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SPIRIT SERVANT:

NARRATIVES OF SHIKIGAMI AND ONMYD


DEVELOPMENTS









PANG CAROLYN
(B.A. (Hons.), NUS)












A THESIS SUBMITTED

FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

DEPARTMENT OF JAPANESE STUDIES

NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE

2009
i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Acknowledgements are more than a list of names; it is recognition of those
who have been crucial in making this thesis possible and gratitude to all the important
people in my life who have always inspired and supported me during my research.
Mentors are a crucial beacon to guide me when I felt lost during times of
confusion. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Scot
Hislop for his insightful advice, infinite patience and constant concern for my well-
being. Despite the inevitable stress and frustrations, my studies have always been a
journey of great enjoyment because of his continual support. I am immensely
indebted to Dr Lim Beng Choo for her constant emotional support and much-needed
guidance. I always find strength in her gentle and motherly concern to strive on. I
want to thank Professor Komine Kazuaki and Professor Masuo Shinichir who
warmly welcomed me to participate in their lectures and study groups at Rikkyo
University and provided valuable advice for my research. My sincere thanks to all the
professors of the Department of Japanese Studies who have in different ways shaped
my ideas, inspired new ways of thinking and fueled my passion for further studies.
My family means the world to me for they give me the strength to pursue my
dreams and make it through life. All my achievements are because of their firm
support. To my parents who give me much freedom, I am constantly thankful that you
are my parents. To my eldest sister, Fiona, for being a role model in life and bringing
two wonderful children into this world. To my elder sister, Jane, for always being
there and being the most honest critic of my thesis. To my brother, Richard, for
having faith in me and simply for being who he is. To my niece, Sharleen and godson,
James, for giving me emotional strength. To all my relatives, for being here for me.
ii
Friends are my treasured travel companions on this crazy adventure that we
call life. Let us continue to have fun together on this unpredictable life journey. To
Karen Feng, for making my life in Tokyo wonderful and memorable. To Yuen
Shumin, for being a wonderful buddy in study, tutorship, travel, fashion... in summary,
everything! To Kam Thiam Huat, for devotedly connecting all the JS batches. You are
the unsung hero of the department. To my long-time close friends, Kah Yen, Su Lynn,
Jau Chern and Chien Tee, for more than a decade of precious friendship and caring
support. To Letitia, Clarence, Serene, Esther, Karl and Susan for all their valuable
support, advices and companionship. To all JS students, for making my life in NUS
full of fond and cherished memories.
I owe much thanks to the Japanese Studies administration staff for making my
school life so much more enjoyable. To Ms Lee Bee Ling, for her good-natured
accommodation of my random moments and appreciation of my wacky antics. To Ms
Sheila Tang, for her generous sharing of snack rations to ensure my continued
existence in the department. To Mr Tan Kay Hoe, for patiently answering all my
questions and making my study at NUS easier.
In my course of research, I have benefitted from two grants. The Research
Scholarship from the National University of Singapore greatly made my graduate
studies financially easier. The Monbukagakusho scholarship from the Japanese
Ministry of Foreign Affairs was essential for advancing my research for this thesis in
Tokyo at Rikkyo University.
Acknowledgements are not meant as an ending note to list ones appreciation
for people who have helped to make this thesis possible but a reminder of important
things in life. I hope I will continue to have the love and support of all the above-
mentioned people in my ongoing journey in life and research.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ i
Table of Contents ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- iii
Summary ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- v
List of Figures -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- vii
Glossary --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- viii

Chapter 1 Introduction ------------------------------------------------------------------ 1
1.1 The Early Developments of Onmyd ----------------------------------------- 3
1.2 Methodological and Theoretical Issues ---------------------------------------- 5
1.3 Looking at the Spirit Servant through the Chapters ------------------------- 10
1.4 A Note about Semantics and Terminology ----------------------------------- 12

Chapter 2 Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami
in Contemporary Scholarship ------------------------------------------- 16
2.1 Shikigami as a Metaphorical Reference to Shikisen ------------------------ 17
2.2 Shikigami as a Representation of Human Cognitive Power --------------- 20
2.3 Shikigami as a Type of Utilizable Energy ------------------------------------ 23
2.4 Shikigami as a Magical Curse ------------------------------------------------- 25
2.5 Shikigami as a Supernatural Being -------------------------------------------- 27

Chapter 3 Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity -------------- 32
3.1 Metonymy of Shikisen: Makura-no sshi ------------------------------------ 34
3.2 Cause of Illnesses and Troubles: Shyki ------------------------------------ 38
iv
3.3 A Category of Magic Skill: Shin-sarugakuki -------------------------------- 41

Chapter 4 Developments in Shikigami Narratives:
From Augury to Assassin ------------------------------------------------ 49
4.1 Analytical Spy and Physical Materiality: kagami ------------------------ 51
4.2 Corporeality, Lethal Weapon and Knowledge-based Exclusivity: Konjaku
monogatari-sh ----------------------------------------------------------------- 54
4.3 Deadly Curse and Retaliation Spells: Uji-shui monogatari --------------- 61

Chapter 5 Shift in Shikigami Narratives:
From Spirit Servant to Unbridled Supernatural Signs ------------ 70
5.1 Loss of Control and Indiscriminate Harm: Zokukojidan ------------------- 71
5.2 Bridge Augury and Twelve Guardian Deities: Genpeijsuiki ------------- 77

Chapter 6 Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving? -------------------- 86
6.1 Adoption of Shikigami Narratives by Onmyd Institutions---------------88

Bibliography ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 93
Appendix 1. Shikigami Narratives ------------------------------------------------------ 104






v
SUMMARY

Despite its significant influence on the early history and religious practices of
Japan, Onmyd is a much-neglected strain of study in the Japanese fields of religious
and historical research due to its Sino-centric origins and position as an occult
practice. In this thesis, my interest lies in highlighting the role of Onmyd in early
Japanese history through a literary analysis of one of its emblems, the shikigami,
while at the same time, emphasizing the complex relationship between religion,
literature and history. Onmyd () which is literally translated as Way of Yin
and Yang or Japanese Yin Yang Theory, is a religious practice based on Chinese
Taoism employing Yin Yang theory and Theory of the Five Elements, and was
particularly influential during the Heian period. In view of the syncretic nature of
most Japanese religions, shikigami has the extraordinary position of being easily
identified as the emblem of Onmyd. However, its common identification in
contemporary times as a spirit servant controlled by the practitioners of Onmyd, the
onmyji, is a marked change from its early manifestation in Japanese classical
literature as an amorphous augury tool. I use the changing literary descriptions of
shikigami to trace the historical developments of Onmyd. Using passages from
such texts as Makura-no sshi, Shyki, Shin-sarugakuki, kagami, Konjaku
monogatari-sh, Uji-shui monogatari, Zokukojidan and Genpeijsuiki, I identify a
gradual change in literary descriptions of shikigami that paralleled the historical
developments in Onmyd from a philosophical proto-science to a magico-religious
practice through the centuries from the mid-Heian to early Muromachi period (early
eleventh to early fifteenth century period). The development of textual creations of
shikigami in tandem with changes in Onmyd reflects a symbiotic relationship
vi
between religion, literature and history. The subsequent adoption of later literary
descriptions of shikigami by the contemporary religious institutions of Onmyd such
as Seimei Shrine in Kyoto and Abe no Seimei Shrine in Osaka reveals mutual
influences between literature and religion and suggests the importance of literature in
shaping the way religious institutions construct their religious identity and practices.




















vii
LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 Shikigami statue ----------------------------------------------------------------- 90
Figure 2 Small-scale model of Ichij-modori Bridge -------------------------------- 90
Figure 3 Hand-phone strap on sale at Seimei Shrine -------------------------------- 90




















viii
GLOSSARY

The translations and explanations given here are mine.
kijin

Demon gods or invisible spiritual beings with super-
human powers. (It is also read as kishin or onigami.)
Onmyd

Way of Yin and Yang, Japanese Yin Yang Theory. (It
is also read as Inyd or Onyd.)
onmyji Master or diviner of Yin and Yang, yin-yang master. (It
is also read as onyji.)
Onmy-ry Ony Bureau, Bureau of Yin and Yang.
ony Theory of Yin and Yang. (It is also read as iny.)
shikigami ,
,

Frequently identified as a spirit servant to onmyji. (It
is also read as shikijin.) The three different Chinese
characters of , , are used to refer to
shikigami.
shikisen

A form of augury that employs a complex system of
mathematical calculations to match the dates and
times with the symbolic astrological signs on an
augury instrument called chokuban () to derive
the results. (It is also read as chokusen.)
shinsh Guardian deities or warrior gods.

1

_________________


CHAPTER ONE
_________________


INTRODUCTION


2
CHAPTER 1. Introduction

The image of Onmyd (, Way of Yin and Yang) as a superstitious
occult practice with Sino-centric origins has led to the tendency to occlude Onmyd
from mainstream scholarship and overlook its deep ties with Japanese historical
developments and its role in early Japanese social, cultural and religious history.
Through a study of literary descriptions of one of its emblems, shikigami, I seek to
highlight the significance of Onmyd in Japanese religiosity and early history and
emphasize the complex relationship between religion, literature and history.
Onmyd is a religious practice with a philosophical system based on Chinese yin-
yang thought and Theory of the Five Elements ( , gogy setsu) that had
developed independently in Japan. This system of beliefs requires a strict observance
of certain rites and taboos, and revolves around the use of augury and astrology-
astronomy calculations to foretell disasters and counter misfortune. A rudimentary
understanding of the religious structure and historical developments of Onmyd can
be found in a study of shikigami due to its position as an emblem of the Onmyd
tradition, specifically aspects concerning thaumaturgy.
My research does not concern itself with the ontological question about the
existence of shikigami but focuses on how Onmyd developments affected what
Japanese society believed and conceived shikigami to represent. Another focus of my
research is on the corresponding effects of such metaphorical conceptions of
shikigami on related Japanese classical literature of the early eleventh century to early
fifteenth century period. The time frame and topics of analysis in this thesis may
appear over-extensive but it is precisely my intent to trace the process where textual
constructions of shikigami were directed by developments in Onmyd and use this



CHAPTER 1. Introduction
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3
study of the relationship between literature and history to rework the traditional
scholarly perception of literary narratives as an insignificant and unreliable source of
social and cultural study.

1.1 The Early Developments of Onmyd
With the introduction of Chinese yin-yang thought and importation of
specialists of divination and calendar from Paekche
1
and books on Taoist arts of
invisibility and magic from the sixth century
2
, the history of Onmyd became
intrinsically tied with Japanese history. The arrival of Chinese Taoism and Yin Yang
Theory signaled a new development in Japanese religions as they subsequently
synthesized with early Shintoism that utilized Chinese geomancy and the yin-yang
system while mutually influencing Esoteric Buddhism and Shugend.
3
The earliest
reference to the existence of Onmyd is found in one of the oldest historical texts of
Japan, Nihon-shoki (, 720) where Kanroku (), a monk from Kudara (
, a kingdom in ancient Korea), was recorded as presenting related texts such as
calendar-making, astrology and magical arts to the Japanese court in 602.
4
The
bureaucratization of the practice of Onmyd began with the establishment of the
Onmy-ry (, Ony Bureau), an office of Yin Yang, during the reign of
Emperor Tenji (, r. 668-671).
5
The Onmy-ry was clearly positioned as a

1
Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, eds., The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2:
Heian Japan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 11.
2
Felicia G. Bock, trans. and annotate., Classical Learning and Taoist Practices in Early Japan with a
Translation of Books XVI and XX of the Engi-Shiki (Arizona: Arizona State University Center for
Asian Studies, 1985), 1-2.
3
Joseph M. Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 67.
4
Murayama Shichi, Nihon no onmyd to abe no seimei, Kokubungaku kaishaku to kansh. 853
Tokush: onmyji, abe no seimei to sono shhen 67, no. 6. (June 2002): 14.
5
Bock, Classical Learning and Taoist Practices, 4.



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4
state institution under the Taih-ritsury ( , Taih code) in 701
6
and
underwent reorganization under the Yr-ritsury (, Yr code) in 718.
7

Onmyd flourished as it was established as part of the state apparatus under the
Onmy-ry where its practitioners served the court and imperial family. The close
association of Onmy-ry with the imperial family and the use of Onmyd rituals
for both preventive and curative purposes among the Heian aristocrats served to
support and legitimize the spread of Onmyd practices.
By the tenth century, Onmyd, which literarily means, The Way of Yin and
Yang, became a widespread term and court officials serving in the Onmy-ry were
commonly known as onmyji (), which is literally translated as ony master or
yin-yang master.
8
Allan Grapard notes that the director [of the Onmy-ry] himself
was responsible for astronomy and the calendar, while he also observed and
interpreted climatic phenomena. In the advent of any abnormalities (, i) in the
natural cycles, he reported secretly to the emperor.
9
The influence of Onmyd
extended to the conferred ability of court onmyji to report directly to the emperor in
the event of any unusual astrological observations that might portend harm for the
country, yin-yang procedures that could affect the selection of the heir apparent to the
throne and even the changing of era names (, neng).
10
The importance placed on
Onmyd could be seen in Kuchizusami (), an influential textbook by Minamoto
no Tamenori (, ? - 1011) who had written it in 970 for the eldest son of

6
Yamashita Katsuaki, Heian-jidai no shkybunka to onmyd (Tokyo: Iwata Shoin, 1996), 26.
7
Allan G. Grapard, Religious practices, in The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2: Heian Japan,
eds. Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 547 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1999).
8
Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shkybunka, 24.
9
Grapard, Religious practices, 548.
10
Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History, 57.



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5
Fujiwara no Tamemitsu (), Matsuo-gimi ().
11
Kuchizusami became
widely used as a learning guide for young Heian aristocrats and heavily influenced
late Heian educational compendia. The encyclopedic guide listed various information
under nineteen categories that had titles such as Geography, Animals and
Periods within the Year.
12
Prognostication was given particular emphasis under the
major categories of Onmyd, Heavenly Phenomenon and Medicine.
13
The
influence of Onmyd was such that it became a required subject of learning for
Heian aristocrats. Although Onmyd found its origins in Chinese Taoism and yin-
yang thought, the rapid indigenization of Chinese cultural and religious influences
during the Heian period resulted in significant developments away from its Chinese
roots to create a new philosophical system that was distinctly Japanese. However, the
lack of official doctrines and definitive exegesis within the Onmyd tradition makes
it difficult to study this complex and diverse system of beliefs.

1.2 Methodological and Theoretical Issues
The ambiguity of Onmyd extends to its emblem, the shikigami where most
available materials hint at its multifarious abilities but none explain it. It is as though
shikigami had long existed as an axiomatic part of Onmyd tradition such that it
rendered any explanations redundant. When faced with such an ambiguous figure, it is
easy to realize the immediate problem of scope in its discussion. The challenge of
scope comes in two directions; one with the risk of running into reductionism and
stereotyping while ignoring evolutionary changes through the centuries. The other

11
Shively and McCullough, The Cambridge History of Japan, 348.
12
Ibid., 349-350.
13
Ibid.



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6
suffers from the problem of meandering through a confusing bedlam of historical
changes in time without offering a clear, coherent explanation. The second
retrospective approach of studying shikigami from a comparative analysis of
meanings through the centuries arose from the existence of a broad library of folk
literature, diary records and anthologies of historical, court and military tales. In my
initial research on shikigami, I took the first approach of studying its characteristics as
offered in Japanese tales, much as most Japanese scholars have attempted. Yet,
instead of deciphering this elusive entity, I found myself increasingly intrigued by
what its function is and what it pertains to the early Heian literati who read the tales
and even within the practice of Onmyd itself. If we simply look at the
characteristics of shikigami, there is a tendency to subsume it under the category of
supernatural beings without considering the deeper historical impact of its existence,
its significance in Japanese thought and role in Onmyd tradition. The concept of
shikigami was initially created because it serves a need and I attempt to find out what
that need was in my thesis. As such, I took the second approach of studying shikigami
through a comparative analysis of its textual constructions and the historical
developments of Onmyd to allow for a clear understanding of the concept of
shikigami. Through this, I hope to illustrate the close relationship between literary
narratives and the historical context.
Although there is a lack of official doctrines pertaining to shikigami in the
Onmyd tradition, it is this lack that allowed for the instrumental involvement of
literature in the construction of shikigami. Sait Hideki, a scholar committed to the
study of Japanese folklore, asserts that the myth of shikigami was not transmitted by
onmyji but was most likely a fictional knowledge (fikushonaru na ninshiki) initiated



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7
by society.
14
This concept of the myth of shikigami as a societal creation instead of
institutional prescription will be further examined in Chapters 3, 4 and 5 where I will
trace the developments of shikigami descriptions with an overview of the historical
developments of Onmyd. Due to an apparent lack of official documents that define
shikigami and consistent details from the diverse practice of Onmyd itself, I
referred to related Japanese classical literature to allow for an understanding of what
my thesis is discussing.
There are numerous tales about Onmyd in Japanese classical texts that
range from early eighth century to fifteenth century period. The texts of Mumysh
(), Tsukikarima-sh (), Nagatobon heike monogatari (
), Hjkudaiki ( ), Kokonchomon-j ( ), Ochikubo
monogatari ( ), Makura-no sshi ( ), Shyki ( ), Shin-
sarugakuki, (), kagami (), Konjaku monogatari-sh (),
Uji-shui monogatari (), Hosshin-sh (), Kojidan (),
Zokukojidan (), Genpeijsuiki () and Mineaiki () are
some examples of literary works which include tales about Onmyd. In my thesis, I
have chosen tales with the most prominent depictions of shikigami in my study. As
there are alternative ways to refer to shikigami, such as mono (, spirits of animals,
objects or other lower beings) or kijin (, demon gods) and different Chinese
characters are often employed in different texts which have ambiguous meanings that
may not relate to shikigami, tales that do not refer directly to them are not selected for
analysis in my thesis. I have specifically selected ten excerpts with prominent

14
Sait Hideki, Abe no seimei: onmy no dassha-nari (Kyoto: Mineruv Shob, 2004), 157.



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8
depictions of shikigami from the works of Makura-no sshi, Shyki, Shin-sarugakuki,
kagami, Konjaku monogatari-sh, Uji-shui monogatari, Zokukojidan and
Genpeijsuiki for analysis. As my interests lie in examining the symbolism of
shikigami, what it reflects about early Japanese society and its relationship with the
historical developments of Onmyd, I take a chronological approach towards the
analysis of texts to show how literary descriptions of shikigami transmuted and
acquired new attributes from the early eleventh century to early fifteenth century
period.
I do not attempt to construct a meta-narrative to explain the impetus behind
the construction of tales about shikigami. Instead, my intent is to highlight the
embeddedness of shikigami tales in the social context of their production. It is also
my intent to emphasize the symbiotic relationship between the developments of
shikigami tales and Onmyd to show the intricate relationship between religion,
literature and history. The disciplines of religious studies, literature and history have
long suffered from an anachronistic categorization into autonomous spheres of study
that neglected to understand or reconcile the interrelation among them. Such
subjective exclusion tends to overlook the underlying patterns of cultural practices
and social expressions for which a cross-disciplinary approach is necessary for a more
comprehensive understanding. Recent scholarship has acknowledged this problem of
rigid classification based on disciplines and is shifting towards a cross-disciplinary
approach to bridge the gap among the separated fields of religion, literature and
history. In tune with this cross-disciplinary development, Karen Winsteads study of
medieval English martyr legends acknowledges that legends are ahistorical and
unreliable as historical sources since their purpose was not to record what had



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9
happened but rather to celebrate patterns of holiness that gave shape to history [italics
are my own].
15
Legends reveal underlying cultural and religious patterns that provide
a new perspective to the study of the past while reaffirming the subjectiveness of
literature.
My study of shikigami myths through an interweave of related literary tales
and historical diary records attempts to extract patterns of thought and highlight the
function of literary narratives as providing alternative perspectives to official
historical narratives. I follow David Bialocks idea of the symbolic discourse of
texts
16
which focuses on the representative and performative functions of literary
texts and recognizes the embeddedness of texts in the material conditions of their
production (including their graphic form) and the ways in which they intersect with a
variety of doctrinal, ritual and symbolic practices.
17
Bialock highlights the problem
of the separation of literature from history due to the refutation of literary texts as a
source of cultural practices and social ideologies. The misleading idea of historical
documents as the only reliable source of facts and evidence tends to inhibit the
use of literary sources in historical studies. As literary texts are regarded as rooted in
the social environment of their production, the recognition of their symbolic function
would allow for a better assessment of their role in representing cultural and social
practices and their effect on certain ideologies, irrespective of their historicity or
factual accuracy.
18
I attempt to present a more complex picture of Japans ancient
period where lines of cultural and religious influence were fluid and multilateral

15
Karen A. Winstead, ed. and trans., Chaste Passions: Medieval English Virgin Martyr Legends
(Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2000), 2.
16
David T. Bialock, Eccentric Spaces, Hidden Histories: Narrative, Ritual, and Royal Authority from
The Chronicles of Japan to The Tale of Heike (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2007),
34.
17
Ibid., 9.
18
Ibid.



