion, most important are the stops which are certainly supported by the epi-
graphic evidence in Hadrians itinerary during the second half of his 12th regnal year and the beginning
of his 13th (129130; equivalent to his 13th and 14th year of tribunician power).
21
Hadrian visited Apamea
15
The origin of the error and the subsequent trajectory remain anyones guess. The origin may be a confusion Epiphanius
made, in his calculation of regnal years, between Titus second year in power as Caesar (7071; see Kienast 2009: 111) and
his second year in power as Augustus (81; cf. above n. 14). The date he gives for Aquilas appearance and the starting point of
Hadrians journey (below), together with the emperors in the supputatio of regnal years down to the destruction, rule out that
he had the year 70 as the basis for his calculation.
16
For Hadrians dies imperii and such reckoning of regnal years see Grant 1950: 31, index; Bickerman 1980: 66; Stern
1980: 400; Kienast 2009: 128. The reckoning of the 12th year from one dies imperii to the next is quite compatible with Hadri-
ans whereabouts recorded under his 13th and 14th year of tribunician power; see below. In any case, trajectories of a year or
two, especially in literary sources, are not uncommon; see, e.g. Bickerman 1980: 91.
17
Eck 2003: 238239.
18
RAC, xv: 687723 (by A. Lippold); Demandt 2007: 38.
19
Karst 1911: 220221; Helm 1956: 199c200h.
20
For recent surveys of Hadrians whereabouts in c.129 see Eck 2003: 236239; Jones 2009: 457458. For the later part of
the journey see Eck, Holder and Pangerl 2010: 193194, 198; Jones 2011: 319321. For the entire journey, see also: von Rohden
1893: 509513; Weber 1907: 205276; Halfmann 1986: 192194, 203208; Syme 1988: 162163; Birley 1997: 215278.
21
See above with n. 16.
Epiphanius, On Weights and Measures 14 161
in Phrygia on 23 July 129, according to a petition recorded in an inscripti on.
22
From there he apparently
travelled south quite rapidly towards Antioch on the Orontes.
23

When exactly Hadrian reached Antioch and how long he stayed there are still unanswered questions.
For the report of the sixth-century author John Malalas,
24
stating that Hadrian had been in Antioch in
June of an unknown year, which was traditionally taken to be 1 29,
25
can be discarded as irrelevant for this
year, in light of the inscription just mentioned (as has already been note d)
26
.

The wintering of Hadrian in
Antioch in 129/130 currently seems to have no positive or clear evidence. It appears to be a suggestion
made by von Rohden that was restated by subsequent schola rs.
27
The hypothesis should be discarded or at
least questioned in light of the more recent epigraphic evidence from Phrygia (above) and Gerasa (below).
The vita Hadriani (13.810) provides neither venue nor date for Hadrians diplomatic activities, described
before Hadrians dealings with Antioch (14.1).
28
The numismatic evidence of Antioch seems to provide
only a circumstantial broad dating of October 128October 129 (year 177 of the Caesarean Era of the city)
for Hadrians arrival or visit (see further below).
29
Hadrians next stop is in Gerasa (Arabia; Antioch on the Chrysorhoas), where several inscriptions
apparently suggest that he wintered in the city. One inscription suggests that his equites singulares Augusti
wintered there for quite some time (qui hibernati sunt). In it Hadrian is styled pater patriae a title he
ofcially held since 128
30
so it would appear that any winter after 128, or rather after July/August 129
(above), is possible.
31
Hadrians presence there is also suggested by other inscriptions in Greek from Hadri-
ans 14th year of tribunician power (oqopix[ rouoo to io; 10 December 1299 December 130), on
which he is also styled pater patriae (aotp aotpoo).
32
These inscriptions, therefore, seem to suggest that
Hadrian wintered in Gerasa any time between December 129 and March 130, perhaps after he had passed
through Palmyra.
33
The next clear stop is Alexandria (Egypt) in July/August 130. Hadrians journey to Alexandria took him
through the cities of Judaea and Arabia, most probably in the rst half of 130.
34
22
See Jones 1983: 74; Halfmann 1986: 193, 206; now with a comprehensive publication by Jones (2009). The peti-
tion almost certainly refers to the consuls of 129, and its date is preserved in full (l. 19): Acc(eptus) X kal(endas) Aug(ustas)
Apam(eae) in Asia. See Jones 2009: 447, 449, 453, 457.
23
Halfmann 1986: 206; Jones 2009: 457458.
24
ODB, ii: 1275.
