(Berber Studies Vol. 31) Regula Christiansen-Bolli, Harry Stroomer-A Grammar of Tadaksahak - A Berberised Songhay Language (Mali) - Rüdiger Köppe (2010)

A Grammar of Tadaksahak
a Northern Songhay Language of Mali

Regula Christiansen-Bolli

A Grammar of Tadaksahak, A Grammar of Tadaksahak, A Grammar of Tadaksahak, A Grammar of Tadaksahak,
a a a a Northern Songhay Language of Mali Northern Songhay Language of Mali Northern Songhay Language of Mali Northern Songhay Language of Mali

Proefschrift

ter verkrijging van
de graad van Doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden,
op gezag van Rector Magnificus prof. mr. P.F. van der Heijden,
volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties
te verdedigen op woensdag 31 maart 2010
klokke 13:45 uur

door

Regula Christiansen-Bolli

geboren te Aarberg, Zwitserland

in 1957

Promotiecommissie

Promotor: Prof. dr. M. Mous
Co-promotor: Dr. M.G. Kossmann
Overige leden: Prof. dr. A. Mettouchi (cole Pratique des Hautes tudes, Paris)
Prof. dr. Th.C. Schadeberg
Prof. dr. H.J. Stroomer

Contents i
Table of Contents Table of Contents Table of Contents Table of Contents