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10
rather than a single direct, top-down trajectory. The assumption that the agents of
literary creations were only the aristocratic class would unduly discredit the
contribution of other classes and defeat my purpose in validating the symbolic value
of literary narratives. In order to avoid such a prescriptive assumption, my reference
to the participants in the textual constructions of shikigami in this thesis refers to the
literate class, which in other words refers to anyone who had access to literary
materials and immediate participation in the creation of literary texts.

1.3 Looking at the Spirit Servant through the Chapters
Shikigami is not a common folk belief figure of worship like kitsune (,
foxes) or deified individual with historical origins like Kitano cults Sugawara no
Michizane (, 845 - 903) but an esoteric figure of imagination existing
mainly in classical literature and diary records. Thus, we need to establish a
fundamental understanding of it before embarking on further discussion. The
investigation of the characteristics of shikigami has already been attempted by a few
Japanese scholars in their research on Onmyd. I will trace this image of shikigami
that has been formed by prevalent conceptions held by contemporary scholarship in
Japan in Chapter 2.
The over-reliance on classical literature without further attempt to examine the
historical and religious implications of shikigami is a common tendency among many
Japanese scholars. This tendency often fails to transcend a superficial interpretation of
what shikigami signifies. Furthermore, the scholars use of different periods of
comparison results in differing and sometimes, conflicting definitions of what
shikigami is. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 are an attempt to rectify these problems where I will



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11
proceed with a descriptive analysis of shikigami based on specific Japanese tales and
diary records as what most Japanese scholars had done previously, but I situate my
analysis of the texts within a historical context dictated by the developments of
Onmyd.
The encounter with shikigami in my research reveals a close connection
between textual constructions of shikigami and the historical developments of
Onmyd where descriptions of shikigami in literary texts and historical diaries
adjusted to the new circumstances when changes in Onmyd took place. This
continual textual construction of shikigami was a fluid and active process that was
surprisingly sensitive to the changes in Onmyd and nuances of social expectations.
I will show in Chapter 3 how early records of shikigami presented it as a metaphoric
reference to an augury tool. In Chapter 4, I will show how later texts described
shikigami as possessing material physicality and developing anthropomorphic
characteristics. Chapter 5 is a continued discussion of the literary developments of
shikigami where I attempt to highlight its transformation from a spirit servant bound
to its master onmyji to an uncontrollable element that appears of its own free will as
a reflection of the shifting influences of Onmyd. The intent for studying the tales of
shikigami goes beyond establishing a definition for this ambiguous figure to
uncovering the influences behind its textual creation and presenting the relationship
between literary descriptions of religious icons and the historical context. To
understand what shikigami denotes is in other words, to identify the rationalization
process behind textual constructions of this Onmyd emblem. The ambiguity of
shikigami has led to the coining of the epithet spirit servant by several Japanese and
English language scholars as a simple description of shikigami, of which I have



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12
employed as part of the main title of this thesis. The term spirit servant is
particularly suited to my intention of positing the questionable functions of shikigami
narratives as shown in the title of the concluding chapter, Who is the Spirit Servant
Serving? which presents a rhetorical question that reiterates the main concern of this
thesis: To whom does it serve in actuality? Although the common understanding is
that shikigami acts as a spirit helper to onmyji, a deeper probe into the circumstances
surrounding the construction of its myths and the subsequent adoption of this
fictional knowledge by contemporary religious institutions of Onmyd question
the functions of shikigami narratives. It also highlights the issue of whether its
existence was meant to serve the intentions of the institution of its belonging, its
literary creators or the readers.

1.4 A Note about Semantics and Terminology
As some of the main terms used in this thesis have various readings and
embody complex ideas, it is necessary to make a note here about semantics and
terminology to allow for a clear understanding of what is being discussed in this thesis.
The Japanese language has a complex linguistic system with Chinese characters
having various pronunciations and meanings based on their on and kun readings. As
such, there are alternative readings for Onmyd (), such as Onyd and
Inyd, while yin-yang masters are referred to as onmyji () or onyji. A
special mention has to be made here about the complexity and controversy embodied
in the term Onmyd. In his book, David Bialock highlights two points concerning
the controversy in scholarship about Onmyd. The first is the conventional method
of employing a hierarchical emphasis between foreign and indigenous which



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13
effectively translates to the comparison of elite versus popular tendencies. Under this
conventional scholarship, yin-yang refers in effect to two rather different sets of
practices: one that was gradually disseminated to Japan by populations of immigrants
arriving from the continent and a second based on a textual tradition that was
transmitted directly to the court.
19
This deliberate separation has led some scholars to
adopt the term yin-yang thought (iny shis) to distinguish between the intellectual
system of correlative cosmology based on the yin-yang five agents cycles (iny
gogy), which had an elaborate textual tradition, and the term onyd
20
to refer to
magical techniques (jujutsu) used in geomancy, purification, and other ritual
practices.
21

The second point is the recent scholarship approach of studying Onmyd
from the perspective of cultural hybridity that even when the tension between
popular and elite tendencies is stressed, as is the case for Masuo Shinichir, the
popular tends to be treated as a dissonant rather than a merely indigenous voice,
which participates in the same hybrid culture that is shared by the elites.
22
Yamashita
Katsuaki points out the same complexity embodied in the term iny (, also read
as ony, Yin Yang) where early Heian records showed that two broad concepts
existed when referring to iny. One concept referred to a superior form of philosophy
distilled from the combination of different thoughts and the second referred to the
skills possessed by the onmyji serving in the Onmy-ry.
23
As the later Heian period
saw an increasing diversification of the duties of onmyji from augury to include

19
Bialock, Eccentric Spaces, Hidden Histories, 35.
20
This is an alternative reading of Onmyd which David Bialock had used in his book. I retained the
same reading employed by Bialock to ensure that the meanings intended by him through the use of this
word will not be lost.
21
Bialock, Eccentric Spaces, Hidden Histories, 35.
22
Ibid., 36.
23
Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shkybunka, 23.



CHAPTER 1. Introduction
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

14
other forms of rituals and purification rites, concepts about iny expanded and
developed further variations.
24

Another mention to be made here is the complexity embodied in the concept
of shikigami. The various readings of shiki, shiki-no-kami and shiki-jin, and
different Chinese characters of , and are used to refer to shikigami.
The single Chinese character, is sometimes used to represent shikigami. In the
Japanese dictionary, Nihon kokugo daijiten, shikigami is described as a kijin (,
demon god) who is commanded by the yin-yang masters of Onmyd and possesses
the ability to freely morph and perform marvelous magic.
25
Another Japanese
dictionary, Kjien gives the same explanations of shikigami as being under the
commands of onmyji and having shape-shifting and magical abilities but described it
as a seirei (, spirit, ghost or genie) instead.
26
The use of terms referring to
different types of supernatural entities to define shikigami arose from the ambiguity of
shikigami and lack of information about its origins. As I will show in Chapter 2, there
are many different definitions for shikigami of which the dictionaries of Nihon kokugo
daijiten and Kjien have presented the most common definition of shikigami.
For the purpose of clarity, I will refer to Japanese Yin Yang Theory as
Onmyd and the focus of my research, shikigami as shikigami. In places where
scholars or literary texts use alternatives readings, I retain the same terms employed
by them but highlight the differences using brackets { }. Japanese and Chinese names
are given in their native forms with family or clan names preceding given names. I
retain the original calendar dates and imperial year names recorded in Japanese

24
Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shkybunka, 23.
25
Seisen-ban: nihon kokugo daijiten, vol. 2, ed. Shgakukan kokugo jiten henshbu. (Tokyo:
Shgakukan, 2006), 248.
26
Kjien, 6th ed., ed. Shinmura Izuru (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2008), 1205.



CHAPTER 1. Introduction
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

15
literary texts but supplement it with corresponding dates based on the Gregorian
calendar for easy reference. I consulted Kjien (6th ed. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten,
2008), Kokushi daijiten (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kbunkan, 1979-97) and Nihon kokugo
daijiten (2nd ed., vol. 6. Tokyo: Shgakukan, 2001) for the verification of Japanese
terms, names and dates. For the translation of Japanese official titles, I generally
follow the translations listed in Helen Craig. McCullough and William H.
McCulloughs A Tale of Flowering Fortunes. I referred to Nihon koten-bungaku
daijiten (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1998) for the verification of periods of production of
cited texts. I referred to Zuixin hanyu dacidian (Selangor: United Publishing House
(M) SDN.BHD., 1997), Zhongguo fangshu dacidian (Guangdong: Zhongshan
University Publishing, 1991) and A Chinese-English Dictionary (Revised Edition)
(Peking: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 1997) for the verification of
Chinese terms.

16

_________________


CHAPTER TWO
_________________


PREVALENT CONCEPTIONS OF SHIKIGAMI
IN CONTEMPORARY SCHOLARSHIP

17
CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship

An overview of literature about shikigami shows variations in the way it is
described through the centuries, which has consequently resulted in different
understandings about this entity in contemporary Japanese scholarship. As Japanese
scholars have employed different literary texts and time periods for analysis, this has
produced varied and sometimes contradictory definitions of the shikigami. In this
chapter, I present definitions from Japanese classical texts and scholarship on
Onmyd to allow for a broad understanding of current interpretations of shikigami.
The purpose here is to show that the various definitions are due to different
conceptions of shikigami in contemporary scholarship which has neglected to take
into account the changing significance of shikigami through the centuries. From the
study of contemporary research on Onmyd, I have categorized the various
definitions of shikigami offered by Japanese scholars into five main ideas: A
metaphorical reference to shikisen ( , chokusen, a form of augury based on
complex calculations involving dates, times and astrological signs), a representation
of human cognitive power, a type of utilizable energy, a magical curse and lastly, a
supernatural being.

2.1 Shikigami as a Metaphorical Reference to Shikisen
Japanese scholars such as Suzuki Ikkei, Murayama Shichi, Toyoshima
Yasukuni, Suwa Haruo and Sait Rei have suggested an association of shikigami with
the augury tool of shikisen in view of the primary duties of the onmyji as a master of
divination since the Heian period. Suwa Haruo points out that it was stated in the
eighth century book of codes, Yr-ritsury () which set the regulations and



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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18
duties of the Onmy-ry, that one of the Onmy-rys duties was senzei (). This
is a form of augury using augury sticks and principles based on the Book of Changes
(, I-Ching).
1
Court onmyji were regarded as responsible for the tasks of augury
and predictions which subsequently augmented their image as diviners.
During the Heian period, an onmyji was often consulted in the event of a ke
(, , strange occurrence), where he used shikisen to determine if the unusual
occurrence held further implications. Onmyji specialized in shikisen, particularly the
rikujin-shikisen (), a type of complex augury calculation that was said to
have been introduced into Japan during the late sixth to early seventh century.
Shikisen was widely used by practitioners of Onmyd in the Nara period until the
mid-sixteenth century where it was replaced by ekisen (), a type of augury
calculation derived from the Book of Changes.
2
During the shikisen session, a specific
device called the chokuban ( ), an elaborate instrument comprising of two
attached rotating panels, with one round panel called tenban (, Heaven panel),
placed on top of a square panel called jiban (, Earth panel)
3
, was used. Both
panels have twelve cardinal points; with the cardinal points in the Heaven panel being
referred to as the jni-gatsush (, twelve guardians of the months) and the
cardinal points on the Earth panel being named the jni-shi (, twelve signs of
the East Asian zodiac).
4
The Heaven panel is usually rotated during augury
calculations. In order to derive the final meaning of the reading, the jni-gatsush and

1
Suwa Haruo, Abe no seimei densetsu (Tokyo: Chikuma Shob, 2000), 73.
2
Yamashita Katsuaki, ed., Abe no seimei to onmyd (Tokyo: Kawade Shob, 2004), 64-66.
3
I have translated the explanations according to the descriptions provided in Suzuki Ikkeis paper,
Shikigami no kigen ni tsuite, Shky gakuron-sh 20 (April 1998): 49-60.
4
The translation is mine.



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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19
the jni-shi have to be carefully coordinated through mathematical calculations to
match the dates and times with the symbolic astrological signs. Onmyji would then
use the result to ascertain if the ke had any detrimental effects and advise what actions
should be taken to alleviate them.
Suzuki Ikkei sees ke as an important factor in the association of shikigami
with shikisen, taking examples from historical diaries such as Teishinkki (,
907-948), Midkanpakuki (, 995-1021) and Shyki (, 978-1032)
to illustrate the broad and varied definitions of ke. Ke might first appear as
commonplace, nondescript occurrences such as a crow dropping its excrement on
someone, and it required a knowing eye to recognize the deeper implications behind
such incidences. Suzuki emphasizes that ke is a sign of forthcoming calamity, not the
disaster itself, and shikigami acts as the trigger to bring attention to ke while shikisen
works to interpret the signs given by ke and unveil the meanings in it.
5
The close
relationship with shikisen positions shikigami as a personified embodiment of an
onmyjis ability in identifying the ke and his remarkable powers of prediction.
6
With
the comment that shikigami () shares the same first Chinese character as shikisen
(), Suzuki claims that shikigami is actually a shiki-no-kami () or kami
of the shikisen (god of the shikisen).
7
The idea of shikigami as a deified
representation of shikisen is supported by Murayama Shichi who argues that the
chokuban was regarded as a sacred spiritual object (shinsei misare-reibutsu) which

5
Suzuki, Shikigami no kigen ni tsuite, 60.
6
Ibid., 61. Suzuki will repeat this same idea in his 2001 paper on shikigami, Shikigami to shikigami
towo meguru mondai. Shky gakuron-sh 21 (March 2001): 29, where he gives a further description
of it being an animistic element.
7
Ibid., 61-62.



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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20
shaped ideas of shikigami as a spiritual entity.
8
Murayama also points out that the two
shikigami which Abe no Seimei ( , 911-1005), a famous onmyji who
served six emperors from Emperor Suzaku (, r.930-46) to Emperor Ichij
(, r.986-1011), was fabled to command is a symbolic representation of the
chokubans Heaven and Earth panels.
9
Suwa gives more details about the close
relationship between shikigami and shikisen by explaining that the twelve shinsh (
, guardian deities or warrior gods) which legends claimed Abe no Seimei
commanded, were likely based on the twelve cardinal points on the chokubans Earth
panel that relate to the jni-shi.
10
Although jni-shi do not possess a clear identity,
they were given characteristics of divinity in Onmyd and existed as shugojin (
, guardian gods or protector spirits) that were often invoked during rites.
11
The
established status of onmyji as a diviner since the Heian period and the prevalent use
of shikisen and chokuban during augury sessions by onmyji lead some Japanese
scholars to propose that shikigami was initially perceived as a physical personification
of the onmyjis mastery over shikisen and uncanny powers of prediction, which
resulted in the deification of shikisen through the shikigami and the use of to
represent shikigami () in reference to shikisen ().
12


2.2 Shikigami as a Representation of Human Cognitive Power

8
Murayama, Nihon no onmyd to abe no seimei, 16.
9
Ibid.
10
Suwa, Abe no seimei densetsu, 74.
11
Ibid., 75.
12
Japanese scholars, such as Suzuki Ikkei, Murayama Shichi, Toyoshima Yasukuni, Suwa Haruo and
Sait Rei have suggested in their research on Onmyd that shikigami is a deified personification of
shikisen.



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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21
Suzuki provides another perspective of shikigami where he views the inter-
changeable use of the Chinese character, (shiki, consciousness) with in
reference to shikigami (, ) in late Heian literary texts as a reflection of
human cognition. He provided several examples of shikigami () in Buddhist
texts, such as Bosatsushotaikei ( ), which defined it as an
anthropomorphic realization of the active psychological or mental state (shiki, ).
13

Suzuki is one of the few Japanese scholars in the field of Onmyd research to
attempt the study of the origins of shikigami and his early efforts to identify the
source of shikigami take the approach of examining examples from Konjaku
mongatari-sh (, 1120) and Uji-shui monogatari (, 1213-
1221) and using the religious backdrop of the two anthologies of tales to present the
idea that shikigami was conceived from a Buddhist term describing a physical
manifestation of the psychological state.
14
In a 2001 paper, Suzuki seeks to expound
his definition of shikigami by relating it to Buddhist concepts of consciousness and
Japanese beliefs in spirit possession such as tsuki-mono (, spirits of animals,
objects or other lower beings that possess humans).
15
His reference to Buddhist ideas
of consciousness is meant to reveal the abstract and psychological aspects of
shikigami while the comparison with Japanese spirit possession is intended to identify
the physical and behavioral aspects.
To establish the origins of shikigami, Suzuki did an etymological examination
of the meanings embodied in the different Chinese characters used to represent
shikigami. He listed and grouped the different Chinese characters used in Japanese

13
Suzuki, Shikigami no kigen ni tsuite, 54.
14
Ibid., 53-4.
15
Suzuki, Shikigami to shikigami towo meguru mondai, 25-39.



