Krauss Political Implications of Gender Roles - A Review of The Literature - 1974

Political Implications of Gender Roles: A Review of the Literature
Review by: Wilma Rule Krauss

The American Political Science Review, Vol. 68, No. 4 (Dec., 1974), pp. 1706-1723
Published by: American Political Science Association
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Political Implications of Gender Roles:
A Review of the Literature*
WILMA RULE KRAUSS
Northern Illinois University
Introduction
The purpose of this essay is to introduce the
reader to the contemporary literature on gender
roles and feminine behavior, including the major
concepts, empirical findings and social thought
which have implications for political behavior and
research. Generally the emphasis is upon current
published writing, although there are exceptions
for singular works which it is believed will be use-
ful references. This literature includes reprints of
classic statements such as MiJl's, Engels's and
Putnam's and more than 200 new books, mono-
graphs and articles within the past five years. It
ranges across disciplines of anthropology, eco-
nomics, history, psychology and sociology as well
as political science; it includes futuristic schemes
and offers fresh perspective and new areas for
inquiry.
Gender roles as they relate to the psychology
and activity of men and women and their sys-
temic cultural, economic, and legal ramifications
provide an explanation and a basis for under-
standing political behavior and thought, including
recurrent women's protest movements. Therefore
the first part of this essay concentrates on litera-
ture which explicates gender roles, life cycles and
economic and legal factors which the writer views
as independent variables related to political par-
ticipation. The presentation of material in these
areas I believe constitutes a logical progression:
once the complex of civic cultural relations is
examined, current trends in women's voting,
campaigning and officeholding may be under-
stood as "consequence" and "cause."' This por-
tion of the literature contributes to building an
accurate body of knowledge regarding con-
temporary political woman, and has potential
*
The author wishes to thank the Council of
Academic Deans, Northern Illinois University, for
research support, and the Center for the American
Woman and Politics, Eagleton Institute of Politics,
Rutgers-the State University, and the Swedish Min-
istry of Education for research materials. In addition
thanks are due the many colleagues in the Department
of Political Science, Northern Illinois University, who
offered criticism of this essay, as well as Henry Kariel,
Jo Freeman, Clint Jesser, Naomi Lynn, Mary Cornelia
Porter, Linda Richter, William Richter, Marian Roth-
man, Marie Rosenberg, Evelyn Stevens and the three
anonymous reviewers.
I
Models incorporating the reciprocal causation con-
cept are presented in Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Theory
Construction (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall,
1969), 115-125; also 95-97.
usefulness for public policy: a significant expan-
sion of democracy is viable with the discernment
and removal of the various barriers which have
hindered substantial proportions of women from
achieving political leadership and hence partici-
pating in authoritative decision making and value
allocation.
In the next section of this essay, discussion
focuses upon works providing background for
women's contemporary political behavior. Part
two provides an historical sketch of feminine roles
in the polity and research and writing on women's
political movements of the 19th and 20th cen-
turies. This writing is important for several
reasons-there has been little attention given
these subjects until recent years; moreover, with
few exceptions, social scientific endeavors have
been androcentric in focus and viewpoint (Beard,
pp. 65-66; Flexner, vii; Lopata, p. 7)*2 Thus these
new publications fill a scholarly void, and offer a
heretofore rarity-women's interpretations of
their sociopolitical history and collective strug-
gles for equality; they may, therefore, be of
especial interest to those whose academic con-
cerns encompass political thought and/or political
movements.
The origins of gender relationships are explored
in the third part of this essay. An essential litera-
ture for political scientists' attention, the new
writing calls into question the conventional wis-
dom, that is, the ideology of female inferiority
and biological determinism, social constructions
which serve as a simplistic, albeit nonscientifically
grounded basis for explaining women's past and
present political behavior (cf. Bardwick, 1971;
Carlson, Tiger). The bibliography which follows
is not all-inclusive but will serve to acquaint the
reader with major references on this subject. (See
also Porter; Rosenberg and Bergstrom.)
2
See, however, the following: David Easton and
Jack Dennis, Children in the Political Svstem (New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1969), 337-343; Harold F. Gos-
nell, Democracy: The Threshold of Freedom (New
York: Ronald, 1948), chap. 4; Fred Greenstein,
Children and Politics (New Haven: Yale, 1965), chap.
6; M. Kent Jennings and Kenneth P. Langton, "Mother
Versus Father: The Formation of Political Orientations
Among Young Americans," Journal of Politics, 31
(May, 1969), 329-358; James March, "Husband-Wife
Interaction over Political Issues," Public Opinion
Quarterly, 17 (Winter, 1953-1954), 461-470; and
John Fraser, "Orientations Toward Parents and Politi-
cal Efficacy," Western Political Quarterly, 25 (Decem-
ber, 1972), 643-647.
1706
1974 Political Implications of Gender Roles 1707
The Contemporary Situation
In the welter of writing on women in contempo-
rary society, the dimensions that I believe are
most relevant to political scientists are the follow-
ing: (1) gender roles and their perpetuation
(2) feminine life-cycle and occupational differenti-
ation (3) gender-biased law, and (4) current trends
in voting, campaigning, and office holding.
Gender Identity and Gender Role. Gender is a
more precise definitional construct than the more
popular concept "sex." Gender consists of two
aspects-- --gender identity and gender role. Iden-
tity, Bernard observes (p. 16) in her Women and
the Public Interest, begins in the hospital delivery
room where, on the basis of anatomical cues, the
child is classified as male or female. It is this act
which
primarily
secals the child's destiny. Gender
may be independent of the genetic sex, external
genitalia or internal anatomy of individuals, yet
misassigned persons will ordinarily accept the
gender identity without question and exhibit the
social traits of the gender. Why there are excep-
tions is unknown, and research findings are
equivocal (Holter, 1973, p. 17; Bernard, p. 17;
Ramey). While sex is a biological fact, gender is
a social -cultural-sociological-psychological fact,
Bernard observes. Gender, in my view, is a highly
significant "political fact," as well, directly related
to the political socialization the child will receive,
the law which he or she will need to abide by, the
differential distribution of social values, and the
micro and macro power relations of men and
women.
Gender roles, the constellation of traits and be-
haviors which are "feminine" and "masculine,"
vary across cultures and times; for example, it is
masculine in some societies for men to be highly
emotion a and sensitive (Bernard, p. 2). They also
vary by social economic stratification in the
United States and in England. Lower- and work-
ing-class male youth are socialized to be politi-
cally passive while middle-class youngsters are
nurtured to be politically active,3 whereas the op-
posite is the case for physical aggression (Strauss;
Goode, 1971). There is also the assertion-I be-
lieve quite correct-by Holter in her compre-
hensive Sex Roles and Social Structure (pp. 42-
52)----that certain traits are functional to those in
power (see also Klein, 1972, p. 230). Thus the
subordinate group learns to be self-sacrificing and
expressive whereas the superordinates are ex-
pected to be self-interested and instrumental (also
see Bernard, p. 26). The degree to which roles are
strictly differentiated appears directly related to
3Michael Mann, 'The Social Cohesion of Liberal
Democra.cy," American Sociological Review, 35 (June,
1970), 423-439.
the differential rewards in a polity. Hence gender
differentiation is not just an intellectual curiosity,
but a practice which involves both economic, so-
cial and political stakes. Therefore there are in-
centives to maintain and perpetuate gender pat-
terns (Holter, p. 48).
How Are Gender Roles Maintained? Holter
(chap. 1, pp. 16-52; chap. IX) elucidates the fol-
lowing elements: (1) a normative belief and
value component which is the basis for moral
judgments and for ascribed behavior, traits, work
tasks and privileges. (In each culture the role
traits are considered inborn, natural, or sacred.)
