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Archeology and Arvanites (Albanians) of Greece
Copyright. The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014
Ethnicity and Archaeology in Modern Methana
Hamish Forbes has had a productive retirement. It seems like hardly a month goes by without some significant article from the tip of his pen. I finally got around to reading his article, “Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece,” in the Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 27.1 (2014).
Forbes argues that many Methanites, who are Arvanitika speakers, do not relate to the national archaeological narrative constructed by the Greek state which have tended to celebrate the ties between modern Greece and Classical Antiquity and the monuments of Athens. Arvanitika speakers who settled in Greece at some point between the late Medieval period (say 13th century?) and the Ottoman period have stood outside of the national narrative in Greece that has been slow to recognize the existence of “ethnic minorities” typically defined by language. In fact, Forbes makes the point that there is no official capacity to recognize ethnic minorities in Greece, and this might be partially the result of conflating issues of ethnicity with desires for alternate national identities (ethnoi), partially the result of periods of hyper-nationalist political rhetoric, and partially the desire of the Greek state to distinguish itself in the European Union.
Forbes notes that Arvanitika speaking communities are common in Boeotia, Attica, and across the Northeastern Peloponnesus, but have generally found ways to hide their identities from outsiders and the unsympathetic gaze of the state. On the Methana peninsula, this has manifest itself in the community’s lack of interest in the ancient ruins on the peninsula, and attention to a fort dated to the Greek War of Independence. The fort was apparently constructed by the French philhellene Charles Fabvier to train Greek troops. Today, the fortification, visible on the narrow isthmus that separates Methana from the northern coast of Troezene, bears a large Greek flag painted on its flanks and this explicitly connects the site to a national identity. At the same time, the national identity manifest in this 19th century ruin, however, is nevertheless outside the main archaeological narrative promoted by the Greek state. In other words, the 19th century ruin provides an opportunity to locate the Arvanitika-speaking community within a positive narrative of the Greek state.
Forbes discusses the way in which local communities articulate their archaeological landscape and how it often differs from the interest of national or foreign archaeologists. He cites Susan Sutton’s description of the communities around the archaeological site of Nemea who associated more closely with a cave in a nearby hill that they relate to the den of the Nemean lion. Methanites likewise recognize the antiquity of a cave set high on the slopes of the volcanic peninsula, and Forbes notes that these natural features often provide points of reference in the landscape that allow local communities to establish regionally meaningful archaeological identities.
This article caught my attention for two reasons. First, on the Western Argolid Regional Project this summer we documented a fortification associated with the Greek War of Independence. Without getting into too much detail, graffiti festooned a number of parts of this rather visible fortification allowing individuals to locate their names within the archaeological landscape. This linked the nearby community of Lyrkeia very closely to a historical place. It is interesting to note that the nearby ancient ruins did not attract similar attention. The fort on Methana will also be a useful point of architectural comparison for our fortification in the Argolid although our fortress has far less august a historical pedigree.
I was also interested in reading that Forbes did not mention the in
Archeology and Arvanites (Albanians) of Greece
Copyright. The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014
Ethnicity and Archaeology in Modern Methana
Hamish Forbes has had a productive retirement. It seems like hardly a month goes by without some significant article from the tip of his pen. I finally got around to reading his article, “Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece,” in the Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 27.1 (2014).
Forbes argues that many Methanites, who are Arvanitika speakers, do not relate to the national archaeological narrative constructed by the Greek state which have tended to celebrate the ties between modern Greece and Classical Antiquity and the monuments of Athens. Arvanitika speakers who settled in Greece at some point between the late Medieval period (say 13th century?) and the Ottoman period have stood outside of the national narrative in Greece that has been slow to recognize the existence of “ethnic minorities” typically defined by language. In fact, Forbes makes the point that there is no official capacity to recognize ethnic minorities in Greece, and this might be partially the result of conflating issues of ethnicity with desires for alternate national identities (ethnoi), partially the result of periods of hyper-nationalist political rhetoric, and partially the desire of the Greek state to distinguish itself in the European Union.
Forbes notes that Arvanitika speaking communities are common in Boeotia, Attica, and across the Northeastern Peloponnesus, but have generally found ways to hide their identities from outsiders and the unsympathetic gaze of the state. On the Methana peninsula, this has manifest itself in the community’s lack of interest in the ancient ruins on the peninsula, and attention to a fort dated to the Greek War of Independence. The fort was apparently constructed by the French philhellene Charles Fabvier to train Greek troops. Today, the fortification, visible on the narrow isthmus that separates Methana from the northern coast of Troezene, bears a large Greek flag painted on its flanks and this explicitly connects the site to a national identity. At the same time, the national identity manifest in this 19th century ruin, however, is nevertheless outside the main archaeological narrative promoted by the Greek state. In other words, the 19th century ruin provides an opportunity to locate the Arvanitika-speaking community within a positive narrative of the Greek state.
Forbes discusses the way in which local communities articulate their archaeological landscape and how it often differs from the interest of national or foreign archaeologists. He cites Susan Sutton’s description of the communities around the archaeological site of Nemea who associated more closely with a cave in a nearby hill that they relate to the den of the Nemean lion. Methanites likewise recognize the antiquity of a cave set high on the slopes of the volcanic peninsula, and Forbes notes that these natural features often provide points of reference in the landscape that allow local communities to establish regionally meaningful archaeological identities.
This article caught my attention for two reasons. First, on the Western Argolid Regional Project this summer we documented a fortification associated with the Greek War of Independence. Without getting into too much detail, graffiti festooned a number of parts of this rather visible fortification allowing individuals to locate their names within the archaeological landscape. This linked the nearby community of Lyrkeia very closely to a historical place. It is interesting to note that the nearby ancient ruins did not attract similar attention. The fort on Methana will also be a useful point of architectural comparison for our fortification in the Argolid although our fortress has far less august a historical pedigree.
I was also interested in reading that Forbes did not mention the in
Archeology and Arvanites (Albanians) of Greece
Copyright. The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014
Ethnicity and Archaeology in Modern Methana
Hamish Forbes has had a productive retirement. It seems like hardly a month goes by without some significant article from the tip of his pen. I finally got around to reading his article, “Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece,” in the Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 27.1 (2014).
Forbes argues that many Methanites, who are Arvanitika speakers, do not relate to the national archaeological narrative constructed by the Greek state which have tended to celebrate the ties between modern Greece and Classical Antiquity and the monuments of Athens. Arvanitika speakers who settled in Greece at some point between the late Medieval period (say 13th century?) and the Ottoman period have stood outside of the national narrative in Greece that has been slow to recognize the existence of “ethnic minorities” typically defined by language. In fact, Forbes makes the point that there is no official capacity to recognize ethnic minorities in Greece, and this might be partially the result of conflating issues of ethnicity with desires for alternate national identities (ethnoi), partially the result of periods of hyper-nationalist political rhetoric, and partially the desire of the Greek state to distinguish itself in the European Union.
Forbes notes that Arvanitika speaking communities are common in Boeotia, Attica, and across the Northeastern Peloponnesus, but have generally found ways to hide their identities from outsiders and the unsympathetic gaze of the state. On the Methana peninsula, this has manifest itself in the community’s lack of interest in the ancient ruins on the peninsula, and attention to a fort dated to the Greek War of Independence. The fort was apparently constructed by the French philhellene Charles Fabvier to train Greek troops. Today, the fortification, visible on the narrow isthmus that separates Methana from the northern coast of Troezene, bears a large Greek flag painted on its flanks and this explicitly connects the site to a national identity. At the same time, the national identity manifest in this 19th century ruin, however, is nevertheless outside the main archaeological narrative promoted by the Greek state. In other words, the 19th century ruin provides an opportunity to locate the Arvanitika-speaking community within a positive narrative of the Greek state.
Forbes discusses the way in which local communities articulate their archaeological landscape and how it often differs from the interest of national or foreign archaeologists. He cites Susan Sutton’s description of the communities around the archaeological site of Nemea who associated more closely with a cave in a nearby hill that they relate to the den of the Nemean lion. Methanites likewise recognize the antiquity of a cave set high on the slopes of the volcanic peninsula, and Forbes notes that these natural features often provide points of reference in the landscape that allow local communities to establish regionally meaningful archaeological identities.