Table of Contents ...............................................................................i
Abbreviations .................................................................................... xi
Map................................................................................................. xiii
1 Introduction
1.1 General Information............................................................. 1
1.1.1 Location................................................................... 1
1.1.2 Classification............................................................ 1
1.1.3 Name of the language.............................................. 1
1.2 History and Geography........................................................ 2
1.3 Earlier studies...................................................................... 3
1.4 Dialects ............................................................................... 5
1.5 Fieldwork............................................................................. 6
1.6 Acknowledgements ............................................................. 7
2 Phonological Structure............................................................. 9
2.1 Syllable Structure ................................................................ 9
2.2 Consonants ......................................................................... 9
2.2.1 Inventory of phonemes............................................. 9
2.2.2 Evidence of Consonantal Constrasts ......................10
2.2.3 Distributional Restrictions........................................13
2.2.3.1 Labials b and f ..................................................14
2.2.3.2 Plosives............................................................14
2.2.3.3 Fricatives..........................................................15
2.2.3.4 Nasals ..............................................................15
2.2.3.5 Liquids..............................................................16
2.2.3.6 Taps.................................................................16
2.2.3.7 Glides y and w..................................................17
2.2.4 Consonant clusters .................................................17
2.2.4.1 Word initial cluster ............................................17
2.2.4.2 Clusters with different consonants....................18
2.2.4.3 Long consonants..............................................18
2.2.4.4 Word-final clusters............................................19
2.3 Vowels................................................................................19
2.3.1 Inventory of Vowels.................................................19
2.3.2 Evidence of Vocalic Contrasts.................................20
ii
2.3.3 Vowel Realizations..................................................23
2.3.3.1 Palatals preceded and following /a/ ..................24
2.3.4 Vowel Distribution ...................................................25
2.4 Sound Rules.......................................................................26
2.4.1 Consonants.............................................................26
2.4.1.1 Assimilation of place of articulation of /n/ ..........26
2.4.1.2 Nasalization in the vicinity of /n/........................27
2.4.1.3 Devoicing of voiced fricatives ...........................27
2.4.1.4 Sibilant harmony...............................................28
2.4.1.5 Irregular loss and assimilation of /k/..................29
2.4.1.6 Optional consonant metathesis ........................29
2.4.1.7 Long consonants at morpheme boundaries......29
2.4.1.7.1 n genitive and ag son of............................30
2.4.1.7.2 Mood-Aspect-Negation markers
and unmarked perfectives............................30
2.4.1.8 V-shortening in closed syllables .......................32
2.4.1.9 Vowel contractions ...........................................33
2.4.1.9.1 Verb and pronoun enclitics...........................33
2.4.1.9.1.1 Monosyllabic stems ............................36
2.4.1.9.2 Noun and demonstratives (a)snda, yda, ad,
oda ............................................................38
2.4.1.9.3 Vowel-initial words preceded by vowel-final
words...........................................................38
2.4.1.9.4 Exceptions...................................................39
2.4.1.9.5 Suffixes on verbs .........................................39
2.4.1.9.6 Plural morphemes on nouns ........................41
2.4.1.10 /ay/ < /a/ ...........................................................42
2.4.2 Resyllabification......................................................42
2.4.2.1 Plurals ..............................................................42
2.4.2.2 2s combinations ...............................................43
2.4.2.3 Compound numbers.........................................43
2.4.2.4 Possessive pronouns .......................................44
2.5 Stress.................................................................................44
2.5.1 Stress in disyllabic words ........................................45
2.5.2 Word with three syllables ........................................46
2.5.3 Words with four and more syllables.........................47
3 Morphology .............................................................................49
3.1 The Verb ............................................................................50
3.1.1 Verb root classes ....................................................50
3.1.2 Verb stems..............................................................53
iii
3.1.3 Derivation................................................................54
3.1.3.1 Labile verbs (verb roots with variable valency) .54
3.1.3.2 Causative S()- ................................................55
3.1.3.2.1 Causative with suppletion ............................56
3.1.3.2.2 Exceptions for sibilant choice.......................57
3.1.3.2.3 Double causative .........................................59
3.1.3.3 Reciprocal and Middle......................................60
3.1.3.3.1 Lexical reciprocals .......................................60
3.1.3.3.2 Morphologically marked reciprocals
and middles .................................................60
3.1.3.4 Passive t()-, tuw- and tuwa- ............................65
3.1.3.5 Reduplication ...................................................68
3.1.3.6 Directional -kat and -an ....................................71
3.1.4 Verb Inflection.........................................................74
3.1.4.1 Subject clitic .....................................................75
3.1.4.2 Mood-Aspect-Negation (MAN) morphemes......76
3.1.4.3 Direct object clitic .............................................78
3.1.5 Adverbs...................................................................79
3.1.5.1 Manner.............................................................79
3.1.5.2 Spatio-temporal ................................................80
3.2 Nouns, pronouns, adjectives, numerals..............................80
3.2.1 Basic structure of nouns..........................................80
3.2.2 Gender....................................................................81
3.2.2.1.1 Assimilation rules for the gender suffix -t......82
3.2.2.2 Natural gender..................................................84
3.2.2.3 Diminutive ........................................................86
3.2.3 Plural ......................................................................88
3.2.3.1 Type 1 noun plurals..........................................88
3.2.3.1.1 Class 1 : -en/-an, -yen/-yan..........................88
3.2.3.1.2 Class 2: -tan ................................................91
3.2.3.1.3 Class 3: id-...................................................92
3.2.3.1.4 Class 4: -an .................................................93
3.2.3.2 Type 2 noun plurals..........................................94
3.2.3.2.1 Plural pattern /i-STEM-an/............................95
3.2.3.2.2 Plural pattern /i-STEM-tan/...........................96
3.2.3.2.3 Plural patterns with apophony......................97
3.2.3.2.3.1 Plural pattern i-CuC(C)aC...................97
3.2.3.2.3.2 Plural pattern i-CC(C)aC...................98
3.2.3.2.3.3 Plural pattern i-CaC(C)an ...................99
3.2.3.2.4 Plural pattern with resyllabification and -an100
iv
3.2.3.2.5 Minor plural patterns ..................................100
3.2.3.2.5.1 Stems with final /w/ and /y/ ...............100
3.2.3.3 Nouns with the prefix t(a)- ..............................102
3.2.3.3.1 Some special plurals..................................104
3.2.3.3.2 Plurals without singular ..............................105
3.2.3.3.3 Double plurals............................................106
3.2.4 Nominalization ......................................................106
3.2.4.1 Verbal nouns..................................................106
3.2.4.1.1 Zero morphology: Songhay cognates ........106
3.2.4.1.2 Verbal nouns of Tamasheq cognates.........108
3.2.4.2 Actor nominalization.......................................110
3.2.4.3 Nominalization with t-(a)-t ...........................112
3.2.4.3.1 Instrument..................................................114
3.2.5 Compounding .......................................................115
3.2.6 Personal pronouns................................................118
3.2.6.1 Person and number categories.......................118
3.2.6.2 Forms.............................................................119
3.2.6.3 Pronouns as postpositional complements.......119
3.2.6.4 Possessive pronouns .....................................120
3.2.7 Adpositions ...........................................................121
3.2.7.1 Dative se........................................................122
3.2.7.2 Locative and temporal ka ...............................123
3.2.7.3 Locative be on ..............................................124
3.2.7.4 Locative daw at somebodys place................125
3.2.7.5 Directional kmba towards............................125
3.2.7.6 Genitive n.......................................................125
3.2.7.7 Possessive wni / wn-en of.........................126
3.2.7.8 Preposition nda with, in the direction of ......127
3.2.7.9 Preposition wala without ...............................128
3.2.7.10 Preposition inn like .....................................128
3.2.7.11 Pronominalized elements and the verb...........129
3.2.7.11.1 Pronominalized NPs ..................................129
3.2.7.11.2 Pronoun separator n..................................129
3.2.7.11.2.1 Pronouns with se DAT .......................130
3.2.7.11.2.2 Pronouns with instrumental-comitative
nda .................................................132
3.2.7.11.2.3 Pronouns with locative PPs ..............133
3.2.8 Adjectives .............................................................134
3.2.8.1 Songhay derivation: -i/-u and zero-derivation134
3.2.8.2 Tamasheq cognates: derivation with -an ........135
v
3.2.8.3 Reduplication + -an ........................................136
3.2.8.4 Irregular adjectives.........................................137
3.2.8.5 Plural ..............................................................138
3.2.9 Quantificational adjectives ....................................139
3.2.9.1 Basic numerals...............................................139
3.2.9.2 Compound numerals ......................................140
4 Syntax...................................................................................143
4.1 Noun phrases and adpositional phrases...........................143
4.1.1 Overview...............................................................143
4.1.2 Possessor phrases ...............................................144
4.1.2.1 Genitive n.......................................................144
4.1.2.2 Possessor wni / wn-en................................145
4.1.3 Noun phrases with demonstratives .......................146
4.1.3.1 snda ~ asnda that .....................................148
4.1.3.2 oda this .......................................................148
4.1.3.3 yda this .......................................................149
4.1.3.4 ad anaphoric ...............................................150
4.1.3.5 o broad anaphoric .........................................151
4.1.3.6 n opposite ..................................................152
4.1.4 NPs with ao determiner .....................................154
4.1.4.1 ao + demonstratives .....................................155
4.1.4.2 ao + wni/wn-en .........................................157
4.1.4.3 ao + n ...........................................................157
4.1.5 NPs with numerals................................................158
4.1.5.1 Numerals one to ten ....................................158
4.1.5.2 Numerals from ten to ninety ........................159
4.1.5.3 Numerals higher than hundred......................160
4.1.5.4 Ordinals..........................................................160
4.1.5.5 Multiplication and distributive clauses.............161
4.1.5.5.1 One and the other......................................162
4.1.6 NPs with other quantifying modifiers .....................163
4.1.7 NPs with adjectives...............................................166
4.1.8 Postpositional phrases..........................................168
4.1.9 NP coordination ....................................................169
4.1.9.1 Conjoining nda with, and.............................169
4.1.9.2 Disjunctive me, mda and wala or .............170
4.2 Uses of MAN morphemes.................................................171
4.2.1 Aspect: Perfective vs. Imperfective .......................172
4.2.2 Mood: Indicative vs. Subjuncitve m- ......................173
4.2.3 Future t- ..............................................................174
vi
4.2.4 Negation: perfective n- and elsewhere s- ..........176
4.2.5 Imperatives ...........................................................177
4.2.5.1 Injunction........................................................179
4.2.5.2 Hortative.........................................................180
4.2.5.3 Prohibitive ......................................................180
4.3 Argument structure...........................................................181
4.3.1 Intransitives...........................................................182
4.3.2 Labile verbs ..........................................................183
4.3.3 Transitive only (underived) ....................................185
4.3.3.1 Verbs taking a verbal noun complement.........187
4.3.4 Verbs with obligatory adpositional complement.....193
4.3.5 Verbs with dative complement ..............................193
4.3.6 Verbs with instrumental-comitative complement....194
4.3.7 Verbs with two complements.................................195
4.3.8 Verbs taking two unmarked complements.............197
4.3.9 Reflexive constructions .........................................199
4.3.9.1 Reflexive constructions...................................199
4.3.9.2 Reflexive verbs...............................................201
4.3.10 Verbs with a Clausal Complement ........................202
4.3.10.1 Complements with subjunctive .......................203
4.3.10.2 Complement clauses where PERF and IMPERF
are allowed.....................................................205
4.3.10.3 Verbs with complementizer sa........................208
4.3.10.4 Complement clauses with kd and kud da......213
4.4 Copular Clauses...............................................................215
4.4.1 Equational clauses and be, become, not be .....215
4.4.2 Presentative expression........................................217
4.4.2.1 n / nani / nina is/are here ......................218
4.4.2.2 nose / nise is/are there ...........................219
4.4.3 Existential predications .........................................220
4.4.4 Locational predications .........................................221
4.4.5 Possessive predication .........................................223
4.5 Relative Clauses...............................................................226
4.5.1 Restrictive relative clause .....................................226
4.5.1.1 Subject relatives.............................................228
4.5.1.2 Object relatives...............................................229
4.5.1.3 Postpositional relatives...................................230
4.5.1.4 Prepositional relatives ....................................232
4.5.2 Relativization of generic terms ..............................232
4.5.2.1 Existential expressions with relativization.......232
vii
4.5.2.2 Relativization with h this thing and n here233
4.5.3 Pronominal human referents.................................234
4.5.4 Non-restrictive relativization with sa ......................236
4.5.4.1 Subject and object..........................................236
4.5.4.2 Possessor relativization..................................238
4.6 Negation particles.............................................................240
4.6.1 kl n- never .................................................240
4.6.2 n- fw not at all .............................................241
4.6.3 NEG + har except ................................................241
4.6.4 NEG + wala not even ...........................................243
4.6.5 NEG + edd ~ cedd not yet .................................243
4.6.6 Negative constructions with and wrtilla.............244
4.6.6.1 h(e) a / bor(a) a nothing/nobody ...........244
4.6.6.2 wrtilla there is not ........................................245
4.7 Information structure.........................................................246
4.7.1 Topicalization........................................................246
4.7.1.1 Equational constructions ................................246
4.7.1.2 Nominal constituents ......................................247
4.7.1.3 Verbal nouns..................................................249
4.7.2 Focalization...........................................................249
4.7.2.1 Subject focalization ........................................250
4.7.2.2 Object focalization..........................................251
4.7.2.3 Focalization of adpositional complements ......252
4.7.2.4 Verbal focalization..........................................253
4.7.2.5 Focalization of adverbial NPs .........................255
4.7.3 Inerrogatives.........................................................255
4.7.3.1 Yes/no questions............................................255
4.7.3.2 Tag questions.................................................256
4.7.3.3 WH questions.................................................256
4.7.3.3.1 ci who?/what? .........................................257
4.7.3.3.2 ci (n h) b why? ...................................259
4.7.3.3.3 c(i) agd when?.......................................260
4.7.3.3.4 maana where (close by)? ........................260
4.7.3.3.5 man ne where? .......................................261
4.7.3.3.6 man cet how much/many?......................262
4.7.3.3.7 man mmk ao ()nda how? .................263
4.7.4 Other particles.......................................................263
4.7.4.1 ya exclamation / surprise................................263
4.7.4.2 za so logical consequence............................264
4.7.4.3 da really, exactly intensification.....................265
viii
4.7.4.4 je ~ jen only ..................................................266
4.7.4.5 da, harkd in addition, too ...........................266
4.7.4.6 inn like .......................................................267
4.8 Complex Sentences .........................................................269
4.8.1 Clause coordination ..............................................269
4.8.1.1 Clausal and...................................................269
4.8.1.2 Clausal or me, mda and wala..................269
4.8.2 Purpose and causal clauses .................................270
4.8.2.1 Purpose in order to marked with
subjunctive mood ...........................................270
4.8.2.2 Causal clauses...............................................270
4.8.3 Conditionals ..........................................................272
4.8.3.1 nda with and similar forms ..........................273
4.8.3.2 (mm)s-ka(ba)(ha)r when/if........................275
4.8.3.3 ndr if.........................................................277
4.8.3.4 kud da even if.............................................278
4.8.4 Temporal subordination ........................................278
4.8.4.1 sa when.....................................................278
4.8.4.2 Temporal use of d intensifier ......................279
4.8.4.3 Temporal clauses based on temporal nouns ..280
4.8.4.4 t-izzr-t before..............................................280
4.8.4.5 har until........................................................281
4.8.4.6 zam after....................................................281
4.8.4.7 Simple juxtaposition of a temporal clause.......282
4.8.5 Spatial adverbial clauses .............................................283
4.8.6 Manner adverbial clauses ............................................284
5 References............................................................................285
6 Appendix I: ............................................................................291
Text 1: A Folk tale.............................................................291
Text 2: Part of a Radio emission.......................................300
7 Appendix II: Verbs with their causative and passive forms ...309
2.1 One Argument Verbs..................................................309
2.2 Two Argument Verbs..................................................310
2.3 Labile Verbs ...............................................................311
2.4 Verbs of Songhay origin taking a derivational prefix....312
8 Appendix III: Wordlist: English Tadaksahak........................313
9 Appendix IV: Wordlist: Songhay cognates in Tadaksahak.....321
10 Morpheme index ...................................................................341
ix
11 Summary ..............................................................................347
12 Samenvatting........................................................................351
13 Curriculum Vitae ...................................................................357