25
Malalas 11.14 (= Thurn 2000: 210); von Rohden 1893: 510.69; Weber 1907: 121, 232; Downey 1961: 222223; Isaac
and Roll 1982: 67; Syme 1988: 163 with n. 26.
26
Halfmann 1986: 206; Jones 2009: 457.
27
von Rohden 1893: 510.3638; followed by Weber 1907: 234; Cheesman 1914: 16; Welles 1938: 391; Stinespring 1939:
363; Syme 1988: 163.
28
Halfmann 1986: 206 (on the basis of Weber) places these activities in winter 129/130 in Antioch; for alternative venues
see Syme 1988: 162163, Callu 1992: 111 and Birley 1997: 225; cf. Fndling 2006: 655656.
29
On the Hadrianic coins of Antioch see now McAlee 2007: 216224, esp. 85, 217; Macdonald 1904: 126129, esp.
128129 (followed by Weber 1907: 234, Stinespring 1939: 360 and Birley 1997: 346 n. 33) simply restated von Rohden 1893.
30
Eck 1982: 218, 220221; Kienast 2009: 129.
31
Welles 1938: 390391, no. 30 with comments; Meimaris 1992: 337; Speidel 1994: 5758, no. 22. The attempt of Peto-
lescu (20042005: 196198; following Cheesman 1914: 16, 1), to suggest this inscription records the wintering of the equites
singulares Augusti there in 117/118, does not take full account of the title pater patriae (pace Petolescu 20042005: 197 with
n. 16; cf. above, n. 30) and of Hadrians presence in Juliopolis, Bithynia during his rst year of tribunician power, i.e. before 10
December 117, in 11 November (IGRom.: iv, no. 349; Halfmann 1986: 190; Birley 1997: 84). It would appear implausible that
the equites singulares Augusti were left so far behind, especially during Hadrians troubled rst year in power (on this year
see: Birley 1997: 7778).
32
Welles 1938: 401402, 424425, nos. 58, and 143 (= IGRom.: iii, no. 1347) 145; Meimaris 1992: 337338.
33
There seems to be no compelling evidence for when and how long Hadrian stayed there before 130/131; IGRom.: iii,
no. 1054; Halfmann 1986: 193, 206207.
34
Cassius Dio 69.11.1 = Xiphilinus 247.30; vita Hadriani 14.4. For the dates see Halfmann 1986: 194, 207; Birley 1997:
231, 233238; above, n. 20. The milestone from Scythopolis (published in Isaac and Roll 1982: 67) attesting Hadrians 13th
year of tribunician power (10 December 1289 December 129) and such milestones suggest that Roman roads, built mostly in
162 R. Baker
Epiphanius provided only part of this journey (14). He had Hadrian deciding on a journey to Egypt,
starting it from Rome and visiting every city on the way until he reached Jerusalem. Rome as the point
of departure of the journey, which seems to have been overlooked and/or unexplained by scholars,
35
also
relates to Hadrians long journey to the East in c.128131/2 (cf. above). This obviously rules out that this
passage refers to a journey undertaken in Hadrians rst year in power (117) by the simple fact that Hadrian
was already present in the East, posted in Antioch as governor of Syria before the death of Trajan.
36
This passage can be used to ll the gaps left by the epigraphic evidence. The rst city after Rome
mentioned by Epiphanius is Antioch in Syria, and the broad chronology of August 128 to August 129
(Hadrians 12th regnal year), which he suggests, is further narrowed down by the epigraphic evidence to
July 129 as a terminus post quem. The terminus ante quem for Hadrians sojourn in Antioch is the winter
of 129/130, which he apparently spent in Gerasa. Hadrian could have reached Antioch and stayed there
between August and November 129. Epiphanius therefore seems to provide a proper source for Hadrians
autumn sojourn in Antioch in 129, as suggested by Halfmann.
37
Epiphanius narrative breaks off with Hadrians actions in Jerusalem and the appointment of Aquila as
supervisor of the building works. Hadrians main purpose for his journey, to nd a cure for his illness and
to visit Egypt, is left out since Epiphanius intention is to describe the circumstances of Aquilas arrival in
Jerusalem and the background of his translation (see above). This omission suggests that Epiphanius left
out details from a more detailed source of Hadrians journey and possibly of the results of these actions:
we read nothing about a Jewish Revolt,
38
or what was built in the city, but rather what was not bui lt.
39
This
also seems to explain why Epiphanius condensed all of Hadrians actions in his long journey including his
actions in Jerusalem either into the rst year of the itinerary or into the end of 129, the year of Hadrians
possible arrival in Antioch.