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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22
classical texts and concluded that the Chinese character, was initially used in the
early Heian period but was later inter-changeably used with in reference to
shikigami (, ).
16
As mentioned in an earlier section, Suzuki is one of the few
Japanese scholars who speculates that the use of for shikigami () was initially
intended as a metaphorical allusion to onmyjis mastery over shikisen ().
17
After
a study of the religious background of Konjaku mongatari-sh and comparisons with
Buddhist texts to examine the meanings behind , Suzuki surmises that despite
referring to the same entity in Onmyd, the use of to represent shikigami
suggests that it is later viewed as a form of anima rather than augury abilities. Suzuki
proposes that is a collateral existence produced by the active psyche which
possesses autonomous control over the consciousness (, shiki).
18
The concept of
shikigami as a type of spontaneous energy or vital force produced by the active
psyche resulted in an anthropomorphic treatment of it which meant that the symbolic
role of shikigami as the indispensable aid to onmyji is in effect, a narration of the
onmyjis personified will and consciousness.
19
Suzuki claims that shikigamis
position as a metonymy of the onmyjis will, consciousness and knowledge explains
why descriptions of shikigami in classical Japanese literary texts often portrayed it as
invisible to human eyes.
20
In this context, he interprets the encounter between Abe no
Seimei and the Harima onmyji, Chitoku () in The Tutelage of Abe no Seimei

16
Suzuki, Shikigami to shikigami towo meguru mondai, 28-29.
17
Ibid.
18
Ibid., 36.
19
Ibid.
20
Ibid.



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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23
under Tadayuki, Tale 16
21
of Konjaku mongatari-sh, as a competition of mental
strength rather than magic skills.
22
He argues that shikigami is a literary
representation of Chitokus will and psychological intention to assess Seimeis
capabilities. When Chitoku faced Seimei, competitive desire overtook him and
weakened his state of mind, causing him to lose sight of his original intention. As
such, he lost control over his will, his shikigami, which allowed Seimei to
overcome and conceal his shikigami. In other words, Seimei and Chitokus battle of
wits is actually a struggle of control over ones own will and desire. Suzukis concept
of shikigami as a form of human cognitive power is a fascinating interpretation that
highlights a psychological approach towards the study of shikigami and suggests a
possible influence of Buddhism on Onmyd philosophical ideas since the late Heian
period.

2.3 Shikigami as a Type of Utilizable Energy
The concept of shikigami as a form of energy that can be tapped from existing
natural elements is derived from literary descriptions of onmyji conjuring shikigami
from specific objects or animals. Examples of shikigami as a form of utilizable energy
can be found in Toyoshima Yasukunis detailed glossary of Onmyd terms that
describes shikigami as a kaky-no-reitekisonzai (, low-ranking
spiritual existence) that is commanded by onmyji and usually conjured from human-
shape items made from paper or grass, or animals such as dogs or foxes.
23
In Suwas

21
The translation is mine. The original title is Abe no seimei, tadayuki ni shitagaite michi wo
naraukoto dai-jroku (). A synopsis and discussion of the tale is
provided in Chapter 4.
22
Suzuki, Shikigami no kigen ni tsuite, 54.
23
Toyoshima Yasukuni, Shikigami, Kokubungaku kaishaku to kansh. Tokush 853: onmyji, abe
no seimei to sono shhen 67, no. 6 (June 2002): 137.



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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24
examination of the historical context behind the legends of Abe no Seimei, he takes
literary examples from texts such as Shin-sarugakuki (, 1052), kagami (
, mid-eleventh to early twelfth century), Uji-shui monogatari and Genpeijsuiki (
, end fourteenth to early fifteenth century), to classify shikigami
characteristics. He then uses the classification of shikigami characteristics to identify
two main traits; the first trait refers to magic that utilizes the innate powers of objects
to carry out tasks and the second is that of the role of a kaky-no-kenzoku-shin (
, lower-ranking deities attached to Buddhist divinities).
24
Suwa gives
literary examples of Seimei using a leaf to kill a toad or controlling a piece of paper to
do his bidding as indicative of the employment of an objects inner powers to perform
tasks
25
and defined shikigami as magic that allows onmyji to draw on the innate
powers of objects and command divine powers to do his bidding.
26
He refers to the
Tai-na (, annual court purification rite) ceremonial procedures described in Engi-
shiki (, a collection of Engi-era rules and regulations that was compiled in 927)
and the usage of specific objects such as reed arrows and bows, staffs and shields
made from peachwood as suggestive of the prevalent Heian beliefs in the innate
powers of certain objects and the employment of such objects in ritual tasks.
27
Felicia
Bocks explanations of the ritual instruments listed in Engi-shiki echoes Suwas idea
by elaborating that the bows and staffs of peachwood demonstrate the Chinese belief
in the efficacy of the wood of the peach tree for warding off evil.
28
The construction
of shikigami was influenced by the idea of ki (), a Taoist concept that refers to an

24
Suwa, Abe no seimei densetsu, 79.
25
Ibid.
26
Ibid., 90.
27
Ibid., 80-2.
28
Bock, Classical Learning and Taoist Practices, 83.



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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25
inner life-force or essence which is believed to exist everywhere and in everything
from animate to inanimate objects. The inherent essence in objects can be utilized by
magic spells and the process that involves the utilization of this innate energy and its
resulting effect is termed shikigami. The onmyji is dependent on objects that
possess the energy, such as a leaf or paper, and magical incantations to summon the
powers existing within the relevant objects, which implies that shikigami is seen as a
naturally-existing energy instead of internal magical prowess cultivated through
individual spiritual practice. This animistic view of shikigami as an external form of
energy that onmyji can utilize runs into the problem of identifying the nature of
energy that it originated from. However, an examination of the deeper significance
behind this animistic definition suggests that shikigami is actually a means through
which the onmyji controls the innate energy in natural elements with magical
incantations. The concept of shikigami as a type of magic spell to control objects
imparts a magico-religious aura to Onmyd.

2.4 Shikigami as a Magical Curse
Miura Ry elaborates more on the magico-religious aspect of shikigami by
describing it as a form of human-created magical curse. Miuras idea of shikigami as
a magical curse differs from Toyoshima and Suwas concept of shikigami as energies
inherent in objects that are tapped by onmyji through the use of spells. Instead, he
sees shikigami as the epitome of Onmyd magic spells and refers to the tales in
kagami, Kojidan ( , 1212-1215), Konjaku mongatari-sh, Uji-shui
monogatari and Genpeijsuiki in his paper to draw out various facets of shikigami,
such as a helper spirit who carries out mundane chores or a fearful kami with killing



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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26
abilities, but he admits that none of the characteristics can be clarified or proven in
present-day scholarship.
29
Miura studies the relationship between Onmyd and
magic by focusing on magic spells in Onmyd tradition in his paper with an
emphasis on jujutsu (, magic spells and incantations) and juh (, magic
rituals)
30
which he sees as having been influenced by fuko () and the Taoist
magic of goraih (), a spell that controls supernatural elements such as ghosts
and fox spirits.
31
Fuko (), or gu () in Mandarin, is a Chinese poisonous curse
that is created by sealing five venomous creatures such as centipede, toad, snake,
scorpion and gecko in a sealed jar and letting them devour each other. The sole
surviving creature is believed to be the most powerful as it contains the venom of the
other creatures and it becomes the gu which is used to carry out spells and cause the
victim to be under the control of the spell-caster.
32
Hu Xin Sheng explains that the
magic of gu is said to employ the use of poisonous insects that have the qualities of
evil ghosts and goblins to attack people which reinforced beliefs of its highly
poisonous and shape-shifting attributes.
33
Chinese folk beliefs have a great variety of
gu, such as snakes, dogs, cats, lizards, toads, silkworms and centipedes. These can fly,
swim, transform shapes, illuminate, appear and disappear without a trace.
34
During
the early Qin period of China, it was believed that victims who suffered from an
illness inflicted by a gu attack would be in a state of mental confusion as if possessed
by spirits, and gu owners would use magic to command gu to fly into food or drinks

29
Miura Ry. Onmydo to majinai, Kokubungaku kaishaku to kansh. 853 Tokush: onmyji, abe no
seimei to sono shhen 67, no. 6 (June 2002): 32-33.
30
Ibid., 32-35.
31
Ibid.
32
Hu Xin Sheng, Zhongguo gudai wushu (Jinan: Shandong Renmin Publishing, 1999), 370.
33
Ibid.
34
Ibid.,371-2.



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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27
and bring all kinds of illnesses through the gu till the victim died, or even stealthily
shift the victims wealth to the gu owners houses.
35
A more sinister aspect of gu is its
ability to allow its owner to control the soul of the dead victim.
36
Miura sees similar
characteristics between gu and shikigami. He takes the tale of an onmyji, Dma (
) from Kojidan and Uji-shui monogatari, whose act of sealing a curse in an earthen
pot to harm Fujiwara no Michinaga ( , 966-1027) as indicative of gu
practices and refers to Genpeijsuiki to suggest that shikigami could also be gu in
human form.
37
By relating shikigami to gu magic spells, Miura presents shikigami as
a form of malignant human-created curse rather than energy tapped from naturally-
existing elements. Miuras study of shikigami from the perspective of gu associates
magic rituals in Onmyd tradition with Chinese magic spells and suggests that the
development of Onmyd into a magico-religious practice was influenced by Chinese
magical practices.

2.5 Shikigami as a Supernatural Being
The most common idea of shikigami presented by Japanese scholars is that of
a supernatural being under the command of onmyji. The dictionaries, Nihon kokugo
daijiten and Kjien define shikigami as a supernatural attendant to onmyji and most
Japanese scholars generally identify shikigami as a spirit servant that can be
commanded by onmyji to change forms, carry out multiple tasks or perform
unbelievable feats, though different terms are given to denote the type of supernatural
being that it is. Some scholars such as Tachibana Kenji, Kato Shizuko, Kawaguchi

35
Hu, Zhongguo gudai wushu, 371-2.
36
Ibid.
37
Miura, Onmydo to majinai, 33.



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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28
Hisao, Miki Sumito, Matsuo Satoshi and Nagai Kazuko describe shikigami as a kijin
(, demon gods or invisible spiritual beings with super-human powers) in their
annotations of Japanese classical texts. Komine Kazuakis annotation of Konjaku
monogatari-sh identifies it as a kaky-shin (, lower-ranking subordinate
deity)
38
while Mabuchi Kazuo calls it a seirei (, spirit, ghost or genie).
39
Harima
Mitsutoshis annotation of Zokukojidan (, 1219) refers to it as a reijin (,
spiritual being or deity that performs striking miracles).
40
Annotations in Japanese
classical texts establish shikigami as a supernatural being though it is uncertain as to
whether it should be viewed as a spirit (seirei), lower-ranking deity (kaky-shin,
reijin) or demon god (kijin). The difficulties in expressing the complex ideas
embodied in shikigami can also be seen in Western translations of Japanese classical
texts where scholars such as Helen Craig McCullough refers to it as spirit
41
, Royall
Tyler opts for genie
42
while D.E. Mills uses familiar.
43
Michael Bathgate
identifies it as spirit-familiar in his discussion of signification in Japanese religion
and folklore.
44
Such terms tend to reduce the religious and philosophical symbolism
embodied in shikigami by imposing cultural attributes embodied in the foreign
concepts of genie and spirit-familiar that can undermine the actual functions and

38
Komine Kazuaki, annotate., Shin-nihon koten-bungaku taikei 36: konjaku monogatari-sh yon
(Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1994), 412.
39
Mabuchi Kazuo, Inagaki Taiichi, and Kunisaki Fumimaro, eds. and trans., Shinhen nihon koten-
bungaku zensh 37: konjaku monogatari-sh 3 (Tokyo: Shgakukan, 2001), 284.
40
Harima Mitsutoshi, Iso Mizue, Kobayashi Yasuharu, Tajima Katsuo and Mita Akihiro, eds.,
Zokukojidan (Tokyo: f, 2002), 35.
41
Helen Craig McCullough, trans., kagami: The Great Mirror, Fujiwara Michinaga (966-1027) and
His Times (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 81.
42
Royall Tyler, ed. and trans., Japanese Tales (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002), 85.
43
D. E. Mills, A Collection of Tales from Uji: A Study and Translation of Uji Shi Monogatari
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 340.
44
Micheal Bathgate, The Foxs Craft in Japanese Religion and Folklore: Shapeshifters,
Transformations, and Duplicities (New York: Routledge, 2004), 131.



CHAPTER 2. Prevalent Conceptions of Shikigami in Contemporary Scholarship
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29
meanings of shikigami by overlooking its particularities and distinct niche in Japanese
religious thought.
Some Japanese scholars have tried to compare shikigami with other
supernatural beings to establish a better understanding of what it is. Using an example
of the fourteenth century illustrated scroll painting, Fudriyaku-engi emaki (
), Toyoshima sees the portrayal of shikigami as two diminutive helpers
assisting Seimei in a ceremonial purification rite to subdue demons of ailments as
similar to the attendant roles of Kongara () and Seitaka (), the gohdji
(, attendant gods that is commanded by divine protectors of the Buddhist
Laws) to Fudmyou () in Esoteric Buddhism.
45
He then quotes from a
Tendai Esoteric Buddhist text, Anchi mitsukuketsu kyrychi () to
illustrate that both shikigami and gohdji share the same essence and functions
despite the difference in methodological teachings.
46
Similarly, Suwa compares the
role of shikigami as a kaky-no-kenzoku-shin (, lower-ranking deity
attached to Buddhist divinities) as akin to that of a gohdji summoned by Buddhist
ascetics to perform tasks, though he specifies that shikigami does not possess the
responsive element of gohdji in that it does not respond to the prayers of the
faithful as gohdji does.
47
Suwa also highlights that gohdji are bequeathed on
faithful Buddhist ascetics by Buddhist gods while shikigami are summoned by
onmyji through incantations and hand signs.
48
Suwa explains these differences to be
the result of Chinese Taoist yigui (, servant spirits) being the prototype for

45
Toyoshima, Shikigami, 137.
46
Ibid., 138.
47
Suwa, Abe no seimei densetsu, 90.
48
Ibid., 87.



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30
shikigami, where the qualities of possessing both invisible and physical forms, being
summoned through incantations and under the commands of their masters were
regarded as key influences in the development of shikigami.
49
Despite the difficulty in
establishing the category of supernatural being that shikigami belongs to, it can be
understood here that shikigami is commonly viewed as a spirit entity that can be
summoned by human onmyji through spells and incantations, rather than bestowed
by divinities or attained after a long process of spiritual self-cultivation.

Literary descriptions of shikigami in various texts present a gamut of qualities
that range from being an amorphous entity to having a variety of physical forms and
abilities such as being able to act as a messenger, perform mundane household chores,
aid in ceremonial rituals, give predictions, set curses, spy, assassinate people and
vanquish demons. This diversity of literary descriptions resulted in different
conceptions of shikigami in contemporary Japanese scholarship on Onmyd which I
have categorized into five main ideas; a metaphorical reference to shikisen and
onmyjis prognostic powers, a representation of human will and consciousness, a
type of inherent energy in objects that can be utilized through spells, a human-created
magical curse and a spirit servant that can be summoned through spells and
incantations. The different definitions of shikigami provided by Japanese scholarship
arose from the scholars absolutist assumption of the immutability of shikigami
beliefs and abridgement of time, which overlooks the differing texts and periods of
analysis while failing to clarify the significance of shikigami in Onmyd tradition
and Japanese religious and social thought. Over the next three chapters, I will rectify

49
Suwa, Abe no seimei densetsu, 91-95.



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31
this by illustrating how ideas of shikigami evolved in tandem with changing ideas
about Onmyd. I will also clarify that the variations in descriptions of shikigami
characteristics through the centuries suggest shifting ideas about the significance of
shikigami.

32

_________________


CHAPTER THREE
_________________


EARLY SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES:
THE AMORPHOUS ENTITY
33
CHAPTER 3. Early Shikigami Narratives: The Amorphous Entity

In the previous chapter, I highlighted the tendency of Japanese scholars to
neglect the time periods and historical context that shaped literary descriptions of
shikigami. This resulted in different conceptions and definitions of shikigami in
contemporary Japanese scholarship. In the following chapters, I focus on a literary
analysis of ten tales from the works, Makura-no sshi, Shyki, Shin-sarugakuki,
kagami, Konjaku monogatari-sh, Uji-shui monogatari, Zokukojidan and
Genpeijsuiki, together with historical records, to show how textual constructions of
shikigami changed over the early eleventh to early fifteenth century period as a result
of historical developments in Onmyd. A chronological order of analysis of the
selected tales is given in tandem with the corresponding periods of Onmyd
developments to situate the shikigami within a clear historical context and allow for
an understanding of the changing notions of shikigami. Through a study of changing
descriptions of shikigami in Japanese classical literature, we are able to derive an
understanding of prevalent beliefs about it and by extension, shifting perceptions of
Onmyd.
The close relationship between shikigami narratives and Onmyd can be seen
in an overview of available literature on shikigami that reveals changes in descriptions
about shikigami characteristics as developments in Onmyd took place. The early
eleventh century text of Makura-no sshi refers to shikigami as an augury tool of
shikisen and the historical diary of Shyki suggests that shikigami is a cause of
illness. The mid-eleventh century fictional text of Shin-sarugakuki categorizes
shikigami as a type of amorphous magical skill while the mid-eleventh to early
twelfth century works of kagami and Konjaku monogatari-sh portray shikigami as


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34
spying agents or supernatural beings with physical forms under the command of
onmyji. The early thirteenth century literature, Uji-shui monogatari casts shikigami
as a deadly curse with a physical form that would take effect only when sent by
onmyji. In contrast, another early thirteenth century work, Zokukojidan and the end-
fourteenth century to early fifteenth century work, Genpeijsuiki present a sinister
transformation in shikigami characteristics where it appeared uncontrolled by onmyji,
with the ability to freely manifest in the open and even cause harm to innocent
passersby.
This transformation from an amorphous power to a subservient corporeal
being to a freewheeling entity offers a thought-provoking hint about historical
developments in Onmyd that had effected such changes in literary descriptions
about its emblem.
In this chapter, I examine the early developments of Onmyd and the
corresponding narratives of shikigami in the texts of Makura-no sshi, Shyki and
Shin-sarugakuki to show how these early to mid-eleventh century works portray
shikigami as a vivification of shikisen powers, a cause of illnesses and an attestation
of onmyjis magical prowess in tandem with the historical developments of the
Onmy-ry into an institution for conducting purification rites and Onmyd into a
magico-religious practice.