x

xi
Abbreviations and symbols Abbreviations and symbols Abbreviations and symbols Abbreviations and symbols
- morpheme boundary
clitic boundary
~ variant of lexeme
_ stress over a syllable
fixed stress on stem of words
< borrowed from
1p 1
st
person plural
1s 1
st
person singular
2p 2
nd
person plural
2s 2
nd
person singular
3p 3
rd
person plural
3s 3
rd
person singular
ACT actor-nominalizer
ADJZR adjectivizer
ALL allative
ANA anaphoric demonstrative
BND bound root (Tamasheq origin)
C consonant
COMV verbal complement
D Tamasheq Tudalt
DAT dative
DET determiner
DEM.FAR demonstrative pointing in the distance
Abbreviations and symbols
xii
DEM.NEAR demonstrative pointing close
DEM.PROX demonstrative pointing in proximity
INT intensifying discours particule
EMP emphatic
EXM extraction marker
F feminine
FUT future
FOC subject focus marker
GEN genitive postposition
IMP imperative
IMPERF imperfective
INST instrument
IO unmarked indirect object (usually dative)
KCH Koyra Chiini: Songhay of Timbuktu
KS Koyraboro Senni: Songhay of Gao
LOC locative postposition
LC logical consequence
MAN mood-aspect-negation marker
NEG negation
O object
PL plural
POSS possessive postposition
PP postpostition
QST question particle
Abbreviations and symbols
xiii
S subject
SG singular
SUBJ subjunctive
V vowel
VEN ventive
VN verbal noun
W Tamasheq Eastern Tawllmmet (Tahoua)
WW Tamasheq Western Tawllmmet (Menaka)

xiii

Map
The oval inset shows the Republic of Mali with the enlarged area in a
rectangle.

The different lines stand for:
------ border to a neighboring country
all year passable road
- - - - - oued/depression leading water in rainy season
Tin Agarof location name
Introduction 1

1. 1. 1. 1. Introduction Introduction Introduction Introduction
1.1 1.1 1.1 1.1 General information General information General information General information
1.1.1. 1.1.1. 1.1.1. 1.1.1. Location Location Location Location
Tadaksahak is the language spoken by the Idaksahak (also known as
Dausahak), a nomadic group living mostly in the administrative cercle
de Mnaka and in the northern part of the cercle dAnsongo in the
seventh region of the Republic of Mali.
The area is between longitude 0 and 4 east and between some
degrees north and south along latitude 16 north. The area is also
inhabited by speakers of other languages such as the Tuaregs, the
Songhay, Arabs, and the Fulfulde.
1.1.2. 1.1.2. 1.1.2. 1.1.2. Classification Classification Classification Classification
Tadaksahak was classified (Nicola 1981:25) as part of the Songhay
languages spoken along the Niger river in Mali and the western part
of Niger. Songhay was tentatively attached to the large Nilo-Saharan
phylum (Greenberg 1966). More recent hypotheses published by
Robert Nicola (1984, 1990) suggest that Songhay came into
existence as a creole language with important lexical input from
Tamasheq.
The Songhay branch comprises roughly the following languages as
indicated on the website of the online Ethnologue (2005) and in
combination with Nicolas classification (1981).

Language names Location: country city
Southern Songhay Southern Songhay Southern Songhay Southern Songhay
Songhay, Koyra Chiini Mali Timbuktu
Songhay, Koroboro Senni Mali Gao
Songhay Mali, Burkina Faso Hombori
Zarma Niger Niamey
Dendi Benin
2

Northern Songhay Northern Songhay Northern Songhay Northern Songhay
Tadaksahak Mali Menaka
Tagdal Niger
Tasawaq Niger In-Gall
Korandje Algeria Tabelbala
The speech varieties labeled Southern Songhay on the list will be
called Mainstream Songhay in this work. This is to indicate that they
behave differently from the Northern Songhay varieties. Tadaksahak
is part of the Northern Songhay group. All Northern Songhay
languages have undergone heavy influence from Tuareg. Tuareg is a
Berber language from the Afro-Asiatic phylum which, from a Songhay
perspective, exhibits very different syntax, morphology and lexicon.
Some authors consider Tadaksahak to be a mixed language
(Lacroix 1968, Nicola 1990, Bentez-Torres 2008) on the basis of the
large percentage of non-Songhay lexicon and grammatical
morphemes. In this description I shall remain neutral as to this issue,
as it aims at describing the synchronic facts in the language.
1.1.3. 1.1.3. 1.1.3. 1.1.3. Name of the language Name of the language Name of the language Name of the language
Tadaksahak is the name that the people use themselves for their
language. Authors of linguistic works have used this name, too.
Authors of other reports and the administration in Mali also use this
name, though rarely.
The Ethnologue of the SIL International (Online version 2005) lists a
number of names associated with this language. Apart from the name
of Tadaksahak, a variety of different spellings are listed, which recall
the name used by the Tuareg to designate the people: Dausahaq,
Daoussak, Daoussahaq, Dawsahaq, Daosahaq.
Introduction 3

The names used by the people themselves refer to a female or a
male person, singular or plural.
native term meaning
a-dksahak man of the group
i-dksahak men/group of the group
t-a-dksahak(-k) woman of the group
name of the language
t--dksahak women of the group
These names indicate at the same time the social status within the
caste system of that society. They are only used to designate
individuals belonging to the fair-skinned highest caste. The caste of
the blacksmiths and the one of the slaves, formerly captured on raids
in the South, are referred to by different terms.
Prasse et al. (2003) list Dw-ahak / Idd-aw-Ihak son/s of Isaac
(the Jewish ancestor), which seems to be an indication that they are
of Jewish origin. This opinion is widely held by the neighboring ethnic
groups. The Idaksahak themselves do not claim Jewish ancestry.
The Colonial French administration and todays local civil authorities
use the term daoussahak to designate the people and the language.
The sedentary people speaking Mainstream Songhay in the three
largest market towns in the area use a variant of this term, dosahak.
1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 History and Geography History and Geography History and Geography History and Geography
The Idaksahak themselves indicate Morocco, or more generally, the
North, as their place of origin from where they left some centuries
ago. A well educated Adaksahak did some research in genealogies
and found evidence that the Idaksahak do not share ancestors with
the Tuareg, but probably come from another Berber group in North
Africa (Mohammed Ag Guidi, p.c. 1993).
According to some traditions, the Idaksahak may have lived in the
Timbuktu area for a period of time before moving on together with a
Tuareg group towards the area where the Idaksahak live today.
The Idaksahak are part of Tuareg society, and are considered a
group inside the Kel-Ataram (people of the west). They have
traditionally been herdsmen for the nobility of the Iwllmmdn
4

