Theosophy as a Political Movement

by Mark Bevir 1)
Officially the Theosophical Society is 'unconcerned about politics,' a fact
made clear in the first issue of The Theosophist. 2) The apolitical nature of
theosophy was symbolised dramatically at the Society's annual convention in
188. Several !ndian theosophists wanted to meet to discuss the formation
of a national political movement, and they planned to do so at that
convention, which was to be held at the Society's head"uarters in #dyar, $ust
outside of %adras. &et the Society emphatically refused to become embroiled
in politics. %adame 'lavats(y, its inspirational prophet, and )enry Olcott, its
*resident, earlier had assured the colonial authorities they would restrict
themselves to philosophical and scientific studies and avoid all political
matters. +) The would,be nationalists had to meet, therefore, not in the
Society's head"uarters under the auspices of its annual convention, but
rather across the road as a clearly distinct -roup. # road in #dyar divided the
Theosophical Society from the political action ta(en independently by some
of its members. !t is si-nificant, however, that an important attempt to form
a national political movement had such close ties to the Society. !t is also
si-nificant that the colonial authorities (ept 'lavats(y and Olcott under police
surveillance because they feared their embroilment with native reli-ions and
cultures would have a destabilisin- effect on 'ritish rule. .hatever the
official position of the Theosophical Society, and whatever 'lavats(y and
Olcott mi-ht have said or intended, it "uite clearly played a political role
within !ndia.
The parado/ of a movement both officially divorced from politics and yet
clearly entan-led with the nationalist stru--le becomes even more apparent
if we $ump forward to the early years of the twentieth century. #nnie 'esant,
who succeeded Olcott as *resident of the Theosophical Society, clearly
identified its role as a reli-ious and cultural one to the e/clusion of politics. )
#t first she even said that the -enius of !ndia 'is for reli-ion and not for
politics, and her most -ifted children are needed as spiritual teachers, not as
competin- candidates in the political arena.' 0) 'y 1110, however, she had
founded the #ll,!ndia )ome 2ule 3ea-ue in a clear attempt to foist a more
radical political pro-ramme onto the !ndian 4ational 5on-ress. )er success in
doin- so clima/ed, moreover, with her bein- elected *resident of the
5on-ress in 1116. #lthou-h the #ll,!ndia )ome 2ule 3ea-ue remained
independent of the Society, and althou-h 'esant -enerally continued to deny
that the Theosophical Society was in any way political, the 3ea-ue relied
heavily on people and networ(s brou-ht to-ether by the Society. Once a-ain,
therefore, whatever the official position of the Society, and whatever 'esant
mi-ht have said or intended, it "uite clearly played a political role within
!ndia.
The e/planation of the political role played by the Theosophical Society lies
primarily in the si-nificance of the reli-ious ideas for which it stood within the
conte/t of colonial !ndia. !n !ndia, theosophy became an inte-ral part of a
wider movement of neo,)induism, and this neo,)induism helped to provide
!ndian nationalists with a le-itimatin- ideolo-y, a new,found confidence, and
e/perience of or-anisation. !n thus unpac(in- the -eneral pressures that
pushed a political role onto theosophy, we will have to abstract somewhat
from the particular role of individuals with their peculiar -ifts and "uir(s, and
of theosophical lod-es with their intricate personal and social networ(s, but
at least we will do so for a -ood cause7 we will do so in order to say
somethin- more -eneral about the relationship between reli-ious reform
movements and political nationalism in late colonial !ndia.
Theosophy and neo-Hinduism
The Theosophical Society was formed in #merica in 1860. 8) !t has three
e/plicit aims9 to e/plore the psychic powers latent within man, to promote
the study of comparative reli-ion, and to defend human brotherhood. 'eyond
these e/plicit aims, it stands for 'lavats(y's modern occultism, accordin- to
which the ancient wisdom, or the universal reli-ion, derives from the east.
Theosophy arose as part of an upsur-e of occult movements throu-hout the
west in the late nineteenth,century. !ndeed, its specific roots were in the
spiritualist movement, with 'lavats(y and Olcott meetin- when both of them
went to investi-ate spirit,raps in :ermont. 6)
'lavats(y transformed the occult tradition in two hi-hly si-nificant ways. 8)
The first of these appears in the way she rewrote the ancient wisdom in
response to the scientific and moral doctrines that were then producin- such
a widespread crisis of faith. )ere she incorporated a modern -eolo-ical time,
scale, a theory of evolution, and a concern with duty and service within her
theosophical teachin-s. The whole universe, she ar-ued, emanates from an
infinite bein- that infuses all thin-s, and thereafter it evolves throu-h a
plethora of cycles, movin- out from the infinite and becomin- increasin-ly
physical, until, at last, it reaches a turnin- point, after which it retraces its
route, finally bein- reabsorbed into the divine from whence it first arose. The
drivin- force behind the evolutionary process, therefore, is not a blind
mechanical law but the purposive movement of divine spirit. #ll people, all
thin-s, all matter contain a divine spirit, a divine spirit which is the 'source of
all forces, alone and indestructible.' 1)
%oreover, 'lavats(y continued, we can come into contact with the divine
spar( within us by adoptin- an appropriate set of ascetic practices9 mystics
purify themselves in order to have an unmediated e/perience of their true
unity with ;od. #lthou-h the most advanced portion of humanity already
have become hi-hly spiritual bein-s, some of them have chosen to watch
over our pro-ress, and, when necessary, to aid us by suitable interventions
in the physical and spiritual realms. 'lavats(y claimed these %asters
constituted a ;reat .hite 'rotherhood of %ahatmas who lived in the
)imalayas and who -ave her her orders. 1<) !t was they who instructed her
to establish the Theosophical Society, and it was they who told her what to
write in her wor(s.
The second si-nificant way in which 'lavats(y transformed the occult
tradition was to identify !ndia as the source of the ancient wisdom. .hereas
earlier occultists typically traced their doctrines bac( to ancient =-ypt, she
ar-ued that the 'very same ideas e/pressed in almost identical lan-ua-e,
may be read in 'uddhistic and 'rahmanical literature.' 11) !mpressed by the
wor( of orientalists, such as >acolliot and >ones, on the anti"uity of !ndian
reli-ions and their influence on western culture, she claimed that >udaism,
5hristianity, indeed all faiths, had their roots in a universal reli-ion she
e"uated with the teachin-s of the :edas. 4o doubt !ndian reli-ions really did
embrace some doctrines resemblin- those 'lavats(y arrived at whilst
rewor(in- the occult tradition to meet a widespread crisis of faith in the west.
4onetheless, certain features of contemporary )induism, such as child
marria-e and suti, clearly did not fit at all well with her idea that !ndia
embodied the ancient wisdom. 'lavats(y resolved this difficulty by
distin-uishin- the corrupted, e/oteric teachin-s and practices found in
modern )induism from the true, esoteric ones of ancient 'rahmanism.
%odern !ndia needed reform7 its people needed to return to the pure ways of
the :edas.