3.1 Metonymy of Shikisen: Makura-no sshi
Heian literature in the form of Japanese language poetry, essays, diaries,
historical and court literature presents valuable details about Heian culture and is an
indispensible source of information about early shikigami beliefs during the Heian


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35
period. The mid-Heian work of Makura-no sshi is one of the few Japanese texts with
the earliest mention of shikigami. This text shows that the early prototypical
shikigami was perceived to be an augury tool instead of a supernatural force or
immanent being. Makura-no sshi is by Sei Shnagon (, 966? - after 1017)
and was completed in 1001-1002.
1
It is a miscellany of the authors observations and
thoughts about court life, people, nature, habits and miscellaneous things. It provides
one of the earliest records of shikigami. The chapter, When I first went into court
service
2
describes an episode of Empress Teishi (, 976-1000) asking Sei
Shnagon if she was fond of her when a sudden loud sneeze from the Table Room
interrupted Sei Shnagons reply. As the sneeze occurred when the author was giving
her answer, the empress jested that it was a sign that she was lying to her and left. Sei
Shnagon was greatly dismayed by this episode and bitterly resented the person
whose sneeze had cast doubt on the sincerity of her words. Later, during an exchange
of letters between Empress Teishi and her, Sei Shnagon expressed that shikigami
could attest to her truthfulness. The below passage is a recount of Seis reply to the
empresss letter with regards to the sneezing incident:

I was caught between delight and dismay, and filled again
with a fierce resentment at whoever had sneezed the night
before.
We may judge a flower

1
Helen Craig McCullough, Aristocratic culture, in The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2:
Heian Japan, eds. Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 445 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999).
2
The original title is Miya ni hajimetemarruritarukoro (). The
translated title was taken from Meredith McKinney, trans., Sei Shnagon: The Pillow Book (London:
Penguin Books Ltd, 2006), 173.


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36
by the strength or weakness of its hue
but that red nose bloomed false.
And so my flowering heart withers alone
To find itself in misjudged misery.
Please take this to Her Majesty to lift her spirits, I said,
and added, The god of divination [, shiki-no-kami]
knows all. I stand in great awe of him...
3


The sneezing episode was a minor affair that had so distressed the young,
inexperienced Sei Shnagon such that she found it necessary to evoke shikigami
(shiki-no-kami) as proof of her sincerity. In an attempt to convince the empress, Sei
Shnagon referred to shikigami as a vow of her honesty and loyalty and proclaimed
her inability to deceive the empress due to the fear that shikigami would easily reveal
the deception by reporting to Empress Teishi on the truthfulness of her words and
actions.
Morris Ivan has an earlier translation in his book, The Pillow Book of Sei
Shnagon in which he describes shikigami in a different light where the sneeze was
supposed to be induced by shikigami who was commanded by someone jealous of the
empress attention on Sei Shnagon and wanted to upset their relationship.
4
Although
this is a plausible interpretation of shikigami, Meredith McKinneys version shows a
more incisive reading of the original text where her explanation of shikigami as a
form of augury to distill truth is a more precise translation when we examine the
context of Empress Teishi and Sei Shnagons conversation. Empress Teishi had

3
The translation was taken from McKinney, Sei Shnagon, 173.
4
Refer to Appendix 1 for Morris Ivans translation of the excerpt of the tale.


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37
referred to tadasu-no-kami (, god of Tadasu), a sacred augury forest of the
Shimogamo Shrine () that was believed to be able to verify truths, in a letter
to Sei Shnagon after the sneezing incident to tease her about whether she would be
able to maintain any lie when faced with the augury of truth. Sei Shnagons written
reply to the empresss letter referred to the sneezing incident and the depth of her
sincerity by punning on the homophone, hana, which means nose () or flower ()
and declared that the sneeze caused by the red nose that had bloomed false was a
misleading indication of her sincerity. She then ended the letter with a note about her
belief in the divination abilities of the shiki-no-kami (, god of shiki) to reveal
the truth of her words in response to Empress Teishis mentioning of the augury tool
of truth, tadasu-no-kami in her letter. Sei Shnagon cleverly used the term, shiki-no-
kami which is another term for shikisen-no-kami (god of the shikisen), to form a
parallel reference between the two augury tools of Tadasu () and shikisen (), a
form of augury that onmyji specialized in which is based on complex calculations
using dates, times and symbolic astrological signs, to emphasize the depth of her
honesty to Empress Teishi.
This comparison of shikigami with the augury tool of Tadasu suggests that
shikigami beliefs among the aristocratic class during the mid-Heian period associated
it with an augury tool. This perception of shikigami as an augury tool was likely due
to the specialization of onmyji in the use of shikisen to perform augury predictions
5

and the established role of court onmyji under the Yr-ritsury (, Yr
code) as diviners who served the imperial family and aristocratic class by performing
astronomy-astrological calculations and providing augury predictions on their daily

5
Yamashita, Abe no seimei to onmyd, 64-66.


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38
activities.
6
The influence of onmyji in the Heian imperial court is particularly seen in
the routine practice of mono-imi
7
(, period of purification) and kata-imi
8
(,
directional taboos) by the imperial family and aristocratic class in accordance with
daily augury predictions by court onmyji. The acknowledged status of court onmyji
as specialists of augury and their expertise in the use of shikisen might have
influenced ideas about shikigami and associated it with an augury tool, such as that
expressed in Makura-no sshi.
The mention of shikigami in the interaction between Sei Shnagon and
Empress Teishi and the open use of shikigami as a means of oath-swearing in
Makura-no sshi indicate that shikigami was already a familiar concept that existed in
the Heian imperial court during the early eleventh century. The lack of explanations
about shikigami in Sei Shnagons written reply to Empress Teishi was based on the
premise of a shared and implicit understanding of what it was. Makura-no sshi
presents a positive image of shikigami as an all-knowing perceptive force that could
observe happenings, give reliable reports of events and even distill truth from lies.

3.2 Cause of Illnesses and Troubles: Shyki
In Shyki, we get another perspective of shikigami where it is blamed for the
troubles of humans. Shyki was a diary of a Heian court official, Fujiwara no
Sanesuke (, 957-1046) that recorded various events from 978-1032. It is
regarded as an important source of historical information about court ceremonies and

6
Suwa, Abe no seimei densetsu, 73.
7
Mono-imi was a practice of a period of purification that can involve avoidance of certain things and
food or stopping all forms of contact with the outside world for a certain time period to avert disasters.
8
Kata-imi was a popular practice in the Heian period that was based on the belief that certain compass
directions were considered momentarily unlucky at particular times as certain deities will stop there,
and should be temporarily avoided.


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39
the political and social environment during the regencies of Fujiwara no Michinaga
(, 966-1027) and Fujiwara no Yorimichi (, 992-1074). In the entry,
Officials
9
in section Troubles
10
of chapter 20, Extraordinary Events, Part 10
11
,
it was recorded that the Minister of the Left, Fujiwara no Michinaga was troubled
with illness by a shikigami in the second year of Chh era (, 1000):

(Chh era 2
nd
year, 5
th
month) Same year, same month,
eighth day, it is said that shikigami was the cause of the
Minister of the Lefts troubles.
12


This concise entry was recorded together with numerous brief documentations
of illnesses and troubles suffered by the imperial family and aristocrats. Unlike
majority of the entries which noted in a simple short sentence that the individual had
troubles (, nayamu-koto) or a few entries which attributed the causes of illnesses
to common reasons or the mischief of evil demons and vengeance of wrathful spirits,
it was stated in this particular entry that shikigami was the cause of the ministers ill
health. Although this entry did not specify who had commanded a shikigami to curse
Fujiwara no Michinaga with illness and trouble, it was most likely attributed to a
political rival who had engaged the services of a court onmyji. Shyki highlights a
different aspect of shikigami where it is a cause of illnesses and troubles instead of a
reference to an augury tool as suggested in Makura-no sshi.

9
The translation is mine. The original title is Shinka ().
10
The translation is mine. The original title is Go-nayamukoto ().
11
The translation is mine. The original title is Rinji-j ().
12
The translation is mine. For the original Japanese tale, I have referred to the version published in
Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo, eds. Dai-nihon kokiroku: shyki j (Tokyo:
Iwanami Shoten, 1986), 1-2 and 134.


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40
A reason for this added characteristic could probably be due to the peoples
attitudes towards illnesses and their cures in early Japan. Allan Grapard observes that
beliefs in the exorcism and magical cure of diseases already existed during the Nara
period and such treatments were conducted by the Bureau of Medicine that had
experts consisting of one hakase (, doctor), two masters, and six disciples.
13
This
association of medical problems with magical cures can also be seen in Shigeta
Shinichis study of the relationship between aristocrats and onmyji during the Heian
period in which he describes the process where aristocrats often consulted doctors
along with onmyji and Buddhist monks in the event of illnesses.
14
Traditional
medical treatments were still practiced but the belief that diseases caused by the
supernatural needed magical cures resulted in a twofold process of medical
consultation that involved both medical and magico-religious solutions. Buddhist
monks and onmyji were expected to perform augury to ascertain the cause of
difficult illnesses and when the need arose, exorcism to expel the demonic influence.
Such belief in the supernatural causes of illnesses crafted the popular practice of
augury and medical exorcism involving Buddhist monks or onmyji.
The natural association of thaumaturgy with medical cures can also be found
in Senjiryokketsu (), a guidebook on augury by Abe no Seimei that had a
specific category which detailed the type of illnesses and their causes.
15
The
association of illnesses with spirit mischief or demonic interferences was likely a
result of the high mortality rate and inadequate medical facilities of the period, which
called for the employment of magical rites in an attempt to enhance the efficacy of

13
Grapard, Religious practices, 548.
14
Shigeta Shinichi, Heian kizoku to onmyji: abe no seimei no rekishi minzokugaku (Tokyo:
Yoshikawa Kbunkan, 2005), 134.
15
Ibid., 102.


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41
medicinal cures. Some of the rites conducted by onmyji for curing illnesses or
expulsion of spirits responsible for illnesses are taiyaku-sai (), kiki-sai (
) and kaijo ().

3.3 A Category of Magic Skill: Shin-sarugakuki
The central governments decline in power during the mid-tenth century
created a tumultuous milieu of social and political disorder.
16
Rebellions from
disgruntled and ambitious noblemen such as Taira no Masakado (, ? - 940) and
Fujiwara no Sumitomo (, ? - 941) were eventually subdued but difficult
social conditions caused by drought, famine, epidemic, and great fires, plus a sudden
increase in robbery, murder, and suicide, convinced many people that the end of the
present world period, which was anticipated on the basis of Buddhist cosmic history,
might be approaching soon.
17
Such a pessimistic world-view led to the rise of the
Tendai school that advocated Amida pietism
18
and also affected the development of
Onmyd. The Onmy-ry which was under the control of the Central Bureau was
originally in-charge of astronomy-astrology and calendrical calculations, supervising
the announcement of hours and operation of water clocks. However, the rise in
disasters and fear of demonic influences called for a heavier involvement of the
Onmy-ry in ceremonial rites to purify and subdue harmful elements which led to
the development of Onmyd from a philosophical proto-science to a magico-

16
Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History, 75.
17
Ibid., 76.
18
Ibid.


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42
religious practice and the increasing role of onmyji as ritual priests and
thaumaturgical sorcerers.
19

This gradual transformation of onmyji from a specialist of yin-yang theory to
a diviner with magical skills can be detected in Shin-sarugakuki, a fictional work by
the Professor of Literature, Fujiwara no Akihira ( , 989-1066) that was
completed in 1052. Shin-sarugakuki describes the principal occupations of the period
in detail and is perceived as the predecessor of the later genre of rai-mono (,
textbooks).
20
It is regarded as an important literary contribution to the history of
Japanese customs, theater and performances with Marian Ury describing this work as
presenting the principal occupations of the time and their vocabulary with
encyclopedic thoroughness.
21
The descriptive commentary about various artisans and
performers of the time, illustrates a vivid picture of the social environment in the late
Heian period. In the chapter, The tenth occupation, Ony
22
, the abilities of an
onmyji, Kamo no Michiyo () was recorded in detail as shown in the below
translation:

The tenth occupation is an onmyji by the name of Kamo
no Michiyo... who was able to freely summon the twelve
guardian deities, call thirty-six types of wild birds to his
side, control shikigami, create spells and talisman, open
and close the eyes of kijin ( , demon gods),

19
Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shkybunka to onmyd, 39.
20
Marian Ury, Chinese learning and intellectual life, in The Cambridge History of Japan, Volume 2:
Heian Japan, eds. Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough, 385 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999).
21
Ibid.
22
The translation is mine. The original title is Jkiminobu ony ( ).


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43
manipulate human souls... Although he had a human form,
he was able to communicate mentally with otherworldly
beings.
23


The awe over the legendary abilities and magical powers of onmyji was
carefully presented by Fujiwara no Akihira who listed Kamo no Michiyos expert
knowledge of augury and formidable command over various elements such as wild
beasts, deities, supernatural beings and humans in the tale. The description that
Michiyo was able to command shikigami (, shi shikigami) suggests that this
was one of the abilities that a highly skilled onmyji was expected to possess. The
close relationship between the onmyji and shikigami that is seen here will be
reiterated in later tales about onmyji such that shikigami eventually became an
indispensible existence in most legends about Onmyd. Makura-no sshi suggests
shikigami was a reference to the augury tool of shikisen and Shyki highlights
another aspect of shikigami as a cause of illnesses and troubles while the control of
shikigami in Shin-sarugakuki tends towards the description of a category of magical
skill. We are unable to ascertain the exact function of shikigami but an important hint
in this tale reveals it to be an entity that is separate from kijin. The separate
categorization of shikigami from deities, kijin, humans, wild beasts and even spells,
suggests that it had a more specific purpose that the other entities did not fulfill.
Fujiwara no Akihiras detailed description of an onmyjis abilities in Shin-
sarugakuki contained more supernatural elements than the duties stated in Engi-shiki
(), a government manual of three thousand and three hundred codes and

23
The translation is mine. For the original Japanese tale, I have referred to the version published in
Kawaguchi Hisao, trans. and annotate., Shin-sarugakuki (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1983), 132.


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44
statutes for annual rituals that was completed in 927 upon the orders of Emperor
Daigo (, r. 897-930) and finally authorized and enacted in 967. As observed
and succinctly summarized by Felicia Bock, the statutes in Engi-shiki seem to
indicate that the major portion of the work of the Yin-Yang Bureau consisted of
observing heavenly patterns (astronomy-astrology), performing calendrical
calculations, preparing the annual calendar for the court and administrative offices,
operating the water clocks, announcing the hours of dawn and sunset, and conducting
the Na festival
24
, as well as teaching these sciences and arts.
25
There appeared little
within the government manual to indicate that onmyji had the power or authority to
command supernatural or spiritual forces
26
though Shin-sarugakuki presented ideas
about the expected abilities of onmyji that included supernatural prowess.
The magical abilities that the onmyji, Kamo no Michiyo was described to
possess were likely due to the increasing involvement of onmyji in ceremonial
rituals and purification rites from the late ninth century which led to the development
of Onmyd from a philosophical proto-science to a magico-religious practice and
imparted a thaumaturgical image to onmyji. Onmyd with its practice of Taoist arts
and yin-yang thought was originally considered a science and technology under the
ritsury (, imperial statutes, penal and administrative codes) system of technical
classification.
27
Murayama Shichi points out that the combination of philosophical
yin-yang thought with astronomy-astrology which was regarded as a form of technical
natural science (gijutsuteki shizen kagaku) during the early Heian period caused

24
Na () is an annual festival for the exorcism of evil spirits and is still practiced in contemporary
Japan.
25
Bock, Classical Learning and Taoist Practices, 13.
26
Suzuki had given the same observation in his 2001 paper, Shikigami to shikigami towo meguru
mondai, 25.
27
Suzuki, Shikigami to shikigami towo meguru mondai, 25.


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45
Onmyd to be initially recognized as a form of proto-science (, genshi
kagaku) rather than a superstition ( , meishin).
28
This initial classification of
Onmyd as a science for the health of both state and individual instead of a magico-
religious practice is further found in Grapards description of the Japanese
bureaucratic system where divination by turtle shell was not assigned to the Bureau
of Yin and Yang in Japan, but to the Department of Shrines, where it was performed
by the Nakatomi
29
and Urabe
30
sacerdotal lineages.
31
Yamashita Katsuaki analyzes
that Onmyd was placed on par with the Tenyaku-ry (, Bureau of Medicine)
and regarded as a form of specialized skill and knowledge.
32
The regard for the
technical skills of Onmyd is particularly seen in the establishment of facilities to
educate and train students to become ony specialists.
33
The notable lack of mention
of control over shikigami or any supernatural elements in the assigned duties of the
Onmy-ry underpinned Onmyds standing as a science-based system of
knowledge in the early Heian period. However, the mid-Heian period saw a change in
the duties and characteristics of the Onmy-ry as the rise in disasters and fear of
demonic influences resulted in the increasing involvement of court onmyji in
ceremonial rituals and harae ( , purification rites) to suppress such harmful
elements.
34
The mid-Heian period saw the widespread practice of augury by onmyji
among the aristocratic class as a high sensitivity to strange occurrences and harmful

28
Murayama, Nihon no onmyd to abe no seimei, 14.
29
Nakatomi ( ) was a sacerdotal lineage for divination which specialized in scapulimancy
(divination on deer shoulder blades).
30
Urabe () was a sacerdotal lineage for divination which specialized in plastromancy (divination
on sea turtle shells).
31
Grapard, Religious practices, 548.
32
Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shkybunka to onyd, 24.
33
Ibid.
34
Ibid., 37.


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46
elements called for the habit of consulting onmyji before the aristocrats embarked on
their daily activities.
35
The late ninth to early tenth century saw changes in the original
functions of the Onmy-ry to include more ritual activities that focused on pollution
taboos and purification rites such as spirit exorcisms.
36
By the later half of the tenth
century, the heavy engagement of the Onmy-ry in conducting ceremonial rituals
and magical rites gradually cast court onmyji as ritual priests and thaumaturgical
sorcerers.
37

The portrayal of onmyji as a diviner with magical skills and ability to
command supernatural elements in Shin-sarugakuki can be found in Yamashita
Katsuakis study of Onmyd during the Heian period. Yamashita provides three
main reasons for the development of Onmyd from a philosophical proto-science
into a magico-religious practice that resulted in the thaumaturgical image of onmyji
as sorcerers. The first was due to the original perception of augury to be a sacred task
where augurs were viewed with respect due to their status as mediums of deities.
38

The duties of onmyji as specialists of augury set the conditions for the impartation of
a religious tint to Onmyd. Yamashita argues that the increasing ruling authoritys
demands for the augury skills of onmyji and the change in state dictate years after
Taih-ritsury (, Taih code) for onmyji to conduct the Tai-na (,
annual court ceremonial rite for purification) indicated the state consent of the
magico-religious characteristics of Onmy-ry.
39
This also represented an
institutional expansion of the image of onmyji

as sorcerers.
40
The second reason

35
Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shkybunka to onyd, 7 and 47-8.
36
Bialock, Eccentric Spaces, Hidden Histories, 4-5.
37
Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shkybunka to onyd, 39.
38
Ibid., 30.
39
Ibid., 31.
40
Ibid.