40
To sum up: Epiphanius chronology is compatible with the literary and epigraphic evidence of Hadri-
ans long journey to the East, and in the case of Antioch even seems to supplement the available epigraphic
evidence and to accommodate modern views.
Hadrians plans and actions in Jerusalem
Hadrians actions and considerations are given in two parallel sentences which are interrupted by a digres-
sion on the condition of Jerusalem in the time of Constantine (14, ll. 377382). After arriving in Jerusalem,
Hadrian saw the city and the temple of God destroyed (14, ll. 374375). His intentions are given only after
the digression (14, ll. 382383): He intended to build the city and not the temple. This sentence should be
read carefully as an attempt by a late fourth-century Christian author to assess the intentions and thoughts
of a second-century pagan Emperor. The verb oiovoroUoi means to have in mind, to intend or to
the late 120s, prepared the province for the imperial adventus c.130; see Isaac 1998: 4950, 100101, 184186, 194195. No
further Hadrianic milestones have been found in Israel since the 1970s (B. Isaac, personal communication).
35
E.g. SchrerVermesMillar 1973: 540541; Halfmann 1986: 194; above, nn. 23.
36
Cassius Dio 68.33.169.2.1 = Xiphilinus 241.15242.30; vita Hadriani 4.67; Halfmann 1986: 190; Birley 1997: 7576;
Dbrowa 1998: 8990.
37
Halfmann 1986: 193; cf. above on the numismatic evidence and nn. 2527.
38
The digression in 15, ll. 395399 is a reference to the Disciples during the First Jewish Revolt, where he apparently
paraphrased Eusebius, HE 3.5.3.
39
I am preparing a study about a lost common source in Eusebius, Epiphanius, the chronicon paschale and two other
neglected sources. The common source apparently described Roman activities in the city before and after the revolt. The appar-
ent contradiction between Eusebius (HE 4.6.4) and Jerome (Helm 1956: 201e) on the one hand and Dio-Xiphilinus 69.12.1 (cf.
Praechter 1896: 519520; and now Epiphanius) on the other acknowledged by scholars mostly in recent decades and less by
those of Schrers generation (1901: 698; cf. Renan 1876: 113, 119120) would appear to be articial, especially if we consider
Eusebius and Epiphanius common source. For a recent survey of the immense bibliography produced in recent decades, see
Eshel 2006: 105107.
40
The possible date of Hadrians arrival and sojourn in Antioch (August to November 129) should be changed or revoked
if new solid evidence comes to light that may refute the chronology implied in this passage, which undoubtedly refers to the
rst year of Hadrians journey begun in c.128/129.
Epiphanius, On Weights and Measures 14 163
mean, and does not suggest in any way a command. For this reason, apparently, this verb was paraphrased
in the epitome of this work as ouiroUoi (to wish).
41
The verb xtriv could mean either to found or to
build. The latter meaning is more likely in this context because the subsequent sentences refer to the practi-
cal building works of the city (14, ll. 387388). In this context, it is also clear that to irpov (the temple)
refers to the temple of God (14, ll. 375: to irpov to Uro) mentioned before the digression, and not to the
pagan temple built by Hadrian and mentioned in Cassius Dio (69.12.1 = Xiphilinus 248.1520). This sen-
tence thus appears to be echoing a verbal jab as part of Jewish-Christian exchanges over Roman plans for
Jerusalem anytime after the destruction; Epiphanius could be echoing the controversy surrounding the plan
of Julian the Apostate (r. 361363; during his lifetime) to rebuild the Jewish temple. This sentence therefore
cannot be taken at face value.
42
Epiphanius also states that Hadrian gave the city his name, Aelia (!), before appointing Aquila and
while it was being built (14, ll. 387388). Epiphanius does not indicate when exactly the renaming took
place, and because he does not make any reference to a Jewish revolt, all we can conclude is that according
to Epiphanius the change of name took place after the building work had begun. One should bear in mind
that a change in a citys name, even to the Emperors nomen gentilicium, does not necessarily mean an
elevation to the rank of colony. This can be seen in the examples of Jaffa and Neapolis (Nablus): they both
received the name Flavia under the Flavians without receiving the rank or status of colonies.
43
The most we can obtain from this account is what Epiphanius thought or wanted readers to think
Hadrian had in mind, when he visited the region around 129. This passage reports neither an imperial deci-
sion to found a colony, nor does it provide a date for such a supposed decision or command. In a strict sense,
it only refers to the rebuilding of the city before the visit and its renaming during Hadrians long journey
to the East.