=ventually 'lavats(y and Olcott decided to travel to !ndia, where they landed
at 'ombay in >anuary 1861. 4ot surprisin-ly they soon attracted interest,
and even some support, from within the 'ritish community. .esterners livin-
in !ndia were not immune from the crisis of faith that had led various people
in =urope and #merica , includin- powerful and respected families such as
the 'alfours, ;ladstones, and Sid-wic(s , to dabble in spiritualism, and in
!ndia too an interest in spiritualism easily could develop into one in
theosophy. 'lavats(y and Olcott obtained their entry into !mperial society,
for e/ample, lar-ely throu-h the -ood offices of #. *. Sinnett, whose
theosophical convictions developed out of his earlier fascination with
spiritualism. 12) Similarly, #llan Octavian )ume met 'lavats(y at #llahabad,
and after spendin- some time with her, he concluded that many of the
spiritualist phenomena associated with her , phenomena about which Sinnett
wrote a boo( , were -enuine. 1+) )ume $oined the Theosophical Society in
188<, became *resident of its Simla 3od-e in 1881, and he seems also to
have provided much of the financial support for the launch of The
Theosophist. #lthou-h he bro(e with 'lavats(y and resi-ned his post in the
Simla 3od-e in 188+, he still continued to believe in her teachin-s , in the
e/istence of the %ahatmas and in their special mission to aid the spiritual
evolution of humanity.
!f the appeal of theosophy to some westerners in !ndia should not surprise
us, the same mi-ht not appear to be true of its appeal to !ndians. #fter all,
men such as Subramanian #iyar, '. %. %alabari, 2a-anath 2ao,
4urendranath Sen, and ?ashinath Telan- can scarcely be said to have
responded to a crisis in 5hristianity by turnin- to spiritualism. #ctually,
however, the appeal of theosophy to these !ndians is not hard to e/plain. 4ot
only did 'lavats(y assure them of the worth of their cultural herita-e, she
also unpac(ed this cultural herita-e in a way that soothed fears and concerns
raised in them by their contact with contemporary western ideas and
practices. .estern,educated )indus were almost bound to e/perience some
sort of cultural dislocation , a tension between the reli-ious tradition in which
they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of
the west , and theosophy constituted one way in which they could deal with
this dislocation. 1)
The suitability of theosophy as a belief,system for )indus stru--lin- to come
to terms with the impact of the west on their cultural herita-e appears in the
e/tent to which it incorporates doctrines characteristic of )indu reform
movements of that time. 'lavats(y, li(e Swami :ive(annanda and Sri
#urobindo, and, perhaps sli-htly more aw(wardly, li(e @ayananda Sarasvati,
eulo-ised the )indu tradition whilst also callin- for reform of corruptions
found in its modern e/pressions. She, li(e them, evo(ed a true )induism that
incorporated a monotheistic and evolutionary cosmolo-y accordin- to which
the divine could be found at wor( within all thin-s. She, li(e them, evo(ed an
idealised past in which !ndian society had been a pure and harmonious
e/pression of this true, spiritual )induism. #nd she, li(e them, wanted
modern !ndians to return to this true )induism by pur-in- their society of
corruptions such as child,marria-e. )induism, they all concluded,
incorporates the central insi-hts of modern science, such as a -eolo-ical
time,scale and a theory of evolution, and also a rational, even liberal, ethic
emphasisin- thin-s such as social service.
The powerful resemblances between the teachin-s of the Theosophical
Society, the 2ama(rishna movement, #urobindo, and, perhaps sli-htly more
aw(wardly, the #rya Sama$, enables us to refer to them collectively as a
distinct neo,)induism. 10) !n thus brin-in- these reform movements
to-ether, we imply that they can be treated collectively as responses to the
stress of phenomena such as modernisation and forei-n belief,systems. They
constitute a coherent and related set of reli-ious ideas and movements
constructed in a particular social and cultural conte/t. They constitute a set
of attempts to fashion a new spirituality to resolve the dilemmas posed by
colonial rule and contemporary scientific discoveries. 3ocatin- them in their
specific historical conte/t in this way seems to be more or less indispensable
if we are to e/plain theosophy's place amon- them. )ow else, after all, can
we brin- a product of western occultism that e/hibited a fascination with
spiritualism and natural ma-ic into line with )induism as it developed in the
late colonial eraA To emphasise the historical specificity of such movements,
however, need not be to deny that many of them had points of contact with
traditional forms of )induism. !t would be a mista(e here to suppose that we
must see these movements as either conformin- to the )indu tradition or as
brea(in- completely with this tradition. !t would be a mista(e because all
reli-ious thin(ers, all thin(ers, necessarily innovate a-ainst an inherited
bac(-round, retainin- aspects of their inheritance at the same time as they
modify it. The "uestion we should as(, therefore, is9 does neo,)induism
e/hibit sufficient novelty for us to re-ard it as a fairly decisive brea( within
the )indu tradition even thou-h it obviously has some sort of continuity with
this traditionA The answer surely must be yes. &es, if only because 'lavats(y,
:ive(ananda, #urobindo, and others, all used concepts ta(en from modern
western thou-ht , notably evolution , and, crucially, to accommodate all of
these alien concepts they undoubtedly had to modify )induism to a
considerable e/tent.
One other issue of historical conte/t had perhaps best be dealt with before
we proceed. To emphasise that neo,)indu thin(ers and movements e/hibit
common features e/plicable in terms of their shared historical settin- is not
to deny that they also differ from one another, with their differences often
reflectin- more specific features of their respective historical settin-s. # more
detailed study mi-ht loo( at :ive(ananda's 'en-ali herita-e, the *un$abi
settin- of so much of the #rya Sama$'s activities, or at the castes from which
!ndian theosophists came, and it mi-ht then trace these re-ional or social
influences throu-h to the political impact these various movements had. 'ut
even such detailed studies would occur within the conte/t of the sort of
-eneral study we are underta(in- here.
Theosophy and Nationalist Ideology
To some e/tent the place of theosophy within a broader neo,)induism means
that in e/aminin- its political role we are loo(in- at a particular instance of
the more -eneral relationship of neo,)induism to political nationalism.
5ertainly there are many interestin- parallels between the way in which the
theosophy of people such as 'esant supported their nationalist thou-ht and
the way in which neo,)induism did so both for people va-uely influenced by
theosophy, such as ;andhi, and also others, such as #urobindo. @espite
these interestin- parallels, however, we will focus here on the particular case
of theosophy.
To appreciate how theosophy fed into nationalist ideolo-y, we have to
contrast it with the official discourse of the 2a$. #lthou-h 5hristianity clearly
played very different roles in the lives of different individuals within 'ritish
!ndia, the colonial authorities e"ually clearly relied on a particular 5hristian
discourse to define and to le-itimise their role. The (ey idea was that only in
a 5hristian society can individuals develop as properly rational bein-s in
accord with the will of ;od. The 2a$, in other words, was needed to secure
the conditions under which !ndians could realise their ;od,-iven capacities.
18) )indu society, in contrast, was denounced, first, for obscurin- the worth
of the individual behind a fatalistic pantheism, and, second, for preventin- a
rational concern with the facts by representin- the world as maya, that is, an
evil illusion to be overcome by ascetic withdrawal. 16)
Theosophy turned upside,down the official denunciation of )induism.