(2) the language (Barron), family, and school
(Freeman, 1970; Ehrlich; U'ren), religion, mass
media and popular entertainment channel both
genders to appropriate life cycles and spheres
(Bernard; p. 24; also Ehlmann; Flora; Kohlberg;
Komisar; Martin; Trilling). (3) informal positive
and negative sanctions, subtle encouragements,
and not so subtle discouragements, including
ridicule (Holter, p. 202; Palme). (4) occupational
gender segregation, stratification and discrimina-
tion. To this list, I would add (5) co-optation and
tokenism, and (6) coercion through the political
process, particularly-in my view-by means of
the law (See Holter, p. 21; Mill, pp. 154-180).
While (2), (4) and (6) above have been studied,
the remaining elements have yet to be thoroughly
investigated. Little is known about gender norms,
the degree of passion with which they are held,
and the extent to which they underlie social and
political behavior. A significant element in (1), it
seems to me, is false consciousness,4 against
women's objective self-interest, which includes
beliefs in the appropriateness of lower
pay,
of
doing menial work, and of eschewing leadership
positions and politics. The lack of substantial
numbers of role models in the higher occupa-
tional and governmental (Wormser) strata-and
the differences in pay and prestige within a given
stratum-seem to reinforce belief in a subordinate
gender role, whereas co-optation and tokenism
appear to function in part to legitimize the claim
that the meritorious are rewarded.
Feminine Life Cycle, Occupational Stratification,
Political Participation. White-middle-class Ameri-
can and Western European women appear to
have similar gender life cycles. They learn support-
ive and affective roles, internalize politics as a
masculine domain, set their aspirations to mar-
riage and motherhood, and are ambivalent
(Bardwick and Douvan) about higher education
or view it as a means to a feminine job or oc-
4
Raymond
E. Wolfinger, "Nondecisions and the
Study of Local Politics," APSR, 66 (December, 1972),
1077.
1708 The American Political Science Review Vol. 68
cupation. Some bright girls seek to fail aca-
demically and/or others have psychological con-
flicts (Chester) about achievement (Horner)-
or-lack of achievement, in a society where
it is highly valued as a norm, albeit viewed
as a masculine behavior (Horner; Holter, pp.
227--229). Most women, however, marry young
and after a brief period in outside employment,
they are occupied full-time at home with care
of infant children (see Gavron). Isolated, they
lack a sense of political self (Lynn and Flora),
civic role (Lopata, 1971, p. 47) and political
efficacy. Job and career interruptions (Coser and
Rokotf) vary with number of children (Bernard,
p. 184), and household chores continue when
women work for pay (Pyun), occupying from 25
to 40 hours weekly of their time (Myrdal and
Klein; also Organization for Economic Develop-
ment, pp. 185-214; Haavio-Manila; Paloma).
The amount of segregation of women in sex-
typed occupations in the United States exceeds
that of racial segregation-67% to
47%0-women
being concentrated in the nonsupervisory (Gross)
and non-politically relevant feminine occupations
of nursing, elementary school teaching, library
and social work, home economics and clerical
work (Safilios-Rothschild, p. 100; see also U.S.
Department of Labor, Job Horizons for College
Wonzen; Hapgood; Harbeson). The percentage of
women in the remaining professions ranges from
less than one per cent of engineers, to 3.5 per cent
of
lawyers,
7 per cent of doctors, and 28 per cent
of biologists (Epstein in Theodore, p. 54).
Within the hierarchy of occupations and in each
stratum women rank lowest and are paid less (see
Committee on Education and Labor). It is ap-
propriate here to present some statistical docu-
mentation: When women are equally qualified
and as experienced as male workers there is an
average salary discrepancy of 42 per cent with
dollar gaps ranging from $3,000 to $6,000 an-
nually. The percentage of women having wage
differentials of $3,500 less than their male counter-
parts is lowest among women operatives and
service workers, greater for clerical, and highest
among professional workers (Levitin, Quinn and
Staines; for Britain see Klein, 1965). See Table 1.
Lest the reader be left with an assumption of a
universal pattern, let me sketch some cross-cul-
tural differences. Black women in the United
States have long-term commitment to and confi-
dence in their own executive ability, lack strong
compulsion to marry and a motherhood mystique,
occupy professions in similar proportions to
black males (Epstein, 1973; also see Fichter;
Bock), and not so incidentally comprise four of
the sixteen women presently in Congress (for more
on the black woman see Cade; Hare; Ladner; and
Lerner, 1972). The pattern of women's options
cross-nationally appears to be curvilinear, with
the middle range GNP countries per capita offer-
ing most opportunity. Thus in Greece, Costa
Rica, India, Pakistan, Turkey, Scandinavia and
Eastern Europe there are high percentages of
women in the "masculine" professions, including
architecture, dentistry and medicine (Safilios-
Rothschild; see also Epstein, Women's Place,
pp. 12-13; Lapote; U.S. Department of Labor,
The Fuller Utilization of the Woman Physician; for
women in planning, see Hapgood; for banking,
see Alexander; for management, Basil; for
academe see American Political Science Associa-
tion; Austin; Chancellor's Advisory Commis-
sion; Graham; Kreps, chap. 4; Oldman; Rossi
and Calderwood; Suelzle; see also Szalai).
Why differences ? My hypotheses are as follows,
holding other variables constant: Rapidly de-
veloping economies provide employment oppor-
tunities for "mixed game" gender occupational
patterns; post-industrial economies with small
percentage GDP increases and greater unemploy-
ment resemble "zero-sum games," with men's
mobility into the professions tending to vary in-
versely with women's. However, when there is
discrimination against a subgroup, as with blacks
in the U.S., there is also a "mixed game" with
differing values, beliefs, and self-perceptions:
women are viewed as occupational cooperators,
not as competitors (cf. Epstein, 1973).
The skein of relationships between elements of
gender roles and political participation is yet to be
discerned. There are mediating factors of religion
(Islam, for example, appears to be inversely
associated with women's political participation,
whereas Catholicism may not be), of family and
school socialization prior to job decision mak-
ing and to political activity. Table 2 suggests
some research possibilities. When women have
"high" decision-making experiences in the family
and school (as operationalized in Almond and
Verba's interview schedule)-as in the United
States-then "low" decision making on the job
appears to be a critical variable related to low
political participation. In Mexico, however, both
school and job decision making, although of dif-
ferent magnitudes, may be of significance to
political participation. (For women in Latin
America see Pescatello, Stevens.) Other aspects
of political participation are discussed in greater
detail below.
Coercion to Gender Role Through Law. Why
-asked John Stuart Mill-if women are nat-
urally subordinate, is law needed to keep them
so? Perhaps because neither socialization, chan-
neling, subtle social control nor co-optation of a
few always works; the law is needed to force the
"uppity" into line (see Freeman in Valparaiso
Table 1. Discrimination Against the American Working Woman: Percentage of Women in Occupational
Categories Having Total Annual Income Discrepancies of - $3,500 or More When Equally Qualified
and Experienceda
Occupational Categoryb Percentage Base n df x2
Professional, technical and managerial 70.3 74
Clerical and sales 64.7 139
Operative and kindred workers 11. 9c 59
Service workers, excluding private household
workers 30.4 46 3 64.465d
a
Table adapted from Teresa Levitin, Robert P. Quinn, Graham L. Staines, "Sex Discrimination Against the
American Working Woman," American Behavioral Scientist, 15 (November/December, 1971), Table 2, p. 248.
Briefly the method on which this table is based is as follows: After randomly dividing the sample of men and
obtaining, by multiple regressions optimal weighting of selected achievement variables, and after expected values
were obtained on the second random half sample of men, these latter figures were compared with observed
values (pp. 234-5). The mean of the observed-expected discrepancy for women was -$3,458 (S.D. = $2,200);
for the second random half sample of men the mean was -$27 (S.D. = $4,523) (p. 245).
b Managerial workers (N= 19) were combined with professional and technical workers (n= 55). Sales workers
(n =17) were combined with clerical workers (n = 122).