This article caught my attention for two reasons. First, on the Western Argolid Regional Project this summer we documented a fortification associated with the Greek War of Independence. Without getting into too much detail, graffiti festooned a number of parts of this rather visible fortification allowing individuals to locate their names within the archaeological landscape. This linked the nearby community of Lyrkeia very closely to a historical place. It is interesting to note that the nearby ancient ruins did not attract similar attention. The fort on Methana will also be a useful point of architectural comparison for our fortification in the Argolid although our fortress has far less august a historical pedigree.
I was also interested in reading that Forbes did not mention the in
Rosen and V. Roux (eds.), Techniques and Peo- ple, 135-56. Jerusalem: Centre de Recherche Frans:ais de Jerusalem. Shimelmitz, R., R Barkai and A. Gopher 2000 A Canaanean blade workshop at Har Haruvim, Israel. Tel Aviv 27: 3-22. 2011 Systematic blade production at late Lower Paleolithic (400-200 kyr) Qesem Cave, Israel. Journal of Human Evolution 61: 458-79. http:/ I dx.doi.org/1 0.10 16/j.jhevol.20 11.06.003 Shimelmitz, R., and S.A. Rosen in press The flint assemblages of Beth Yerah. In R. Greenberg (ed.), Bet Yerah the Early Bronze Age Mound, Vol. 2. Monograph Series of the Insti- tute ofTel Aviv University, Tel Aviv: Emery and Claire Yass Publications. Torrence, R. 1985 The chipped stone. In C. Renfrew (ed.) The Archaeology of Cult: The Sanctuary at Phylakopi, 469-78. London: Thames and Hudson. Ussishkin, D. 1980 The Ghassulian shrine at En-Gedi. Tel Aviv 7: 1-44. Vardi, J., and I. Gilead 2009 On the definitions of errors on contexts of craft specialization: Krukowski microburins from The Fundfur MedlternmeanArchaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 Beit Eshel Chalcolithic flint worksh op. Rosen and V. Roux (eds.), Techniques pie, 125-34. Jerusalem: Centre de Frans:ais de Jerusalem. Vella, C. 2011 The lithics. In D. Tanasi and N. Vella Site, Artefacts and Landscape. Prehistoric in-Nadur, Malta, 173-94. Monza, Malta: metrica. Wapnish, P., and B. Hesse 2000 Mammal remains from the Early Bronze compound. In I. Finkelstein, D. Ussishkin B. Halpern (eds.), Megiddo III: The J Seasons. Monograph Series of the Archaeology ofTel Aviv University 18: Tel Aviv: Emery and Claire Yass 2001 Commodities and cuisine: animals in the Bronze Age of northern Palestine. In S.R. (ed.), Studies in the Archaeology of Israel Neighboring Lands in Memory of Douglas L. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 251-82. Chicago: Oriental Institute. Yellin, J., T.E. Levy and Y.M. Rowan 1996 New evidence on prehistoric trade routes: obsidian evidence from Gilat, Israel. of Field Archaeology 23: 361-68. http://dx. org/10.1179/009346996791973873 Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 27.1 (20 14) 79-100 ISSN (Print) 0952-7648 ISSN (Online) 1743-1700 and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece of Archaeology, University of Nottingham, Nottingham NG7 2RD, UK hamish.forbes@nottingham.ac. uk study integrates the dominant archaeological discourse concerning use of the Classical past in defining identity in Greece with a strand of ethnographic research on Greece's ojficial!J unacknowledged mi- that has not found its way into the archaeological literature on Greece. The first part discusses how the state has tried to deny the existence of ethnic alterities within its boundaries, often punishing those who on advertising their non-Greek origins. One of the ways in which Hellenisation has been forced on these is via an insistence that 'true' Greeks' origins lie in a Classical past. Those whose origins lie elsewhere have been ejfective!J marginalised. The second part of the study focuses on the Greek-Albanian (Arvanitis) minority. As a case study, two Arvanitic groups are compared, one Peloponnesian and one Boeotian. Boeotian Arvanites have no monumental symbolic capital as a usable past employable within the wider national(istic) discourse. In contrast, the Peloponnesian group has a monument linking them to an alternative (non- Classical) past which they use to advertise their right to be considered 'proper' Greek citizens. Keywords: Arvanites, Classical past, cultural hegemonisation, ethnic alterities, Greece, heritage Prologue: Babel in Greece - Disconnected Acts in Four Scenes Scene 1: Place: Athens. The time: 2 February 2001. A Greek citizen was sentenced to 15 months in jail for 'disseminating false information' which could 'provoke public anxiety and give the impression that there are minority problems in Greece'. Sotiris Bletsas had distributed a leaflet produced by an EU-linked body at an annual gathering of Greek Vlachs, whose language is related to Rumanian. It listed all the lesser-used languages of Europe: in Greece, Arvanitika (a form of Albanian), Aroumanian (Vlach), Bulgarian (spoken by Moslem Pomal<S), Slav- Macedonian and Turkish. In effect the court ruled that claiming that any minority language- groups existed in Greece was a lie. The judge The Fundfor Medlternmean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 stated that the court should not even be dis- cussing the idea of the existence of non-Greek languages in Greece (Baltsiotis and Embiricos 2001: 145-48). Scene 2: Place: Rodopi Criminal Court, Thrace, North- ern Greece. The time: 26 January 1990. Dr Ahmet SadU<:, a former parliamentarian and community leader, was sentenced to 18 months' imprisonment for disrupting public peace, because he had described the Turkish-spealcing Greek citizens of the region as Turlcish rather than Greek The sentence was subsequently upheld by the Court of Appeals and the Court of Cassation (Areios Pagos) (European Court of Human Rights 1996: especially section 11; Human Rights Watch 1999: especially 11-14). http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jmea.v27il.79 80 Forbes Twenty years later, a US State Department document on human rights in Greece indicated concerns about the human rights of this minor- ity, including that Turldsh-spealdng Greeks were still legally barred from self-identifying as Turk- ish, despite repeated European Court of Human Rights decisions supporting their right to do so (Wildleaks 2009: esp. paras. 1-3, 6). Scene 3: The place: Athens. The time: the summer of 1998. An Athenian taxi-driver harangued me about a scandal concerning the treatment of the Elgin Marbles (ta Elyinia) by the British Museum. It made me realise that in the many years I have been visiting the Methana peninsula in the northeastern Peloponnese (Figure 1), the issue of the marbles has never been raised. Methanites are Arvanites, a minority group belonging to the Greek Orthodox faith which has existed in Greece for many centuries, spealdng a form of the Albanian language but seeing themselves as unimpeachably Greek citizens. Scene 4: The place: the small town of Kranidhi in the Southern Argo lid, part of the northeastern Pelo- ponnese. The time: the mid-1980s. While shopping for supplies for an archaeo- logical project, I used a phrase in Arvanitika, which was spoken in the area, although local people never mentioned its existence to project personnel. The response was enthusiastic, with questions about how I knew any of the language and how much I knew. In each successive shop I entered I was greeted in Arvanitika: word had spread rapidly! Once it was established that I valued their minority identity, they were keen to own it. ONemea PELOPONNESE D
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0 km 50 100 Figure 1. Methana: location map. The Fund fur MediterraneanArchaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece 81 Introduction This study is a contribution to the burgeoning literature on the multivocality of ancient remains, the contested discourses they engende1; and the ecologies of power which they constitute. Incor- porated in the discussion are aspects of debates in archaeology, history and anthropology over identity within Europe, especially the Mediter- ranean lands, but also well beyond. The focus is primarily identity's entanglement with the material record, in the context of current debates over multiple, alternative, and often competing narratives concerning the past (e.g. Karakasidou 1997; Rountree 2003; Colwell-Chanthaphonh 2009; Stroulia and Sutton 2009; Herzfeld 2010; Meier 2013; Nildasson and Meier 2013; Bawaya 2014), the origins of which may be seen in historical debates relating to Hobsbawm and Ranger's concept of invented traditions (1983), and Anderson's concept of imagined communities (1991). My explorations owe much to Herzfeld's engagement with issues of national identity and marginality in the context of Greek anthropol- ogy and also more widely across the Mediter- ranean and Europe as presented in Anthropology through the Looking Glass (Herzfeld 1987, esp. Chapter 1) and further developed, for example, in Herzfeld 2002a. Particularly relevant here is his observation that the nation-state is an 'imagined community' whose identity as prom- ulgated by elites may not be shared by other citi- zens (Herzfeld 2002b: 140). His expositions on the complexities of competing claims to histori- cal and material cultural 'heritage' demonstrate the potential to use entangled themes of identity and material culture to categorise not only those who are considered to 'belong' but also to mar- ginalise those who do not (e.g. Herzfeld 1991; 2009, esp. 227-28, 301-302). In an age of global interactions, 'heritage' is particularly entangled with a variety of contes- tations over appropriations of the past and the way traditions are invented, especially if tourist The Fund for Mediterranean Arrhaeology!Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 cash is involved (Herzfeld 1991, esp. 57-58, 144-47, 191-93, 226-28; 2009, esp. 227-33, 304-305, 310-11; Hodder 2003: 56). For exam- ple, a fictitious Maya past created on a Hondu- ran island brings in $50 million annually, but devalues the pasts of the disadvantaged ethnic minority original inhabitants (Bawaya 2014). Another locus of a variety of contestations asso- ciated with tourism is Malta: Sant Cassia (1999) presents the multivocality of the town of Mdina and its entanglement in contestation by elite and other groups and organisations-includ- ing the state-over ownership of its past in the context of an economically dominating tour- ist industry. A different aspect of contestation over the Maltese past can be seen in Rountree's (2003) discussion of mother-goddess tourism in the islands' Neolithic temples. Background Greeks' use of their ancient past for political purposes and as cultural capital has been the subject of numerous publications in archaeol- ogy and anthropology over the last two decades (e.g. Hamilalds and Yalouri 1996; Sutton 1998: 173-78; Stewart 2003; Hamilalds 2007). Arguing that feelings of national identity need material traces from the past, with archaeology as west- ern modernity's official device for producing a nation's materiality of the past, Hamilalds (2007: vii) asks: 'How do different social actors (from the nation-state, to intellectuals, to diverse social groups, including "others" of the nation) deploy antiquity in general and material antiquities in particular, in constructing their own versions of national imagination and in pursuing various agendas at the same time?' Here 'antiquities' and 'antiquity' are almost entirely the Classical past of Greece (Hamilalds 2007: 7), used by govern- mental and other Greek elites as a hegemonising rhetoric. While the presence of Minoan imagery in the procession at the start of the Athens Olympics (Hamilalds 2007: 3-5) might be considered a counterbalance to this view, the 82 Forbes 'official' line in heavily prescribed history books in Greek schools mostly favours the rise of Hel- lenism: for the Bronze Age the primary focus seems to be on Mycenaeans as the first Hellenes (Hamilalds 2003) rather than the non-Greek Minoans. The 'others' of the nation in the quotation above are political 'others'-communists and left- ists, for example-who have striven to establish themselves as an alternative hegemonising elite, thus also employing the Classical past as symbolic capital (Hamilalds 2007: 291). The first part of this article, however, explores the existence of other 'others', whose 'otherness' the Greek state officially denies (e.g. Scenes 1 and 2 above), despite their existence in their present locations for centuries before the formation of the modern Greek state, and despite their relationship to the Greek past. The term which I use for these others is 'ethnic minorities'. According to the United Nations, the term 'minority', as used in its human rights system, 'usually refers to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, pursuant to the United Nations Minorities Declaration'. Further, '[a]ll States have one or more minority groups within their national territories, characterised by their own national, ethnic, linguistic or religious identity, which differs from that of the majority population' (United Nations 2010: 2). The UN has defined a minority as: [a] group numerically inferior to the rest of the population of a State, in a non-dominant position, whose members-being nation- als of the State-possess ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics differing from those of the rest of the population and show, if only implicitly, a sense of solidarity, directed towards preserving their culture, traditions, religion or language. (Capotorti and United Nations 1979: para. 568, quoted in United Nations 2010: 2) This definition states dearly that members of such minority groups, including ethnic minori- ties, have the same nationality or national The Fund fur Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 identity as that of the majority, despite standard' origins. The modern Greek ethnos, however, has significantly different notations indicating, in a formal sense, and nationality. My experience has been many Greeks who meet the English term minority' assume that it automatically groups who claim a nationality or national tity other than Greek. They therefore the discussion of indigenous ethnic ....... v .. .,,c 1 in Greece to be highly contentious. Madianou (1999: 413), for example, -..... ~ u u u r one such group, deliberately does not them as an ethnic minority, repeatedly the terms 'marginal' and 'marginalised' u ' ' ' ' ' ~ While these minorities, or parts of them, often marginalised, this term is not appropriate in the present context. Despite potential for mixed messages, therefore, I use the phrase 'ethnic minority' in this since I cannot think of a better English tive-but with the understanding that it not signifY any alternative national identity e.g. Magliveras 2013: 152-53). For the purposes of this study of alterity, contestation and the identification alternative significant pasts, Gefou-.u,uuuv (1999) discussion is particularly relevant. notes that identity among these minority munities 'should be understood not as an that can be defined outright, but rather as ongoing process whereby relations of power, authority, and authenticity are negotiated formulated within particular social and political contexts' (Gefou-Madianou 1999: 414). Using this approach, I shall discuss how the use of particular monument as validation of a nity's social worth is part of the group's u1a.1v".J.- cal process of negotiating its identity with it views as a culturally and politically uvJ.lUll<IUl Other, which in turn views members of the community as culturally, ethnically and morally inferior Others. A substantial literature on diverse ethnic regional Others in Greece has appeared over the Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece 83 two decades (e.g. Pollis 1992; Karalcasidou Stavros 1995; Sasse 1998; Brunnbauer 1999; Gefou-Madianou 1999; Hart 1999; Kretsi Bintliff 2003; Herzfeld 2003; Demetriou Livanios 2006; Magliveras 2009; Lawrence I; also several in Tsitselilds 2008: 29 n. 2). In discussions, Herzfeld touches en passant the existence of officially unacknowledged in Greece (e.g. Herzfeld 1987: 33, 2002a: 906), noting in particular that the official line emphasises the lack of any diversity: the Italian state, by contrast, is able to accommo- date a rich array of minority cultural life, includ- ing some minority-language media (Herzfeld 2003: 286). He has not, however, substantially developed this issue in the context of contested pasts. The aim of this study, therefore, is to examine the issue, arguing that the use of the Classical past as a major element in contemporary mainstream Greek identity has effectively marginalised com- munities whose ethnic origins link them to other pasts. The second part of the article is therefore a case-study examining the relationships of two communities of the Arvanitic minority to their local pasts. One of these communities prefers to avoid linldng itself to archaeological sites from its recent past, for fear of arousing prejudice from the 'mainstream' population. The other links itself to non-Classical alternative monu- mentalities1 to self-identifY members as worthy citizens, while simultaneously maintaining their distinctive identity and engaging in apparent small symbolic acts of contestation against the hegemonising centre. It is widely acknowledged that the Western idealisation of modern Greeks' origins in Clas- sical antiquity has been central to the modern Greek state since its foundation, being rapidly indigenised by Greeks themselves (e.g. McNeal 1991; Hamilalds 2007: vii, 287-301). Regularly used in designs on postage stamps and currency (Gounaris 2003), and used repeatedly by the dictator Metaxas in the 1930s (Carabott 2003; Hamilalds 2007: 169-204), it was used again in The Fund fur MediterraneanArchaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 campaigns to support Greece during World War II (Hamilalds and Yalouri 1996: 119), and is the primary focus of Greece's school history-books (Hamilalds 2003). It has likewise been central to the campaign for the return of the Elgin (or Parthenon) marbles to Greece (Scene 3 above). Scholars have noted the ubiquitous use of the Classical past in everyday life, in the negotiation of power among different social groups, and in the attempts of authorities to legitimise their existence (e. g. Hamilalds