.hereas the rulin- discourse of the 2a$ complained of )induism reducin- the
individual to a mere part of a -reater whole, many theosophists complained
of 5hristianity fosterin- an unhealthy individualism. 'lavats(y tau-ht,
alle-edly followin- traditional )induism, that all bein-s are manifestations of
the one divine form and so interlin(ed with one another. %oreover, as 'esant
e/plained, this has as its 'inevitable corollary' acceptance of a 'Solidarity'
based on 'universal 'rotherhood.' 18) )induism, she ar-ued, puts the
individual in a proper relationship to the social whole7 it reco-nises that the
-ood of the individual is bound ine/tricably to that of society7 it teaches us
that 'the primary truth of %orality, as of 2eli-ion and of Science, is the Bnity
of 3ife.' 11) The unity of life does not imply a lac( of respect for individual
differences, nor does it imply a flat, western,style e"uality, defined in terms
of the ri-hts of man. 2ather, it implies that individuals should use their
diverse talents and abilities for the -ood of the whole. )induism, therefore,
incorporates an admirable social morality. !t teaches us that 'we live not to
assert our ri-hts but to do our duties, and so to ma(e one mi-hty unit where
each shall dischar-e his functions for the common -ood of all.' 2<) !t teaches
us the importance of performin- our dharma. The introduction of 5hristianity
into !ndia, however, undermined this traditional, )indu focus on brotherhood,
service, and duty. 5hristianity emphasises the salvation of the individual in a
way that prevents people seein- themselves correctly as part of a social
whole9 it encoura-es the illusory idea, so popular in the west, that the
individual is an independent entity with private ends7 it leads people to thin(
in terms of individual ri-hts rather than social duties.
%oreover, whereas the rulin- discourse of the 2a$ complained of )induism
encoura-in- an ascetic withdrawal from the world conceived as an evil
illusion, many theosophists complained of western thou-ht failin- to provide
an ade"uate basis for moral action. They ar-ued that )induism offers us a
purely natural account of ethics based on the doctrine of reincarnation and
the law of ?arma. 'ecause the current evils afflictin- people are the
necessary conse"uences of their past actions, therefore, people have a
reason to behave morally , they (now they later will reap the harvest of what
they now sow. !n theosophical writin-s, the concept of (arma -enerally acts
as a call to action7 it re"uires us to strive to ma(e life better for others and
so for ourselves. #lthou-h )induism teaches us we can escape from a cycle
of rebirths only by riddin- ourselves of desire, we should ta(e this teachin-
as an in$unction to renounce only selfish desires, not the desire to do -ood
unto others. 'esant, for instance, told her fellow theosophists, 'the word of
freedom' is 'Sacrifice , that which is done for the sa(e of carryin- out the
@ivine .ill in the world'7 she told them, 'that which you do as livin- in ;od
and doin- ;od's wor( , that action alone does not bind the man, for it is an
action that is sacrifice, and has no bindin- power.' 21)
The law of (arma does not mean that we have a fate to be endured. !t
means that we are called upon to act selflessly for the -ood of others.
)induism, and its concept of (arma, therefore, provide an impetus to
rational, moral behaviour in a way neither western science nor 5hristianity
does. On the one hand, the materialist premises of western science seem to
rule out belief in a divine or ethical order, so science has undermined
supernaturalism , faith in the 'ible as revealed truth , without providin- an
alternative, naturalist account of ethics. On the other hand, 5hristianity, with
its doctrine of vicarious atonement, su--ests that one can commit sins with
impunity provided only that one later repents in faith. #s 'lavats(y e/plained
to her aunt9
C# 'uddhist, 'rahmanist, 3amaist, and %ahomedan does not ta(e alcohol,
does not steal, does not lie while he holds fast to the principles of his own
heathen reli-ion. 'ut as soon as the 5hristian missionaries appear, as soon
as they enli-hten the heathen with 5hrist's faith, he becomes a drun(ard, a
thief, a liar, a hypocrite. .hile they are heathen, every one of them (nows
that each sin of his will return to him accordin- to the law of $ustice and
read$ustment. # 5hristian ceases to rely on himself, he loses self,respect. '!
shall meet a priest, he will for-ive me,' as answered a newly initiated to
Dather ?iria(.C 22).estern thou-ht undermines the traditional )indu basis
for moral behaviour.The theosophists' defence of )induism fed readily into an
idealisation of a -olden a-e in !ndian history. .hereas the official discourse
of the 2a$ portrayed !ndia as an unchan-in- land in which individual liberty
lay crushed beneath reli-ious superstition and traditional custom, theosophy
implied that traditional !ndian society embodied an ideal reli-ion and ethic.
The !ndian nation, in essence, was an or-anic community of individuals
bound to-ether to pursue spiritual enli-htenment throu-h a reco-nition of
personal duty. The #ryan polity, with its caste system, was desi-ned to serve
the reli-ious purpose of advancin- the universal process of spiritual
evolution. Dor a start, #ryan society aided the -rowth of the soul by
subordinatin- man's lower nature to his hi-her one. The hierarchy of castes
showed that the #ryans priEed spiritual life over material lu/ury, for, as
'esant e/plained, 'the hi-hest caste in the older days, the 'rahmans, were a
poor class, and the wealth of the 'rahman lay in his wisdom, not in his
money,ba-s.' 2+) The #ryans lived pure, simple lives dedicated to the
con"uest of their lower selves as a means to contact with the divine. !n
addition, #ryan society promoted spiritual advancement by definin-, and so
encoura-in- performance of, one's dharma. The location of individuals within
a caste indicates that they are part of a -reater whole. =ach individual
occupies a specific place within a social whole, and has a duty to act in
accord with that place. 5aste indicates the nature of people's dharma. !t
encoura-es them to do their duty and thereby facilitates their spiritual
development. Dinally, the emphasis the #ryans placed on simple livin- and
social duty produced an or-anic community in which reli-ion ruled social
conduct and each individual cared for his nei-hbours. #ryan society was an
association of individuals bound to-ether in pursuit of shared spiritual -oals,
not a neutral arena in which atomistic individuals fou-ht for competin-,
private -oods.
#ccordin- to 'esant, the self,-overnin- villa-e stood as the institutional
embodiment of the or-anic nature of #ryan society. The villa-e had been the
fundamental, endurin- feature of !ndian society throu-h the a-es9 emperors
came and went, but the villa-e remained as a self,sufficient community
providin- stability and continuity in the lives of ordinary people. =ach villa-e
was composed of a core area of buildin-s for livin-, wor(in-, and restin-,
surrounded by arable land, then pasture land, and finally a natural or planted
forest. The villa-e owned the land on which it was situated, and the villa-ers
treated each piece of land as a common possession on loan to the family
cultivatin- it. =veryone had a common ri-ht to both the pasture land, where
they -raEed animals under the watchful eye of a shepherd, and the forest,
where they -athered wood for fuel and buildin-. =ach villa-e supported
craftsmen, such as carpenters and potters, and professionals, such as
astrolo-ists and priests, by -rantin- them a share in villa-e lands, or, more
usually, villa-e crops, and by ma(in- -ifts to them durin- reli-ious festivals.
The life of the community always revolved around the temple which fostered
reli-ion and moral culture. =verybody willin-ly devoted time and effort to
wor( on communal pro$ects such as di--in- wells.