In the original Levitin, Quinn, and Staines article the figure is
15.2%0,
which is an error, according to Staines
(personal communication, July 16, 1974).
d p
.001.
Law Review). From the little we know, English,
American and French law based on the Napole-
onic code is equally oppressive to women (see
Beard, pp. 88-155; Silver, p. 85). Kanowitz's
excellent Women and the Law: The Unfinished
Revolution documents the massive body of statu-
tory and judicial discriminatory law based on
beliefs concerning the masculine and feminine
genders which would be overturned were the
Equal Rights Amendment adopted (see also
Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review,
and Committee on the Judiciary).
The discriminatory law in the United States is
based on three notions: (1) Natural male domi-
nance (Kanowitz, p. 36). Hence in the "doctrine
of overturee" the legal unity of husband and
wife, the latter's legal identity is eliminated while
the husband is given legal charge. In some states
the law requires the wife to assume her husband's
name, to live where her husband decides; she for-
feits rights in some states to contract, to assume
liability and to control and manage her own
property. The husband is to support the family in
marriage and in divorce (Kanowitz, chap. 3). One
Table 2. Percentage of "High" Decision-Making in Family, School, Job and "High" Political Participation:
Civic Culturea Data, United States and Mexicob
Per cent of High Responses
United States Sample Mexican Sample
Item Male Female Male Female
Family 27.1 27.8 26 19.3
School' 32.8 33. 3 21.6 12.1
Job, 37.1 10 31.5 5.5
Political Participation' 16.7 8 7.9 1.6
a
Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston: Little Brown, 1963).
) I have constructed the above table from data kindly made available to me by Edward Glab, Jr., of the Institute
of Latin American Studies, University of Texas, Austin, who utilized Inter-university Consortium for Political
Research source decks. a
e Average responses to variables 8, 9, and 10, influence in family decisions.
d
Average responses to variables 12, 13, 14, discuss and debate in school, feel free to talk to teacher if treated
unfairly.
o Average response to variable 15, usually consulted on job decisions affecting respondent, and variable 16,
feel free to complain on decisions disagreed with.
I
Average response to variables 2, 3, 7, 18 influence local decisions and/or Congress, active in political cam-
paign, and member political organization.
study, however, indicates that in most cases,
court-ordered child support is not complied with,
and in a recent investigation of 12,000 divorces no
alimony was requested in 93 per cent (Nagel and
Weitzman). (2) A double standard of sexual be-
havior. According to Kanowitz males are allowed
great sexual freedom, whereas severe restrictions
are imposed on females (p. 23). The law often
frees the male customer and punishes the prosti-
tute (Kanowitz: pp. 16-18; see also Petrie; Silver,
f.n. 17). It allows the man but not the woman the
unwritten law of defense in case of marital in-
fidelity, allows intercourse of underage boys with
older women but not vice versa, and does not
define sexual assault in marriage as rape (Kano-
witz, chap. 2). Until the historic Jane Roe vs.
Henry Wade decision of the Supreme Court on
January 22, 1973, abortion was illegal in many
states and other jurisdictions (Kanowitz, p. 25).
(3) Natural female weakness. With this notion
women were held under interpretations of the
fifth and fourteenth amendments to be a separate
legal class from men (Kanowitz, pp. 151-154).
As recently as October 27, 1971, the New Jersey
Supreme Court upheld in State v. Constello, a
statute which allows longer sentences for women
offenders than men offenders convicted of the
same criminal conduct (see Temin, p. 357). The
law in some instances has sanctioned denial of
jury duty; prohibitions from practicing law or
working in bartending, wrestling and mining, and
from night and overtime work, and inequality in
wages (Kanowitz, chap. 6). One justice remarked
that women may well be the "'victims of protec-
tion" (Kanowitz, p. 5). Nevertheless no state law
as of 1970 provides job security for women on
maternity leave, and only two provide maternity
benefits (Ross; see Sweet, p. 208) whereas such is
the case in a number of European common market
countries (Organization for Economic Coopera-
tion and Development, pp. 32-33; see Hoskins
and Bixby).
While the Equal Pay Act has been with us since
1963 and the Civil Rights Act since 1964, and
while these appear to portend change-how per-
vasive are the outcomes in eliminating discrimi-
nation? Certainly the decade ahead provides an
outstanding research opportunity for policy anal-
ysis of these laws, including affirmative action, in
a time of constricting labor markets in many pro-
fessions (Gold). The politics of the Equal Rights
Amendment and the counter movement to the
Roe v. Wade abortion decision are also timely
areas for inquiry. Such studies would deepen
understanding of the political and economic
forces seeking containment of women within tra-
ditional roles, and the processes involved.5
See "Opposition Rises to Amendment on Equal
Rights," New York Times, January 15, 1973, 1.
Political Perceptions and Political Behavior: Plus
Ca Change,... ? What are the trends in women's
political perceptions, voting, campaigning and
office-holding? The contemporary American pat-
tern, it appears to me, is as follows: Tensions
brought by the interaction between the traditional
gender role and the rhetoric of democracy in the
home, school, and cultural milieu have been re-
solved by (a) increased women's voting and politi-
cal volunteerism, and (b) political behavior within
the confines of the gender role, which in turn re-
sults in (c) few inputs of political demands (d) few
women elected to political office, and (e) few
policy changes which would eliminate legal bar-
riers and facilitate more options, and hence give
feedback of a broadened gender role. Thus I
suggest (following Gross), that the more things
have changed, the more they have remained the
same.
Past research shows that on the average,
women behaved politically in a way we would
expect them to, given the nurturing of passivity,
expressivness, supportiveness, apoliticism, child
and home orientation, time constraints, lower
prestige and authority in the occupational hier-
archy, lack of political resources and networks
critical to political leadership (Lynn and Flora)
and a sense of political efficacy necessary in poli-
tics. (See Andreas, chaps. 1-4; Heiskanen;
Amundsen, p. 130.) One sees, as one would ex-
pect, low voluntary organizational membership,
low rates of voting and political activism, few
officeholders, and a concern for home-oriented
issues. (See Costantini and Craik's succinct sum-
mary, p. 218; for an early account of women's
voting patterns in Europe see Duverger.)
Within recent years, however, women's voting
and volunteer political activity has been increasing
and concerns and aspirations have widened. We
continue to observe trends noted in The American
Voter:6 Southern women, those over 55, and
women with eight years or less of elementary
school are those whose voting rates continue to
lag behind men's (Lansing; cf.
Kruschke).
How-
ever, women's turnout has increased at a rate three
times that of men's in the years 1948 to
1968,
as
shown in Ferris's Indicators of Trends in the Status
of American Women (p. 181). By 1972 the differ-
ence in men's and women's vote had narrowed to
two per cent and women comprised 52 per cent of
those voting.7 The number of women who take
part in one or more campaign activities is now
only about 10 per cent less than men, but
young
6
Angus Campbell, Phillip Converse, Warren Miller
and Donald Stokes, The American Voter (New York:
John Wiley, 1960).
"Voter Participation in November, 1972," Popula-
tion Characteristics (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of the
Census, December, 1972), Series P-20, No. 244, '3.
women and the highly educated are more active
than their male peers (Lansing).
In a 1971 poil women expressed greater concern
than men about ending the Vietnam war, poverty,
and drug and gun control (Harris, p. 68 and
p. 79). Before the nominations more women than
men preferred Senators Muskie, Humphrey, and
Kennedy whereas there was greater men's support
for President Nixon and Governor Wallace (Ibid.,
p. 103). Almost half of all women approved ef-
forts to strengthen their status,
with 6 out of 10 of
the single, college educated and black women
holding this view (Harris, p. 2).