Tuareg and have thus been under protection of the (Tuareg) warrior
caste (the so-called nobility). Since they represent a distinct ethnic
group and a dependent social community, their relationship was not
so close that the Kel-Tamasheq would inherit from the Idaksahak
(Mohammed Ag Guidi, p.c., 1993). Until recently, to marry outside the
ethnic group, or the caste, was not considered as appropriate and
would be sanctioned by the community.
Besides being herdsmen, the Idaksahak were a Maraboutic tribe,
which performed the religious duties for the nobility of the Tuareg.
Traditionally, these Islamic specialists were not allowed to carry
weapons and thus depended on the protection of the Tuareg warriors.
The clan of the Id-aarf, considered to be direct descendants of the
clan of the Prophet Mohamed, is the best known maraboutic clan
among the Idaksahak, but there are also other groups that claim to
have maraboutic knowledge.
In recent years, this interdependence has become less important, as
the Tuareg community in Mali no longer seeks this service. Tuareg
maraboutic clans, such as the Kel Assuk, also perform these religious
rites.
The severe and returning droughts of the past three decades have
seriously put into difficulties the different pastoral groups herding in
the area. In addition, the armed uprising of a number of nomadic
groups against the central Malian government from 1990 to 1995
shook the area on a social and security level.
For lack of work in their homeland, many young men seek work
abroad in the countries of the Maghrib. They often work as herdsmen
or as traders. Women rarely leave the area.
However, there are established Idaksahak communities found outside
the homeland. Isolated communities of black Idaksahak, descendants
of the former slaves, live as farmers on the west bank of the Niger
river in the Republic of Niger, and possibly also in the most northern
part of Burkina Faso (Sudlow 2001:6). A larger community lives in
Tamanrasset, Algeria, which was established there after the first
Tuareg rebellion in the 1960s.
Introduction 5

1.3 1.3 1.3 1.3 Earlier studies Earlier studies Earlier studies Earlier studies
Pierre-Francis Lacroix was the first to mention Tadaksahak in
linguistic literature, together with related languages. They were
referred to as mixed languages because of the evidence of strong
influence from Tamasheq (Lacroix 1968). Further studies include the
phonological sketch in Nicola (1979) and Nicola (1980) as well as
the description of verb derivation in Christiansen & Christiansen
(2007).
In his extensive study of Songhay languages, Robert Nicola
classified Tadaksahak as part of Northern Songhay (Nicola 1981:25,
see Fig. 1). According to Nicola, Tagdal and very similar Tabarog
(which he refers to together as Tihishit), together with Tadaksahak
form the nomadic subgroup. According to the Idaksahak, the Igdalen,
who speak Tagdal, are considered to be their descendants. They live
in the region further east to the Idaksahaks territory in the Republic of
Niger. The Igdalen used to have economic links with the lberogan
(speaking Tabarog), who now live further south as agriculturists.
Northern Songhay
sedentary nomadic
Korandje Tasawaq Tihishit Tadaksahak
Tabarog Tagdal
Figure 1: Classification adapted from Nicola
1.4 1.4 1.4 1.4 Dialects Dialects Dialects Dialects
There are about 31,800 speakers of Tadaksahak (Ethnologue 2005)
including all social groupings. Like the Tuareg society, the Idaksahak
traditionally have a caste system that divides the community into
three distinct social classes of free masters (i-dksahak),
craftspeople (eem-n, comprising blacksmith families for
woodwork, metal and silver) and the captives (slaves) (aam-n)
from black ethnic groups from the south.
In this work I describe the language variety as it is used in the area
around Menaka, consisting of several fractions over a larger area,
who communicate in this speech variety.
6

As to lexical deviations, I have placed them under one of the following
three location names: Tamalet, on the Azawagh valley (mainly
spoken by the clan of the Ibhan and Tarbanasse); Talatayt, north-
west of Menaka; Infukaraytan, on the southern border of the
Idaksahaks homeland, situated between Menaka and Niamey, on the
border to the Republic of Niger.
The most significant phonetic feature of the Tamalet variety is the
merging of the palatal plosives /c/ and /j/ with the fricatives // and //
respectively. In addition, the feminine plural prefix /t--/ of Tadak-
sahak is pronounced [i-]. There are also a number of lexical
particularities. The speakers of this variant live at the easternmost
border of the Idaksahak territory in the Azawagh valley around
Tamalet.
Pharyngealisation is much less prominent in the southern speech
varieties (Infukaraytan), while it is very strong in the north (Talatayt).
The clan around the former traditional tribal leader of the group, now
settled in the Talatayt area, seems to be the most conservative,
linguistically speaking. They use lexemes and forms no longer used
elsewhere in the area. The groups around Menaka are reported to be
the most innovative.
1.5 1.5 1.5 1.5 Fieldwork Fieldwork Fieldwork Fieldwork
I made a first trip to Menaka in the fall 1992 together with my husband
Niels. The following year, we moved to this administrative town, and
over a period of nine years, from September 1993 until December
2002, we spent fifty percent of our time there. We were first assigned
to do further socio-linguistic studies to explore the viability of the
language and the possible need for development of linguistic
materials under the auspices of SIL International (former Summer
Institute of Linguistics). A year later, the assignment was changed to
language learning and documentation.
Since the literacy rate is very low in this group and since schools
were virtually absent at the time we started our work, it was a
challenge to find educated speakers with whom I was able to
communicate in French.
The basis for this analysis consists of data from elicitation, as well as
a corpus consisting of generally known folk tales, short dialogues and
personal experiences and several hours of taped radio emissions
Introduction 7

from Radio Rurale de Menaka. The lexical data base was worked
over twice in its entirety, once in the summer 2000 in Gao with the
late Moussa ag Mohammed from Menaka, then agent of the Service
des Eaux et Forts and a second time in the fall 2002 in Menaka with
Hadmahammed ag Mohammed, known as ablla, originally from
ariya, now headmaster of the school in Inkiringia.
The textual transcriptions, based on tapes from other speakers, were
made in collaboration with various Tadaksahak speakers. The
National Institute for Literacy DNAFLA (former Direction Nationale
pour lAlphabtisation Fonctionelle et Linguistique Applique) did not
have a section for this language, but I was in contact with both the
Songhay and the Tamasheq unit.
1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6 Acknowledgements Acknowledgements Acknowledgements Acknowledgements
Without the help, encouragement and teaching of many people, this
book would never have been realized. First of all I want to thank my
family, who has often had to stand back when this work was
underway. I also want to express my gratitude to my SIL colleagues
Phil Davison, Brad Smeltzer, Robert Carlson and Steven
H. Levinsohn for their essential teaching and encouragement along
the road, while we were still living in Mali. Once we were settled in
Europe, the University of Leiden was of crucial importance and a
tremendous help to work on all the collected data. A grant from NWO
(Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research) made it possible to
realize the major part of this study. It is part of the research project
Tuareg and the Central Sahelian Languages, A History of Language
Contact. The manuscript has been in different hands to clarify my
thoughts and to improve my English. My thanks go to Peter Thalmann
and Kathy Bow for their suggestions.
But without the faithful and patient listening, repeating, teaching and
speaking on tape of many different speakers of this extraordinary
language, this work would not have been possible. I want to express
my thanks to: addi, amad-Mamud, Maamad, Fatimata, ad-
Maammed, Taa, aduwa, Ayuuba, Fatmata, Assalim, Aaafaa,
ablla and many more. God may, as you, the Idaksahak say, have
taken all the leftovers of the other languages to give the last one to
you, but He made your language a very special one!

8

Phonological Structure 9

2. 2. 2. 2. Phonological Structure Phonological Structure Phonological Structure Phonological Structure
2.1 2.1 2.1 2.1 Syllable Structure Syllable Structure Syllable Structure Syllable Structure
In this section we describe the basic syllable patterns observed. In a
word almost all consonants can occur in almost all positions. We do
not give specifications here but discuss the restrictions under 2.2.3.
Tadaksahak has the following syllable structures:
(1) Syllable structure
open syllables closed syllables
CV CVC
CVV CVCC

In word-initial position, the onset may be absent, and vowel-initial
syllables occur, e.g. ils tongue, krar ram. Doubly closed
syllables only occur in word-final position and always contain the
feminine singular suffix -t as their final element, e.g. tadbert pigeon
(see 3.2.2). Long vowels only occur in non-final open syllables.