# view of !ndian society as or-anic and spiritual left theosophists needin- a
very different historio-raphy from that incorporated in the official discourse
of the 2a$. They could not accept that !ndia was a land of unchan-in-
superstitions bein- liberated and made rational by the 'ritish. !nstead, they
needed to e/plain how !ndian society had fallen away from the #ryan ideal.
Typically they did so by pointin- to the disruptive effects of forei-n, and
especially 'ritish, rule. =arlier invaders rarely touched the soul of !ndia.
!ndeed, !ndia typically captured the invaders by turnin- them into #ryans
whilst also bein- enriched by their culture. The 'ritish, in contrast, had
destroyed the -reat reli-ious basis of !ndia by pushin- western ideas and
habits on to her people. The crucial difference, at least accordin- to 'esant,
was that the 'ritish had been the first forei-ners to come to !ndia e/clusively
for profit with no intention of learnin- from her culture. They had invaded
!ndia not to spread 5hristianity, nor to free a sub$ect people, nor to find
adventure, but rather to trade, and, in particular, to find new mar(ets for the
products that they produced in such vast "uantities after the industrial
revolution. They had even con"uered !ndia by the dishonest means of the
merchant class. The =ast !ndia 5ompany paid scant heed to treaties and also
initiated "uarrels amon- !ndians. !t played rulers off a-ainst one another by,
say, hirin- troops to one until he became too powerful when they would help
his rival. !ndeed, almost every "uarrel in ei-hteenth,century !ndia was
encoura-ed, or actively started, by =uropeans fi-htin- over trade. '=n-land,'
'esant concluded, 'did not Ccon"uer her F!ndiaG by the swordC but by the
help of her own swords, by bribery, intri-ue, and most "uiet diplomacy,
fomentin- of divisions, and playin- of one party a-ainst another.' 2)
Once the 'ritish had con"uered !ndia, they systematically discredited
)induism by teachin- not the indi-enous literature and reli-ion, but rather
sub$ects desi-ned to produce the cler(s needed first by the =ast !ndia
5ompany and then by !mperial rule. .orse still, the 'ritish had instilled in
!ndia a =uropean concern with ri-hts. Thus, !ndians now re-arded caste as a
mar( of privile-e and status indicatin- how much respect an individual
should be shown. 5aste now stood for social distinction, not social duty, so
that the lower castes had naturally become an-ry and $ealous of the hi-her
ones. The resultin- conflicts ruined !ndian society, for 'out of the base
marria-e of 5aste to Separateness, instead of the true wedloc( of 5aste with
Service, there spran- a hu-e and monstrous pro-eny of social evils, which
preyed, and are still preyin-, on the life of !ndia.' 20) #s well as corruptin-
the -reat reli-ious culture of !ndia, 'ritish rule had destroyed her economy
and denied her people the ri-ht to self,-overnment. 'esant complained of
the drain on !ndian wealth that was needed to pay for the !ndia Office,
pensions to retired civil servants, and an army only alle-edly needed to
defend !ndia's frontiers. 'ritish rule had led to increased ta/ation of the
!ndian peasant, and so, in turn, to recurrin- famines and a ne-lect of the
public wor(s, such as irri-ation, that were needed to promote economic
development. !n addition, the 'ritish had ruined the self,-overnin- villa-e of
the #ryans by introducin- peasant proprietors instead of common ownership
of the land, and also by replacin- elected officers responsible to the villa-e
itself with appointed officials responsible to the hi-her echelons of
-overnment. The 'ritish had failed to reco-nise, let alone to use, the -enius
of the !ndian people for democratically mana-in- their own affairs. They
ruled !ndia thou-h an administrative bureaucracy that paid no attention to
the voices of !ndians, but relied instead on e/ecutive fiat reinforced by lar-e
doses of repressive le-islation.
Theosophists denied, therefore, that the 'ritish were creatin- the basis for a
liberal and rational form of -overnment in !ndia. On the contrary, the 'ritish
had brou-ht to !ndia a corrupt individualism and decadent materialism which
had done much to destroy the -lories of the #ryan polity. The (ey political
"uestion was not how lon- it would ta(e the !ndians to adopt the 5hristian
values needed for self,rule. !t was, rather, how best to return !ndia to its true
self.
The whole tenor of theosophy led, therefore, to a view of !ndia's nature, its
past and its current situation, very different from the one that informed the
2a$. 'ut theosophy did not $ust "uestion the self,$ustification of 'ritish rule, it
also promoted, with respect to !ndia, those doctrines we re-ard as
characteristic of nationalist movements wherever they arise , the -lories of
the native culture, a -olden a-e sometime in the past, and, of course, a
bewailin- of the disruptive effects of forei-n rule. !n promotin- nationalist
doctrines, theosophy encoura-ed !ndians to as( themselves not 'how can we
adopt for ourselves the 'ritish system of -overnanceA' but rather 'how can
we recapture our former -loriesA' There were, of course, all sorts of answers
they mi-ht -ive to the latter "uestion, not all of which entailed
independence, but then not all nationalists demanded independence. .hat
theosophy certainly did do, particularly when placed alon-side other forms of
neo,)induism, was to provide a clear basis for a nationalist ideolo-y. The
'ritish often ar-ued that !ndia could not be united and independent because
the !ndian people did not constitute a nation , the !ndian people belon-ed to
diverse re-ions, faiths, and castes, each of which had its own special identity.
4eo,)induism, includin- theosophy, -ave nationalists a clear response to this
ar-ument. 4ationalists could say not only that !ndia had been a nation in a
past -olden a-e, but also that she was becomin- one a-ain. 4ationalists
could point to ob$ective factors promotin- a sense of national identity ,
'ritish rule over the whole of the sub,continent and a -rowth of economic
lin(s between the re-ions , to the emer-ence of a sub$ective awareness of a
national identity , a -rowin- sense of a common past and a shared
predicament , and to the -rowth of all,!ndia or-anisations for reli-ious
reform. The !ndian nation, they could say, was at last wa(in- up from its
lon- slumber.
Theosophy and neo,)induism helped to provide !ndian nationalists with an
ideolo-y. They encoura-ed nationalists to describe !ndia as a unified entity
that had a common herita-e and that faced a common set of problems
re"uirin- an all,!ndia solution. They popularised a belief in a -olden a-e
when !ndia had been a paradise free from the spiritual and social problems of
modernity. =ven today, they su--ested, !ndia has a valuable understandin-
of matters of the spirit that is absent from the west, and without which the
west can not for lon- avert disaster. 28) Bnfortunately, however, a number of
corruptions had crept into !ndian spirituality and thereby undermined this
-olden a-e, corruptions that 'lavats(y characteristically e"uated with
passa-es she thou-ht the 'rahmins had added to the sacred te/ts so as to
$ustify a distasteful version of the caste system. !t was these corruptions that
had left !ndia vulnerable to 'ritish rule, ar-uably even in need of 'ritish rule
to provide the necessary impetus to reform. # suitable scheme of reform,
however, would enable !ndia to attain independence and to recover her lost
-reatness.