As far as I can tell, however, there is no identi-
fiable "women's vote" in the sense of a bloc vote
for women's direct self-interest (Chafe, p. 45), be
it for the semi-issues of strict enforcement of non-
discrimination at work, easily available abortion
and child-care centers, or the nonissues of house-
wives salaries and pensions, and paid maternity
leave guaranteed by law (see Koontz). Contempo-
rary women perhaps represent the ideal type of
public regarders and noninstrumentalists, both
in voting and in volunteer political work where
they usually do the menial tasks. It is noteworthy
that even women party leaders do not ordinarily
seek the prestige or influence which would ad-
vance their own self-interest and/or that of other
women (Constantini and Craik, pp. 233-235). In
consequence, women's political participation has
had scant political impact in policy formulation
and outcome.
The lack of a significant proportion of women
in state legislatures and in the Congress, is, as
suggested earlier, both a consequence and a cause
of the continuance of traditional gender roles.
For women the recruitment path to elected state
and federal office appears to be rockier than for
their male peers; they have a narrower network
base, fewer political resources, barriers may be
thrown up by party leaders and support by men
and women harder to obtain. (See Krauss; Lynn
and Flora; Bullock III and Heys; Kuriansky and
Smith; Jennings and Thomas.) Hence it is not
surprising that only about three per cent of the
state legislators and the Congress since World
War II have been women (Amundsen: p. 78;
Werner, 1968; U.S. Department of Labor, 1969,
pp. 125-126). Their numbers have been small,
and they have lacked legislative leadership posi-
tions to make policy changes and to further their
legal liberation. Women legislators must ordi-
narily depend on the altruism of their male col-
leagues for support. The latter have little to gain
politically by offering such support or to lose by
withholding it.
To what extent are there harbingers of change?
As of 1974, state legislatures remain 94 per cent
male, and state senates and the U.S. House of
Representative, 96 per cent,
although the number
of women in state legislatures increased exponen-
tially over 1972 (Lynn; Krauss). While the per-
centage of women in legislatures shows a fluctuat-
ing upward trend in the past ten years, the pat-
tern in Congress appears to be cyclical (see
Werner, 1966, Table 12).
The few women who do become office-holders
in the United States comprise an interesting
leadership group for study. Werner and Bachtold
found that while both men and women state
legislators have traits closely identified with their
gender, e.g., feminine sensitivity, masculine ego
strength, psychological trait overlap is con-
siderable-both groups being bold, venturesome,
intelligent. Women legislators tend to be more
liberal in their political orientation than their
male colleagues, according to Werner and Bach-
told (fourteen of the sixteen women in Congress
are Democrats [see also Means, p. 496]). But,
although there are data on the congresswomen's
demographic backgrounds, we have little re-
search on their legislative roles (see Foote; also
Center for the American Woman and Politics),
nor do we have cross-state comparisons of women
as state legislators. The question of how women
acquire or develop a psychological predisposition
to seek political office is also largely unstudied.
(See, however, Means; Krauss.)
On the local level in the United States (and in
England), the percentage of women in office is
higher (see Sullerot, pp. 222-229). This is espe-
cially the case with school boards where women
may number up to 15 or more per cent (see
Gruberg, p. 215). Again, however,
little is known
about their activities. The rate of participation of
women in local and state office in the U.S. seems
to vary inversely with the degree of prestige and
power of the office, the amount of salary, urban-
ism, and political bossism, and positively with
party competition, number of offices available,
proportion of women and men professionals, and
the general economic affluence of the particular
area (Constantini and Craik; Porter and Matasar;
Krauss).
As the reader would suspect, however, the
American pattern is not the world pattern. The
incomplete and fluctuating U.N. data on women's
proportions in parliament and the other available
research seem to indicate a general curvilinear
pattern corresponding roughly to the options of
women in the professions; that is, the middle
level GDP (gross domestic product) countries
have greater proportions of women in the par-
liaments than do countries with the highest do-
mestic income and degree of industrialization
(Devaud; Fujita; Means; Menon; Norris; Rak-
sasataya; Krauss). There are clearly other factors
at work, however. There are no women in par-
liament in the Islamic Middle East, as expected,
yet we find also none in Spain; in the Philippines,
New Zealand, Israel, and the Netherlands women
have comprised up to 7 per cent of the legislative
bodies. The highest Western percentages are in
Scandinavia-Sweden and Finland having up to
20 per cent women members of parliament. What
also appears to be the case is that as a country
develops into the postindustrial phase as in
Japan, the proportion of women in parliament
(Koyama, p. 142; see also Goode, 1963, p. 350)
drops to the 2-4 per cent level of the United
States (Werner, 1966; Lamson), England, and
Canada (Boyd). The Eastern European countries
have consistently high percentages (Chylinska),
but in those bodies in which legislative policy is
formulated8-i.e., in the paid Communist Party
hierarchy-there are presently few women or
none at all (Kurganoff; Horoszowsky, p. 15;
Lapidus; cf. Mandel).
In addition to the occupational opportunity
hypothesis which I have advanced earlier to help
explain differences in women's proportions in
parliament, another major explanatory element
may well be structural: Electoral systems based
on proportional representation have greater pro-
portions of women in office, as in Scandinavia;
such is the case even when proportional represen-
tation is combined with single member districts,
as in Germany, a point noted by Means (p. 499;
see also Krauss). This tendency may reflect
another one: the belief that women should be on
the ticket, whether as token to appeal to women
voters, or as parliament members in their own
right (Means, p. 517 and p. 496, f.n. 19; see also
Bullock III and Heys). It appears, however, that
in either case, parliamentary office-holding ordi-
narily constitutes an addition to the gender role
for exceptionally capable women who are able to
combine political careers with the childrearing
and household duties traditionally ascribed to the
feminine gender (see Means, p. 521).
Gender Roles and Women's Political Movements
in Historical Perspective
This section is addressed to these questions: (1)
What is women's historical role in the polity?
(2) What are the circumstances under which the
first women's political movement developed in
the 19th century? (3) Why did it decline? (4)
What accounts for the resurgence of feminism in
the 1960s and what are its goals compared to the
earlier movement?
Varying Gender Roles. After reading Bullough
and Bullough's The Subordinate Sex: A His-
8 D. Richard Little, "Legislative Authority in the
Soviet Political System," Slavic Review, 30 (March,
1971), 57-73.
tory of Attitudes Toward Women one is left
with the impression that the gender role has varied
little over the ages. While the misogynist ideology,
so well documented by the Bulloughs, survives
through the centuries, overt manifestations have
been quite different within, and across polities
and from period to period (Putnam; Beard;
Giele in Klein, p. liv).
Putnam's newly republished 1910 work, The
Lady, presents an account of women of "the
favoured social class" in the Greek, Roman, and
later European contexts. She depicts the interrela-
tion of customs and laws to women's roles and
offers trenchant commentary on the differences
between Plato's and Aristotle's views toward
women. Her book, therefore, will rankle some
who disagree with her interpretation, but per-
haps will interest others in re-examining Plato's
and Aristotle's political philosophy with regard
to the capacity and place of women in the polity.
"One of the temperamental differences between
Plato and Aristotle," Putnam wrote, "consists in
the greater willingness of Aristotle to acquiesce in
existing conditions and to exert his imagination
to provide reasons for their permanence" (Put-
nam, p. 33). There was ample room for com-
parative study: Spartan women enjoyed social
freedom, shared the physical training of males
(see also Mill, p. 139), and held property whereas
in Athens it was considered natural for women to
live indoors and they were the property of their
fathers and husbands. (This near chattel status
appears to have followed an earlier period when
Athenian women were legally politically equal to
men and voted in popular assemblies [Marmor].)