44
Conclusion
To sum up, Epiphanius never meant or said anywhere that Hadrian travelled from Rome to Egypt through
the East in 117, and he therefore cannot be used as evidence for Hadrians whereabouts and deeds in that
year. The historical nucleus behind this source is actually compatible with the sequence of events given
in Cassius Dio (Xiphilinus and the excerp ts), the vita Hadriani and even supplements the epigraphic evi-
dence. In 129 Hadrian reached Antioch and from there, most probably in the subsequent year, he travelled
through the provinces of Arabia and Judaea to Egypt. In Judaea he visited Jerusalem and appointed a cer-
tain Aquila in charge of the rebuilding operations, and gave his own name to the city that was being built,
Aelia. According to Epiphanius and his source
45
these measures were taken in c.130. The Jewish reaction
to these actions, not reported by Epiphanius, came two years later in the form of the Second Jewish Revolt
(132135/6).
41
Epitome, ll. 406410 (= Moutsoulas 1972: 650). LSJ, s.v. oiovore; cf. Diccionario Griego-Espaol, s.v. oiovorooi).
Pace Schrer 1901: 679 and SchrerVermesMillar 1973: 540.
42
The two oft-quoted passages (brought in the context of the old reading of Epiphanius), the Epistle of Barnabas (16.2
5) and Bereshit Rabbah (64.29; ed. TheodorAlbeck 710712), do not carry any clear date for the events they describe and
lack any clear reference to Hadrian. Their possible interpretations are too abstruse, and they cannot be used independently to
support the theory which suggests that Hadrian promised to rebuild the Jewish temple or the city in c.117 (pace the references
in n. 2; e.g. Alon 1967: 271277, 279282); see SchrerVermesMillar 1973: 9394, 535536 and Schfer 1981: 2932.
43
Jones 1971: 276277, 463 n. 68; Isaac 1992: 348. The honorary colonial status given to Neapolis much later in the time
of Philip the Arab (r. 244249) is a completely independent move, see Isaac 1992: 363.
44
This also seems to be the case with Cassius Dio 69.12.1 (= Xiphilinus 248.1520; cf. Zonaras 11.23). He apparently
did not use for Jerusalem the phrases he usually used for Roman colonies. These are aoixriv, raoixrv, oaoixo \ev and
oaoixo aoii; see Freyburger-Galland 1997: 3741. For Xiphilinus used oixriv and Zonaras used oixooorv. These issues
are discussed in detail in Baker, Cotton and Ecker (forthcoming); cf. above, n. 39.
45
See above, n. 39.
164 R. Baker
Appendix I: the Greek text of On Weights and Measures 1314
13. (346361) to ooiir eoev. Auyouoto rtq v, [vo , outivo rv t trooopoxoot
orutrp rtri o upio \ev Tqoo Xpioto xot oopxo yryrvvqtoi. Tirpio rtq xy, ou t
oxtexoiorxot rtri o Xpioto rotoupetoi. ao o to otoupo re t[ xotootpo[ Trpoooiuev
rtq oute. T ioia Tirpou rtq r. IoIo rtq y, [vo U, \rpo xU. iouoio rtq iy, [vo ouo
aop \rpo ouo. Nrpev rtq iy, [vo , \rpo x. Ioio [vo , \rpo x. Uev [vo y,
\rpo r. Bitriiio [vo q, \rpo i. Ouroaooiovo rtq U, [vo , \rpo i. Tto rtq ouo,
[vo ouo, \rpo ouo. v tout t pov yryovrv \ rp\eoi Trpoooiuev, rt arvtqxootov rto
t[ Xpioto otoupeore aop [vo tpr. ortiovo rtq ir, [vo r. Nrpouo rto o, [vo
o. TpoIovo rtq iU. opiovo (sic) rtq xo, outivo t oeorxot rtri xuio ryveprto. ao ouv
Auyouotou re opiovo rtq pa, [vr o aop \rpo U, e rvoi ao to povou t[ rpqvro
tev roo\xovto ouo rpqvrutev re xuio to rpqvruto xo oeorxotou rtou opiovo rtq ui
xo [vo o aop \rpo U.