Theosophy and Nationalist Politics
.hen Olcott disembar(ed at 'ombay in 1861, the first thin- he did was
'stoop down and (iss the -ranite step' in an 'instinctive act of 'poo$a'. 26)
Olcott and 'lavats(y then went to live in the !ndian "uarters of the city, not
amon- the =uropeans. Drom then on, they constantly lauded !ndian reli-ions
and cultures, ar-uin- that the true source of all reli-ion lies in the :edas. The
theosophists thou-ht of !ndia as a sacred land, so they showed it, its people,
and their practices, a respect ver-in- at times on worship. Theosophy helped
to provide !ndians not only with a nationalist ideolo-y but also with a new
confidence in the worth of their culture. !t su--ested that their past, their
customs, their reli-ion, and their way of life, were as -ood as, even better
than, those of their !mperial rulers. !f such confidence was in some ways an
inevitable corollary of !ndians adoptin- theosophical beliefs, the same can
not be said of the other -reat contribution theosophy made to the nationalist
movement. The Theosophical Society, and neo,)indu -roups in -eneral,
provided nationalists with e/perience of or-anisation , of comin- to-ether
and actin- in consort , and with contacts and networ(s which they then could
draw upon for political purposes.
4ineteenth,century !ndians had little e/perience of modern politics with its
emphasis on popular participation and a-itation. !ndeed, !ndia as a whole
remained, in many ways, a divided society with few co,operative lines of
communication runnin- between its different re-ions, castes and classes. 28)
4eo,)induism did much to chan-e this. =ven @ayananda, althou-h he
initially set out to reform )induism by convertin- his fellow 'rahmins alone ,
he conveyed his messa-e throu-h Sans(rit and retained the dress and
traditions of the sannyasi , later used the #rya Sama$ to appeal to the )indu
faithful as a whole , he adopted )indi and dropped most of the practices of
the sannyasi. 21) Theosophy was especially important here, however,
because of the very diversity of those it brou-ht to-ether. .hereas the #rya
Sama$ had little impact e/cept on *un$abi )indus, and the 'rahmo Sabha
e/cept on 'en-ali )indus, the Theosophical Society was more of an all,!ndia
or-anisation. !ts members came from all over the sub,continent. 'esides
)indus, it attracted *arsees, 5hristians, Si(hs, and even a few %uslims. +<)
#t least as importantly, it brou-ht members of the western,educated elite of
!ndian society, such as #iyar, 2ao, and Sen into close contact with liberal
members of the 'ritish community, such as Sinnett and )ume. The Society
held annual conventions from 1881 onwards, and these -atherin-s provided
a diverse -roup of sympathetic people with the opportunity to discuss the
past, present, and future of !ndia. 4etwor(s were formed, an understandin-
of how to deal with others was -ained, and a -rowin- sense of a common
identity and common purpose was promoted. The importance of these
networ(s can be seen at wor( in the formation of the !ndian 4ational
5on-ress and a-ain in the activities of the #ll,!ndia )ome 2ule 3ea-ue.
I The !ormation o" #ongress
Drom 1860 throu-h to 1880 a number of youn- nationalists became
increasin-ly disaffected with their older leaders. Their alienation first became
apparent in 1868 when a -roup of youn- 'en-alis, led by Surendranath
'aner$ea, formed the !ndian #ssociation of 5alcutta. +1) They bro(e with the
established 'ritish !ndian #ssociation of 'en-al because they thou-ht it was
tied to the zamindars, who showed little, if any, desire to end 'ritish rule.
Sen, the editor of the Indian Daily Mirror, was a prominent member of both
the Theosophical Society and the !ndian #ssociation of 5alcutta. =arly in
1880, he first put forward a proposal for an all,!ndia nationalist association,
and then, to-ether with 'aner$ea and others, be-an to or-anise a conference
for that @ecember to form $ust such an all,!ndia body. The inspiration for
Sen's proposal mi-ht well have come from %adras, which had been the
venue for the 188 annual convention of the Theosophical Society, durin-
which 2a-anath 2ao ar-ued that the Society should formally discuss political
issues as well as reli-ious ones. #lthou-h 2ao did not -et his way, he
mana-ed to arran-e a political discussion at a separate meetin- across the
road form the official convention. Theosophists, includin- #iyar, #nanda
5harlu, %. :irara-havachariar, and, of course, 2ao himself, met as private
individuals to promote a nationalist a-enda. Soon afterwards they formed
the %adras %aha$ana Sabha, ar-uin- that the established %adras 4ative
#ssociation had ceased to be of any value to the nationalist cause. Sen had
attended some of the meetin-s leadin- up to the formation of the %adras
%aha$ana Sabha, and he surely must have had some (nowled-e of its plan to
establish an all,!ndia or-anisation at a meetin- scheduled to coincide with
the ne/t annual convention of the Theosophical Society. 3ater in 1880,
%alabari, Telan- and other nationalists, such as *heroEeshah %ehta and
@adabhai 4aoro$i, formed the 'ombay *residency #ssociation as a more
radical alternative to the older 'ombay #ssociation. Throu-hout !ndia,
theosophists were $oinin- with other youn- nationalists to advance a more
radical a-enda, at the very heart of which lay the idea of an all,!ndia
or-anisation.
The sin-le most important individual behind the formation of the !ndian
4ational 5on-ress was ar-uably )ume. !n 1868 )ume read various
documents that convinced him that lar-e sections of the !ndian population
violently opposed 'ritish rule and even plotted rebellion. +2) These
documents were communications he had received, supposedly from the
%ahatmas of which 'lavats(y spo(e, but presumably from 'lavats(y herself.
!n one of the letters the %ahatmas sent Sinnett, they described how the
;reat .hite 'rotherhood had controlled the !ndian masses durin- the
2ebellion of 1806 so as to preserve an !mperial rule necessary apparently to
brin- !ndia to her true place in the world. ++) 4ow the %ahatmas seemed to
be directin- )ume to maintain the correct balance between east and west.
+) =ven after )ume turned a-ainst 'lavats(y, he continued to believe in the
%ahatmas. )e thou-ht they had chosen to pass some of their understandin-
on to him, and, in particular, to warn him of an impendin- catastrophe so
that he could ward,off disaster. )ume set about avertin- disaster in two
ways. Dirst, he tried to convince 2ipon to reform the administration of !ndia
so as to ma(e it more responsive to the !ndian people. +0) Second, he tried
to promote an all,!ndia or-anisation so as to -ive voice to nationalist
concerns and aspirations. +8)
#lthou-h )ume helped to form the 'ombay *residency #ssociation, really he
wanted to create an all,!ndia body, and throu-hout 1880 he used the
'ombay -roup as a sprin-board from which to promote the idea of an !ndian
4ational Bnion. )e soon ac"uired the bac(in- of the *oona Sarva$ani( Sabha
as well as the 'ombay -roup for an all,!ndia political conference to be held in
*oona durin- @ecember 1880. )is "uarrel with 'lavats(y meant, however,
that he had to wor( harder to win over the theosophists of the %adras
%aha$ana Sabha and the !ndian #ssociation of 5alcutta. 'y %ay, he had
visited %adras to discuss his proposals for the *oona conference with the
members of the %aha$ana Sabha, and also to put forward his views on the
way the Theosophical Society should develop. )e convinced the local leaders
to fall in with his plans for an !ndian 4ational Bnion. 4e/t he travelled to
5alcutta where he seems to have contacted several prominent members of
the !ndian #ssociation. #lthou-h Sen decided to -ive his bac(in- to )ume,
many of the others, under 'aner$ea's leadership, did not, preferrin- instead
to -o ahead with their alternative conference. #n outbrea( of cholera in
*oona forced )ume to chan-e the venue of his proposed conference, but,
finally, in @ecember 1880, the !ndian 4ational Bnion convened in 'ombay.