and Yalouri 1996; Sutton 1998; Hamilalds 2007). Stewart (2003: 485) recounts numerous Greek comments on his own country's lack of history, and the memorable statement: 'when we were developing math- ematics, the English were still hanging off trees'. Sutton (1998: 173) records a comparable state- ment. The exclusionary potential inherent in this thinldng was demonstrated quite recently in a statement by the leader of a right-wing nationalist political party reported by the news- paper Kathimerini (25 January 2010), concern- ing a government initiative to grant citizenship to Greek-born children of recent immigrants: 'Greece is saying "no" to this bill because it does not want Hellenism to be diluted. Greece belongs to its history: we were building the Par- thenon when they were still living in trees'. This sort of privileged ownership of the Classical past also allows those at the centres of power to dif- ferentiate 'proper' Greeks from Others (ethnic, regional, political, etc.) in the Greek nation (e.g. Hamilakis 2007: 205-42). Less frequently discussed, however, is the real- ity that the idea of a direct unbroken connection between present-day Greeks and their ancient past is an invented tradition (Hobsbawm 1983: 264; Gefou-Madianou 1999: 418; Anderson 2006: 42) originating not directly from Western imposition, but in the rhetoric of high-status Greeks in the 18th century, most of whom were based outside of Greece. At a time when Greece was still part of the Ottoman Empire, the message that they presented to the West was that the ancient Hellenic spirit and culture had 84 Forbes continued unbroken from antiquity to their own time and were desperate for liberation from Turkish oppression. This invention was to play a major role in the intellectual revival of Greece both before and after Independence. As part of their campaign, this group claimed principal ownership of the Classical past, and at the same time a symbolic superiority over other Europeans (Gefou-Madianou 1999: 417-18; Hamilalds 2007: 75-77). The corollary to the last sentence-that ownership of the Classical past automatically defines non-owners, within or beyond Greece's borders, as inherently inferior- lies at the heart of this study. In keeping with its origins, the emphasis on ownership of the Classical and Hellenistic past, particularly its literary and material manifesta- tions, as the entry key to modern Greek iden- tity has meant that access to that knowledge has been the privilege only of a well-educated minority. Furthermore, the increasing emphasis by the new state on use of the Greek language also reflects at least as much an Ottoman elite preference, rather than a Western dassicising one, since before Independence Greek was the language of the educated and commercial elite throughout the Balkans. The designation 'Greek' was sometimes used as a marker of an elite class rather than of ethnicity: peasants spoke a variety of other languages (Livanios 2006: 45-46, 58). The discourse of Greek iden- tity has thus suited more privileged members of Greek society, but effectively marginalised regional and ethnic alterities. The dominant archaeological discourse char- acterising the identity of the Greek nation as based on imported Western ideals of ancient Hellenic origins is thus too simplistic, failing to consider the position of various ethnic and other minorities within the Greek state. Two 'minor- ity' groups, Moslems and Jews, are officially recognised, but the existence of any minor- ity groups based on alternative ethnicity has been denied (Herzfeld 2002a: 906)-as dearly evidenced by Scenes 1 and 2 above. This situa- The Fund fur MediterraneanArchaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 tion continues Ottoman practice at the time Greek Independence, which acknowledged three separate 'peoples' (millets), based -...... "'''v upon religion: Moslems, Jews and 'Nationality' based on modern concepts of nicity, associated with separate languages cultures, was not recognised (Vucinich 605; Abu Jaber 1967: 214; Goffman 2002: The Greek state's poor record in the context the rights of ethnic and religious alterities, its emphasis on the Greek language (with implied ancient roots), thus derives not fJUUliiJ:- ily from imported Western values, but Greece's previous history of isolation from the West, latterly in a relatively privileged position within the millet system of the Ottoman Empire and formerly within the Byzantine Empire (Pol- lis 1992: 171-73, 182; Livanios 2006: 53-54; Tsitselikis 2008: 28). E Pluribus Unum? In 1829, with the modern Greek state emerg- ing from the ruins of its War of Independence from Ottoman Turkey, Prince Klemens Wenzel von Metternich received a letter from Austria's ambassador in London, which asked: 'What do we mean by the Greeks?' Should they be defined as an identifiable people, or as inhabitants of a country or as co-religionists-i.e. members of the Greek Orthodox Church? The geographi- cal area which was approximately the area of ancient Greece was part of the Middle Eastern ethnic mosaic after centuries of Venetian and Ottoman rule: heterogeneous, polyglot, multi- ethnic and with three separate major religions: Moslem, Jewish and Christian, with Chris- tians being divided into an Orthodox majority and a small but significant Catholic minority (Livanios 2006: 43). Its peoples spoke many languages: Italian (in some of the islands), Alba- nian (throughout parts of the mainland and in some of the islands), Vlach, Bulgarian and Slavo-Macedonian (particularly in what is now northern Greece), Turlcish and many different Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece 85 dialects (Sasse 1998: 41; Livanios 2006; 2008: 28). This linguistic mix was in Dimitrios Byzantios's Babylonia, produced in 1836 (Byzantios 2003; 2008: 33). With a cast of linguisti- diverse 'Greek' characters, including an (Alvanos), it depicts the misunder- between these characters resulting their highly divergent forms of the Greek As a result of this heterogeneity, the 'popular' Greek language (dhimotiki) which after Independence was itself a deliber- creation out of various contemporary forms (Sasse 1998: 50). It has been claimed that Greeks themselves answered Metternich's question by emphasising their roots as 'Hellenes' rather than as 'Romans' (Romii), the latter term emphasising historical links with Constantinople and the medieval Greek Orthodox Byzantine Empire. Thus, it is suggested, they laid a primary stress on a supposedly shared Greek language (McNeal 1991; Livanios 2006: 58). That this can also be understood as a power-grab by an already Greek-spealdng educated and mercantile elite (Livanios 2006: 58) is generally ignored. While archaeologists have regularly noted the contribution of Greeks' ancient past to the development of their national identity over the last 180 years or so, an even greater emphasis was placed on a nation unified by Greek as the only recognised language (Livanios 2006: 58-59, 61). Even today, those citizens who wish to valorise other languages in addition to Greek are treated with severe intolerance (Scenes 1 and 2 above; also below). The insist- ence on legitimising only Greek also places a strong secondary emphasis on membership of the Greek Orthodox Church, since the church's liturgy remains entirely in the linguistic form of its origin in later antiquity and the medieval period-though Livanios (2006) would see this relationship the other way around, with Greek Orthodoxy being the primary element. Those of other faiths, which do not use Greek as their The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publlsbing Ltd, 2014 primary liturgical language-especially Roman Catholics, Jews and Moslems-have likewise been treated as second-class citizens (e.g. Stavros- 1995; Hart 1999; Kretsi 2002; Tsitselikis 2008). Yet despite sometimes heavy-handed action by the Greek state, and considerable levels of discrimination by Greeks who consider them- selves 'superior' (see e.g. Whitman 1990: 17-21), non-Greek language groups still exist in Greece. Certain monoglot Greek out-groups-e.g. Sarakatsani and Cretan villagers (Herzfeld 1987: 57-58; 1988: xi-xv, 34-38; 2003)-also prefer to adopt alternative and/or parallel regional and/or quasi-ethnic identities. Thus, local Cretan elites have often ignored or downplayed a Classical and particularly an Athenian Classical past, pref- erentially focusing on Minoan and Byzantine pasts (Herzfeld 1988: 34-36). The Classical Past and Greek Identity: A Recent Development? As noted above, educated Greeks use Greece's ancient past as a rhetorical resource, particu- larly in facing the non-Greek world, and most especially in situations of self-presentation, con- testation and debate. My ethnographic experi- ence in the early 1970s, however, tallcing to a wide cross-section of working-class Greeks with a limited education who visited the spa on Methana, was otherwise. Many at that time were uncomfortable with the idea of connect- ing themselves with non-Christian (heathen, polytheistic) roots, preferring to connect them- selves to the greatness of the Christian Byzan- tine Empire, stretching from Anatolia through Greece northwards into the Balkans (see e.g. Livanios 2006: 56-57). Not all scholars believe that the present level of emphasis on a Classical past as a crucial part of Greek national identity has a particularly long historical time depth. Gotsi (2000) sug- gests that the special use of the Classical past in national identity has been particularly pre- cipitated by Greece's accession to the European 86 Forbes Union in 1981. That new posltlon within a union of states with very different cultures and histories created a cultural anxiety over the pos- sible effacement of Greece's distinctive culture and history by a very different European homo- geneity (Gotsi 2000: 92-93). One way of pre- senting/performing Greeks' specialness to/over other Europeans, therefore, has been to focus attention particularly on their Classical herit- age. It is almost certainly no coincidence that the campaign to return the Elgin/Parthenon marbles-the ultimate emphasiser of Greece's unique and dominant cultural position within Europe-started just two years after Greece joined the EU. 2 Thus, while a relatively small and well-educated sector of the population has emphasised its roots in the Classical past since the 19th century, the more widespread accept- ance of those roots has resulted from a combina- tion of a more assertive performance of Greek specialness by government and a wider recogni- tion of Greece's place within Europe. Ethnic Alterity in Greece: Two Examples Boeotia With little room for ethnic alterity in the pre- sent Greek state, how can some citizens engage with an ancient Greek monumental past most obviously located in Athens-on the Acropolis, and in other high-profile monuments in the centre 3 -when their ethnic and/or regional identities have little to connect them with that past? Two linked publications exemplifY the way in which discussions of Greek identity have so far failed to recognise the existence of 'others' whose identities do not focus directly on the Classical Greek past. Pantazatos (2010) discusses the case of Arvan- ites in Boeotia. Bintliff (2003) had previously discussed his ethical dilemma as an archae- ologist in approaching the past of this eth- nic group, whose communities are widespread where he conducted fieldwork. While Bintliff wished to publicise archaeological evidence of The Fund fur Mediterr.meanArchaeology!EquinoxPublishing Ltd., 2014 their ethnically differentiated past, the inhabitants themselves did not wish to it revealed: publicising it would invite of the abuse and discrimination that they previously suffered as minority group bers (Bintliff 2003: 138-41; Pantazatos 201 99). As a philosopher discussing the ethics this situation, Pantazatos argues that, from viewpoint of 'stewardship', part of the relationship of the Arvanitis community its historical heritage is its right not to have revealed (Pantazatos 2010: 99). Surprisingly, ignores the ethical ramifications of the why they must deny their own identity their past, which might otherwise have valorised: the abuse and discrimination, both as official policy and unofficial behaviour, suttere:d by generations of Arvanites. Instead, Pantazatos (2010: 97-98) terises Arvanites as a 'diaspora community'; although Bintliff himself never defines as such. This definition, Silverstein (2005: 364-66) argues, problematises them as an 'immigrant community', racialising and exoti- cising them. It implicitly suggests an element of rootlessness, ignoring the fact that Arvanitic communities were already established in the area in the late medieval period, many centu- ries before the foundation of the Greek state (Bintliff 2003: 132-33), and instead implicitly equates them with the late-20th-century Alba- nian diaspora. In reality, they are better seen as an indigenous population, as defined by the International Labour Organization Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention (International Labour Organization 1989; see also Watldns 2005: 430). Watkins (2005: 441) highlights the ethical problem of indigenous groups who, for various reasons, prefer not to draw atten- tion to themselves by relating themselves to their archaeology. He suggests that their silence may not reflect lack of interest in their past(s), but past lack of concern by those at the power- centres of the archaeological establishment for engaging with these groups' alterities. Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece 87 and Hamilalds (2003a: 9) are more vm:pathc:tlc to the complexities of the Boeo- situation. They emphasise the exclusion of r v u n ~ ~ from the dominant national narrative on Classical antiquity, the impact of xeno- and racist attacks on recent immigrants post-communist Albania, and the need of to distinguish themselves from the recent immigrant community. Bintliff, however, also focuses on the resilience of Arvanitic ethnic identity in the face of over a century of sustained policies of total Hellenisation, including the deliberate ethnic cleansing of their toponymic landscapes, replacing indigenous toponyms with sometimes highly inappropriate Greek names (Bintliff 2003: 138-39). By contrast, Brown and Hamilalds dwell primarily on the impact of recent (illegal) immigration from Albania, aligning themselves with the centralist line by suggesting that as a foreign researcher Bintliff was imposing his own 'ethnic' or 'minority' label onto the Boeotian Arvanitis situation (Brown and Hamilalds 2003a: 9). In fact, the exogenous foreigner probably brings less cultural baggage to the situation than Greek archaeologists who have grown up within the dominant discourse on the relationship of 'proper' Greeks to their past. As Livanios (2006: 65-68) notes, these 'ethnic' labels were imposed in the later 19th century by local political and religious elites who strove to differentiate 'Greeks', 'Bulgarians', etc. This ultimately resulted in the Second Balkan War of 1913 and subsequently a tendency to define intolerable 'ethnic' groups who spoke lan- guages other than the nationally approved one. The Northeastern Peloponnese The inhabitants of the village of Kiladha, dose to Kranidhi (Scene 4 above), do not consider the ancient past of their most famous archaeo- logical site-the Franchthi Cave, just across the bay-to be important. Instead, they reminisce about the cave in its recent past as a goatherd's dwelling, and a location for parties and for gathering a range of commodities (Stroulia and The Fund for Mediterr.mean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 Sutton 2009: 124-25). Stroulia and Sutton (2009: 126-27) link Kiladhiotes' amnesia of the ancient world with the situation further north in the eastern Peloponnese. The local inhabit- ants near the famous ancient religious complex of Nemea are largely indifferent to its remains: while archaeologists value an archaeological past, the local community prefers a much more recent past of agricultural expansion (Stroulia and Sut- ton 2009: 131). When the American excavators of the ancient site first initiated re-enactments of the ancient games there, there was very lit- tle local participation. Significantly, in light of the contention that Greeks' ancient heritage has been appropriated primarily by more privileged sectors of society, most of the contestants came from Athens or the USA (Stroulia and Sutton 2009: 134). It is suggested that this landscape dissonance, in which local inhabitants and archaeologists see sites and their vicinities in completely dif- ferent ways, is primarily the result of the ways in which archaeologists-especially, though not exclusively, non-Greeks-behave when excavat- ing, and also when presenting and preserving ancient sites (Stroulia and Sutton 2009: 127- 33). Not once, however, do the authors consider the possible impact of both these communities' Albanian-spealdng pasts (the original Albanian names of both local villages have been expunged in favour of Greek-sounding replacements) on their relationship with ancient sites. This is not surprising, since, as a result of their recent histo- ries, members of these communities, although valuing their origins, would not readily identifY themselves as part of an 'improper Greek' minor- ity to an exogenous observer (Scene 4 above). As noted below, Arvanites tend to tal{e on multiple identities, often identifYing as Greek when inter- acting with outsiders, but asserting an Arvanitic identity at a local level. In yet another Arvanitic community not far from Nemea, ethnic alter- ity status is a significant complicating factor in its relationship to another important Classical site (Deltsou 2009). Once again, therefore, it 88 Forbes is important to recognise the officially unrecog- nised 'otherness' of such Greeks and their local pasts when discussing their relationships with their archaeological landscapes. Residents in the area around Nemea prefer to place a high value on a local cave instead of the archaeological site. Although it is linked in local belief to the mythical Nemean lion killed by Hercules (Stroulia and Sutton 2009: 126-27), this is a natural feature. While the associated myth might be ancient, it does not mal<e the cave a Classical or Hellenistic site. Myths take place outside of time, or rather in a homog- enised past