As Putnam notes, Aristotle classed slaves and
women as naturally inferior (see also Mill, p. 137);
whereas Plato in The Republic envisioned a polity
wherein both sexes would have the same oppor-
tunities; women or men talented for the higher
occupations-medicine, music, guardians-would
enter them regardless of who performed a par-
ticular reproductive function (Putnam, p. 36;
Beard, p. 70).
In Athens, there is some indication that women
participated in the intellectual ferment of the
Golden Age, studied with Epicurus, Plato, Soc-
rates and especially Pythagoras, and that several
were philosophers (see Davis, p. 192 but cf.
Hackert and Pomeroy; see also Beard, pp. 320-
325); nevertheless, most of them were restricted
to producing legitimate heirs, directing and man-
aging the husband's house and engaging in re-
ligious activities (Putnam, p. 1). The Roman lady
was quite different, for she had legal control over
property. She also was unencumbered by house-
hold or childcare tasks since this work was done
by Greek slaves. The Roman lady was also edu-
cated in the Greek classics, read and wrote Latin,
and had a more
public
and diversified role (see
Beard, pp. 298-309).
While the independence of women was the sub-
ject of some uneasiness in Rome (Putnam, pp.
46-47; Bullough and Bullough, chap. 4), in early
Christendom the abbess was accepted by monarch
and
popes
as baron, administrator, scholar, artist
and minister to the poor and sick (many women
were canonized as saints [McGinley]), and this
option afforded women freedom from the Hob-
son' choice of home or outlawry. Women played
a prominent part (Beard, pp. 215-278) in the de-
velomcrnt of the medieval guilds, without ex-
periencing occupational barriers (see Klein, 1972,
p. 9). Differences were customarily based on class,
rather than gender lines (Beard, p. 254). During
the Renaissance women participated in the en-
lightenmient, attended universities, were afforded
a classic tutoring, and several were rulers. In addi-
tion, the salons of Paris conducted by women were
centers of learning, "politesse" and power;
women spoke out against the androcentrism of
Rousseau, and their aspirations for equality were
supported
by Diderot and Voltaire (see Bullough.
chap. It; see also Rowbotham, pp. 38-40).
The industrial revolution was to have a pro-
found effect on the future of women, for with it
work and home were separated, the extended
family gradually declined (Goode, 1963, pp. 11-
26), urbanism increased, women became isolated
and were either dependent upon their husbands or
alternatively they became the poorest paid factory
proletariat (Klein, 1972, pp. 13-15; see also
Bebel). It was in this context of industrialization
that Blackstone developed the doctrine of cover-
ture bv which married women in England and
then America suffered "civil death," having no
legal existence apart from their husbands (Flexner,
pp. 7-8). Women of the middle classes, their posi-
tion considerably lessened, sought education and
access to the social and political system as equals
while the early factory women wanted protection
from sweatshop conditions (see Klein, 1972;
p. 15) It was this milieu of industrialization,
urhani nation and declining status for women that
set the stage for the beginnings of protest in the
United States and Europe. And it was this class
difference in type of repression of women in the
lower and middle classes-in my view-which
could eve exploited to divide and divert them from
mutually beneficial social and political goals.
Feminist Political Movements
How did they begin? Women's movements
throughout European history -and, it appears, in
China, India, Lind Pakistan (see Rowbotham;
Goodl, 1963, p. 303, also Ward, p. 66) as well-
arise phoenix-like within social revolutions and
movements for independence. Women's move-
ments seem to have five analytic components:
(a) women, at first other-directed, begin to extend
the ideology of equality and social justice to their
gender; (b) a new and true consciousness of the
role develops out of the general questioning of
institutions and norms; (c) the old movement does
not adequately meet the newly articulated con-
cerns of women; and (d) the communication net-
work of the old movement serves as the nexus of a
women's political organization, and (e) political
reforms may be attained which may be more or
less real or symbolic in their application, which
may lead eventually to the revival of a feminist
movement (cf. Freeman, 1973).
In the subsections which follow I shall concen-
trate primarily on the developments in the United
States, covering (a) beginnings of protest; (b) the
early feminism; (c) the question of failure of the
women's rights movement; (d) the new feminism,
and (e) themes of the contemporary movement.
Beginnings of Protest. In 1777 Abigail Adams
wrote to her husband, John:
... [In] the new code of laws which I suppose it will be
necessary for you to make, I desire you would remem-
ber the ladies and be more generous and favorable to
them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited
power into the hands of the husbands. Remember, all
men would be tyrants if they could. If particular care
and attention is not paid to the ladies, we are deter-
mined to foment a rebellion, and will not hold our-
selves bound by any laws in which we have no voice or
representation. (Schneir, p. 3)
The above is quoted in Miriam Schneir's out-
standing compendium, Feminism: The Essential
Historical Writings where we learn that John9 re-
plied, "As to your extraordinary code of laws, I
cannot but laugh" (Schneir, p. 4). Yet Abigail
Adams, for ten years separated from her states-
man husband, managed the farm, acquired prop-
erty for the estate, directed construction of build-
ings, and superintended dairying operations, ac-
cording to Buyer's Notable American Women,
1607-1950, a most comprehensive three-volume
biographical work. Charles Francis Adams who
collected the letters of his famous grandparents
wrote: "The heroism of the females of the Revo-
lution has gone from memory with the generation
that witnessed it, and nothing, absolutely nothing
remains upon the ear of the young of the present
day but the faint echo of an expiring general
tra-
dition" (Schneir, p. xi). (For egalitarian effects of
the frontier in eighteenth-century America and de-
cline of women's status in the nineteenth,
see
Demos.)
9 Cf. Jefferson, who wrote, "It is civilization alone
which replaces women in their enjoyment of their
natural equality," from Notes on the State of Virginia,
1781-1795. Quoted in Montagu, 36.
In 1792 in England Mary Wollstonecraft pub-
lished A Vindication of the Rights of Women,
which is considered the founding work of the
modern women's rights movement (Flexner, p.
15). In 1798 after the French National Assembly
adopted the Rights of Man, a number of women
petitioned in vain to have a Declaration des
Droits des Femmes accepted (Klein 1965, p. 19).
As some American women taxpayers in New
Jersey in 1776 had their suffrage rescinded later in
1807, (U.N. Commission on the Status of
Women, p. 134) so with the promulgation of the
Napoleonic code (de Beauvoir, pp. 101-102),
French women were stripped of divorce and other
rights gained in the French revolution. Yet the
writing and the speaking for egalite continued
abroad (de Beauvoir, pp. 116-117) and in the
United States. Two southerners who freed their
slaves and went North and there agitated against
human bondage were Sarah Moore Grimk6 and
sister Angelina; they spoke before large audiences
not only in the abolitionist interest but for women.
Wisconsin historian William L. O'Neill (1969)
credits Sarah Grimkd's Letters on the Equality of
the Sexes and the Condition of Women (1838) with
engendering the sympathy of Protestant clergy to
the woman's rights movement (O'Neill, 1969, p.
12; see also Lerner, 1967. For women of the South
see Scott, 1970; Lerner, 1972).
The Early Feminism: For Equal Rights. After
many women had braved hostile mobs at meetings
on behalf of the abolition of slavery, had served as
"agents," i.e. official speakers, in that cause, and
had circulated anti-slavery petitions which were
presented to Congress, Lucretia Mott and Eliza-
beth Cady Stanton, along with others of their sex,
were excluded from being official delegates to the
World Anti-Slavery convention in London in
1840. This "moment of truth" stung many women
into new thought and action, according to Stan-
ton, and eight years later, while they both con-
tinued as abolitionists, they with three friends
called the first political convocation of women.