+6) Those present immediately renamed themselves the !ndian 4ational
5on-ress, and when the 5on-ress ne/t met in @ecember 1888, it did so in
5alcutta, thus ensurin- the adherence of 'aner$ea's alternative 4ational
5onference. +8)
The !ndian 4ational 5on-ress was formed by nationalists from all over !ndia
under the leadership of a retired 'ritish official. )ume wor(ed alon-side
people he had met at the annual conventions of the Theosophical Society ,
%alabari, 2ao, and Sen , to arran-e the foundin- conference of the
5on-ress. The Theosophical Society helped to ma(e it possible for )ume to
meet and co,operate with these !ndian nationalists, and had it not done so,
the formation of an all,!ndia political body would have been, at the very
least, harder. '4o !ndian could have started the !ndian 4ational 5on-ress,'
wrote ;. ?. ;o(hale7 indeed, 'if the founder of the 5on-ress had not been a
-reat =n-lishman and a distin-uished e/,official, such was the distrust of
political a-itation in those days that the authorities would have at once found
some way or other to suppress the movement'. +1)
II$ The %ll-India Home &ule 'eague
'y 111 the !ndian 4ational 5on-ress had become an established
or-anisation. The triumph of the moderates over the e/tremists had left it,
moreover, with a si-nificantly restricted and rather non,confrontational
political vision. .hen 'esant entered the political arena, after years of
devotin- herself to reli-ious, educational, and social wor(, she tried to foist a
more radical position onto the 5on-ress. She demanded self,-overnment for
!ndia in the immediate future, and she wanted the 5on-ress to advance this
demand by headin- a campai-n of educative propa-anda, a campai-n usin-
many of the techni"ues with which she had become familiar as a radical
a-itator in 'ritain. '5on-ress,' she said, raises little 'enthusiasm' amon-
!ndians since it continues in 'the same -roove, passin- year after year similar
resolutions and ma(in- little substantial pro-ress.' <) .hat the 5on-ress
should do, she continued, is to formulate, proclaim, and promote the views
of educated !ndia on all matters of public importance. %ore particularly, each
year it should select various topics for discussion and then conduct an
educative campai-n around them. *olitics, she concluded, should become a
permanent feature of the life of the !ndian people, not a three day event
circumscribed by the annual 5on-ress. #ll throu-h 111, 'esant published,
in her new daily paper, New India, a series of articles debatin- the role that
5on-ress should play. %any of the more vociferous articles in support of her
views came from fellow theosophists such as ?rishna 2ao and #iyar, althou-h
she also attracted support from other nationalists. 1) #t the %adras
5on-ress of 111, 'esant put forward a constitutional amendment in line
with her views, but suffered defeat in the Sub$ects 5ommittee. 2) @espite
this defeat, her proposals continued to -ain momentum, with, for e/ample,
youn- theosophists in 'ombay, led by >amnadas @war(adas, publishin- a
paper, &oun- !ndia, to promote her pro-ramme. +) .hen 'esant failed once
more to introduce chan-es at the 'ombay 5on-ress of 1110, she founded a
new or-anisation, the #ll,!ndia )ome 2ule 3ea-ue. )
The 3ea-ue was formed on + September 1118 at a meetin- in ;o(hale )all,
%adras. ;eor-e #rundale, a 'ritish theosophist who became Or-anisin-
Secretary of the 3ea-ue, -ave a speech in which he said that 'esant already
had sent him on a tour of north !ndia 'to draw recruits around the )ome 2ule
fla-, to help to or-anise educative propa-anda, and above all else to send to
the comin- 5on-ress, dele-ates pled-ed to ma(e the policy of )ome 2ule
the dominant policy of the 4ational 5on-ress.' 0) .hat he did not say was
that when 'esant sent out home rule missionaries, they -enerally stayed
with local theosophists who made the practical arran-ements for the
meetin-s they addressed. 8) 'esant and #rundale were not the only
western theosophists to play prominent roles in the 3ea-ue9 %iss S. ).
'urdett, a former suffra-ette, became his secretary, %iss ;meiner, the
headmistress of a -irl's school, helped to establish the @elhi branch, and %iss
Drancesca #rundale was a leadin- fi-ure in the 'enares branch. The 3ea-ue
also drew heavily on the support of !ndian theosophists. The 5ouncil of the
3ea-ue consisted of 'esant, #rundale, #iyar, who served as 2ecordin-
Secretary of the Society, '. *. .adia, a *arsi and theosophist from 'ombay
who then lived in the Society's head"uarters at #dyar, and #. 2asul and
*andharinath Telan-, both of whom were members of the Society7 only
2amaswami #iyar was not a theosophist, and even he was a sympathiser.
%oreover, althou-h the membership of the 3ea-ue rose to about five times
that of the !ndian Section of the Theosophical Society, !ndian theosophists
often provided the impetus behind, and core members of, the branches of
the 3ea-ue9 in Tan$ore, Srinivasa #iyar headed the local branches of the
Society and the 3ea-ue7 in 5alicut, %an$eri 2amier held an office in both
or-anisations7 and so one could -o on , si/ty,ei-ht of the seventy people
who founded the 'ombay 5ity branch of the 3ea-ue were members of the
Society. 6) 5learly the two or-anisations became deeply entwined with one
another9 when .adia visited ;untur in October 1118, he spent one day
en-a-ed in home rule wor( and another in theosophical wor(. 8) %any of
the leadin- home rulers were inspired by 'esant's reli-ious teachin-s as
*resident of the Society. They saw participation in the 3ea-ue as an
e/pression of their spiritual or theosophical commitments. >amnadas
@war(adas saw 'esant as his 'adorable ;uru', describin- his meetin- her as
a -reater landmar( in his life than his marria-e7 and his brother, ?anchi
@war(adas, saw himself as 'esant's 'chela', describin- becomin- a
theosophist as 'the happiest and most important decision ! ever made.' 1)
The 3ea-ue pursued its pro-ramme of educative propa-anda vi-orously
throu-h late 1118 and early 1116. .hen the ;overnments of 'ombay, the
5entral *rovinces, and %adras, banned students from meetin-s, and the
;overnments of 'ombay, %adras, and *un$ab seemed to be close to bannin-
home,rule a-itation as such, 'esant denounced the ;overnment, and even
spo(e of meetin- any ban with passive resistance. 0<) !n response, the
;overnment of %adras interned her, alon- with #rundale and .adia in >une
1116. The internments only stirred,up even more of an outcry, until, in
September, in an attempt to calm thin-s down, she was released. 'y then,
however, 'esant had become a nationalist heroine who was elected *resident
at the 5alcutta 5on-ress in 1116. #lthou-h her popularity diminished rapidly,
the home rule a-itation had set the scene for ;andhi's entry onto the
national sta-e.