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47
came from the social demands for such magical powers and sorcery and the final
reason was the active use and mastery of related books on rituals and magic by
onmyji in response to such demands.
41
Yamashita sees the development of Onmyd
into a magico-religious practice through the adoption of ceremonial rituals and
magical rites to be a result of a response to state demands for such a change in their
role.
42
Such a development in Onmyd concomitantly resulted in literary
descriptions of onmyji possessing magical skills, as seen in Shin-sarugakuki where
the onmyji is described as being able to summon supernatural beings and create
spells.

From the literature of Makura-no sshi, Shyki and Shin-sarugakuki, a
changing description of shikigami from a reference to the shikisen augury to a cause
of illnesses and troubles to a form of magical skill can be detected. During the period
that these literary works were being produced, there was a change in the duties of
onmyji in the Onmy-ry as demands from the state and the aristocratic class called
for an increasing involvement of onmyji in the performance of ceremonial rituals
and magical rites to placate and expel harmful influences. The main duties of the
onmyji were astronomy-astrology and calendrical calculations, supervising the
announcement of hours and operation of water clocks, preparing the annual calendar
and augury. These duties later expanded to include ceremonial rituals and magical
rites, which were reflected in textual constructions of shikigami where it was
portrayed as an augury tool of truth as well an agent of illness and a type of magical
power. In the next chapter, I will show how later period literature presents a more

41
Yamashita, Heian-jidai no shkybunka to onyd, 31.
42
Ibid., 39.


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48
distinct development in shikigami characteristics. As onmyji became increasingly
involved in magical ceremonial rites that cast Onmyd as a magico-religious
practice, shikigami moved from its original manifestation as an amorphous
representation of shikisen augury powers and magic skills to become a figure of
supernatural existence with magical skills.
49

_________________


CHAPTER FOUR
_________________


DEVELOPMENTS IN SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES:
FROM AUGURY TO ASSASSIN
50
CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin

The late Heian period was marked by the declining influence of the
aristocratic class with the advent of the feudal Kamakura regime. Throughout the late
eleventh century, social developments were strongly influenced by Buddhist ideas of
mapp (, latter days of the Buddhist Law), a period characterized by irrevocable
spiritual decline and political and social turmoil.
1
Allan Grapard points out that
during this period,

...history was not seen anymore as the symbolic manifestation
of the will of the kami and their associated buddhas and
bodhisattvas, but as a devolutionary process over which human
beings had little or no power. Time was conceived of as an
inexorable process leading to the final conflagration of all
worlds, an event whose date was proposed in several
[Buddhist] scriptural sources; the final period of history
(mapp) leading to the ultimate conflagration was believed in
Japan to begin in the year 1052. It was thought that one of the
marks of such a period was political and social unrest, which
was precisely the case in Japan at the time.
2


In face of such inevitability and political conflicts, the desire to regain control
over the turmoil resulted in an intensification of ritual activities. The need to increase

1
Mapp () is a Buddhist belief that it is a period of irreversible degeneration and spiritual decline.
It is known as the final period of history.
2
Grapard, Religious practices, 572.



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51
the level of efficacy of the rituals called for the service of thaumaturgists believed to
possess powers that could enhance the rituals. As the aristocrats were the most active
participants in the ritual activities, onmyji were expected to perform functions that
expanded beyond those stated in Engi-shiki. The late Heian period saw the heavy
involvement of court onmyji in ceremonial and purification rites as a result of
demands from the imperial family and aristocratic class. As the Onmy-ry took on a
more significant role in the performance of ceremonial rites for the state, Onmyd
underwent a gradual transformation from a specialized philosophical proto-science
into a magico-religious practice that cast onmyji as diviners and ritual priests with
supernatural powers. Consequently, textual constructions of shikigami were subjected
to the same transformation that imbued supernatural abilities into the previously
functionally-ambiguous shikigami. In this chapter, I employ tales from the late Heian
to early Kamakura literary texts of kagami, Konjaku monogatari-sh and Uji-shui
monogatari to show the developments of shikigami from an immaterial tool of augury
and magical skill into a supernatural force with physical forms and abilities.

4.1 Analytical Spy and Physical Materiality: kagami
With the political rise of Fujiwara no Michinaga as the setting, the mid-
eleventh to early twelfth century literature of kagami recorded historical tales about
the emperors and imperial court from the reign of Emperor Montoku (,
r.850-858) to Emperor Go-Ichij (, r. 1016-1036). The excerpt taken from
the chapter, The Sixty-Fifth Reign, Emperor Kazan
3
describes the fateful night in
969 where the emperor was on an incognito journey to become a monk at Kazan-ji

3
The translation was taken from McCullough, kagami: The Great Mirror, 80.



CHAPTER 4. Developments in Shikigami Narratives: From Augury to Assassin
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52
(). As he passed by Abe no Seimeis house along Tsuchimikado ()
street, he overheard Seimei announcing a prediction derived from observations of
unusual astrological signs about his forthcoming abdication and later, instructing a
shikigami to enter the imperial palace. The extract below details the episode where
Seimei was commanding the shikigami:

...One of you spirits had better go on ahead to the
Palace, Seimei said. And they tell me that an invisible
person pushed open the door and answered, It looks as
though His Majesty has just passed the house. (He may
have seen the Emperors retreating figure. Seimeis
residence was at the intersection of Tsuchimikado and
Machiguchi, so it was on the way.)
4


Unlike the earlier texts of Makura-no sshi, Shyki and Shin-sarugakuki
which do not mention the exact functions or physical form of shikigami, kagami
presents several pertinent elements of its physical abilities. In this tale, shikigami has
the ability to accurately identify Emperor Kazan, describe his actions and even
analyze the situation after seeing the emperors retreating figure. The physical power
to move objects such as opening a door, and vocal and analytical abilities to comment
highlight the corporeality of shikigami. However, it is shown here that shikigami is
still restricted by the physical limitations of distance and materiality as it needed to
open the door before it could observe the persons actions. These physical and

4
McCullough, kagami: The Great Mirror, 81.



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53
material limitations differ from the earlier amorphous descriptions of shikigami in
Makura-no sshi as the augury tool of shikisen with the fluid ability to know all the
happenings in the imperial court. Tachibana Kenji and Kato Shizukos annotations of
kagami note that the shikigamis protean powers of transformation (hengenjizai) are
controlled by onmyji which indicate that shikigami did not naturally possess a
physical form but its appearance was instead dictated by its onmyji master.
5
In this
tale, the author adopted a third person narrative to specifically state that shikigami
was an invisible being (me ni ha mienu-mono) that was unseen by normal humans.
The author deliberately stated that it is hearsay that shikigami was an invisible
being which leaves an ambiguous end to the episode and avoids the issue of whether
shikigami was visible to the emperor.
Abe no Seimei (, 921-1005) was a historical figure who served six
emperors as onmyji. There are numerous legends about his strong magical prowess
and control over shikigami and his magical exploits are recorded in many classical
literary texts, kabuki and jruri plays, movies and dramas. Seimeis position as the
epitome of Onmyd skills and magical powers is highlighted in this short excerpt
where his astrological knowledge and magical expertise are augmented by the
supernatural presence of shikigami that served to emphasize his magical powers and
easy mastery over supernatural beings. Seimeis specific command for one of you
spirits
6
(shikigami hitori) to enter the palace indicates the presence of several
shikigami at his bidding. Even though it is not revealed in this tale how many
shikigami Seimei possessed, the numerical capacity to possess many shikigami serves

5
Tachibana Kenji and Kat Shizuko, eds. and trans., Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zen-sh 34:
kagami (Tokyo: Shgakukan, 1996), 47.
6
The translation was taken from McCullough, kagami: The Great Mirror, 81. McCullough had
chosen the term spirits to refer to shikigami though it does not necessarily reflect what my research is
about, or mean that I define shikigami as a spirit.



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54
to enhance an onmyjis capability in manipulating many elements. The portrayal of
Seimeis possession of several shikigami performs as a verification of his prowess and
magical abilities. This indication of magical prowess is repeated in another tale in the
late Heian work, Konjaku monogatari-sh that will be discussed in the section below.

4.2 Corporeality, Lethal Weapon and Knowledge-based Exclusivity: Konjaku
monogatari-sh
Konjaku monogatari-sh is a collection of more than a thousand tales by an
anonymous author that consists of thirty-one scrolls with three missing scrolls. It is
speculated to be completed in 1120.
7
Joseph Kitagawa describes it as probably the
most valuable source regarding the religious beliefs and practices of the masses
during the Heian period.
8
The majority of the tales deals with Buddhist philosophical
teachings, experiences of divine wonders and karmic causality. Similar tales are
recorded in the later work of Uji-shui monogatari. Some of the tales in Konjaku
monogatari-sh provide more detailed descriptions of the physical appearances and
characteristics of shikigami, especially the tale, The Tutelage of Abe no Seimei
under Tadayuki, Tale 16
9
which records the episode where Seimei was challenged
by an old monk, Chitoku () from Harima ().
10
When Chitoku arrived at
Seimeis abode on the pretext of paying a visit, he was accompanied by two young
pages who Seimei immediately guessed might be shikigami intended as a test of his
capability. Seimei decided to conceal the boys with incantations and mudra hand

7
McCullough, Aristocratic culture, 445.
8
Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History, 83.
9
The translation is mine. The original title is Abe no seimei, tadayuki ni shitagaite michi wo
naraukoto daijroku (). Tyler translated it as The Test but he had
based his translation on a similar tale in Uji-shui monogatari.
10
It was written in Tale 19 in Konjaku monogatari-sh, Harima-kuni onmyji chitoku-hshi kataru-
dai-jky () that the monks name was Chitoku.



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55
signs as punishment for the monks insolence. When Chitoku left after Seimei asked
him to revisit another day, he was alarmed to discover that his pages had disappeared
and quickly went back to apologize to Seimei and ask for their return. The episode
ended with Chitoku being highly impressed with Seimei`s magical abilities and
requesting to become his disciple. Below is an excerpt of the battle of wits between
Seimei and Chitoku:

...Seimei guessed that the old fellow knew more than he
let on and had actually come to test him. On his mettle
now, he decided to have a bit of fun himself. The two
boys seemed to be genies.
11
Seimei prayed silently that if
they were, they should vanish; and he secretly cast a spell
and made the appropriate passes under his
sleeves. ...Then [Seimei] murmured a spell, and shortly
the two boys came running up to their master from
somewhere outside. Its true, sir, the monk said, I did
mean to test you. Its easy to keep genies, but I couldnt
possibly make someone elses genies disappear. Please
let me be your disciple. Seimei accepted him on the
spot.
12



11
Genie is a term used by Tyler to represent shikigami though it does not necessarily mean that I
choose the same term to describe shikigami or see it as a reflection of what my research is about.
12
The translation was taken from Tyler, Japanese Tales, 85.



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56
The account of Seimeis ability to control another onmyjis shikigami works
to impart a sense of awe of his mastery over supernatural elements. The use of
shikigami as a gauge of onmyjis power and knowledge is highlighted by Chitokus
test for Seimei and his strong admiration of Seimeis ability to manipulate anothers
shikigami.
The earlier tale in kagami describes shikigami as an invisible being with
the physical power to open doors and vocal and analytical abilities to report
happenings to Seimei. Konjaku monogatari-sh provides a more definite image of
shikigami where it is able to take on a physical human form with a degree of realism
that can deceive unknowing people into believing that it is real. There are no visible
signs to verify the existence of shikigami at first sight and even Seimei who is
renowned for his impressive magical skills and knowledge, had to verify his
suspicions with the use of incantations and mudra hand signs. From this excerpt, it is
shown that chants and hand signs are needed to manipulate shikigami and the
knowledge of such magic allows for the control and possession of shikigami. The use
of chants and hand signs as a method to control supernatural forces suggests influence
from Buddhism or Chinese Taoism. Mitamura Keikos study of Taoist hand signs and
Buddhist mudras refers to Xuanpu shan lingkui milu ( , Secret
Register of the Numerous Caskets of Mount Mystery Garden, HY 580), a Taoist text
that dates back to year 860. She notes that the purpose of these signs, usually called
by the Buddhist appellation yin (seal), was to enable practitioners to move heaven and
earth, call down thunder, assemble clouds, walk on water, become invisible, and
transform things. Each of them, moreover, went hand in hand with the application of a



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57
certain talisman (fu) and with the formal chanting of an incantation or spell (zhou).
13

Mitamura also observes that in general, two main groups of [T]aoist hand signs can
be distinguished: those that developed in direct imitation of Buddhist mudras, and
those that can be described as uniquely [T]aoist finger techniques. Hand signs
deriving from Buddhist mudras include signs signifying lotus, bridge, sword
and so on. They are the same in name and execution, yet their specific description in
[T]aoist texts makes it clear that they were given an additional significance. Here,
unlike in Buddhism, each finger segment was linked with the larger cosmos by being
associated with the eight trigrams, seven stars of the Dipper, or twelve zodiac
positions.
14

In kagami, Seimeis exceptional mastery over shikigami is shown by his
possession of many shikigami at his command. The ability to manipulate several
shikigami suggests an onmyjis magical abilities and skillful command over
supernatural forces as seen by Chitokus deliberate flaunting of his ability to control
two shikigami to Seimei. Chitokus ability to control several shikigami acts as an
indication of his excellent magical skills. The praise for his extraordinary magical
powers is extolled in tale 19 of Konjaku monogatari-sh titled The Tale of Chitoku,
the onmyji from Harima
15
where he is described as using magic to help a group of
merchants retrieve their stolen goods from pirates. The ending of tale 19 states that
Chitoku was a fearful character due to his ability to effortlessly subdue a gang of
vicious pirates but he suffered defeat when he encountered Seimei because he had no

13
Mitamura Keiko, Daoist Hand Signs and Buddhist Mudras, in Daoist Identity: History, Lineage,
and Ritual, ed. Livia Kohn and Harold D. Roth, 239 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 2002).
14
Ibid., 236.
15
The translation is mine. The original title is Harima-kuni onmyji chitoku-hshi kataru-dai-jky
(). Although Royall Tyler had translated the title as The Spellbound
Pirates in Japanese Tales (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002), his translated title did not reflect the
meaning of the original title.



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58
knowledge of the skill to control another onmyjis shikigami.
16
Despite Chitokus
fearsome magical powers and excellent control over his own shikigami, he is depicted
as inferior to Seimei due to his inability to conceal and manipulate another onmyjis
shikigami. The fluidity of control over shikigami implies that it is not permanently
bound to a particular person whether by spells or mental control. Chitokus
experience reveals the belief that if one possesses necessary knowledge of the spell,
shikigami can be easily manipulated and even captured from another onmyji. In
other words, the control over shikigami can be cultivated and obtained through the
possession of the requisite knowledge rather than dependence on heavenly gifts or
boons from divinity. This autonomy from divine grants and reliance on specialized
knowledge and training conversely caused restrictions to the attainment of such
magical knowledge.
Masuo Shinichir argues that Chitoku was unaware of the spell to control
another onmyjis shikigami due to his status as an onmyji from Harima (),
the former name of the southwest area of present-day Hyogo which was regarded as
an undeveloped peripheral region outside of the Kyoto capital.
17
Masuo sees
Chitokus lack of knowledge of Seimeis spell as an indication of the difference in the
magical skills and characteristics between the commoner onmyji and court onmyji
belonging to the central state-controlled Onmy-ry.
18
Under the ritsury laws, the
hereditary aristocratic families of Abe ()
19
and Kamo ()
20
were accorded the

16
Refer to Appendix 1 for the excerpt of this tale.
17
Masuo Shinichir, Shod to sono michi no mono, in Konjaku monogatari-sh wo yomu, ed.
Komine Kazuaki, 208 (Tokyo: Kbunkan, 2008).
18
Ibid.
19
The Abe ( ) clan was the sacerdotal lineage for Onmyd astrological observations and
divination. It is also alternatively referred to as Tsuchimikado ().
20
The Kamo () clan was the sacerdotal lineage for Onmyd calendar calculations.



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59
responsibility of being sacerdotal lineages of Onmyd. The ritsury state is
described by Ian James McMullen as opening the way to the political ascendency of
oligarchic noble lineages, which resulted in monopolies in the various spheres of
politics, religions and culture as certain family lineages were accorded hereditary
specialties.
21
As the ecclesiastic practitioners of Onmyd were of aristocratic
lineages, the possession of texts about Taoism, yin-yang theory and ceremonial rites
were primarily controlled by the Abe and Kamo sacerdotal lineages that in effect,
prevented commoner onmyji from accessing such knowledge. This divergence
between commoner onmyji and court onmyji is represented by Chitokus defeat
due to his lack of the knowledge of the spells possessed by Seimei.
In the later part of the same tale, The Tutelage of Abe no Seimei under
Tadayuki, Tale 16, the command of shikigami and the legendary powers of Seimei
are given in more details in the anecdote of his visit to Prelate Kuwanten
22
(
) of the Hirosawa () area:

Seimei was visiting a great prelate he knew when a
young monk in the prelates entourage said he had heard
that Seimei kept genies, and asked Seimei whether he
could kill a man easily. Not easily, no, Seimei replied.
It would take a big effort. I suppose I could kill a small
creature readily enough, but I cant see any point in doing
so. Since I wouldnt know how to bring it back to life, Id

21
Ian James McMullen, The Worship of Confucius in ancient Japan, in Religion in Japan: Arrows to
heaven and earth, eds. Peter Francis Kornicki and Ian James McMullen, 75 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1996).
22
The name is given as Kuwanten instead of Kanch in modern Japanese translations of the tale.