Eleanor Flexner's Century of Struggle: The
Woman's Rights Movement in the Unihed States
discusses the first meeting at Seneca Falls in 1848
at which time a paraphrase of the Declaration of
Independence-"All men and women are created
equal; that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights . . ."-was adopted
and several resolutions passed. Their Declaration
covered the scope of grievances which they vowed
to undo-- the taxation without representation,
the inequitable property and divorce laws, the
monopoly of the professional occupations, the
denial of higher education. (The text may be found
in Schneir, pp. 77-82.) A narrowly passed resolu-
tion, considered by many to be too radical for the
time (1848), called for suffrage and was adopted
after being defended on the floor by Frederick
Douglass, the black abolitionist leader, among
others.
There followed seventy-two years of agitation
in legislatures and in Congress with advances and
failures; i.e., male blacks were given equal rights
and the vote by 1870, while both were denied to
women. Among suffrage opponents were the
brewery, oil and other business interests, accord-
ing to Flexner, who feared not only female suf-
frage but also reform laws which might follow for
the now large number of women who toiled in
the garment factories (see Scott, 1971, chap. 2);
other "antis" were southern politicians who
wished to deny the black woman's vote, and
northern political bosses wary of a "clean up" in
politics (Flexner, pp. 294-305; also David Mor-
gan, chap. 11). Each gain was fought for ardu-
ously. There were 277 campaigns for inclusion of
suffrage planks in state platforms; 480 state legis-
lative attempts for suffrage referenda in the states
and 56 referenda campaigns; on the national level
there were 30 to obtain woman's suffrage planks
in party platforms (Flexner, p. 173). The suffrag-
ists also worked with nineteen separate Congresses
until, in 1920, the 19th amendment to the Consti-
tution was adopted and ratified by the states
(Flexner, p. 173). More than a million women
participated in the final phases (O'Neill, 1969,
p. VII; David Morgan, p. 99; see also History of
Woman Suffrage; Catt and Schuler; Kraditor
1970 and 1971; Parker).
Was the Women's Rights Movement a Failure?
The answer to this question depends upon the
criteria employed in evaluation. No, if one points
to the winning of the suffrage. But in the long run
-at least until the 1960s-did this not prove to be
a Pyrrhic victory socially and politically? For, as
nearly all writers point out, with the gradual dis-
appearance of the movement (Riegel, chap. 11),
there was a slow decline in women's status for the
next thirty years, measured by fewer women pro-
portionately in the colleges (O'Neill, 1969, p. 93;
Newcomer; Epstein, in Woman's Place, 1971, pp.
56-60) and in the professions (Knudsen), and an
increase in the inequality in wages (U.S. Depart-
ment of Labor, Fact Sheet on the Earnings Gap. p.
1; Knudsen; Suelzle, 1970). Also there were no
meaningful increases of women in positions of
social and political authority nor of social legisla-
tion directly beneficial to the gender (David
Morgan, p. 195; O'Neill, 1969, p. 267; Chafe, pp.
37-47).
Why? First, there were divisions within the
ranks of the feminist organizations in the 1920s,
abetted by the industrial and business interests
which feared both the other-oriented social pro-
gressivisnm of one segment and the self-interested
egalitarian thrust of the other (see Lemons,
chaps. 6- 8). Feminist leaders neither mobilized
women's bloc voting nor made unified demands
for political representation in the parties. During
the depression of the 1930s, married women,
without any legal protection, were fired from their
jobs its a matter of governmental and business
policy (Lemons, pp. 230-231). After World War
II, many women who had entered the work force
were forced out by the closing of government-
sponsored child-care centers (Chafe, pp. 186-187),
and, later, I believe, by the post-Korean War re-
cession. Many left voluntarily in the ideological
milieu of a new familism buttressed by a popular-
ized Freudianism which portrayed the nonhome-
bound woman as psychologically afflicted (see
Bird, p. 31; Firestone, pp. 25-30; O'Neill, 1969,
chaps. 9 and 10).
The decline in women's status from the 1930s to
the 1960s occurred in Europe, as well as in the
United States. (For England see O'Neill, 1971;
for France's different pattern see Silver.) The most
retrogressive cases were in Germany and the
Soviet Union. In Germanv where women ob-
tained the suffrage in 1919, Hitler imposed the
Napoleonic ideal of "kuche, kirche, kinder" and
a women's quota of 10 per cent was set for uni-
versity entrance; women were removed from
judgeships and from the Reichstag, forced into
menial and hard physical labor, and prohibited
from utilizing birth control devices (Millett, pp.
159-168). In the Soviet Union revolutionary de-
crees in 1917 and 1918 gave full and equal political
and legal rights to women, but the lack of a
sustained women's political movement led to the
eventual loss of gains for the masses of Soviet
women (Salaff and Merkle). In the drive for in-
dustrialization in the 1930s, the exigencies of
World War II and reconstruction, the official
egalitarian ideology was altered, as was the law.
Abortions were restricted, then prohibited in 1944,
divorces were discouraged by large fines, and the
patriarchical family structure was restored (Mil-
lett, pp. 168--176). In the mines and heavy indus-
try, a majol ity of the workforce was female
(Schuster), and although there were some ad-
vances in education and the professions, the high
prestige positions within them were occupied by
men (Bernard, p. 137; Salaff and Merkle, p. 177;
Horoszowsky, p. 15; Rowbotham, pp. 164-169).
While many European countries granted full
political rights to women by the 1920s (a notable
exception being France), women's political
emancipation in most African and Asian coun-
tries occurred after World War II in association
with independence and socialist movements (see
U.N. Commission on the Status of Women;
Ungor; Wolf cf. Snow; see also Rowbotham,
chaps. 7 and 8; Ward, pp. 60-76). In Japan, how-
ever, political equality was written into the 1946
constitution (Koyama, p. 18), and in Southeast
Asia rights were won rapidly and easily (Ward,
p. 72).
The Rebirth of Feminism in the United States. Al-
though Simone de Beauvoir's The Second Sex was
first published in the United States in 1953, it was
not until the publication of the best seller, The
Feminine Mystique ten years later that the U.S.
movement got underway with Friedan's critique
of the neo-familism of the '50s, her designation of
the suburban woman's malaise as "forfeited self"
and her analysis of the commercial interests
served by encouraging women's role as super-
consumer (see also Israel and Eliason).
Meanwhile, women's participation in the tra-
ditional feminine occupations was rapidly in-
creasing, and many were underutilized in terms of
their educational qualifications (U.S. Department
of Labor, Underutilization of Women Workers,
p. 17; Oppenheimer, p. 187). Also coincident with
Friedan's book was the issuance of the report of
the presidential commission on the status of
women, which John F. Kennedy approved earlier
on the urging of its first chairman, Eleanor
Roosevelt (Bird, pp. 36-37). The Report of the
President's Commission on the Status of Women
led to the establishment of 50 state commissions
(see, for example, California State Commission),
several city and territorial commissions, and later
a number of federal task forces (see Citizens Ad-
visory Council on the Status of Women reports)
which documented inequities, the need for child-
care centers for the large proportion of mothers
in the workforce, and discriminatory laws. (See
also President's Task Force on Women's Rights
and Responsibilities, and Citizens Advisory
Council on the Status of Women, January, 1972.)
Expectations raised, and spurred on by the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 (in which a prohibition
of sex discrimination had been added as a tactic
for defeating its passage [see Kanowitz, pp. 104-
5]), Friedan and other older women formed the
National Organization for Women in 1966 to
pressure federal agencies to enforce the law, and
to work for equality in all spheres (Freeman,
1973). Meanwhile, young radical women who had
participated in the civil rights and youth move-
ments of the 1960s-like the feminists of a hun-
dred years earlier-were "stung" into separatism
(Ibid.). Assigned to menial tasks and told to stay
in their place (Bird, p. 211; Chafe, p. 233), they
split off from the youth movement and organized
consciousness-raising groups (Tanner, pp. 231-
253; Freeman in Sochen, 1971, pp. 152-153) to
analyze where they were and how they got there
(Jones and Brown; see also Bird, pp. 211-255).