#onclusion
@espite the Theosophical Society's avowedly apolitical nature, it clearly
played an important role in the -rowth of !ndian nationalism. 4ot only were
individual theosophists, such as )ume, 'esant, and the @war(adas brothers,
(ey fi-ures in the development of nationalist thou-ht and or-anisation7 nor is
it $ust a matter of many of the leadin- activists of the freedom stru--le,
includin- ;andhi and 4ehru, havin- been influenced by theosophy7 the (ey
point is rather the -eneral picture within which these details about individuals
-ain their si-nificance, a -eneral picture of theosophy as an inte-ral part of
the cultural and social conte/t out of which the nationalist movement arose.
#t first si-ht there mi-ht seem to be somethin- odd about a Society
emer-in- from the western occult tradition becomin- so enmeshed within
!ndian culture and politics. Once we loo( further, however, this oddity -ives
way to an understandin- based on a reco-nition of how ideas for-ed in one
conte/t can ta(e on a radically different political colourin- when transposed
to another one. 'lavats(y mi-ht have developed theosophy lar-ely as a
rewor(in- of the occult tradition in the li-ht of a post,@arwinian crisis of
faith, and her western followers, includin- )ume and 'esant, mi-ht have
turned to theosophy precisely because it seemed to resolve "uestions raised
in them by this crisis of faith, but within !ndia the most important
theosophical doctrine was undoubtedly 'lavats(y's identification of the
universal reli-ion with the 'rahmanism of the :edas. 'ecause theosophy
both eulo-ised the ancient faith of !ndia and also interpreted this faith as
incorporatin- modern scientific doctrines such as evolution, therefore it had
an obvious appeal to western,educated !ndians loo(in- for a way to reconcile
their indi-enous culture with the new learnin-. %oreover, despite 'lavats(y's
concern to avoid politics, any set of doctrines that thus encoura-ed !ndians
to e"uate their ancient culture with the ideal was almost bound to have a
radical political si-nificance within the conte/t of the 2a$.
Theosophy was, of course, only one of several movements at the turn of the
century that encoura-ed !ndians to e"uate their ancient culture with the
ideal. Other reli-ious thin(ers and movements, such as the #rya Sama$, the
2ama(rishna %ath and %ission, and #urobindo eulo-ised :edic )induism as a
universal reli-ion of unmatched purity that both incorporated the truths of
modern science and that sustained an idyllic society. @espite important
differences between them, therefore, theosophy and these other movements
did much to develop and promote an analysis of !ndia's past, present, and
future, that provided fertile soil for nationalism. !ndia, they su--ested, had a
hi-hly valuable indi-enous culture that had flourished in an earlier -olden
a-e7 but althou-h this culture continued to provide the basis of a real
national identity, the -olden a-e had come to an end as a result of the
disruptive effects of forei-n rule7 so now !ndians needed to revive this
culture , pur-in- it of later abuses and distortions , and thereby liberate
themselves. !n addition, and a-ain despite important differences between
them, theosophy and these other movements created networ(s of
individuals, patterns of or-anisation, and modes of behaviour that
nationalists could draw on to create a political movement. The !ndian
4ational 5on-ress and the #ll,!ndia )ome 2ule 3ea-ue certainly drew for
their formation, and at least some of their activities, on a social basis that
had been established by the Theosophical Society.
(N)N*T(+
1) ! than( the 3everhulme Trust for awardin- me a Travel #broad
Studentship with which to pursue my research.
2) The Theosophist, October 1861.
+) Olcott, ). Old Diary Leaves: The History of the Theosophical Society. 8
:ols. #dyar, %adras9 Theosophical *ublishin- )ouse, 1162H60. :ol. 1, pp.
20,06. 'io-raphies of 'lavats(y include the eulo-isin- Duller, >. lavats!y
and Her Teachers. 3ondon9 =ast,.est *ublications, 11887 and the
condemnatory .illiams, ;. Madame lavats!y: "riestess of the Occult. 4ew
&or(9 3ancer 'oo(s, 118.
) 'esant wrote two autobio-raphies. See 'esant, #. #uto$io%raphical
S!etches. 3ondon9 Dreethou-ht, 18807 and 'esant, #. #n #uto$io%raphy.
#dyar, %adras9 Theosophical *ublishin-, 118+. The main bio-raphies are
4ethercot, #. The &irst &ive Lives of #nnie esant. 3ondon9 2. )art,@avis,
11817 4ethercot, #. The Last &our Lives of #nnie esant. 3ondon9 2. )art,
@avis, 118+7 and Taylor, #. #nnie esant. O/ford9 O/ford Bniversity *ress,
1112.
0) 'esant, #. '!ndia's %ission #mon- 4ations', in India: 'ssays and
#ddresses. 3ondon9 Theosophical *ublishin-, 111+. p. +.
8) On the history of the Theosophical Society in the west, see 5ampbell, '.
#ncient (isdom )evived: # History of the Theosophical Movement. 'er(eley9
Bniversity of 5alifornia *ress, 118<7 =llwood, 2. IThe #merican Theosophical
SynthesisJ, in The Occult in #merica: New Historical "erspectives. =dited by
). ?err K 5. 5row. 5hica-o9 Bniversity of !llinois *ress, 118+. pp. 111,+7
and .ashin-ton, *. Madame lavats!y*s a$oon: Theosophy and the
'mer%ence of the (estern +uru. 3ondon9 Sec(er K .arbur-, 111+.
6) Olcott, ). "eople &rom the Other (orld. )artford, 5onn.9 #merican
*ublishin- 5ompany, 1860. On the relation of theosophy to spiritualism, see
Oppenheim, >. The Other (orld: Spiritualism and "sycholo%ical )esearch in
'n%land, 180<,111. 5ambrid-e9 5ambrid-e Bniversity *ress, 1180. pp.
101,16.
8) 'evir, %. 'The .est Turns =astward9 %adame 'lavats(y and the
Transformation of the Occult Tradition', in >ournal of the #merican #cademy
of 2eli-ion 3L!! M111), pp. 66,86.
1) 'lavats(y, ). *. Isis ,nveiled: # Master-.ey to the Mysteries of #ncient and
Modern Science and Theolo%y. 2 :ols. .heaton, !ll.9 Theosophical *ublishin-
)ouse, 1162. :ol. 2, p. 088.
1<) See >ohnson, ?. The Masters )evealed: Madam lavats!y and the Myth
of the +reat (hite Lod%e. #lbany, 4.&.9 State Bniversity of 4ew &or(, 111.
11) 'lavats(y, Isis ,nveiled. :ol. 1, p. 828.
12) Sinnett, #. *. The #uto$io%raphy of #lfred "ercy Sinnett. 3ondon9
Theosophical )istory 5entre, 1188.
1+) Sinnett, #. *. The Occult (orld. 3ondon9 Trubner K 5o., 1881.
1) 5ompare the role ascribed to theosophy in ;andhi, %. #n #uto$io%raphy,
in 5ollected .or(s, :ol. +1. 4ew @elhi9 *ublications @ivision, 1108,107
4ehru, >. #n #uto$io%raphy. 3ondon9 >ohn 3ane, 11+87 and *al, '. Memories
of My Life and Times, :ol. 1. 5alcutta9 %odern 'oo( #-ency, 11+2.