14. (362390) Outo o opiovo ieqUr t oeoti xo rtootriiorvo oaov to ai[Uo tev uao
tv ooiirov outo iotpev, tqor aop outev iotprov to oeoto outo. Oi o aoii xrxqxotr
xo aoii aoi\oovtr xo qov vuoovtr ua outo roxeUqoov, o xo raiotoiv ovrioiotixv
rypor xot outev, tv trvqv outev oitiervo e qov riouov. T[ o apoxrirvq out vooou
rvrxo otriirtoi tv aoprov ra tv tev Aiyuatev y[v. ori o outov ao t[ eoev ra t
r[ apoovovto aoiri touto xotoatruriv. v yp o vp iioiotep. irprtoi ouv tv vtioou
aoiiv, uarpovri tr tv oiqv xo tv 4oivxqv, xo rprtoi ri tv Hoioiotvqv, tv xo Touooov
xoiourvqv rt rtq t[ tev Trpoooiuev rpqeore. o ovrioiv ra t Trpoooiuo, tv
arpauotov aoiiv xo ovooot\v, v xotrotprr Tto Ouroaooiovo ao t orutrp rtri t[
outo ooiiro. o rupr tv aoiiv aoov \ooiorvqv, xo to irpov to ro xotraraotqrvov,
aoprxto oiyev oixqotev xo t[ to ro rxxiqoo ixp ouoq, rvUo uaootprovtr oi oUq-
to, tr o 2etp vri\Uq ao to rioievo vrqoov ri to uarpov. xr yp exoooqto (sic)
tot rotv rv t rpri 2iev, jti ao t[ rpqeore arpiri\Uq xo rpq oix\orev arp outv tv
2iv xo rat ouvoyeyo, o rv tp 2iv ovoi rot\xroov, e xoiuoi ovov, r v o arpirirUq
re povou Moiev to raioxoaou xo evotovtvou to ooiire e oxqv rv arievi xot
to yryporvov. iovortoi ouv o opiovo tv aoiiv xtooi, ou v to irpov. o iov tov xuiov
totov tov apoyryporvov rpqvrutv, iiqvo vto, e xo outo o opiovo iiqv ua[prv
\v o o xuio outo to ooiire arvUrpoq ao 2iveaq o t[ Hovtou opervo, xoUotqoiv
outov rxror rv Trpoooiuoi raiototqv to rpyoi tev t[ aoire xtiootev, raitrUrix tp
oixoooourv aoiri to oiov voo xo to ooiiixo ovooto tov pqotioov. yp evoooto
Aiio opiovo, oute xo tv aoiiv evooorv Aiiov.
Appendix II: L. Statius Aquila
It has been suggested that the suffect consul of 116 in the fasti Ostienses, L. Statius Aquila, could have
been the person mentioned by Epiphanius, apparently confused by the latter for Aquila the proselyte (?).
46
According to this suggestion Statius Aquila could have been a consular governor any time between Lusius
Quietus (governor c.116/117) and Tineius Rufus (governor c.130133?).
47
In any case, this circumstantial
identication of Aquila with L. Statius Aquila does not seem to be conclusive, because of the long lacuna
in what could constitute the fasti of the governors of Judaea/Syria Palaestina, and the uncertainty that sur-
rounds the career of this Aquila.
48
Broadly speaking, he could have been appointed any time between c.120
46
Avi-Yonah 1973: 212 (cf. Eck 1970: 1718 with n. 88, 227, 243); Eck no longer holds this view (cf. Eck 2007: 114115,
index without any reference to Aquila).
47
PIR
2
: Lusius no. 439; Tineius no. 227.
48
Fasti: SchrerVermesMillar 1973: 516518; Smallwood 1976: 549551; Cotton and Eck 2001: 222. Statius Aquilas
career: PIR
2
: Statius no. 870.
Epiphanius, On Weights and Measures 14 165
and 128/9, for Cotton and Eck have shown that a consular, L. Cossonius Gallus, also suffect consul in 116,
was a governor of Judaea sometime from c.116/117 to c.120, most probably replacing Quietus.
49
If there is any historic basis behind this Aquila, the language of Epiphanius does not suggest that Aqui-
la was appointed governor during Hadrians visit to Jerusalem, but only that he was appointed as overseer
(raiototq) of the building works (14, ll. 386387) in Hadrians 12th year in power (13, l. 357). Thus
there are two possibilities for understanding these statements: one is that Statius Aquila, or any other person
named Aquila, was already governor before Hadrians arrival to the province, and was now given the task
of building the city. This is what may have caused Epiphanius to view him as the person in charge of the
building works. Epiphanius thus may be providing the terminus ante quem for his appointment as governor.
Therefore, this Aquilas term of ofce could have been any time between c.126/127 and 128/129. He must
have been replaced by Tineius Rufus, the governor of Judaea in the rst years of the Bar Kochva War, in
c.130/131 (?).
50
The other possibility
51
is that Aquila was not a governor at all, but only a person appointed
to supervise the building works. Only further epigraphic ndin gs can decide this issue.
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Renan Baker, Wolfson College, OX2 6UD, Oxford, United Kingdom
renan.baker@classics.ox.ac.uk