It
is estimated that by 1970 as many as 100,000
women in 400 cities were engaged in some aspect
of the new United States women's movement
(Bernard, p. 217; for impact at Yale, see Lever
and Schwartz).
Holt and Levine's Rebirth of Feminism (see also
Carden; Mitchell, part 1; Firestone, pp. 30-40;
Freeman, 1973, 1974; Romer and Secor) includes
chapters on the movement's origins, major
ideas
and critiques, forms of resistance, and the areas
of action, including the church and the media
(chap. 6). While Holt and Levine employ the
methodology of social history,
their book offers
some touchstones for empirically-oriented politi-
cal scientists who may be interested in exploring
the relationship of the effect of "underground"
and "overground" media on public opinion and
authoritative decision making.
Themes of the Contemporary Movement: Toward
Androgynous Roles. The themes of the present
feminist movement are both reformist and revolu-
tionary. Future studies of political thought may
find contemporary feminism related not only to
the general historical movement for equality but
also to the humanistic (Boals) and anti-bureau-
cratic ideology of the counterculture' and to the
radical political philosophy of Marcuse."1
The reformist view incorporates ideas of early
feminism-for equality, life, liberty and happiness,
in a sense Seneca Falls all over again. It also calls
-most significantly I believe-for sharing of
gender roles rather than narrowly differentiated
ones, for a marriage partnership with mutual
child-rearing and financing of the family, with a
career for the wife or husband who wants it (see
NOW program in Epstein and Goode, pp. 193-
198; Robin Morgan, pp. 512-513; Hobbs; also
Rossi in Lifton. For a recent comprehensive study
of couples who share roles see Fogarty, Rapoport
and Rapoport; also see Holmstrom).
On the basis of Jan Dizard's study of 400
families, Bernard holds that role sharing and non-
sex-typing of work would be beneficial for the
public interest (best person for the job) and for
the happiness of most persons, including children
(see Table 3). In Sweden the elimination of gender
roles in all aspects of life including the school
curriculum, higher education and the law, is
government policy (Swedish Government; Palme;
Leijon; Frederickson). A government objective is
part-time and other work arrangements which
will allow both genders to be equal parents. One
concern is that children be given more attention
by fathers, and another is that women be freed to
"I
Theodore Roszak, The Making of the Counter
Culture (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor, 1969).
"
See, for example, Herbert Marcuse, An Essay on
Liberation (Boston: Beacon, 1969).
participate in politics (Dahlstrom). The goal is
emancipation of both men and women (see
Palme). In my view, a longitudinal study of the
Swedish efforts now under way, including their
impact on political life, would be a fruitful re-
search undertaking with significant policy implica-
tions.
The revolutionary feminists envisage a variety
of iffe styles for women (see, e.g., Bart; Balogun;
Densmore; Dixon; Greer), men and children, as
well as new forms of the family (e.g., Babox and
Belkin; Cudlipp; Densmore; Mandle; Robin
Morgan;
Sochen, 1971; Stambler; Tanner; Ware;
for a 19th-century revolutionary see Gilman;
also
see Giele, 1972; Sochen, 1972). Perhaps the most
radical and future-oriented contemporary work is
Shulamith Firestone's The Dialectic of Sex: The
Case for Feminist Revolution (1970) which calls
for a "cybernetic socialism" in a century or so. In
her utopia, which is based in part on Aries's work'2
and bears some resemblance to Huxley's Brave
New World,13 technology eliminates labor and
makes possible creative activity for all-men,
women and children, as well as the artificial
creation of human beings. Youngsters would be
reared in communal households (not families) and
everyone, including children, would receive the
same monetary allowance and would be fully
integrated into the larger society in which there
would also be a pluralism of sexuality. Like Skin-
ner's Walden II4 and to a degree Toffler's Future
Shock,'5 Firestone's vision fails to elucidate the
political structures and political rules which will
assure popular control of technology for freedom,
egalitarianism and self-actualization.
Origins of Gender Relationships
How did it all begin? When and how did some
women first become subordinated? What ac-
counts for cross-cultural differences between the
genders? What is the relationship of gender roles
to development of government? And what is the
political significance of biological differences?
While these questions are only partially an-
swered by the literature, what we have suggests
the following: (1) the ecology of a region deter-
mines the means of subsistence and thus affects
the division of labor between men and women;
(2) the control of the means of subsistence is
related to superordination-subordination
or egal-
itarian family patterns; (3) the creation of surplus
value leads to the rise of the state and to consoli-
12
Philippe Aries, Centuries of Childhood: A Social
History of Family Life (New York: Knopf, 1962).
1 Aldous Huxley,
Brave New World (New York:
Harper, 1950).
14 B. F. Skinner,
Walden II (New York: Macmillan,
1948).
l5 Alvin Toffier, Future Shock (New York: Random,
1970).
Table 3. Differntiated vs. Shared Roles and Pursuit of Happiness
(Based on Dizard's Study of 400 Families)a
Pursuit of Happinessb
Extent of Male Achieve-
Type of Woman ment and/or Motivation Children
Degree of Sexual Specialization House-
of Roles Career Mixed wife High Average Low
One Role (maximum role differentiation)
Two Roles (wife shares provider role) + + - + + + +
Shared roles (men and women share many
roles) + + + _ + + +
No sex-typing of work + + + + + - +
a
Chart adapted from Jessie Bernard, Women and the Public Interest (Chicago: Aldine-Atherton, 1971) p. 276
on permission of the publisher. The chart is based on research reported in Chapter 5, "Work, Marriage, and the
Pursuit of Happiness."
b
+ means pursuit of happiness is enhanced;
-
means pursuit of happiness is retarded.
dation of gender power relationships, and (4) se-
lected biological attributes are emphasized or
minimized in the supporting ideology,'6 which
serves to explain the extant political arrangements
in the particular polity.
Regional Ecology, Family Structure, and Power
Relationships. In a study of 748 nonindustrialized
societies compiled from the Ethnographic Atlas,
Sanday found that women contribute the most
to subsistence where there is shifting agriculture
and horticultural cultivation. Conversely, in-
tensively-cultivated, plough agriculture, fishing
and big game hunting (cf. Gough) involve greater
proportions of men in subsistence providing.
Women's contribution was greatest in Africa and
the insular Pacific (also see Mead, 1949, 1963) and
smallest in the area around the Mediterranean,
followed by North and South America, and East
Eurasia. Sanday's analysis appears related to
Boserup's findings in Women's Role in Economic
Development. She observes (p. 60) that in sub-
Sahara Africa women were the major agricultural
cultivators and landholders prior to European
colonization. Women also comprise the vast ma-
jority of traders and appear to have played a
prominent role in pre-colonial African politics
(Lebeauf; Leavitt).
What is the linkage between means of subsis-
tence and family structures? Horticultural econo-
mies tend to matriliny (Schlegel, p. 17; see Goode,
"'
This term is used synonymously in this essay with
social theory. See Robert D. Putnam, "Studying Elite
Political Culture," APSR, 65 (September, 1971), Table
1, p. 655. For discussion of the evaluative aspects of
ideology, herein referred to as norms, see Willard A.
Mullins, "On the Concept of Ideology in Political
Science," APSR, 66 (June, 1972), 508-509.
1963, pp. 194-195), while plough agriculture is
associated with patriliny, and the wet rice cultiva-
tion in Southeast Asia (Green, p. 60) is related to
a colineal or radial structure. Thus Burma, Cam-
bodia, Java, Laos, Malaya, Philippines (see
Green) and Thailand have had a longstanding
egalitarian tradition, including, in most areas
property and inheritance rights for women (see
Ward, pp. 81-87).