2.2 2.2 2.2 2.2 Con Con Con Consonants sonants sonants sonants
2.2.1 2.2.1 2.2.1 2.2.1 Inventory of phonemes Inventory of phonemes Inventory of phonemes Inventory of phonemes
There are 32 consonantal phonemes. The whole series of the
alveolar consonants also appears pharyngealized. This feature is
marked by a dot under the consonant. The signs are the orthographic
representations used in this work. c and j represent [] and []
respectively, y represents [j] and r [] On the table below, the letter v
indicates voicing, -v stands for voiceless and +v for voiced.
10

(2) Consonants
L
a
b
i
a
l

A
l
v
e
o
l
a
r

P
h
a
r
y
n
g
e
a
l

-
i
z
e
d

P
a
l
a
t
a
l

V
e
l
a
r

P
h
a
r
y
n
g
e
a
l

L
a
r
y
n
g
e
a
l

-v +v -v +v -v +v -v +v -v +v -v +v
Stops b t d c j k g q
Fricatives f s z x h
Glides w y
Laterals l
Taps r
Nasals m n
2.2.2 2.2.2 2.2.2 2.2.2 Evidence for Consonantal Contrasts Evidence for Consonantal Contrasts Evidence for Consonantal Contrasts Evidence for Consonantal Contrasts
Here are some examples of the different contrasting environments for
the consonants as word initial, syllable initial, intervocalic, and
syllable final where this position is possible. Contrast between same
place of articulation with different voicing and adjacent points of
articulations are given.
(3) Contrasts with consonants
C gloss gloss
b/m by
bn
abktaw
bla
alb
to know
to die
old cushion
chunk of earth
pocket
my
mn
amka
mlay
ajm
to own
to throw out
leaving the well
meat (kind of)
thousand
b/f br
bn
iibitan
bram
b
to be big
to die
dirt (pl)
white turban
to put on a belt
fr
fn
jifatan
fraw
ef
to open
to pierce
corpses
feather / wing
to spit
b/d by
bibi
to know
to be black
dy
biid
to buy
bone

yibrr
yrkb
to be bad
to pull
ydra
ynkd
to be decorated
to sneak to
d/t dud
bdaw
tri
yfd
to pour
canister
star
to borrow (s.th.)
tud
ltam
dri
ybt
to respond
turban (kind of)
crack in skin
to snatch
d/ dlg
edag
adgar
anfad
to decorate
place
part
tobacco pouch
m
eag
aga
afa
to accuse unjustly
herb, sp.
father-in-law
infection
d/j jinj
tadbert
cind
neck
pigeon
part
dig
tajbert
cinj
forgetfulness
fonio, sp.
rain
g/k gun
guur
ygbs
ltg
to see
metal
to wear
waistcloth
heaviness
kun
kuur
ykbl
k
to find
leather / skin
support
to point
g/j geen
gman
gitan
head louse
to be good
elevations (pl)
jeej
jinn
ijiman
to hang up
luggage
thousands (pl)
g/ gafa
agar
agrid
yrgm
yhag
crime
tree, sp.
granary
to be upset
to last
afaf
aar
ari
yrm
yha
striped polecat
straw, sp.
white spot (on dog)
to warn
to ransack
q/k qq
lqm
yqbl
abaleq
to be dry
to strengthen
to fulfill prayer
dust
ks
lkm
ykbl
t(a)selk
to cut
following (n)
to support
young woman
k/c kary
keed
arklla
skiyki
ball
be on
mosquito net
try in vain
cary
ceed
arcni
tgmac
friend
spoon
hyena
alphabet
f/h fnfi
alfydat
fayan
pump
importance
edges
hni
slh
hayan
dog
make cry
descendants
12

s/z srgg
asar
tslft
blis
to join (string)
jumping on (n)
ax (kind of)
devil
zrgz
azar
tzlft
gliz
to walk fast
pond
eagle, sp.
left over (n)
s/ srd
ssaal
t sknt
afras
to appease
fonio, sp.
excrement (k.o.)
tortoise
r
aal
tknt
r
to facilitate
work (n)
greeting
to facilitate
s/ sdd
ssakan
sbs
to support
nests (bird)
to exhaust

akan
ybb
to hit
songs
to chew
z/ zzl
tamzaq
to drive
dispute
il
tamaaq
to draw water
Tamasheq
z/ ezaw
yzgg
yzlg
heron, sp.
to play around
to carry on
shoulder
ea
ygg
yg
grass, sp.
to make accept
to search for (lost
animal)
x/ xruru to have large
holes
ruuru to rustle (dry leaves)
axrxar tearing apart (n) arar barren plain
yxrk to lose ones
way
yres to cut straight
ymsax to sniff (water) ynsa to whistle
x/ xtim
axruk
yxdm
ymsax
pers. name
creation
to work
to sniff (water)
d
akam
ldas
ass
pers. name
reign (n)
lentils
strength
/ all
alait
custom
wooden tablet
alr
alan
refusal
curse (n)
/h ai
talma
all
bone (kind of)
toy mat
custom
hni
tashart
lham
dog
lid (pot)
anger (n)
w/b w
wwa
w
to be healed
pers. name
to reach
b
bba
db
IMP(perative) particle
daddy (voc.)
to cover
w/y wy woman yy to be fresh

yaawn
aryn
yy
female camels
water
freshness
yaayn
arwn
yw
freshness, pl
men
female camel
l/d lbk
mlay
yl
being skinny (n)
fatless meat
green grass
dbt
mda
yd
to be able to
giraffe
to return
l/r ylma
ylf
to dive
to entrust to
yrma
yrf
to be afraid
to span (drum)
tefalt coin tefart recompense
wal mark war jujube fruit
l/ aab
eab
clay
pit (kind of)
labs
elaw
to be dangerous
elephant
r/d riba
trcin
wwur
profit (n)
saddles (k.o.)
shield (kind of)
didi
tdcan
wwud
to trample
tent posts
boil (n)
r/ bara
ari
mrar
to be (in)
white spot (dog)
rope (kind of)
baa
ai
mar
to want / to love
crevice
old person
r/ ykrm
ahra
abkar
to fold
potassium
young ram
ykm
efaa
fka
to rest (animals)
wind from south
to reveal
m/n maan
takmmart
admi
eem
grease
cheese
antelope, sp.
fat (kind of)
nani
taknnart
adnit
ean
here (it) is!
forehead
world
tooth
m/w mnt
almes
rm
to wither
chick, sp.
town
wnng
alweg
raw
to walk about
branch (kind of)
yoke (kind of)
n/ na
ka
to give
to fall
a
kan
to eat
to be sweet
n/ nna
yand
mom (vocative)
to have a fever
aa
ya
shrub, sp.
to be trained (camel)
2.2.3 2.2.3 2.2.3 2.2.3 D DD Distributional Restrictions istributional Restrictions istributional Restrictions istributional Restrictions
In the following subsections we discuss distributional restrictions of
the different consonants. A type of consonant found in all positions
14

means that the positions word initial, syllable initial, intervocalic,
syllable final and word final are attested in our data. Consonant
sequences are also discussed for the position syllable final.
2.2.3.1 Labials b and f
/b/ and /f/ occur in all positions but in mono-morphemic lexemes /b/ is
never found preceding voiceless stops (/t/, /k/, /q/). The voiceless
fricatives /s/, /x/ and /h/ are found following /b/.
The voiceless/voiced distinction of the labials is realized as /b/ versus
/f/. This is evident from the IMPERF prefix b- that assimilates in voicing
to f- if the following C of the verb root is voiceless. Examples are
found under (3.1.4.2).
Loanwords from e.g. French beginning with /p/ are regularly reinter-
preted and pronounced f by speakers who do not know French, e.g.
Fr. porte-monnaie purse becomes fartmani, and Fr. projet
project is pronounced fare.
2.2.3.2 Plosives
The only plosives that have restrictions in distribution are the
affricates c [] and j []. We have no evidence of them in word-final
or syllable-final position, except when they are part of a geminated
consonant, as for example in hijj piston. The following examples
illustrate alternations in which /c/ in syllable initial position before a
front vowel alternates with /k/ before a back vowel or in syllable final
position.
(4) Alternations between /c, j/ and /k, g/
irkna hyenas arcni hyena
kukud to have shame takacet shame
hgu tent / house hjen tents / camp
g self jn selves
tzkwin storms tazice storm
hktan tent awnings ahcet tent awning
ygmk to spell (word) t gmaci alphabet
Further examples are under 3.2.3.1.1. with the plural morpheme.