completely divorced from the 'real' gradated time of historians and archaeologists, and of archaeological remains (Forbes 2007: 207-12, 401; 2009: 101). For this reason, espe- cially when associated with natural features, themselves also outside of archaeologists' 'real' time, they can be accommodated into local identity whereas archaeological sites cannot. Significantly, the Franchthi Cave also has a mythical past, as its name i Kyklopa (the Cyclops) attests (Stroulia and Sutton 2009: 125). When I excavated there, it was dear that the myth of the Cyclops had real meaning for the local workmen in a way that the finds themselves did not. The situation is also similar to that on Methana: Methanites largely ignore the remains of the Classical and Hellenistic city, preferring to focus on a large cave discovered in 1973 and the highest peal<, Khelona. The latter feature is associated with a myth involving a queen and an Egyptian ldng (Forbes 2007: 208- 10). The local inhabitants in these three areas, therefore, focus not on archaeological remains, but on natural features which have been given added significance via their linkage to mythical events divorced from archaeologists' time. Arvanites: A Case Study in Ethnic Alterity A Contradictory Identity I turn now to a more in-depth consideration of the Arvanites. As a group they have mostly The Fund fur Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 merged well with the mainstream Greek-speal<- ing population (e.g. Gefou-Madianou 1999: 413, 415-16; Bintliff 2003: 139-41; Magliveras 2013: 152-54). As Greek Orthodox Christians they do not obviously differ from most other Greeks. At the time of the Greek Revolution, Greek-Albanian society was multi-stranded. Arvanitika was spoken side-by-side with Greek by upper-class inhabitants, as well as by ordinaty farmers and sailors, and it was in the process of becoming a literary, rather than a purely spoken, language (Sasse 1998: 49). A criticism of an earlier draft of this study was that I seemed to consider Arvanites all to be poorly educated peasants. Although my detailed ethnographic analysis below relates to a rural area, my ethnographic research has brought me into contact with a range of Arvanitis profes- sionals, especially but by no means exclusively Methanites, and I have academic colleagues who also claim an Arvanitic background. Arvanites in many walks of life are happy to admit to that identity when they feel safe to do so, one such example being the parliamentarian Theodoros Pangalos (Eleftherotypia 2002). Gefou-Madi- anou, whose work is crucial here, notes that the Arvanitic group that she met in Attica was composed of university students and profession- als. Younger people in particular were coming together, playing and singing Arvanitic songs, and dancing to them-acts which they admowl- edged would have worried older residents who were opposed to any expression of Arvanitic culture (Gefou-Madianou 1999: 416). In fact, as she mal<es abundantly dear (1999: 412-13), the ideology of Arvanites as exclusively peasants is that of Greece's elite (a term she uses repeatedly), and is very much at odds with reality. Albanian speal<ers may have settled in some parts of Greece as early as the 9th century AD: their presence is well documented in the 13th and 14th centuries (Magliveras 2009: 15). By the time of the Greek Revolution their commu- nities were widespread on the Greek mainland and some of the islands (Sasse 1998: 44-46). Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece 89 Because of their large numbers in the Pelopon- nese, both in the mountains and in the coastal islands of Hydra, Spetses and Poros with their vety substantial fleets, it has been argued that they provided the main military muscle which realised the nationalist dreams of the Ottoman Greek merchant class in the Revolution (Law- rence 2011: 37). A late 19th-centuty Turldsh writer identified two main 'cinsiyd-a term with a more limited meaning than 'nation' -in Greece: Albanian and Greek (Boyar 2007: 50). Despite their long history and positive con- tribution to the Greek nation, since the mid- dle of the 19th century Arvanitic populations have been stigmatised by a predominantly Athenian elite which sees itself as the 'purest representatives' of the Greek national iden- tity constructed in that century and which has traditionally viewed Arvanites as culturally degenerate, uncivilised, and marginal-a char- acterisation still accepted by the Athenian popu- lation at large (Gefou-Madianou 1999: 412-13 n. 2). Under Greece's long-standing Hellenisa- tion policy towards unadmowledged linguistic ('ethnic') alterities, Arvanites were considered particularly problematic in the later 19th and early 20th centuries. In the mid- and later 19th centuty, the Greek state's response to emerging Albanian nationalism and the eventual forma- tion of the Albanian state in 1913, and to claims that Albanians had largely replaced the original Greek population in late antiquity, was an intensive campaign of linguistic Hellenisation and assimilation (Sasse 1998: 51-52; Gefou- Madianou 1999: 420). The use of Arvanitika was particularly oppressively discouraged under the Metaxas dictatorship (1936-40). In the post-war period, further active and forcible imposition of Greek occurred, especially under the military junta (1967-74) (Sasse 1998: 55; Gefou-Madianou 1999: 420-21). Nevertheless Sasse (1998: 41) estimates that there are still over 300 communities in Greece of identifiable Arvanitic descent; Bintliff (personal communi- cation) considers this an underestimate. The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 Official Greek rhetoric clearly differentiat- ing Arvanites from modern Albanians (Alvani) (e.g. Bintliff 2003: 139; Forbes 2009: 102) only developed in the later 19th centuty as an artefact of the state's Hellenisation policy. Previ- ously, Arvanites and their language were simply considered Albanian (Greek Helsinld Monitor Minority Rights Group n.d.). In contrast to official differentiation between Arvanites and Albanian nationals, recent ethnographic studies describe Albanian migrants being recognised and accepted by Arvanitika-spealdng villagers as culturally related (Athanassopoulou 2005; Magliveras 2009; 2013). I have observed elderly inhabitants on the Methana peninsula convers- ing with Albanian migrants using Arvanitika in preference to Greek When I started conducting ethnographic stud- ies and they knew I was sympathetic, Methanites soon made me aware of their Arvanitic identity, emphasising that they were better Greeks than those from some other parts of Greece, whom they considered uncivilised, badly-behaved and violent. In Attica, while Arvanites highly value their distinctive language, culture and origins, directly challenging the dominant national dis- course on 'true' Greek identity, they prefer to hide it from non-Arvanites because of hostile reactions (e.g. Gefou-Madianou 1999: 416). Boeotian Arvanites whom Bintliff (2003) met were also reticent about publicly disclosing and monumentalising their alterity. Some Boeotian communities, however, seem prepared to adver- tise their Arvanitic heritage. A widely advertised reconstruction of an Arvanitic wedding was performed in the village ofMavrommati in June 2013, although the emphasis was on traditional music and dances, not material remains. 4 Nev- ertheless, when I visited this village for the first time in August 2013, those whom I met were not interested in discussing their Arvanitic her- itage with an unknown foreigner. It is evident from these examples and the substantial ethnographic and ethnolinguistic literature on Greece's Arvanites that there is 90 Forbes considerable variability in the readiness of people in different Arvanitic communities to identify themselves, which may sometimes be affected by very short-term political considerations (e.g. Gefou-Madianou 1999: 416). Thus, in one Arvanitis mountain community in the Pelopon- nese, some of the younger men present their Arvanitis identity very publically as a means of aggressively breaching cultural norms (Lawrence 2011: 40-41). Sasse (1998: 56-57), however, notes very mixed attitudes towards the spealc- ing of Arvanitika within Arvanitis populations, especially in villages in Attica and Boeotia. Gefou-Madianou (1999: 414) describes Arva- nitic identity in Attica as Greek in a national context, but Arvanitic in more localised con- texts. Thus there is considerable variability in Arvanites' readiness to self-identify, and they can take on multiple identities. These depend heavily on contingent factors, the specific social contexts of encounters, the structural position of the person being addressed, the spealcer's values and the overall context, conversational and social (Tsitsipis 2009; Magliveras 2013; see Scene 4 above, and also below). The desire for an articulate Arvanitis voice led to the foundation of a number of national and regional Arvanitis associations. Founded in 1981, the primary aim of the Arvanitis League of Greece, according to its former website (which was on-line in August 2012, but is currently unavailable; the site has come and gone over the years), was to research the contribution of Arvanites