While modern researchers discount Morgan
and Engels's theory, in Origin of the Family,
Private Property and the State, of the communal
family predating other forms (Gough, pp. 766
767), Engels (p. 43) was certainly right when he
called the plough the means of creating surplus
value. Before the first milennium, B.C., according
to Engels, private property originated in the
Mediterranean area and the family structure was
subsequently changed from matriarchy to patri-
aichy. Women were believed to be the first slaves,
acquired as sexual property and then utilized as
menial servants (Collins, pp. 8-9; Mill, p. 130).
They were first legally subjugated under the early
autocratic state (Jesser, p. 248). Conversely,
matriliny (see Schlegel's study of over 60 matri-
lineal societies) tends to be associated with mini-
mal states (Schlegel, p. 17).
While it is unclear whether matriarchy, rule by
women over men, has actually existed (see
Schlegel, p. 139; cf. Davis), patriarchy appears to
be a real as well as a nominal classification. Both
matriliny and patriliny do not necessarily lead to
one gender's superordination, for in the former
there may be deference to brother or husbands in
property and other matters (Schlegel, p. 64), and
in the latter, as Jesser reports, real power may lie
in women's use of property even while there is a
mythology of male superiority (Jesser, pp. 249-
250). Ward, in Women in the New Asia (pp. 77-78)
also points out that although the ideal family unit
was patriarchical and extended in China and
India, there was considerable freedom and status
among women of the lower classes since they
were co-contributors to subsistence and their
family structure was actually simple, not com-
pound. The well-to-do patriarchial family, often
polygynous, denied women the right to divorce
and the guardianship of children, the major ob-
jective being the perpetuation of the male line
(Ward, pp. 84-85).
These fine points are insufficiently analyzed in
Millett's Sexual Politics, but I believe she is correct
in noting that analysis based on economic de-
velopment is by itself inadequate to explain the
power relationships between the genders. It seems
that when roles are polarized into expressive and
instrumental ideal types, as was the case early in
the West, and are reinforced by androcentric
beliefs, men's instrumental activities lead to py-
ramiding of resources, the growth of hierarchical
arrangements, the monopolization of force in the
state, and power relationships over other men and
women (Holter, p. 47; also Gough, p. 768).
Millett (chap. 2) points to the matrix of contempo-
rary men's power, in the patriarchal family, in
commerce, industry, education, the judiciary,
government, police and military forces. She holds
that until patriarchy is eradicated, women's in-
equality will prevail, as it does in the Soviet Union
despite socialization of property (Millett, p. 157
and pp. 168-176). Talcott Parsons (1967) ex-
presses a similar view.
Social Construction of Biological Differences. The
term "sexism" in the women's literature is
utilized analogously to racism to apply to the
system of political institutions and processes
which maintains the gender order, as well as the
ideology which is used as justification for social
norms (see e.g., Gornick and Moran, pp. xii-
xiii). The ideology of sexism is based on the thesis
that women are biologically inferior to men, or
that they have particular differences or deficien-
cies which naturally limit them to a subordinate
role (Montagu, p. 205 and passim; see Bullough
and Bullough for historical account). The fact
that women bear children and breast feed them is
a biological fact probably related in part to why,
in prehistoric times, they most likely did not par-
ticipate in big-game hunting or other activities far
from the hearth (Jesser, p. 248; Gough, pp. 767-
768), but were horticulturists, gatherers, or co-
cultivators of particular crops. Such constant
female characteristics, when divorced from the
social context, cannot account for variations or
changes in gender roles; the explanations must lie
rather in various ecological and political develop-
ments. Thus, for example, industrialization and
urbanization in sub-Saharan African polities are
effecting a change from matriliny to patriliny
(see Goode, 1963, pp. 194-195).
It seems likely that ideological beliefs concern-
ing the natures of men and women are socially
constructed" (see Freeman, 1970) as labor and
political patterns become institutionalized. The
same biological attributes are variously inter-
preted in differing polities and times as capacity or
disadvantage' or emphasized or minimized
(Montagu, p. 19). The constellation of traits and
behaviors incorporated in a particular gender role
are then linked to the particular conceptualization
of the biological natures of men and women (see
Collins, pp. 12-16), and then tend to be self-
fulfilling prophesies. A set of explanations, how-
ever, may also be altered or extended to account
for changes in gender behaviors. Thus, also to use
a contemporary example, in the Soviet Union it
is now believed that women's nature especially
befits them for being medical doctors (Safilios-
Rothschild, p. 104).
The particular existential, economic, social and
political considerations of a particular culture
thus account for the meaning and emphasis given
to physical differences (cf. de Beauvoir, p. 31). In
those where a male ideology of physical superior-
ity prevails-such as one where muscular strength
is particularly valued-the fact that male mor-
tality rates are greater at every chronological age
is generally ignored. Montagu in The Natural
Superiority of Women notes that it has also been
overlooked that males are more subject to dis-
orders and disease than women, e.g., the chro-
mosomal constitution of women allows suppres-
sion of the hemophilia gene, color blindness and
some sixty other disorders peculiar to males,
double the number occurring among females
(Montagu, pp. 76-78).
In recent times Freudian psychology, ethology
and hormonal research have been utilized to sub-
stantiate the belief that women and men's natures
account for their behavior in modern society and
politics. Space limits an extensive discussion of
the logic and scientific findings which refute or
question this view. Psychologist Karen Horney
(pp. 24-70) notes the male orientation of Freudian
psychology as a point of departure and compari-
son for understanding the psychology and role of
"
See Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The
Social Construction of Reality (Garden City, New
York: Anchor, 1966).
18
Galtung notes that the axioms of a theory shall
be noncontradictory, i.e., "If it is possible to derive
both H [a set of hypotheses] and H [an alternate set]
from A [an axiom set], then A is said to be contra-
dictory," Johan Galtung, Theory and Methods of
Social Research (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1969), 463.
women (also de Beauvoir, pp. 33-47; Millett, pp.
177-210; see also Sherfey), and Weisstein has
questioned the reliability and validity of the
Freudian methodology. Ethological writing, in
turn, has focussed on selected cases, ignoring or
minimizing the extensive variations in family units
and behavior related to particular ecologies of the
non-human primate universe (Weisstein; Gough;
cf. Tiger; also see Elaine Morgan, chap. 10). In
contrast to the nonhuman primates', the human
cerebral cortex confers the almost infinite variable
characteristics of individual human responses and
individual adaptability to environment, according
to biologist Ramey. She also holds that there is
psychologic sexual neutrality in humans at birth
(Ramey, pp. 238- 239). Moreover, the social situa-
tion affects hormonal levels, as is the case with
levels of other secretions, such as adrenaline,
rather than vice versa, and there are variations
with age and individuals (pp. 243). In consequence
Ramey (p. 244; cf. Bardwick) concludes that no
psychic response is unique to women or men,
despite attempts to construct a case to the con-
trary (p. 237).
A critical question for political scientists it
seems to me is not whether male or female biolo-
gies are superior or inferior in certain respects, nor
how endocrines secrete, but rather: What vari-
ances, if any, in the political behavior of men and
women may be attributed to biological factors?
These linkages are to our knowledge presently un-
known. A second area of relevance of the social
theories and research presented in this section and
throughout this essay perhaps lies in the processes
by which they may modify or replace the old
gender ideology and norms-and the political
paradigms based on them-and in the concomi-
tant impact on policy which would emancipate
both men and women and facilitate wider partici-
pation in the polity. Third, one hopes that such
explanations and research may serve to stimulate
others to seek out empirical data which will
further the description, understanding and ex-
planation of the many facets of women's and
men's political history, thought, and behavior
which concern the discipline.
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