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60
just end up committing a sin. ...He picked up a blade of
grass, muttered something, and tossed the grass at a frog.
The grass crushed the frog and killed it instantly. The
monks looking on turned pale with fear.
23


This anecdote is an accolade to Seimeis moral character as seen in his
reluctance to kill an innocent life for the sake of entertainment. In this account, Seimei
admitted that there are limitations on an onmyjis power where it is difficult to kill a
human with magic despite the possibility of doing so. Yet, this is contradicted by his
display of the killing of a frog where a blade of grass was powerful enough to
instantly crush the frog. Japanese scholars such as Toyoshima Yasukuni and Suwa
Haruo see Seimeis action of muttering incantations into the blade of grass and using
it to do his bidding of killing a frog as indicative of shikigami magic. This
transformation of an ordinary object into a powerful weapon with the use of
incantations and the ability to manipulate the object according to the onmyjis will
reiterate earlier literary descriptions of the control of shikigami by onmyji. The
casual creation of shikigami from a piece of grass and the lethal image of shikigami as
a deadly murder weapon serve to glorify the extraordinary magical skills of Seimei
while suggesting the potential fatal risk of shikigami magic. Seimeis mastery of
shikigami is emphasized in the next section of the tale which states that Seimei was
said to employ the use of shikigami for simple household chores and describes the

23
The translation was taken from Tyler, Japanese Tales, 83.



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61
situation in his house where shutters would lower and rise while doors would close
when there was no human around.
24

The final part of the tale reiterates the corporeality of shikigami in more detail
where it is recorded that the descendents of Seimei could hear sounds made by
shikigami in Seimeis original abode, the Tsuchimikado house.
25
The suggestion here
is that the shikigami possessed by Seimei continued to exist even after the death of
their master. Shikigami were said to remain in the head household but did not appear
to be inherited by the descendents of Seimei since they could only hear but could not
see or control them. Shikigami is not a hereditary substance that can be passed on
physically or biologically to another person but specific knowledge is required to
possess them. As highlighted by Chitokus experience in the earlier part of the tale, it
requires the knowledge of the spell before one can control a shikigami which suggests
that Seimeis descendents did not possess the necessary knowledge to control
shikigami, a pertinent element that is representative of Onmyd magical powers.
Despite the underlying suggestion that shikigami were not under the control of
Seimeis descendents, their continued presence in the Abe household denote their
presence as guardians of the Abe clan which in return, serve to maintain the
legitimacy of the Abe sacerdotal lineage of Onmyd.

4.3 Deadly Curse and Retaliation Spells: Uji-shui monogatari
The physical forms and abilities of shikigami are described in detail in
kagami and Konjaku monogatari-sh which show the development of shikigami
from an amorphous augury tool and magic spell into a corporeal figure of

24
Refer to Appendix 1 for the excerpt of this tale.
25
Ibid.



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62
supernatural existence that has the potential to bring lethal harm to small creatures
such as a frog. The level of mortal harm that shikigami was believed to be capable of
is given in more detail in a tale from the mid-Kamakura work of Uji-shui monogatari
in the section below. Uji-shui monogatari is a collection of a hundred and ninety-
seven assorted tales said to be completed in the period 1213-1221 by an anonymous
compiler. The tales show strong Buddhist influence and about eighty similar tales can
be found in Konjaku monogatari-sh. In tale 26 in scroll 2, section 8 titled Seimei
sealing the young Archivist Minor Captains curse,
26
Seimei witnessed the setting of
a shikigami curse on a popular chamberlain and decided to save him. It was later
revealed that the curse was initiated by the jealous brother-in-law of the chamberlain
who desires for his death. The tale ended with Seimei successfully saving the
chamberlain by causing the deadly curse to retaliate and kill the spell-caster instead.
Below is an excerpt detailing the episode:

...The chamberlain had hardly started toward the Great
Hall when a passing crow dropped filth on him. Oh
dear, thought Seimei, hes so young and handsome, and
so well received by everyone! What a pity that genie got
him because that bird certainly was a genie. Something
awful seems to be in store for him!.... After sunset
Seimei kept his arms tight around the chamberlain and
laid protective spells. He spent the night in endless,

26
The translation is mine. The original title is Seimei, Kuraudo no seushau wo fuzuru koto which
Tyler had translated simply as The Genie in Japanese Tales (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002). I
thought Tylers translation of the title was too succinct and did not fully express the meaning in the
original title. Tylers use of the term genie could also overlook the actual functions and meanings of
shikigami by imposing cultural attributes embodied in the foreign concept of genie on shikigami.



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63
unintelligible muttering. The fall night was long. At dawn
there was a knock on the door, and Seimei had the
chamberlain send someone to answer. It was a messenger
from the enemy diviner. The chamberlains brother-in-
law, who lived in another part of the house, was so
jealous of the chamberlain that he had this diviner set a
genie on the chamberlain to kill him. Seimei had spotted
the genie. The gentleman was so strongly protected, the
messenger loudly announced, that the genie came back
and killed my master instead!
27


In this episode, the corporeality of shikigami is described to be in the physical
form of a crow that set a curse by dropping bird excrement on the chamberlain. The
coincidence of a passing bird whose excrement happened to land on the chamberlain
is imbued with critical significance due to the association of this unusual happening
with the concept of ke (), strange occurrences that were believed to signal or even
provoke undesirable consequences. The sensitivity to and wariness of ke is explained
in Grapards study of religious practices during the Heian period which he described
as a time of sensitive reactions to heavenly portents where ke observations mirrored
political activities.
28
An increasing interest in calamities or auspicious signs resulted
from an increasing political concern and critique of government. Grapard notes that
the period of Emperor Yzeis reign (, r.876-884) had the largest number of
reports about calamities as well as auspicious signs in the Heian period. This

27
The translation was taken from Tyler, Japanese Tales, 82-3.
28
Grapard, Religious practices, 551.



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64
corresponds exactly to the rise to ascendancy of the Fujiwara house and to the
regency of Fujiwara no Mototsune [, 836-891], a fact which reveals that
political worries in Heian Japan were as if symbolically manifested in an increased
consciousness of the course of nature in relation to human affairs.
29
In Grapards
description of this phenomenon, he explains that the notable increase in records of
natural occurrences interpreted as heavenly warning or blessings is related to the
evolution of the gory [, vengeful spirits]
30
belief system, and might be viewed
as a manifestation of popular criticism of governmental policies and of the internecine
struggles that took place within the aristocracy.
31
As Grapard plainly puts it, the
more unstable the political world, the more active the multiplexes. As time passed and
political concerns grew, ritual activity increased accordingly at all levels of society,
and cultic procedures became complex and cumbersome.
32
His study of the growth
of the Kitano cult (), which was concerned with exorcising the wrathful
spirit of Sugawara no Michizane (, 845-903)
33
, points out that, aristocratic
pangs of conscience, if there were any, might have been laid to rest by individualized
ritual, but the fears of the populace were less easy to quell because they were multi-
faceted: they arose from the belief that the natural world were ethically reactive to
human behavior, as well as from what might have been a kind of obscure suspicion

29
Grapard, Religious practices, 551.
30
A popular belief in Heian period that originally referred to the spirit of deceased people but later
referred to people, especially aristocrats who had suffered unjust deaths and manifested into vengeful
spirits to exact revenge.
31
Grapard, Religious practices, 551.
32
Ibid., 552.
33
Sugawara no Michizane was the Minister of the Right who was accused by the Fujiwara clan of
plotting treason and later, exiled to Kyushu in 901 where he died two years later. After the men who
had falsely accused him of treason unexpectedly died of various mysterious causes, including one
where a lightning bolt struck the imperial palace and killed four of the wrongdoers, Michizane became
divinized as a lightning. The Kitano Shrine and cult was dedicated to the worship and pacification of
the vengeful spirit of Michizane after a series of oracles from thaumaturgists.



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that the political manipulations of the court were not in accord with its stated
ideology.
34
In view of this, Grapard argues that cultic behavior was the only
means for the expression of political concerns by the general population due to
restrictions on open criticism of the political situation.
Ke became a matter of high importance, especially within the aristocratic
class since unusual occurrences were believed to portend cautionary signs for the
future and possibly influence the general populaces perception towards the ruling
class. As the augury skills of onmyji were regarded as vital in interpreting the
meanings embodied in ke, aristocrats often consulted onmyji during times of ke
occurrences for augury advice on the appropriate action to take to counter the possible
negative effects of ke. The close relationship between onmyji and ke is presented in
Uji-shui monogatari where Seimeis amazing ability to swiftly decipher the
significance of ke, represented by the passing crows action of dropping excrement on
the chamberlain, and immediate identification of the crow as a shikigami curse is
understood to be due to his position as an onmyji and knowledge of the meanings
behind unusual happenings.
Seimeis remarkable skills in recognizing and deciphering ke is reiterated in
tale 184 in scroll 14, section 10 of Uji-shui monogatari titled The Hj-ji, Ministers
white dog, Seimei and other miraculous events.
35
The tale describes the incident
where Fujiwara no Michinaga was on his daily visit to Hj-ji () when his
favorite pet, a white dog started running around in front of his carriage and adamantly
biting the hem of his robe to prevent him from entering the temple precincts.

34
Grapard, Religious practices, 562.
35
The translation is mine. The original title is Midau kanpaku-no on-inu, seimei-ra, kidoku-no koto
().



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Michinaga was concerned with this unusual happening and summoned Seimei who
used his augury skills to divine the ke presented by the dogs strange behavior. After a
few minutes of augury calculations, Seimei was able to ascertain that a curse was
intentionally buried along the road to harm Michinaga and even accurately locate the
burial site of the curse. The extraordinary ability of Seimei to recognize and interpret
ke due to his augury knowledge is presented in the two tales that also serve to
highlight the close relationship between ke and the onmyjis role as diviner.
The case of the spell-caster who was killed by his own shikigami curse in tale
26, Seimei sealing the young Archivist Minor Captains curse, reveals a symbiotic
relationship between onmyji and shikigami. In this tale, the messenger revealed that
the deadly shikigami curse had turned back (, shikigami-kaeri) on the
enemy onmyji with fatal results because the young chamberlain was strongly
protected by Seimeis magic spells. Seimeis action of laying protective spells around
the chamberlain and sending the shikigami curse back to the enemy onmyji is
remarkably similar to suso-no-kaeshi (, retaliatory spell), a ritual to return
the curse to the spell-caster that is practiced by the Izanagi-ry ().
36
This
is a sect of Onmyd that is still in practice in contemporary Japan in a village located
in the Kchi province in the Shikoku region. Komatsu Kazuhikos study of the
Izanagi-ry offers an important insight into the magic spells and rituals of Onmyd
and allows for a better understanding of Onmyd practices. In Komatsus description
of rituals and curses worked by the kitshi (, thaumaturgists who performs
ritual rites and prayers) of the Izanagi-ry, the suso-no-kaeshi is described to be
undertaken with the intention to send back the curse and exact revenge on the spell-

36
Komatsu Kazuhiko, Hyrei shinkron (Tokyo: Kdansha), 189.



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67
caster.
37
It is believed that if suso-no-kaeshi is used by a stronger opponent, the curse
will return and double its effects on the spell-caster. Komatsu mentions that the
kitshi are often reluctant to set curses due to the fear of the harmful power of suso-
no-kaeshi and the fatal retributive effect known as kayari-no-kaze () which
can have continued negative repercussions on future generations of the kitshis
family.
38
In this tale, the shikigami curse was prevented from executing its deadly task
on the chamberlain by Seimeis protective spells which caused it to retaliate and kill
its master instead. This retaliatory behavior of the shikigami curse is similar to the
effects of suso-no-kaeshi which highlights the symbiotic relationship between
onmyji and shikigami. The mortal defeat of the enemy onmyji by Seimei due to his
inferior magic skills suggests a perilous process of power struggle in Onmyd where
the level of magic skills that an onmyji possesses has important life and death
consequences, and demonstrates a competitive need in Onmyd practice to acquire a
high level of magical abilities to guard against the effects of retaliatory spells.
The portrayal of shikigami in Uji-shui monogatari as a dangerous curse that is
an active participant in family rivalries suggests the influence of Onmyd in the
daily life of the aristocrats during the Kamakura period. In tale 26, the culprit was the
brother-in-law who was jealous of the chamberlains popularity and good standing
within his wifes family and engaged an onmyji to set a shikigami curse on the
chamberlain. This involvement of onmyji and curses in aristocrat rivalries is also
seen in tale 184 where the buried curse meant to harm Fujiwara no Michinaga was set
by an onmyji under the instructions of his political rival, the Horikawa Minister of
the Left, Lord Akimitsu (). The two tales of Uji-shui monogatari

37
Komatsu, Hyrei shinkron, 189.
38
Ibid., 195.



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illustrate the active involvement of onmyji and their magic skills in family and
political affairs and indicate that other than being diviners and ritual priests for the
state, onmyji were believed to have other roles as spell-casters who served individual
aristocrats and whose magic skills were used as a political tool in aristocrat family and
political conflicts.
The historical developments of the Onmy-ry during the mid-Heian period
into an institution for conducting ceremonial and purification rites for the state and
ruling class gradually transformed Onmyd from a philosophical proto-science into a
magico-religious practice and expanded the onmyjis role as diviners to include
ritual priests with supernatural powers. Textual constructions of shikigami in the late
Heian to early Kamakura literary texts of kagami, Konjaku monogatari-sh and Uji-
shui monogatari reflect this transformation in the nature of Onmyd and roles of
onmyji by portraying shikigami as supernatural beings with physical forms and
magical skills under the command of onmyji. Details about the materiality, physical
appearances and abilities of shikigami which are not mentioned in the earlier works of
Makura-no sshi, Shyki and Shin-sarugakuki, are given in the texts which enable a
better understanding of shikigami and demonstrate that shikigami has more complex
aspects than just being a tool of augury. In kagami, a shikigami is an invisible
being who possesses physical, vocal and analytical abilities. It manifests in human
form with a high degree of realism in Konjaku monogatari-sh and appears as a
dangerous crow in Uji-shui monogatari. The control of shikigami is understood to be
through incantations and mudra hand signs and the possession of shikigami is
exclusive and dependent on specific knowledge of the spell. Uji-shui monogatari
reveals a symbiotic relationship between shikigami and its onmyji master which can



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69
result in a fatal backlash on the onmyji due to retaliatory spells by a stronger
opponent. Despite the change of shikigami into a corporeal supernatural being with
deadly powers to curse and inflict harm, it is portrayed as a subservient spirit servant
under the control of its onmyji master who is able to dictate its form and decide on
the task that it is to perform. In the next chapter, I will show a shift in shikigami
narratives that reveal a dark transformation in shikigami characteristics that hint at the
declining influence of Onmyd.
70

_________________


CHAPTER FIVE
_________________


SHIFT IN SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES:
FROM SPIRIT SERVANT TO UNBRIDLED
SUPERNATURAL SIGNS
71
CHAPTER 5. Shifts in Shikigami Narratives: From Spirit Servant to Unbridled
Supernatural Signs

In the previous chapters, I have traced the gradual transformation of textual
constructions of shikigami from a metaphoric reference to shikisen to include
additional characteristics as an anthropomorphic spirit servant that was summoned for
various tasks such as espionage purposes or household chores and later, attaining the
deadly abilities of inflicting grievous harm and setting curses. The development of
shikigami into a physical entity with supernatural powers is identified with the
historical changes of Onmyd from a philosophical proto-science to a magico-
religious institution by the late Heian period. Early literary references to shikigami
generally situate it under the control of onmyji where it appears only when
summoned and is assigned specific tasks. I will show how literary descriptions of
shikigami shifted towards depicting an unbridled supernatural being that is not
restrained by onmyji and able to freely manifest on its own by the mid-Kamakura
period in this chapter. Contrary to earlier textual descriptions, the shikigami during
the Kamakura period is portrayed as autonomous and not dependent on the presence
of its onmyji master to exist which suggests a decline in the authority of Onmyd.
This shift in characteristics is particularly demonstrated in two tales recorded in the
texts of Zokukojidan (1219 anthology of military tales) and Genpeijsuiki (end
fourteenth to early fifteenth century collection of military tales).

5.1 Loss of Control and Indiscriminate Harm: Zokukojidan



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One of the tales in the Chapter, Section on Officials
1
of Zokukojidan
describes the fateful downfall of Minamoto no Takaakira (, 914-83), son of
Emperor Daigo (, r.897-930) who became the Minister of the Left in 968. In
the tale, Takaakira had just left the imperial palace and was passing by the compound
of Shinsen-en () when he came across two tall beings.
2
It was said that he
encountered a very serious matter after the two beings called out his name. His ill-
fated encounter is recorded in the below excerpt:

[He observed] as he reached the edge of the beam, two
tall beings standing there concealed themselves in the
shadows when they heard his approach and revealed
themselves when there were no sounds. Takaakira
detected the two beings intent and purposely made loud
sounds with his feet. Just as he passed the beam, the
beings called out his name. Immediately after that,
Takaakira encountered a grave matter and he was
banished from the capital.
3


The historical event of Minamoto no Takaakiras demotion and exile during
the Anna Incident () of 969 was deemed to be the unfortunate result of a
run-in with shikigami. The Anna Incident was a political conspiracy orchestrated by

1
The translation is mine. The original title is Shinsetsu ().
2
Some versions of modern publications of Zokukojidan stated that there were three beings instead of
two.
3
The translation is mine. For the original Japanese tale, I have referred to the version published in
Kawabata Yoshiaki and Araki Hiroshi, annotate., Shin-nihon koten-bungaku taikei 41: kojidan,
zokukojidan (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2005), 21-6 and 655.



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the Fujiwara clan to eliminate military rivals in Kyoto that occurred in the early spring
of Anna Second Year (969). Takaakira was implicated in the plot and exiled to
Kyushu for three years before he was allowed to return to the capital where he had
already lost his political influence and became committed to a quiet life of study.
4
The
Anna Incident was historically significant for removing the political and military
rivals of the Hokke (, Northern House of the Fujiwara clan) and Minamoto no
Mitsunaka (, 917-997) while setting the stage for the increasing involvement
of the warrior class in the politics of the imperial court.
5
The use of shikigami to
explain an event marks a desire to attribute Takaakiras misfortune to an
uncontrollable external force.
Takaakira did not cause his own downfall because of political ambitions or
through any personal act but was instead portrayed as a victim of unforeseen
inexorable circumstances. The sense of regret for the fate of a tragic historical figure
that was meant for better accomplishments if not for the unexpected shikigami curse
is echoed in the later part of the tale. The next part of the tale wrote that a
physiogonomist, Kadohira () was highly impressed with Takaakiras honorable
face, exclaiming that he had not seen such glorious and admirable facial features
before. But when he saw Takaakiras departing figure, he found it lacking of good
omen and predicted the banishment. The inclusion of this later part of the tale takes a
sympathetic view of Takaakiras life which was meant to be glorious and exalted but
was instead, heavily marked by the unexpected shikigami encounter. The potential for
Takaakira to rise further in life was prematurely ended by the shikigami curse which
showed a belief in the power of shikigami to alter a persons destiny. Unlike earlier

4
Shively and McCullough, The Cambridge History of Japan, 63.
5
Ibid.



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tales that are described in previous chapters, the shikigami here has developed a grim
and sinister element where it is not a specific curse that was directed at Takaakira to
intentionally cause his downfall but was a residue of a spell that was left in the
Shinsen-en compound and degenerated into a freewheeling curse that harms passersby.
The below excerpt taken from the same tale gives the reason for the presence of
shikigami at Shinsen-en:

During the time of the Horse Racing festival (,
kurabeuma) at Shinsen-en, the shikigami that was buried
by an onmyji has yet to be removed. This spirit is
making its presence known. Even now, that area should
not be entered, remarked an onmyji named Ariyuki.
6


The casual appearance of shikigami in the form of two tall beings had a heavy
negative effect on passersby such that the onmyji, Ariyuki cautioned against
entering the area that they occupied. An earlier tale in Uji-shui monogatari describes
shikigami as under command by an onmyji to set curses on the victim where the
shikigami had no deliberate personal intention to harm people. But the two shikigami
that Takaakira encountered were not under any human control and instead, acted on
their own without any instructions from their onmyji master. As Ariyuki explained,
the shikigami were merely making their presence known, with disastrous
consequences for the unfortunate Takaakira. The change of shikigami from an agent
that was commanded to spy and set curses into an uncontrolled force that lingered

6
The translation is mine. For the original Japanese tale, I have referred to the version published in
Kawabata and Araki, Shin-nihon koten-bungaku taikei 41: kojidan, zokukojidan, 21-6 and 655.