10) Studies that emphasise the way these movements constitute a hiatus
within the )indu tradition include 'harati, #. 'The )indu 2enaissance and !ts
#polo-etic *atterns', in >ournal of #sian Studies 21 M116<), pp. 286,887
)ac(er, *. '#spects of 4eo,)induism as 5ontrasted with Survivin- Traditional
)induism', in "hilolo%y and /onfrontation: "aul Hac!er on Traditional and
Modern 0edanta. =dited by .. )albfass. #lbany, 4.&.9 State Bniversity of 4ew
&or( *ress, 1110. pp. 221,007 and )albfass, .. India and 'urope: #n 'ssay
in ,nderstandin%. #lbany, 4.&.9 State Bniversity of 4ew &or( *ress, 1188. pp.
211ff.
18) 5ompare, Studdart,?ennedy, ;. ritish /hristians1 Indian Nationalists1
and the )a2. @elhi9 O/ford Bniversity *ress, 1111.
16) 5ompare the -eneral construction of )induism within western !ndolo-y
as described in !nden, 2. Ima%inin% India. O/ford9 'asil 'lac(well, 111<.
18) 'esant, #. (hat is Theosophy3 #dyar, %adras9 Theosophist Office, 1112.
p. 1. One of her earliest theosophical articles considered the relationship
between (arma and social action. See Lucifer, #u-ust 1881.
11) 'esant, #. The asis of Morality. #dyar, %adras9 Theosophical *ublishin-,
1110. p. 28.
2<) 'esant, #. 'The *lace of *olitics in the 3ife of a 4ation', in India: 'ssays
and #ddresses, op cit., p. 1+1.
21) !bid. p. 20.
22) The Theosophist, September 110<. Dor the contemporary dis"uiet over
the morality of atonement, see #ltholE, >. IThe .arfare of 5onscience with
Theolo-yJ, in The Mind and #rt of 0ictorian 'n%land. =dited by >. #ltholE.
%inneapolis9 Bniversity of %innesota *ress, 1168. pp. 08,66.
2+) 'esant, #. The 'ast and The (est. #dyar, %adras9 Theosophical Office,
11<8. pp. 22,2+.
2) 'esant, #. How India (rou%ht for &reedom. #dyar, %adras9 Theosophical
*ublishin-, 1110. pp. 3:,3:!.
20) 'esant, #. '=ast and .est', in India: 'ssays and #ddresses, op cit., p. 68.
28) On the dichotomy between the west as materialistic and !ndia as
spiritual, see ?in-, B. Indian Spirituality1 (estern Materialism: #n Ima%e and
Its &unction in the )einterpretation of Modern Hinduism. 4ew @elhi9 !ndian
Social !nstitute, 1180.
26) Olcott, Old Diary Leaves. :ol. 2, pp. 21+,1.
28) That these divisions within !ndian society persisted durin- the nationalist
era has since been emphasised by both the 5ambrid-e School MSeal, #. The
'mer%ence of Indian Nationalism: /ompetition and /olla$oration in the Late
Nineteenth /entury. 3ondon9 5ambrid-e Bniversity *ress, 1188) and the
Subaltern Studies movement M;uha, 2. Fed.G Su$altern Studies: (ritin%s on
South #sian History and Society. :ol. 1. @elhi9 O/ford Bniversity *ress,
1182).
21) >ordens, >. Dayananda Sarasvati: His Life and Ideas. @elhi9 O/ford
Bniversity *ress, 1168.
+<) See I%embership 3istsJ, #rchives of the Theosophical Society M#.T.S.),
#dyar, %adras. !t is si-nificant that various theosophists even complained
that 'esantJs close identification with )induism trans-ressed the SocietyJs
principle of remainin- e"ually open to all faiths. See, for e/ample, The
Theosophist, %arch 181.
+1) 'aner$ea, S. # Nation in the Ma!in%: ein% the )eminiscences of &ifty
4ears of "u$lic Life. 3ondon9 ). %ilford, 1120.
+2) .edderburn, .. #llan Octavian Hume: &ather of the Indian National
/on%ress1 5678-5857. 3ondon9 Disher Bnwin, 111+. pp. 68,8+. .edderburn
somewhat -lossed over the place of Theosophy , especially the %ahatmas ,
in his account of )ume's political wor(. 4o doubt he did so because he was a
friend of )ume's, and he re-arded )ume's attachment to them as
superstitious and so disreputable.
++) %orya. The Mahatma Letters to #9 "9 Sinnett. 5ompiled by #. T. 'ar(er.
3ondon9 T. Disher K Bnwin, 112+. p. +2.
+) 2ipon *apers, 'ritish 3ibrary, 3ondon.
+0) !bid.
+8) .edderburn, #llan Octavian Hume, op cit.
+6) 2eports of the !ndian 4ational 5on-ress. 1880H88.
+8) !bid.
+1) .edderburn, #llan Octavian Hume, op cit., pp. 8+,.
<) New India, 16 October 111.
1) New India, 22 K 2 October 111.
2) I*roceedin-s of the #ll,!ndia 5on-ress 5ommittee %eetin- held on the
+<th @ecember, 111J, *olitical *apers of #nnie 'esant M*.*.#.'.), #.T.S., *art
2, Dile 1+.
+) Other theosophists involved in formin- &oun- !ndia included9 Shan(arlal
'an(er, ?an$i @war(adas, %. 2. >aya(ar, ?. %. %unshi, Bmar Sobhani, and
*andharinath Telan- who became its editor.
) See 'evir, %. IThe Dormation of the #ll,!ndia )ome 2ule 3ea-ueJ, in
!ndian >ournal of *olitical Science 3!!9+ M1111), pp. 1,187 and Owen, ).
'Toward 4ation,.ide #-itation and Or-anisation9 The )ome 2ule 3ea-ues
1110,18', in Soundin%s in Modern South #sian History. =dited by @. 3ow.
3ondon9 .eidenfeld K 4icolson, 1188. pp. 101,10.
0) New India, September 1118.
8) See various letters preserved in *.*.#.'.
6) @war(adas, ?. India*s &i%ht for &reedom 585:-5;: #n 'yewitness Story.
'ombay9 *opular *ra(ashan, 1188. p. +0.
8) New India, +1 October 1118.
1) @war(adas, >. "olitical Memoirs. 'ombay9 Bnited #sia, 1181. p. 1607 and
@war(adas, !ndia's Di-ht, op cit., p. 2.
0<) See, for e/ample, New India, >une 1116.
Biographical Note%ar( 'evir received his @.*hil. from the Bniversity of
O/ford. )e is now a member of the @epartment of *olitical Science,
Bniversity of 5alifornia, 'er(eley. )is recent publications include The Lo%ic of
the History of Ideas M5ambrid-e9 5ambrid-e Bniversity *ress, 1111).
#ontact In"ormation@epartment of *olitical Science, Bniversity of
5alifornia, 'er(eley, 5# 162<,110<=mail9 mbevirNsocrates.ber(eley.edu
+ourceCTheosophy as a *olitical %ovementC was ori-inally published in9 #.
5opley M=d.), +urus and their &ollowers: New )eli%ious )eform Movements in
/olonial India M@elhi9 O/ford Bniversity *ress, 2<<<), and is reproduced here
with the permission of the publisher, editor and the author.