/c/ and /j/ are restricted in their distribution at the lexical level. In
stems, they do not occur preceding the back vowels /u/ and /o/.
However, in actual speech, due to vowel deletion, /c/ and /j/ may
appear before back vowels, e.g. the noun cij night can be followed
by the demonstrative oda this meaning the night in question. The
rules for final vowel deletion lead to an allowed pronunciation
[cidoda]. However, there exists another noun tonight cigoda
composed of similar elements but frozen to an expression that is pro-
nounced [cigo:da].
2.2.3.3 Fricatives
In this group the sibilants (/s/, //, /z/, //, // and //) have a status of
their own. Sibilant harmony is discussed further under 2.4.1.4.
Fricatives are attested in all positions. Only and h do not occur
word finally. This may be due to corpus limitations.
2.2.3.4 Nasals
We have evidence of all nasals in all positions. m is stable, whatever
the following consonant.
(5) Examples with /m/
mn name
amnana fish
mar old person
aam west
n and assimilate with the place of articulation of the following C.
For more details see 2.4.1.1.
(6) Examples with /n/
nn to drink
ndi you (pl)
anf high grass
aiwan tent camp
kaaf to wriggle
aya little bell
yb throw an arrow
ewa shrub, sp.
16

only occurs in a few lexical items. In syllable-final position it is
pronounced [g].
(7) Examples with //
a to eat
amssaa cook (person)
tilst [tglist] English
k [kg] to fall
2.2.3.5 Liquids
The liquid l is found in all positions.
(8) Examples with /l/
lm to twist
yli to leave
lkas (tea) glass
lal portable trough
We have not found any examples of the pharyngealized liquid in
syllable-final position except as part of a geminate.
(9) Examples with //
abu clay
bai onion
eab pit, sp.
2.2.3.6 Taps
r is rarely found word-initially. There is a clear preference by the
speakers to add a vowel before the flap. The French word radio is
taken over as arag.
(10) Examples with /r/ and //
riba benefit (< Arabic)
arda old goat
argn male camel
brug resin (kind of)
barar child
ii to expand (tent)

f f to rub foot on camels neck
ykm to rest
fka to reveal
Long r is pronounced as a trill, e.g., barar [ba] / barrn [baren]
child / children.
2.2.3.7 Glides y and w
Both are found in all environments and can be geminated.
(11) Examples with /w/ and /y/
wa to heal
awci bracelet
Awwa personal name
wrum pit of jujube
waw to curse
yaw female camel
ayyr moon / month
yayny to be new
cary friend
2.2.4 2.2.4 2.2.4 2.2.4 Consonant clusters Consonant clusters Consonant clusters Consonant clusters
2.2.4.1 Word initial clusters
The word initial cluster nasal + C that is allowed in Mainstream
Songhay is not found in Tadaksahak. The Songhay word /nda/ and /
with is pronounced nda and / with in Tadaksahak.
Other word initial clusters are not allowed either. When necessary, an
epenthetic vowel is added preceding the cluster. This is for example
the case in clauses with verbs that have no pronoun enclitic, as in
indefinite relative clauses, e.g., surgy bdt a woman (who is)
pounding
Loans from languages with initial consonant clusters are resyllabified
to conform to the system, e.g., baruwt wheelbarrow < French:
brouette [brut] or fare project (n) < French: projet [pr].
18

2.2.4.2 Clusters with different consonants
Word-internal clusters with different consonants are very frequent.
Basically all consonants can follow each other. Only very few
combinations are not attested (see also Nicola 1979). One partial
restriction of /b/ is discussed in 2.2.3.1 while clusters with /c/ and /j/
are discussed in 2.2.3.2.
2.2.4.3 Long consonants
All consonants can be geminated, with the exception of //, /h/ // and
//. Long consonants are analyzed as a succession of two identical
consonants. We give here a few minimal pairs:
(12) Minimal pairs with long consonants
lexeme gloss lexeme gloss
yli to go out ylli to soar (bird)
iman pastures iman tears
t bt to be stolen t bbt to knock
y to hobble, (one-
sided)
y to pull away (with
teeth)
albna sickness (kind of) albnna bricklayer
hjen camp hijjn pistons
y to pay y to stretch out
ihran herds (small animals) harran lions
baarn horses barrn children
Consonantal length is independent of stress, as shown in the table
below.
(13) Long consonants and stress
lexeme gloss CV pattern with stress
alla wall V .CVC.C C.C C.C C.CV
mamman odor, perfume CVC.C C.C C.C C.CV.CV
hill horn CVC.C C.C C.C C.CV
hurr to look for
korr heat

2.2.4.4 Word-final clusters
The only clusters allowed word-finally contain the consonant /t/ as
their last element. This consonant consists of the second part of the
discontinuous morpheme t(a)--t (feminine / diminutive / nominali-
zer). See (3.2.2.1.1) for details.
(14) Word final consonant clusters with /-t/
talnkawt tail
tadralt blind person
tabort riches
tabremt reed, sp.
2.3 2.3 2.3 2.3 Vowels Vowels Vowels Vowels
2.3.1 2.3.1 2.3.1 2.3.1 Inventory of Vowels Inventory of Vowels Inventory of Vowels Inventory of Vowels
The following chart lists the main phonetic realizations found in
Tadaksahak vowels.
(15) Vowel chart (phonetic)
short long
high i u i u
high lowered
mid-high e o o
mid-low
low / a / a

As will be shown below, these can be analyzed as realizations of the
following vowel phonemes:
(16) Vowel chart (phonemic)
short long
high i u ii uu
mid-high e o ee oo
low a aa
20

2.3.2 2.3.2 2.3.2 2.3.2 Evidence of Vocalic Contrasts Evidence of Vocalic Contrasts Evidence of Vocalic Contrasts Evidence of Vocalic Contrasts
The vocalic contrasts are proven by the following examples of
stressed vowels in similar environment. When no stressed vowels
were attested, unstressed vowels are presented. The first section
contrasts short vowels with each other.
(17) Short vowel contrast
V lexeme gloss lexeme gloss
i/e danj charcoal danj silence
b yesterday be on (PP)
dis to leave alone les make dirty
i/ dis to leave alone dzdz to castrate (kind
of)
abit chaff, sp. ebt taking quickly (n)
alkaf horse saddle ilktan branches
afit rope (saddle) dgfft to give a light hit
tddabit night without moon kbt be joined
i/a gaan cheeks agaw cheek
zzay son / fruit zanzo milk (kind of)
alkaf horse saddle alkat twig
did to walk tab to taste
i/u dis to leave alone tus to erase
hin to cook hunn to leave
did to walk dud to flow
i/o dis to leave alone dos to touch
ai crevice ano sickness of skin

e/ tafert oval receptacle taert dried wood
tadbert pigeon tmbrt grazing in the
night (n)
e/a hw to cry hw to attach
tnada fever tanfrit suffering
e/u fr to open fr to throw

e/o ls to make dirty ds to touch

/a lbk meager (n) t ffak tomorrow
tffak tomorrow tafart rope (kind of)
/u tnfas sprinklings tnfas stories
krtba trousers tugdu tree, wood
/o sgn to kneel down son to hobble (knee)
dzdz to castrate (kind of) ds to touch
t ga to be taken toog T-shirt

a/u lal portable trough lul eternity
zan to churn (milk) zur to run
gun to see hun to leave
a/o tarkat shrub, sp. tardayt fruit, sp.
agdod old waterskin akko tree, sp.
bq to break qq to be dry
amo part of the turban ano skin disease
zar lizard, sp. bor person

u/o ts to erase ds to touch
gun sight bor person
yhu to be born yu to be worn
kurkuru to burn korkoray to be very white

The evidence for short /e/ is relatively weak since there are only few
lexemes with /e/ on the whole, and /e/ is especially rare in open
syllables. Consider the examples below under /ee/.
(18) Long vowel contrasts
V gloss gloss
i/ii batan chaff, sp. ibatan losses
zzay son ii fly
ikdan fireplace ikaran puppies
cij night ciid salt
22

e/ee tnada fever teraa sweat
tzrcetan rolled leather
strings
kreeri to be hanging
ilnjezan drums (kind of) tadgeera cheese racks
ee/aa enar antelope, sp. anar eyebrow
ear cooking pot aar straw of
cram-cram
heeb market haab hair

a/aa tab to taste taba tobacco
aba bit aata monitor lizard
tamzaq dispute tamaaq Tamasheq
abnaw grass, sp. abaleq dust
aa/oo arab Arab orag flame
baa waterbag boo ashes
abaleq dust abora date fruit
aata monitor lizard oora 1-3am

u/uu imas camels imuas hobbled
animals
hun leaving (n) huur fire
bkut to pound buu working
together (n)
gun sight guur iron
uu/oo ura gold orag flame
huur fire took ashes (kind of)
amudr animal abora date fruit
aruru back (body part) aroko saddle (kind of)

o/oo bor person boory giraffe
takayt cow hump takokayt fruit (doum tree)
akko tree, sp. aroko luggage saddle
kok baobab powder todat humid soil