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around to wilfully harm innocent passersby is a new development in shikigami
characteristics. Instead of having their forms dictated by their onmyji masters,
shikigami can manifest on their own and even emit sounds to make their presence
known. The fact that shikigami knew Takaakiras name indicated that they are aware
and have clear knowledge of their surroundings and social environment. This
reflected the same characteristics displayed in the earlier texts, Makura-no sshi
where shikigami was believed to know everything that happened, and kagami where
it was able to identify the emperor and report his actions to Seimei.
Another new development in shikigami characteristics is its diversion from its
original task. As explained by Ariyuki in the tale, shikigami was buried in the racing
arena at Shinsen-en compound as a protective charm during the Horse Racing
Festival. The changing characteristics of a harmful curse that was meant to target a
specific person, as in the case of the young chamberlain in Uji-shui monogatari, to
bringing capricious harm on an innocent passerby as seen in Takaakiras demotion,
echoed the Japanese belief of tsukumo-gami (). Inanimate objects are believed
to become demonized as tsukumo-gami after a long substantial period of neglect or
abandonment. They gain powers such that they are able to plague mischief on humans.
The harmful powers of tsukumo-gami are so feared that annual rituals, such as
Harikuy ()
7
, are conducted to pacify old and used objects to prevent them
from becoming demonized and bringing harm on humans. The two shikigami at
Shinsen-en were a spell that had been buried and forgotten without an onmyji to
remove or pacify them with some rites. In the same manner as abandoned objects that
became tsukumo-gami, the two shikigami became demonized such that they changed

7
This is an annual memorial service (, kuykai) held on February 8 or December 8 to give
thanks to old or broken needles by piercing them in tofu, konnyaku jelly or wrapping them in paper.



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from their original task of protecting and preventing disasters during the Horse
Racing Festival to a destructive element that brought harm on passersby. The
protective quality of shikigami changed to a fear of the potential harm that it was
capable of. Earlier literary descriptions of shikigami as a supernatural force with all-
pervasive and insidious magical powers that was still under human control were
replaced by depictions of an uncontrolled spirit that could freely harm innocent
people without any specific instructions from an onmyji.
The presence of autonomous shikigami that were not bound to the commands
of their onmyji master in Zokukojidan can probably be found in the waning
influence of Onmyd during the Kamakura period. In 1221, ex-Emperor Go-Toba
(, r.1184-98) initiated the Shky or Jky War () in a bid to
restore the authority of insei (, cloistered rule by retired emperors) which was
met with failure and defeat by the Kamakura regime. Joseph Kitagawa pointed out
that although later historians often disparage the action of the Kamakura regime in
exiling ex-emperors, one has to remember that the corruption and degeneration of the
court was such that the masses did not support the Kyoto forces.
8
Due to the close
association with the imperial court and the fact that the sacerdotal families of Abe and
Kamo were ecclesiastic aristocrats, the decline in the authority of the imperial family
meant that Onmyd suffered the same waning in prestige and influence. The
increasing popularity of other religions such as Pure Land Buddhism and Zen
Buddhism during the Kamakura era also meant that Onmyd no longer wielded as
much influence as it once did during the golden era of the Kyoto Heian rule.
Zokukojidan reflected the declining influence of Onmyd in a similar story of loss of

8
Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History, 92.



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control and immanent danger where the onmyji no longer appeared to have full
control over their own spirit servant, the shikigami.

5.2 Bridge Augury and Twelve Guardian Deities: Genpeijsuiki
The above tale of Takaakiras fateful encounter with shikigami exhibits a
disconcerting change. Unlike the deliberate setting of curses on specific victims, as
with the case of the young chamberlain in Uji-shui monogatari, a chance meeting
with shikigami could have disastrous outcomes for the unfortunate person. The belief
in mapp and the powerlessness of humans to alter the course of history was fostered
by the political and social turmoil of the period and translated into a fatalistic sense of
inevitability that prompted many aristocrats to resort to intensified ritual activities in
the form of the Buddhist practice of sutra-copying to secure a place in paradise after
their deaths.
9
Such fatalistic acceptance of the incapacity of humans to control or
overturn the course of events is reflected in the loss of control over the behavior of
shikigami in Zokukojidan. The onmyjis stalwart manipulation over supernatural
forces is put into question by the random appearance of the two shikigami at Shinsen-
en and the warning by onmyji Ariyuki to avoid the area rather than rectify the
situation by removing the shikigami. With the end of the Kamakura region in 1333, a
new development took place in textual descriptions of shikigami as seen in the end
fourteenth to early fifteenth century work, Genpeijsuiki, a collection of military tales
that consists of forty-eight scrolls. In Scroll 12 titled The Empresss Birth
10
, the
wife of Taira no Kiyomori (, 1118-1181), Tokiko (, 1126-1185) went

9
D. Max Moerman, The Archeology of Anxiety: An Underground History of Heian Religion, in
Heian Japan, Centers and Peripheries, eds. Mikael Adolphson, Edward Kamens and Stacie
Matsumoto, 245-71 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2007).
10
The translation is mine. The original title is Chgu o-san ().



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to Ichij-modori Bridge () in the Heian capital of Kyoto to consult fortunes
using hashi-ura (), a form of augury where fortunes are revealed by listening to
the conversation of passersby on the bridge. After arriving at the bridge, a group of
twelve children with bobbed hair and of fourteen to fifteen years of age appeared from
the west, clapping their hands and uttering a prophecy in unison. They later
disappeared into the east. The twelve children were believed to be shikigami as
described in the below translated excerpt:

Ichij-modori Bridge was said to be where in the past,
Abe no Seimei, the greatest in the knowledge of astrology
and able to command the twelve guardian deities (
, jni-shinsh) but as his wife feared the appearance of
shikigami, had used incantations to seal the twelve deities
(, jni-shin) under the bridge and summoned them
when he needed them. If you consult fortunes at the
bridge [using the hashi ura or bridge augury], the
shikigami will utter the fortunes through the mouths of
passersby. Hence, the twelve children must be
manifestations of the twelve guardian deities! (jni-
shinsh no kagen narubeshi).
11



11
The translation is mine. For the original Japanese tale, I have referred to the version published in
Matsuo Mashie, annotate., Genpeijsuiki (ni): daiyichi-go dai-jky-kai haihon, chsei no bungaku
(Tokyo: Miyai Shoten, 1993), 111-12.



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Zokukojidan describes shikigami as two tall beings while the shikigami
depicted in this tale have the physical form of children. Despite their form as young
children, the tale describes the need for Seimei to conceal his shikigami under Ichij-
modori Bridge as his wife feared their appearances. The suggestion of their fearsome
appearances was probably due to the creation of images of shikigami which provided
a visualization of this supernatural being.
12
One of such available images of shikigami
is the fourteenth century illustrated picture scroll of Fudriyaku-engi emaki (
), which belongs to the Tokyo National Museum and is listed as an
Important Cultural Property of Japan. Fudriyaku-engi emaki provides an excellent
and detailed record of the proceedings of an Onmyd ceremonial ritual and features
shikigami as two diminutive helpers assisting Seimei in a purification rite to subdue
demons of ailments. In the illustrated picture scroll, the two shikigami are depicted as
half the size of the human characters with demon-like facial features, bulbous noses,
wide gaping mouths, bushy eyebrows and pointed ears. Their unruly, short hair is
brown as opposed to the black hair of the human characters and they have claw-like
feet and unnatural skin colors of red and pale green that resembled the strange
appearances of the five demons of ailments seated in front of the ceremonial table.
The two small-size shikigami are barefoot and clad in flowing robes that exposed
their arms. One of them is encased in an upper-body armor that resembles scales. The
peculiar appearances of shikigami in this emaki allow for an understanding of why it
is described as demon-like and fearsome-looking in later texts like Genpeijsuiki.

12
The idea of the influence of illustrated picture scrolls on textual constructions of shikigami was
provided by Professor Komine Kazuaki during my research presentation at one of his graduate study
groups on 4 February 2009.



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The image of shikigami portrayed in Fudriyaku-engi emaki had a strong
influence on many later works such as the sixteenth century Nakifud-engi emaki (
), which belongs to the Shjke-in () collection. It is a replica
of the Fudriyaku-engi emaki and features shikigami with prominent demon-like
features such as bulging eyes, protruding cheekbones, long fangs and skin colors of
deep red and green. The two shikigami in the emaki are attired in short robes that
exposed their arms and legs, with one of them having animal skin wrapped around its
waist.
Portrait paintings of Abe no Seimei frequently depict a shikigami attendant
kneeling by his feet that has similar demon-like features as Fudriyaku-engi emaki.
One of the oldest portrait paintings of Seimei is the early Muromachi work, Abe no
Seimei-k goshinz () that belongs to the Abe ji Shrine (
) in Osaka. Although the shikigami attendant is attired in an elaborate outfit of
patterned green robe with white long pants and straw sandals, it is depicted as small-
sized with the same demon-like facial features of big bulging eyes, protruding
eyebrow ridge, wide gaping mouth and green skin. The bizarre appearance of
shikigami in pictorial works might have influenced literary descriptions of shikigami
as having a fearsome appearance.
Despite the suggestion of a demon-like and fearsome appearance, the keen
interest of Taira no Kiyomoris wife, Tokiko in seeking their advice through the
hashi-ura is a departure from the unfortunate experience of Minamoto no Takaakira
in Zokukojidan. Instead of avoiding areas occupied by shikigami as cautioned by the
onmyji Ariyuki in Zokukojidan, Tokiko is depicted as intentionally waiting by
Ichij-modori Bridge for the appearance of shikigami. Shikigami is portrayed in



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81
Genpeijsuiki as a provider of information about the future rather than destructive
effects such as that suffered by Takaakira. Such a positive change in perception
towards shikigami can probably be traced to Onmyds deepening relationship with
the warrior class and its rising prominence in the imperial court since the late
fourteenth century.
The influence of Onmyd was affected as the imperial court became
increasingly powerless during the Kamakura period but instead of becoming fully
displaced by other religions such as Pure Land Buddhism and Zen Buddhism, court
onmyji slowly gained the patronage of the warrior class. The growing relationship
between Onmyd and the warrior class began in 1207 when the third shogun of the
Kamakura bakufu, Minamoto no Sanetomo (1192-1219) summoned the court
onmyji, Abe no I-han () in a precedent move to Kamakura to conduct
prayer rites against pestilence.
13
This marked the start of court onmyji heading out of
the Kyoto capital to serve in the Kamakura bakufu
14
and the period of 1223 saw a
great increase in the number of onmyji heading to Kamakura.
15
The deepening ties
between court onmyji and the warrior class is further seen in the rising position of
Abe no Ariyo (, 1327-1405) in the imperial court with the aid of the third
shogun of the Muromachi bakufu, Ashikaga Yoshimitsu (, 1358-1408). It
was recorded that in 1379, Abe no Ariyo was granted the privilege to approach the
inner precinct of Seiry-den (), the private quarters of the emperor, which was

13
Murayama Shichi, Nihon onmyd-shi ssetsu (Tokyo: Hanawa Shob, 1994), 287.
14
Ibid.
15
Nakamura Akiko, Onmyd kanren nenpy, in Abe no seimei to onmyd, ed. Katsuaki Yamashita,
108 (Tokyo: Kawade Shob, 2004).



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82
a first for an onmyji.
16
This privilege was granted to Ariyo by the imperial court on
the strong recommendation of Ashikaga Yoshimitsu.
17
In 1384, he was the first
onmyji in the Abe clan to rise to the position of third rank in the imperial court
18
and
promoted to the position of second rank in 1399, although he was not allowed to
participate in political affairs.
19
The highest position of the famous Abe no Seimei
was conferred at fourth rank.
20
The conferment of the second rank on Ariyo
consequently allowed for more court onmyji to rise to such high positions. One
example is Kamo no Arihiro () who was promoted to the third rank in 1406,
which was a precedent for the Kamo sacerdotal lineage of Onmyd. The patronage
of the warrior class and the deepened participation of onmyji in imperial court affairs
re-affirmed the status of Onmyd. This in turn allowed for a positive textual
construction of shikigami in literature of the late fourteenth and fifteenth century
period.
Matsuo Mashies annotation for this tale defines the twelve guardian deities as
divine followers of the Yakushi Nyorai (Yakushi nyorai no kensoku) and states that
they also refer to the twelve guardian deities of the twelve hours of day and night
(chya-jniji no goh-shin).
21
In the tale, the twelve children shikigami were aware of
Tokikos identity and even hinted at her high status in their prophecy. This awareness
of their current surroundings and ability to identify individuals reiterate early beliefs
about shikigami being well-informed about everything as expressed in Makura-no

16
Yanagihara Toshiaki, Muromachi-jidai no onmyd, in Onmyd no kgi, ed. Hayashi Jun and
Koike Junichi, 126 (Tokyo: Sagano Shoin, 2002).
17
Ibid.
18
Ibid., 124.
19
Nakamura, Onmyd kanren nenpy, 109.
20
Ibid.
21
The translation of the terms is mine. Terms were taken from Matsuo, Genpeijsuiki (ni), 111,
annotation 9.



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83
sshi, and emphasize shikigamis possible origin as a metonymy of shikisen. In
Chapter 2, I have explained that scholars such as Suzuki, Toyoshima, Suwa and Sait
Rei see shikigami as a physical personification of onmyjis mastery over the shikisen
(chokusen, ). The chokuban () instrument, which is used during shikisen
sessions, has two attached rotating panels called Heaven (, tenban) and Earth (
, jiban). The Heaven panel has twelve cardinal points named jni-gatsush (
, twelve guardians of the months) while the twelve cardinal points on the Earth
panel is called jni-shi (, twelve signs of the Japanese zodiac).
22
Several
Japanese scholars assert that the twelve guardian deities (, jni-shinsh)
commanded by Seimei are actually a reference to the cardinal points of the
chokubans Heaven and Earth panels.
23
The close association of shikigami with
shikisen augury and the chokuban instrument gives a reason for the shikigamis link
with bridge augury (, hashi-ura). The free appearance of shikigami at Ichij-
modori Bridge without any summoning from an onmyji suggests that the twelve
children shikigami in this tale are primarily conceived as a type of bridge augury. This
is reminiscent of their early manifestation as the shikisen augury instead of a spirit
servant.

In this tale, the author referred back to Abe no Seimei as an explanation for the
belief in the existence of shikigami at Ichij-modori Bridge that gave rise to the
practice of hashi-ura. Seimei is regarded as representative of the peak of Onmyd
influence during the mid-Heian period where it was incorporated into court rituals,

22
The translation is mine.
23
Murayama, Nihon no onmyd to abe no seimei, 16.



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84
dictated vital functions such as the calculation and creation of the annual calendar,
astrological predictions of national concerns and the head of the Onmy-ry, ony-no-
kami () could submit imperial edicts to the emperor directly. Court onmyji
advised the daily activities of the imperial family and aristocrats and had an over-
arching influence in many aspects of Heian life. Onmyd had become a significant
part of daily life in the Heian period such that the use of shikigami as an oath of
truthfulness was a natural flow in the conversation between Sei Shnagon and
Empress Teishi in Makura-no sshi. As Onmyd became increasing involved in
magico-religious ceremonial rituals and purification rites from the mid-Heian period,
realistic descriptions of shikigami behavior that differed from the ambiguous
descriptions in Shyki and Shin-sarugakuki, reinforced its existence as a supernatural
being with the physical ability to open doors, have powers of sight and auditory
powers of speech, and even possess analytical abilities were given in kagami. From
the late Heian period, tales that mention shikigami tend to refer back to Seimei as the
focal point of shikigami appearances. Konjaku monogatari-sh and Uji-shui
monogatari are prominent examples that give near heroic descriptions of Seimeis
magic abilities. Oftentimes, he is cast as a charismatic epitome of Onmyds
powerful magic and legends about his magical powers and ease of control over
shikigami are often celebrated. In the later tales of Zokukojidan and Genpeijsuiki, the
presence of shikigami whose masters no longer existed to command them and who
possessed the ability to freely manifest and exert their powers denotes a situation
where there was a gradual loss of control over the element that is regarded as the
emblem of Onmyd. Zokukojidan marks the period where the presence of Onmyd
was gradually obscured by the rising influence of Pure Land Buddhism and Zen



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85
Buddhism and the growing powerlessness of the imperial court. Literary descriptions
of masterless shikigami in Zokukojidan depict them with the ability to exert harmful
powers, as seen in Takaakiras case where his life was drastically changed by the
shikigami encounter. Although Genpeijsuiki has a more positive image of the
shikigami with an undisruptive function as hashi-ura in response to the patronage of
Onmyd by the warrior class and the rising position of court onmyji in the imperial
court since the fourteenth century, the nostalgic reference to Seimei as the basis for
their presence at Ichij-modori Bridge highlights a remembrance of the peak of
Onmyd authority during the Heian period and parallels the decline in Onmyd
influence after the Kamakura period.

86

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CHAPTER SIX
_________________


CONCLUSION:
WHO IS THE SPIRIT SERVANT SERVING?
87
CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving?

As I have mentioned in the Introduction, the title of this final chapter is
intended to rhetorically highlight the main aims of this thesis: to understand the
function of shikigami narratives and their relationship with the historical
developments of Onmyd. Through my study of the relationship between literary
tales of shikigami and Onmyd developments, I attempted to show the interactions
between religion, literature and history, and draw attention to the function of literary
narratives in projecting perspectives that are usually absent in official historical
records. An analysis of literary descriptions of shikigami in Chapters 3, 4 and 5
showed the fluidity of this Onmyd emblem where its descriptions changed in
tandem with developments in Onmyd. From its early reference to the onmyjis
augury skills and mastery over shikisen, literary descriptions of shikigami gradually
cast shikigami as a spirit servant that served as an affirmation of the onmyjis control
over supernatural forces and paralleled the transition of Onmyd from an institution
of philosophical proto-science to a magico-religious practice during the mid-Heian
period.
Later period literary descriptions of shikigami became a metaphoric sign of
Onmyds declining influence as represented by the lack of control over the very
element that was typically used to acknowledge and establish the power that onmyji
had over supernatural forces. Textual creations of shikigami adjusted and acquired
new attributes as changes in Onmyd took place. As there was a lack of official
doctrines pertaining to shikigami in Onmyd tradition, literary narratives that reacted
to the developments of Onmyd shaped the formations of shikigami instead. These
changing descriptions of shikigami in various texts through the centuries consequently



CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving?
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88
created a complex and enigmatic figure with multiple meanings that holds different
significance for different groups of people. The effect of this was pointed out in
Chapter 2 where it was observed that contemporary scholarship on Onmyd used
different literary texts and periods of comparison which neglected the gradual changes
in shikigami narratives and produced different definitions of shikigami while failing
to clarify its role in Onmyd tradition and Japanese religious and social thought.