to Greece's history and to preserve their language and traditional songs. Signifi- cantly, while the website made no reference to ancient physical or monumental evidence of their origins, there was an emphasis on the primeval origins of Arvanites' civilisation. This seems to refer to a line of 20th-century scholarship accepted by some Arvanites-and also by a number of Albanian nationalists- that the original ancestors of Albanians and of Greece's Arvanites were the Pelasgians, a mythi- cal race that the ancient Greeks believed inhab- The Fund fOr Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 ited Greece before they arrived (Sasse 1998: 48, 55; de Rapper 2009). While those at the centres of power have emphasised their millennia-long ancestry from the Hellenes of ancient Greece (Gefou-Madianou 1999: 419-20), Albanians are now attempting to trump their cards historically by linking themselves to the prestigious 'original' inhabitants of Greece, older even than the Clas- sical 'ancestors', who subsequently transferred their civilisation to the Greeks, who are thus represented as merely parvenu inhabitants of the land (de Rapper 2009: 58-61). Nevertheless, because of the stigma of their non-Hellenic identity, Arvanites could not pub- licly own their historical roots. The recent major influx of ethnic Albanians following the collapse of communism in 1991 has given Arvanites further reasons not to acknowledge those roots (Gefou-Madianou 1999: 416; Bintliff 2003: 138). Of all the migrant groups in Greece in the 1990s and early 2000s at least, ethnic Albanians were the most visible, most reviled and most particularly associated with criminality in Greek social consciousness (Roughed 1997; Vidali 1999; Baldwin-Edwards 2004: 58-61). Alterity and Alternative Monuments: Methana In the face of the sorts of marginalisation dis- cussed here, what sorts of material past(s) do Methanites, as Arvanites, use to identify them- selves as 'proper' Greeks? To most Methanites, the impressive remains of the ancient city of Methana were less important parts of their cognitive maps of the landscape than the local cave, the highest peale or the most recent volcano (Forbes 2009: 101). Methanites' lack of interest in Classical antiquities is broadly paralleled by the situation in the Arvanitic village of Vasiliko near Corinth, located on the site of the ancient Greek city of Sikyon. Deltsou (2009: 181, 183) notes that the issue of how or even whether Vasilikariotes connect themselves to the ancient Classical past on which their village stands is complex. Villagers repeatedly stated that they, or 'the village', had no interest in antiquities Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece 91 (Deltsou 2009: 181, 187), yet they did not ignore them. As incomes from agriculture declined, they became aware of the need to develop the tourism which might be connected with their ancient site (see above on connections with tourism). However, the local museum which, it was hoped, would attract tourists and their cash, was closed after earthqualce damage and remained so for two decades. Many also noted that the Greek Archaeological Service was currently not working on 'their' site, whereas it was actively developing nearby sites. Their viewpoint was technically cor- rect, but ignored the existence of non-excavation survey projects on the site in which the Archaeo- logical Service was not the prime mover (e.g. Lolos et al. 2007; Sarris et al. 2008; Lolos 2011). Some Vasilikariotes used these concerns over the lack of clear direct involvement in their site by central governmental authorities to construct an anti-hegemonic discourse based on feelings of inferiority (Deltsou 2009: 181-84, 187). Methanites connected themselves neither with the glories of ancient monuments in Athens nor with the ancient sites on their peninsula. Yet they have considered themselves to be every bit as Greek as all other Greek citizens, and much better than some badly-behaved sections of the nation. Their most significant heritage site con- necting themselves to unimpeachable Greek- ness has been the fortifications constructed by the French philhellene Charles Fabvier on the peninsula's isthmus during the War of Independ- ence (Mee et al. 1997: 165-67). He considered Methana an ideal defensive location in which to train his force of international volunteers after it had recently received a severe mauling in action against Ottoman forces (StClair 1972: 291-92). Few buildings are easily visible now, but the main fortification remains readily identifiable (Figure 2). This structure is evidently the focus of con- siderable nationalistic pride. A large painting of the Greek national flag was placed there many Figure 2. The Kastro Favierou: Charles Fabvier's Revolutionary War fortification on the Methana isthmus. The Fund for MediterraneanArchaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 92 Forbes Figure 3. Two Greek national flags prominently displayed on the Kastro Favierou. years ago: the specific design was superseded in 1978. A second, slightly smaller version painted nearby is evidently later, since it uses the current design (Figure 3) (Army General Staff 2003; Breschi n.d.). Another, much smaller, painting of the Greek flag-yet another design-has been painted inside a gun-slit (Figure 4). Over the years that I have spent on their peninsula, Methanites have regularly empha- sised the importance of the Kastro Favierou (as it is known), as a monument and a statement of their community's contribution to mod- ern Greece's foundation. During the Methana Archaeological Survey the main fortification was initially thought to be Venetian. Methanites were very disappointed when I mentioned this possibility: for them it was specifically as a War of Independence monument that the ruins had their full meaning. The Fund fOr MediterraneanArchaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 There is only the one site of this era on the peninsula, however. The lack of other sites of this period on the peninsula is significant: some 40 years ago, during increased repression of Arvanites by the military dictatorship, Metha- nites felt it necessary to increase their links to this nationally formative period by construct- ing a second Revolutionary War monument in the form of a memorial stele (Figure 5). monument to the Revolutionary War fallen Methana commemorates the leader of a of Methanitis fighters, listing the uauu.ua1y revered leaders with whom they were and the battles in which they fought. It records that he gave his life for the cause independent Greece-the ultimate sacrifice. The monument is associated with church of Ayios Yeoryios, a focal point where Methanites from all over the peninsula and Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece 93 Greek flag-design used during the Revolutionary War, in a gun-slit of the Kastro Favierou. expatriates from other parts of Greece, especially Athens and Piraeus, gather in large numbers every year for the national celebration of St George's Day. This is the place which represents pan-Methana feeling most intensely. The stele's significance for Methanites seems to have grown over time. Until the 1980s it was tucked away on the margins of a large empty and dusty area surrounding the church. The area has since been landscaped and planted with trees: the stele now has a prominent place much closer to the church (Forbes 2007: 263-64, 370-74). The significance of the fort for Methanites also seems to have increased over time. In March 2013, a Methanitis journalist uploaded an article in an online organ describing itself as the first portal for Piraeus (the administrative centre for Methana's region) and shipping matters (Atha- nasiou 2013). He describes his participation in The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 the first ever flag-raising at the fort. He then tells the fort's history, emphasising that this was_ where Greece's regular army was born, and the central part it played during the War of Inde- pendence: 'Methana in 1826 became the centre of the struggle [for independence]'. He then mentions the contingent ofMethanites and their involvement in the Revolutionary War, specially noting that the name of their leader, who made the ultimate sacrifice, was Arvanitic. While Methanites cannot connect them- selves to this time through memory, there are visible monumental reminders, original and retro-constructed, via which they can associ- ate themselves with the events which founded the nation. Local patriotic pride and identity as worthy Greek citizens, therefore, is clearly focused on this aspect of Methanites' historical heritage. These material links, not the ancient 94 Forbes
. i'\ (liSP f\\!.TEQ2: KAl nATP!t1o;: nE:WNTE:i: MEOANITAI EN. TOll: IEPDil: TOY EONOYr IQANNH2: EK: 'K<:SN<:;nm:Hr !Jr!A.IPXHrDl; THZ EnANAZo,\[EQl: TOY 1821 -CEPiiO'TATON TON nooo;, 'c<!f I EY>:Ar THl:. bO:Iii ElL THN KAPLliAN 1QN fEKNQijr i:OY< Q f_AI\A'i. I\ AI i<i\AEI!Af NHTHP 'HPQQN 1 , .-. , . Ellh\EKTDN IQf1A EMBDN 11EPO'i._ KI1TA TAl: rJOAJOPV.IAl: KAI Tfll: liDNEfiBAIIM: IIETA T()Y .NIKHTAPA KAI E;il: T4 l;r' ..i.,; Hi; l'I'iti<l i(AI :1ETA TOY KI\PML:I<AI<i.4
EN llEPAXQPA l\OPINBIAl: '' .