With the mid vowel /o/ - /oo/, the evidence for a phonemic length
contrast is rather weak. In open syllables the long mid vowels are
much more frequent than their short counterparts. In addition to the
forms given above, one may cite the following cases: igrin black
solution; tafgit metal point of sheath; sog to indicate, bor
person; imolan marks of recognition; komami (walk) with bent
neck (camel).
2.3.3 2.3.3 2.3.3 2.3.3 Vowel Realizations Vowel Realizations Vowel Realizations Vowel Realizations
Pharyngealized consonants, as well as uvular and pharyngeal
consonants (x, , q, and ) influence the realizations of the vowels.
This is most evident in the case of /a/. In a word with a
pharyngealized consonant, it is lowered and retracted to be realized
[], e.g. [n fd] tobacco pouch <> [f] infection.

Similarly, /i/ is lowered to [] or [e]
/e/ to []
/a/ to []
/o/ to []
/u/ to [o]
// to []
The vowel /a/ shows the widest range of realizations. For more details
see under Influence of palatals on /a/ (2.3.3.1) and examples in the
texts. On the whole, unstressed vowels tend to be pronounced as
more central and lax so that their quality is not always clear in rapid
speech. Yet asking the speaker to slow down will render full Vs where
schwa was perceived beforehand.
Examples:
[b] baarar child
[ d] ooda this
Nicola (1979a:342) comments on this fact saying that Il semble que
limportance et la nettet de ralisation des units du systme
consonantique soient corrlatives dune certaine labilit dans les
ralisations des phonmes vocaliques.
24

The realization of schwa is strongly dependent on the phonetic
context, e.g. nim-s-lli [nmslli] that you make them follow.
The same speaker may pronounce the same utterance with different
V qualities. A request to repeat will often produce a different V color
in slower speech. The following example is given in rapid speech:
ib-du-an [ibd
w
an] they assembled there.
The least conspicuous environment for good quality vowels is word or
utterance final in open syllables where the realizations are short and
plain, i.e., with no possible variation.
2.3.3.1 Palatals preceding and following /a/
The palatal phonemes /c/, /j/ and /y/ (Y) have a strong influence on
the realization of a following /a/ in a closed syllable of a monosyllabic
root. The phonetic difference between /a/ and /e/ is neutralized in this
position, and are realized [].
(19) Neutralisation of /a/
/YaC/, /YeC/ [YC]
The underlying /a/ reappears when the addition of a morpheme
allows the syllable to be opened. Notice that in all examples below
also the rule long V shortening in closed syllable (see 2.4.1.9) is in
effect. Consider the following:
(20) Realization of /a/ following palatal Cs
singular plural

gloss
[jw] [jawn] yw female camel
[tw] [tawn] cw call
[dw] [dawn] jw help
Compare, with undelying /e/: hw wind: singular [hw], plural
[hwan].

A syllable that is closed by /y/ also neutralizes the phonetic realization
of /a/, i.e. /Cay/ [Cy]. The following examples show that this rule
pertains both to words with a Songhay and to words with a Tamasheq
background.
(21) Realization of /a/ preceding /y/ (Songhay cognates)
singular plural

gloss
[zj] [zajn] zy theft
[jj] [jajn] yy freshness
Etymologically Tamasheq nouns also follow the rule that /a/ is
pronounced [] when followed by /y/. The following examples show
the nominalization pattern /aCaCaC/ for two verbs with three
consonants in the root. to fill has a final /y/ in the root that provokes
the different pronunciation of /a/.
(22) Realization of /a/ preceding /y/ (Tamasheq cognates)
noun phonetic verb gloss
anay [nj] < ny action of filling
adlag [dlg] < dlg decoration
2.3.4 2.3.4 2.3.4 2.3.4 Vowel Distribution Vowel Distribution Vowel Distribution Vowel Distribution
There are some restrictions on the occurrence of vowels according to
the syllable type they are found in, and their position in the word.
In the first place, long vowels only occur in non-final open syllables. In
closed syllables and in word-final position, only short vowels are
allowed.
In the second place, schwa cannot occur word-finally.
As shown in the following chart, there are hardly any restrictions on
combinations of vowel qualities in one word. One remarks gaps as
concerns the combination of two mid vowels (/e/, /o/). As the mid
vowels are relatively rare, this may be accidental. The combination /u/
- /o/ is only found in two borrowings from French, frno brazier(<
fourneau) and bssol compass (< boussole). The combination /o/ -
/o/ is only attested in borrowings from sedentary Mainstream
Songhay: rogo yams, a food not traditionally planted by the
nomads, soro storey (unknown for tents), also goro cola nut is
not part of the nomadic culture.
26

(23) Possible combinations of V1 and V2 in words

2.4 2.4 2.4 2.4 Sound rules Sound rules Sound rules Sound rules
2.4.1 2.4.1 2.4.1 2.4.1 Consonants Consonants Consonants Consonants
2.4.1.1 Assimilation of place of articulation of /n/
/n/ regularly assimilates with the point of articulation of the
immediately following C. This rule applies inside a lexeme as well as
between words in a phrase or clause. Consider the following
examples with assimilated forms in the verb stem and forms without
assimilation in the corresponding verbal nouns.
(24) Assimilation of /n/ within lexeme
phonetic verb stem verbal noun gloss
[jmba] ynba anba hit on the cheek
V2
V1
i

e a o u
i ciid
salt
hilln
horns
did
walk
ils
tongue
iboraa
n
fruits, sp.
u
make drink
e feej
sheep
tnada
fever
aer
dried meat
esu
bull
a baar
horse
danj
silence
qaar
n
study
ahgg
pilgrimage
agogis
braid (kind
of)
abtu
navel
mi
change
bllen
wrestle
krtb
a
trousers
dbt
be able
sfofo
to click
agrfu
kneeling
o boo
ashes
born
people
goor
sit
zrbba
fruit, sp.
goro
cola nut
oruf
acacia, sp.
u wuliwu
li
carry sth.
by two
agud
er
eagle,
sp.
turag
at
permissi
on
wultwult
bend in the
wind
frno
brazier/grill
guss
hole

[jfa] ynfa anfa provide
[jntz] yntz antaz pull strongly
[jka] yink anka circumcise
This assimilation rule is also in force at word boundaries. The
GEN(itive) postposition n is a good illustration
(25) Assimilation of genitive n over word boundaries
possessive pronoun + noun gloss
aam barar my child
am fark my donkey
aan tgud my girl
a cary my friend
a karf my rope
a way my wife
a qaarn my studies
2.4.1.2 Nasalization in the vicinity of /n/
When followed by a sibilant, /n/ is mostly realized as nasalization of
the preceding vowel, e.g.
(26) Nasalization when /n/ precedes a sibilant
phonetic gloss
[yii] yi to beg
[aaa] aina bone (kind of)
[gi] gni snake
[mazarnat] mnzarnat bright green leather
[ati] atni snack
2.4.1.3 Devoicing of voiced fricatives
Due to regressive assimilation, voiced fricatives are devoiced when
followed by a voiceless consonant, cf. the following examples with //.
(27) Devoicing of // lexeme internal
phonetic verbal noun gloss
[jxsr] ysr asar to jump down on / jumping down on
[jxid] yid aad be ruined / accident
28