6.1 Adoption of Shikigami Narratives by Onmyd Institutions
Regardless of its ambiguity in Onmyd tradition, and position as a fictional
knowledge that was initiated by society, shikigami narratives are accepted as a
fictional truth by contemporary religious institutions of Onmyd, such as Seimei
Shrine () in Kyoto and Abe no Seimei Shrine () in Osaka.
The Seimei Shrine and Abe no Seimei Shrine often refer to shikigami as an accolade
to the magical skills of the legendary onmyji, Abe no Seimei and his impressive
control over the supernatural but do not explain the role or purpose of shikigami in
present-day Onmyd practice.
Seimei was popularized in contemporary Japanese mass media by the 2001
movie, Onmyji which sparked a new interest in the practice of Onmyd and
subsequently resulted in a succession of a 2003 movie sequel, NHK dramas, novels,
video and internet games, manga, and anime that have spread overseas to China,
Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore. An increasing public and scholastic interest in
Onmyd since the early 2000s resulted in a series of Japanese scholarly publications,
documentaries and exhibitions held in Kyoto and Osaka as well as the recent three-
day Onmyd symposium held at Columbia University in May 2009.



CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving?
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89
As Onmyd gains increasing exposure in the mass media, shikigami is often
cast as the emblematic representation of Onmyd magic and depicted as a powerful
supernatural being that can be summoned by magic spells and incantations in
Japanese popular culture which in turn, results in the common perception of shikigami
as a spirit servant to onmyji. This definition of shikigami as a spirit servant is
supported by contemporary religious institutions of Onmyd. Seimei Shrine whose
enshrined deity is the aforementioned Seimei, states in its websites glossary that
shikigami are kijin ((, demon gods) or shieki-jin (, servant gods) used in
Onmyd that are invisible to normal humans. Abe no Seimei was adept at
controlling shikigami and used them for various tasks that ranged from household
chores to ceremonial rites. He was said to have normally sealed his shikigami under
Ichij-modori Bridge as his wife feared their existence.
1
The importance placed on
establishing the authenticity of Seimeis legends is clearly shown in the shrines
special display of a big stone-carved monument with a shikigami statue (Fig. 1)
kneeling beside a small-scale reproduction of Ichij-modori Bridge (Fig. 2) that was
constructed within the shrine compounds and sale of hand-phone straps that are
decorated with a small shikigami replica (Fig. 3). Seimei Shrine provides a
description for the shikigami statue in its website, Beside the replica of Ichij-
modori Bridge, there is a stone statue of shikigami which is said to be a seirei (,
spirit, ghost or genie) controlled by onmyji and invisible to human eyes. There are
many legends about shikigami. When Seimei was living here, he sealed his shikigami

1
The translation is mine. The original Japanese description was taken from the official website of
Seimei Shrine, http://www.seimeijinja.jp/faq/word_02.html (accessed November 28, 2008).



CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving?
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90
under Ichij-modori Bridge as his wife feared them. These shikigami engage in hashi-
ura (, bridge augury).
2



Fig. 1. Shikigami statue Fig. 2. Small-scale model of Ichij-modori Bridge
The shikigami statue was based on a painting of Abe no Seimei that is owned by Seimei Shrine, and
presented as a gift by Kyoto-rakuch Lions Club () in 2003.
3

(Photographs by the author.)



Fig. 3. Hand-phone strap on sale at Seimei Shrine
From left: Front of item, back of item and instructions sheet (Photographs by the author.)
Translation of back of item: This shiki is a reproduction of the shikigami servant in Abe no Seimeis
portrait painting (owned by Seimei Shrine).


2
The translation is mine. The original Japanese description was taken from Seimei Shrine,
http://www.seimeijinja.jp/guide/index.html (accessed July 20, 2009).
3
Seimei Shrine, http://www.seimeijinja.jp/guide/gui_01.html (accessed November 28, 2008).



CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving?
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91
Abe no Seimei Shrine, which also venerates Seimei and has promoted itself to
be the sacred site of his birthplace, explains in its published book of Seimei legends
that shikigami are kijin that follow the commands of onmyji and describes their
appearance as small-sized and demon-like.
4

The Seimei Shrine and Abe no Seimei Shrines emphasis on the magical
exploits of Seimei and his mastery over shikigami is understandably meant to enhance
the power and charismatic appeal of their figure of veneration, though the utilization
of shikigami as a publicity tool unavoidably results in an endorsement and
reinforcement of its image widely present in Japanese popular culture as a spirit
servant while failing to explain its function in the practice of Onmyd.
The adoption of shikigami narratives by the Seimei Shrine and Abe no Seimei
Shrine to legitimize the legendary exploits of past figures highlights the effect of
shikigami narratives on the way that religious institutions of Onmyd construct their
religious identity and practices, and illustrates mutual influences between religion and
literature.

Since the earliest record in eleventh century texts to twenty-first century mass
media, shikigami is generally portrayed as an enigmatic figure that remains intriguing
in its position as a formidable supernatural force of unknown origins that is
completely obedient to the commands of its human master, the onmyji. Changing
textual constructions of shikigami that have been shaped by the historical
developments of Onmyd and pictorial influences in the form of emaki, produced
different interpretations of what shikigami represents. Such diverse interpretations of

4
Shimura Kunihiro, Abe no seimei kden (Osaka: Abe ji Jinja, 2005), 26.



CHAPTER 6. Conclusion: Who is the Spirit Servant Serving?
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92
shikigami is made more complex in contemporary times with new forms of influences
on shikigami narratives, caused by the increasing exposure of Onmyd in mass
media and the contribution of new interpretations of shikigami by the Japanese
popular culture of anime, manga, novels, games, dramas and movies. My study of
shikigami narratives reveals a fluid environment in the interaction between religion,
literature and history where textual constructions of shikigami remains an on-going
process that is relevant in contemporary times as long as literary narratives continue
to reflect social and cultural practices.
93

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104

_________________


APPENDIX ONE
_________________


SHIKIGAMI NARRATIVES



1
0
5

Date of
completion
Text Excerpts from text English translations
1001-1002 Makura-no
sshi
()


Details: Entry 176.
Title of diary entry:

1


...

2



Title of diary entry: 176: When I first went into court
service
3


...I was caught between delight and dismay, and filled
again with a fierce resentment at whoever had sneezed the
night before.

We may judge a flower
by the strength or weakness of its hue
but that red nose bloomed false.
And so my flowering heart withers alone
To find itself in misjudged misery.

Please take this to Her Majesty to lift her spirits, I said,
and added, The god of divination knows all. I stand in
great awe of him...
4


Title of diary entry: 116: When I First Went into
Waiting
5


...My emotions were a jumble of delight and dismay, and
once again I wished I could find out who had sneezed on

1
Matsuo Satoshi and Nagai Kazuko, eds. and trans., Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zensh 18: makura-no sshi (Tokyo: Shgakukan, 1997), 314.
2
Ibid.
3
McKinney, Sei Shnagon, 173.
4
Ibid.
5
Ivan Morris, trans., The Pillow Book of Sei Shnagon (London: Penguin Books Ltd, 1971), 191.
A
P
P
E
N
D
I
X

1
:

S
H
I
K
I
G
A
M
I

N
A
R
R
A
T
I
V
E
S



1
0
6

the previous night. Please give Her Majesty the following
reply, I said, and help me to make up for the harm that
has been done.

A simple sneeze might give the lie
To one whose love is small,
But sad indeed that she who truly loves,
Should suffer from so slight a thing!
The curse of God Shiki is of course very terrible.
6


978-1032

Shyki
( )


Details: Section () of chapter 20,
().
Title of diary entry:
7


()

8


Details: Section, Troubles of chapter 20,
Extraordinary Events, Part 10
9

Title of diary entry: Officials
10


(Chh era 2
nd
year 5
th
month) Same year, same month,
eighth day, it is said that shikigami was the cause of the
Minister of the Lefts troubles.
11


1052 Shin-
sarugakuki
()

Title of tale:

12



...

Title of tale: The tenth occupation, Ony


14


The tenth occupation was an onmyji by the name of
Kamo no Michiyo... who was able to freely summon the
twelve guardian deities, call thirty-six types of wild birds
to his side, control shikigami, create spells and talisman,

6
Morris, The Pillow Book of Sei Shnagon, 191.
7
Tokyo daigaku shiry-hensanj, Dai-nihon kokiroku: shyki j, 134.
8
Ibid.
9
The translation is mine.
10
Ibid.
11
Ibid.
12
Kawaguchi, Shin-sarugakuki, 132.

1
0
7

...

13


open and close the eyes of kijin (demon god), manipulate
human souls... Although he had a human form, he was able
to communicate mentally with otherworldly beings.
15


Mid-11
th

century to
early 12
th

century
kagami
()


Details: Scroll 1.
Title of tale:
16


...

17



Title of tale: The Sixty-fifth Reign: Emperor Kazan
18


... One of you spirits had better go on ahead to the
Palace, Seimei said. And they tell me that an invisible
person pushed open the door and answered, It looks as
though His Majesty has just passed the house. (He may
have seen the Emperors retreating figure. Seimeis
residence was at the intersection of Tsuchimikado and
Machiguchi, so it was on the way.)
19


14
The translation is mine.
13
Kawaguchi, Shin-sarugakuki, 132.
15
The translation is mine.
16
Tachibana and Kat, Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zen-sh 34: kagami, 44.
17
Ibid., 44-47.
18
McCullough, kagami: The Great Mirror, 80.
19
Ibid., 81.

1
0
8

1120 Konjaku
monogatari-
sh
()


Details: Scroll 24, Tale 16.
Title of tale:

20


1. ...


21


2. ......


Title of tale: The Tutelage of Abe no Seimei under
Tadayuki, Tale 16
25


1. ...Seimei guessed that the old fellow knew more than he
let on and had actually come to test him. On his mettle
now, he decided to have a bit of fun himself. The two boys
seemed to be genies. Seimei prayed silently that if they
were, they should vanish; and he secretly cast a spell and
made the appropriate passes under his sleeves.
26






2. ... Then [Seimei] murmured a spell, and shortly the two
boys came running up to their master from somewhere
outside. Its true, sir, the monk said, I did mean to test
you. Its easy to keep genies, but I couldnt possibly make
someone elses genies disappear. Please let me be your
disciple. Seimei accepted him on the spot.
27







20
Mabuchi Kazuo, Inagaki Taiichi, and Kunisaki Fumimaro, eds. and trans. Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zensh 37: konjaku monogatari-sh 3 (Tokyo: Shgakukan,
2001), 283. This is the same tale as Tale 127 in Uji-shui monogatari.
21
Ibid., 284.

1
0
9

22


3. ...

(++):




3. Seimei was visiting a great prelate he knew when a
young monk in the prelates entourage said he had heard
that Seimei kept genies, and asked Seimei whether he
could kill a man easily. Not easily, no, Seimei replied.
It would take a big effort. I suppose I could kill a small
creature readily enough, but I cant see any point in doing
so. Since I wouldnt know how to bring it back to life, Id
just end up committing a sin. ...He picked up a blade of
grass, muttered something, and tossed the grass at a frog.
The grass crushed the frog and killed it instantly. The
monks looking on turned pale with fear.
28












25
The translation is mine.
26
Tyler, Japanese Tales, 84.
27
Ibid., 85.
22
Mabuchi, Inagaki, and Kunisaki, Konjaku monogatari-sh 3, 285.
28
Tyler, Japanese Tales, 83.

1
1
0

[missing text]

23


4. ...

....

24






4. It is said that this Abe no Seimei commanded shikigami
when there was no one in his house. Curtain blinds will
raise and fall of their own and doors will open and shut
even when no one is around. Such unusual occurrences
were frequent and were passed down by word of mouth. ...
Till today, the descendents can still hear the shikigami in
the Tsuchimikado house.
29



1120 Konjaku
monogatari-
sh
()

Details: Scroll 24, Tale 19.
Title of tale:

30


...

31


Title of tale: The Tale of Chitoku, the onmyji from
Harima
32


Chitoku was an extremely fearsome fellow but when he
met Seimei, his shikigami were concealed by him. This
was only because Chitoku had no knowledge of that
magic.
33


23
Mabuchi, Inagaki, and Kunisaki, Konjaku monogatari-sh 3, 286-7.
24
Ibid.
29
The translation is mine.
30
Mabuchi, Inagaki and Kunisaki, Konjaku monogatari-sh 3, 291.
31
Ibid., 293.

1
1
1

1213-1221 Uji-shi
monogatari
(
)

Details: Scroll 11:3, Tale 126.
Title of tale:
34


1. ...

35


2. ...

36


Title of tale: The Test
37


1. ...Seimei guessed that the old fellow knew more than he
let on and had actually come to test him. On his mettle
now, he decided to have a bit of fun himself. The two boys
seemed to be genies. Seimei prayed silently that if they
were, they should vanish; and he secretly cast a spell and
made the appropriate passes under his sleeves.
38





2. ...Then [Seimei] murmured a spell, and shortly the two
boys came running up to their master from somewhere
outside. Its true, sir, the monk said, I did mean to test
you. Its easy to keep genies, but I couldnt possibly make
someone elses genies disappear. Please let me be your
disciple. Seimei accepted him on the spot.
39



32
The translation is mine. Although Royall Tyler had translated the title as The Spellbound Pirates in Japanese Tales (New York: Pantheon Books, 2002), his translated
title did not accurately reflect the meaning of the original title.
33
The translation is mine. Tylers loose translation of this tale did not include this sentence.
34
Kobayashi Yasuhara, and Masuko Kazuko, trans. and annotate., Shinhen nihon koten-bungaku zensh 50: uji-shui monogatari (Tokyo: Shgakukan, 1996), 335.
35
Ibid., 335-6.
36
Ibid., 336.
37
Tyler, Japanese Tales, 84.
38
Ibid., 85.
39
Ibid.

1
1
2

1213-1221 Uji-shi
monogatari
(
)


Details: Scroll 11: 3, Tale 127.
Title of tale:
40


1.

41


Title of tale: One Frog Less
43


1. Seimei was visiting a great prelate he knew when a
young monk in the prelates entourage said he had heard
that Seimei kept genies, and asked Seimei whether he
could kill a man easily. Not easily, no, Seimei replied.
It would take a big effort. I suppose I could kill a small
creature readily enough, but I cant see any point in doing
so. Since I wouldnt know how to bring it back to life, Id
just end up committing a sin. ...He picked up a blade of
grass, muttered something, and tossed the grass at a frog.
The grass crushed the frog and killed it instantly. The
monks looking on turned pale with fear.
44














40
Kobayashi and Masuko, Uji-shui monogatari, 337. This is the same tale as Tale 16 in Konjaku monogatari-sh.
41
Ibid.

1
1
3

2.

42


2. [Seimei] was said to command these shikigami when
there was no one in his house. Even when nobody was
around [in his house], shutters would be raised and lowered
and doors would be shut.
45


1213-1221 Uji shi
monogatari
(
)


Details: Scroll 2: 8 Tale 26.
Title of tale:

46


1. ...

...
47



Title of tale: Seimei sealing the young Archivist Minor
Captains curse
49


1. ...The chamberlain had hardly started toward the Great
Hall when a passing crow dropped filth on him. Oh dear,
thought Seimei, hes so young and handsome, and so well
received by everyone! What a pity that genie got him
because that bird certainly was a genie. Something awful
seems to be in store for him!
50








43
Tyler, Japanese Tales, 83.
44
Ibid.
42
Kobayashi and Masuko, Uji-shui monogatari, 337-8.
45
The translation is mine. Tyler did not include this sentence in his translation of the tale.
46
Kobayashi and Masuko, Uji-shui monogatari, 83.
47
Ibid., 83-4.
49
The translation is mine. Tyler had translated the title as The Genie (Japanese Tales, 83) which I thought was too succinct and did not fully express the meaning in the
original title. Tylers use of the term genie could also undermine the actual functions and meanings of shikigami by imposing cultural attributes embodied in the foreign
concept of genie on shikigami.
50
Tyler, Japanese Tales, 82.

1
1
4

2. ...

...
48


2. .... After sunset Seimei kept his arms tight around the
chamberlain and laid protective spells. He spent the night
in endless, unintelligible muttering. The fall night was
long. At dawn there was a knock on the door, and Seimei
had the chamberlain send someone to answer. It was a
messenger from the enemy diviner. The chamberlains
brother-in-law, who lived in another part of the house, was
so jealous of the chamberlain that he had this diviner set a
genie on the chamberlain to kill him. Seimei had spotted
the genie. The gentleman was so strongly protected, the
messenger loudly announced, that the genie came back
and killed my master instead!
51


1219 Zokukojidan
()

Details: Scroll 2, Tale 8, Entry 44.
Title of tale:
52


...


Title of tale: Section on Officials
54


[He observed] as he reached the edge of the beam, three
tall beings standing there concealed themselves in the
shadows when they heard his approach and revealed
themselves when there were no sounds. Takaakira detected
the three beings intent and purposely made loud sounds
with his feet. Just as he passed the beam, the beings called
out his name. Immediately after that, Takaakira
encountered a grave matter and he was banished from the
capital. During the time of the Horse Racing festival at

48
Kobayashi and Masuko, Uji-shui monogatari, 83-4.
51
Tyler, Japanese Tales, 82-3.
52
Kawabata and Araki, Kojidan, zokukojidan, 655.
54
The translation is mine.

1
1
5

53


Shinsen, the shikigami that was buried by an onmyji has
yet to be removed. This spirit is making its presence
known. Even now, that area should not be entered,
remarked an onmyji named Ariyuki.
55


End 14
th

century to
early 15
th

century
Genpeijsuiki
()


Details: Scroll 10
Title of tale:
56


...

57


Title of tale: The Empresss Birth
58


Ichij-modori Bridge was said to be where in the past, Abe
no Seimei, the greatest in the knowledge of astrology and
able to command the twelve guardian deities (shinsh) but
as his wife feared the appearance of shikigami, had used
incantations to seal the twelve deities under the bridge and
summoned them when he needed them. If you consult
fortunes at the bridge [using the bridge augury], the
shikigami will utter the fortunes through the mouths of
passersby. Hence, the twelve children must be
manifestations of the twelve guardian deities!
59




53
Kawabata and Araki, Kojidan, zokukojidan, 655.
55
The translation is mine.
56
Matsuo, Genpeijsuiki (ni), 111.
57
Ibid., 111-112.
58
The translation is mine.
59
Ibid.

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