0 I'iiu\o:nr TON E;: A8_fiNAil: K/,1 llEIP/IIE> ' 'lcOANIT9N rJlllll: YAI. if r ,::KHrtkciN,nli;;crvi,toN EN 1!w. Figure 5. Stele commemorating the leader of a Revo- lutionary War band of Methanites, set up in 1968. city ruins, connect Methanites to history and to the Greek nation: they also demonstrate Metha- nites' status as true patriots. Finally, on a somewhat speculative note, I return to Methanites' identity as thoroughly Greek yet simultaneously in contestation with those in the centres of power. The flag in Figure 4 seems inherently unofficial, being small and semi-hidden in the embrasure of a gun-slit, yet it may have considerable symbolic signifi- cance, reflecting the entanglement of Metha- nites' identity as 'others' with the overwhelming specialness for rural Greeks of their topos, the place where they live (Bernard 1976: 289). It is one of several different designs in simulta- neous use during the Revolution, but not the one described in the provisional government's The Fund fur MediterraneanArchaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 decree of 15 March 1822. Rather, it is a design that was especially popular in the Pelopon- nese, and which is frequently associated with one of the greatest war leaders of the revolu- tion, Theodhoros Kolokotronis (Army General Staff 2003; Breschi 2003-5; Greeka n.d.; Megas Odigos Ekpaidefieos n.d.). The connection to Kolokotronis seems logical, since the war band mentioned on the memorial stele served under his nephew, Nikitaras. However, although it might seem logical that a Peloponnesian site of this period should be associated with this flag design, I believe there are messages of contestation in its appearance here. Administratively spealcing, Methana and the immediately adjoining parts of the Pelopon- nese belong to Athens and Attica. They are thus administratively disconnected from the rest of the Peloponnese, to which they belong by all geographical logic: local government policy is dominated by the needs of the capital city, with which Methanites feel they have little in common. Secondly, Kolokotronis was a soldier, rather than a politician. Although now seen as one of the most influential individuals of the Revolutionaty War, he is also renowned for being regularly at loggerheads with the politi- cians in the new Greek government. He is also widely believed, as indicated by the metalitera- ture of numerous Greek internet sites, to have been an Arvanitis. In other words, while this lit- tle graffito can be read superficially as a straight- forward patriotic statement, it can also be read as a minor act of contestation in advertising simultaneously a regional and an ethnic alterity in opposition to the centres of power in Athens. Conclusion Over the last two decades, archaeological dis- cussion has tended to accept the message of those at the centres of power in Greece that a Classical and Hellenistic past is essential for a 'proper' Greek identity. This rhetoric serves to problematise and marginalise certain groups of Archaeology and the Making of Improper Citizens in Modern Greece 95 'others' whose alternative identities-which do not fit this particular past-have been the focus of other scholars, primarily anthropologists and legal specialists. I have attempted here to unite these two strands of scholarship, in outlining the nature of some of these alterities and the way in which the dominant archaeological dis- course has impacted on their identities. Since there is far more to be said on such complex issues than is possible here, I have focused on one of the less visible 'others' of the nation, the Arvanites, whose relationship with their own unique material heritage has been recently identified within the context of archaeological research in Boeotia (Bintliff2003). Arvanites evidently have very complex and vari- able relationships with their own alternative iden- tities and therefore their pasts, which have yet to be fully explored. Nevertheless, in how they link themselves to those pasts there seem to be clear differences between Methanites, who have readily valorised the 'specialness' of their place (physic- cally and metaphorically) in the Greek past, and Boeotian Arvanites. Although Bintliff (2003: 140-41) is not completely convinced that Boeo- tian Arvanites were as unconcerned with valoris- ing a past recently discovered via archaeological survey as they would have liked him to believe, they expressed no desire to connect themselves to it. The past uncovered there, however, was one primarily of sherd-concentrations, dots on maps, etc.-essentially an academic one, only readily accessible via a knowledge of the conventions of archaeology, a lcind of knowledge generally denied to all but a very few. There was no highly visible monument to which Boeotian Arvanites could link their historical identity. These remains also largely date to a period between Alexander the Great and the Greek Revolution, which is generally not foregrounded in the national his- torical imagination (Bintliff 2003: 137). The two cases therefore are not directly com- parable, because of differences in the lcinds of pasts on offer. Boeotian Arvanites' past(s) were not 'usable' (as defined by Brown and Hamilakis The Fundfor Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 2003b) in a dialogical process with a culturally and politically dominant Other, and could not be presented without explicitly referencing their ethnic alterity. In contrast, Methanites were able to treat the two monuments discussed here as symbolic capital because they linked them to a past which was highly 'usable' in presenting the specialness of their place within the context of a sub-set of the dominant discourse of the Greek national imagination. Part of that 'usability' relates to the monuments' multivocality. Its his- torical context is meaningful without reference to any alterity status. Yet it can simultaneously be a reminder of their Arvanitic origins and also act as the focus for minor acts of contestation which remind Methanites of their regional Pelopon- nesian heritage in opposition to those dominant Others in the capital. Acknowledgements Some of the ideas in this article lie in an invited lecture given at the Joulwwsky Institute for Archaeology and the Ancient World at Brown University in April 2009, and participation in an Archaeological Ethnographies Workshop on the island of Poros, Greece in May 2009. My warmest thanks to the Joukowsky Institute, and especially Omiir Harmanah, for the first invitation and to Yannis Hamilalcis and Aris Anagnostopoulos for the second. This article was written whi1e I was a Visiting Professor at Aarhus University, Denmark: warm thanks are also due to that university and especially the Institute for History and Area Studies for the invitation to such a pleasant and fruitful research environ- ment. Thanks for encouraging and helpful com- ments on an earlier draft are also due to John Bintliff, Lin Foxhall and Omiir Harmanah: likewise to JMA's reviewers, for their insights and advice. Particular thanks are due to Linos Papachristou for his kind permission to publish the illustrations in Figures 3 and 4. None of the above is in any way responsible for any infelicities in this work, nor the views expressed therein. 96 Forbes This article is dedicated to the memory of Chris Mee, who contributed so much to Meth- ana archaeology. About the Author Hamish Forbes recently retired as Associate Professor and Reader in Anthropological Archae- ology in the Department of Archaeology at Not- tingham University and is currently an Associate of that university. His research interests primar- ily involve the integration of ethnographic and archaeological approaches in the Mediterranean region, particularly Greece. His main focus is on social issues, and environmental concerns relat- ing to agriculture, pastoralism and the meanings of landscapes. He is the author of Meaning and Identity in a Greek Landscape: An Archaeological Ethnography (Cambridge University Press, 2007), and 'Off-site scatters and the manuring hypothe- sis in Greek survey archaeology: an ethnographic approach', Hesperia 82 (2013) 551-94. Notes 1. 'Monumentality', a term widely used in archae- ology but rarely defined, relates to items of material culture, normally though not exclu- sively immobile and of substantial size, which have important cultural resonance, normally associated in some way with memory. 2. One anonymous reviewer commented on the way in which Melina Mercouri, who started the campaign for the return of the marbles, appealed to 'base instincts within Greek society'. 3. This is not to deny the importance of sites such as Olympia and Delphi within the national imagination, but the hegemonisation of the discourse on identity by mostly Athenian elites means that the rhetoric focuses on Athens. 4. An advert for the event can be seen at sites including aliartaios (http:/ I aliartio. blogspot. co. uk/20 13/06/blog-post_65l.html), Leon- tari Thivon (http:/ lleontari-thivon.blogspot. co.uk/2013/06/blog-post_27.html) and palo, The Fund fur Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 References Abu Jaber, K.S. 1967 The millet system in the mnLewentJtl-ctnt. Ottoman empire. The Muslim World 57: 21 2 _ 23 . http:/ /dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.1%? tb01260.x Anderson, B. 2006 Imagined Communities: Reflections on the and Spread of Nationalism. Revised edn. and New York: Verso. Army General Staff (fsvtK6 EnttsA.Eio Ltpamu) 2003 H Ka9ttpro<Jil tllS EMTJVtKl']s <Jil!laias http:// web.archive.org/web/20070402084632/ http:// www.army. gr/ n/ g/ publications/ articles/Greek- FlagO/GreekFlag1 I. 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In the case of my own recent book, to which this issue of Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology has dedicated such generous reviewing space, the personal version goes back a long way, at least to the year 2000, when reading a newly emerged The Corrupting Sea alongside my own simultaneously published (if slighter) book on the early Cyclades made me forcibly aware of the parallels between the two, and the potentially greater antiquity of the world that the former described. Those similarities owe much to a convergence of belief in interaction- ist perspectives (in my case inspired by Andrew Sherratt), as well as to the social responses to the challenges and opportunities of a risky environ- ment identified by Paul Halstead, and last but not least to a shared conviction in the central- ity of islands to Mediterranean history-in my instance a lifelong gift of my doctoral supervi- sor, John Cherry. But a deeper, more directly indebted root can be discerned too, going back to Oxford in the early 1990s, and a series of lectures by Nicholas Purcell dedicated to a fundamental rethink of how the Mediterranean The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2014 islands operated, an experience that served as a midwife to my own half-formulated thoughts. And long before that, Peter Warren was the first to introduce me, as a Master's student at Bristol, to the idea ofBraudel as a gold standard of grand historical endeavour. All this meant that by the time several insti- tutions (not least my then home, the UCL Institute of Archaeology) furnished me with a once-in-a-lifetime chance to take extensive research leave, a complementary and more coherent myth, less indulgently biographical, and of the kind smiled upon more readily by funding bodies, was being explicitly composed in my mind and subsequently became realised through writing. It focused on a vety simple realisation that The Corrupting Sea and its pre- decessors had inadvertently identified a gigantic, unsolved Mediterranean problematic: how did the distinctive, dynamic world of the Middle Sea they had characterised and explored first come into being, and how might an archaeol- ogy armed with the full panoply of current information and techniques (both by now far more impressive than most later historians, I http:/ /dx.doi.org/1 0.1558/jmea.v27i1.1 01