[jxfl] yfl afal be locked / locking
Similarly, the element a- (first person singular subject ciltic) is
pronounced [ax] when preceding a Mood-Aspect-Negation morpheme
starting with a voiceless consonant.
(28) Devoicing of // at morpheme break
phonetic morpheme gloss
[axswi] as-w 1sNEG.IMPERF-kill I wont kill
[axtwi] at-w 1sFUT-kill I will kill
Cf. the perfective negation n-, before which is retained.
[anwi] an-w 1sNEG.PERF-kill I did not kill
A special case is provided by the imperfective morpheme IMPERF b- ,
which becomes a voiceless fricative /f/ when followed by a voiceless
consonant. Find the examples under (3.1.4.2).
2.4.1.4 Sibilant harmony
We have not found mono-morphemic words that contain two different
sibilants (/s/, /z/, //, //, //, //). Place of articulation and voicing of
these sounds are the same within the word.
(29) Examples of sibilant harmony
gloss
azgaz wild cat (Felix silvestris)
zanzo milk (kind of)
a vulture, sp.
ammaa bee-eater, sp.
afsas stick of Calotropis procera
alxasyis amulet (kind of)
fa to be light (not heavy)
aa rope (kind of)
a turban (kind of)
kriin to be coarse
aaib phantom
il to draw (water from well)

Sibilant harmony also applies to loanwords from French originally
containing different sibilants. In such loans, harmony of the sibilants is
regressive and the last sibilant in the word enforces the preceding
sibilants, e.g. ak army bag (< sacoche), sost socks (<
chaussettes).
Sibilant harmony in causative derivations will be treated under
(3.1.3.2.).
2.4.1.5 Irregular loss and assimilation of /-k/
Two frequently used verbs show irregular loss or assimilation of /k/.
The first example is yekat (< yed + -kat ) to return here. The second
example is ykkl (< ydkl ) to lift up. The original consonants are
found in the verbal noun adkal elevation.
2.4.1.6 Optional consonant metathesis
In a few words optional consonant metathesis has been observed.
When asked about it, speakers would invariably claim that both words
mean the same and either could be used.
(30) Examples of metathesis
mrs ~ m rs keep the character of
trast ~ trast kind of white stone found in the region of Kidal
zraf ~ zraf to have big spots (for sheep, goat, camel)
irdan ~ irdan old weak goats (sg arda)
tyhast ~ thyast kind of camel saddle
Other words with the similar consonant combinations like zar day,
raw kind of yoke, rm town, village ri aborted animal do
not have variants with metathesis.
Another case of optional metathesis is found with the verb to
respond wab which is also heard as wab.
2.4.1.7 Long consonants at morpheme boundaries
In a number of contexts, morpho-phonological consonant lengthening
takes place in intervocalic position at morpheme boundaries. It is not
entirely clear what role is played by stress and both lexical stress and
noun phrase intonation sometimes seem to have influence on
consonant lengthening. The morphemes concerned are the genitive
30

n, the Mood-Aspect-Negation markers m- and b- and the particle ag
son of. Moreover, lengthening takes place with the initial consonant
of a verb in the unmarked perfective aspect.
2.4.1.7.1 n genitive and ag son of
When the genitive marker n occurs in intervocalic position, this
consonant is lengthened.
(31) Intervocalic genitive n
bor nn a-il
person GEN SG-right.side
at the right hand side of a
person
hgu nn mmas
tent GEN interior
inside a tent
a nn a-ffo-da
DET GEN SG-one-DIC
that (only) one
This also applies to the possessive pronouns nin your and in their
when followed by a vowel-initial noun.
(32) Possessive pronoun
nnn a-narag
2sGEN SG-neighbour
your spouse
nn i-narag-an
3pGEN PL-neighbour-PL
their spouses
The shape of the two first person possessive pronouns prompts for
other changes (2.4.2.4). ayn his/her/its and di-syllabic andn
your(pl) do not undergo lengthening.
The particle ag son of used in personal names behaves the same
way, i.e., /g/ is lengthened before vowel initial names, e.g., agg
Abdulay Son of Abdulay.
2.4.1.7.2 Mood-Aspect-Negation markers and unmarked
perfectives
When preceded by a vowel, the Mood-Aspect-Negation markers b
imperfective and m subjunctive are lengthened. This is found,
among others, when they are as is normally the case preceded by
a pronoun clitic.

(33) Imperfective b- lengthened
[aa'bgmm] aabb-gmm I chew (tobacco)
[n'bgmm] nibb-gmm you chew (tobacco)
[a'bgmm] abb-gmm s/he chews (tobacco)
(34) Subjunctive m- lengthened
[aa'mgmm] aamm-
gmm
that I chew
(tobacco)
[n'mgmm] nimm-gmm that you chew
(tobacco)
[a'mgmm] amm-gmm that s/he chews
(tobacco)
More discussion on these morphemes is found under 3.1.4.2.
In positive perfective forms, where there is no overt Mood-Aspect-
Negation marker, the initial consonant of the verb stem is lengthened
under the same circumstances.
(35) Initial consonant of verb lengthened
[aa'dbta] aaddbta I can do it
[n'dbta] niddbta you can do it
[a'dbta] addbta s/he can do it
[aa'jbta] aayybta I snatched it
[n'jbta] niyybta you snatched it
[a'jbta] ayybta s/he snatched it
With monosyllabic stems that carry the stress on the only syllable of
the verb, this lengthening appears very strongly. With very long verbal
stems, and disyllabic stems with the stress on the second syllable, it
appears to be less strong.
Verb stems preceded by vowel final elements, e.g. the focus marker
n-, the determiner ao and the question word ci (what/who), show
the same effects as observed with the subject pronoun clitics.
(36) Other contexts that provoke consonant lengthening
ga n-yyddra
3s.EMP FOC-hold3s
Its him who held it.
ga n-bb-ddra
Its him/her who holds it.
32

3s.EMP FOC-IMPERF-hold3s
ao yyhag-an
DET last-ADJZR
the one that lasted
surgy ao bb-ddr
woman DET IMPERF-hold
the woman he is married to
c wwa
what/who kill3s
Who killed him/her/it?
c bb- ddra
what/who IMPERF-hold3s
Who is married to her?
2.4.1.8 Word-final V-shortening
In word-final position the contrast of vowel length is neutralized. The
following examples illustrate this point. Adding the plural morpheme
permits the realization of what could be considered an underlying
long V:
(37) Word final V-shortening
V singular plural gloss
I bitgi bitigitan shop (< Fr boutique)
ai aitan bone (kind of)
E f fetan bat
izace izcenan youth
A t gna tgnatin reproach
krtba krtbatan trousers
U heeb heebutan marketplace
buktur bukturtan toad
O kdago kadagotan tree, sp.
aroko arokotan saddle (kind of)
Note that in all the examples above the stress lies on the long V, even
when the singular had the stress on another V. This may have some
influence on the length also.

2.4.1.9 V-shortening in closed syllables
Vowel length is neutralized in closed syllables. The underlying length
of the vowel shows up when the plural morpheme is suffixed and the
formerly final closed syllable is opened.
(38) V-shortening in closed syllables
singular plural gloss
tafgit tfgiitan metal point of sheath
ajm ijiman a thousand
alte ilteean rib / side
ahcet ihceetan tent awning
tadgat tdgaatin place of pasture
abka ibkaaan sin
Some rare occurrences of long vowels in closed syllables can be
explained as due to consonant elisions. Often the lost consonant re-
appears in a morphologically changed form.
(39) Long vowels in closed syllables
lexeme gloss plural Tamasheq cognate
abo water skin ibya (< W:
abyo/ibya)
anil ostrich inyal (< W: anil/inyal)
akat mistletoe,
sp.
akwat
variant of
the same
(< W: akwt)
2.4.1.10 Vowel contractions
There are several cases of vowel contractions over word or
morpheme boundaries. We will illustrate this in the following section
in situations with a) verb and pronoun enclitic; b) suffixes on verbs; c)
plural morphemes on nouns; d) noun and demonstrative; e) V-initial
nouns preceded by V-final words.
34

The overall rule of vowel constractions is as follows:

(40) Vowel contraction rule
V1# + V2 V2
The outcome of the contraction is a short vowel when V2 is short and
a long vowel when V2 is long. We will treat the different occurrences
in detail and then make some amendments to this first general rule.
2.4.1.10.1 Verb and pronoun enclitic
The most regular and frequent elision happens at the end of V-final
verbs when personal pronouns follow the verb. In this case, the final
V of the first word is dropped.
(41) a) addumb()a. [adum'ba]
3scut3s
he killed it.
b) addumb() ari h. [adum'bi'he]
3scut 1p thing
he killed something for us.
c) addumb() ise feej [adum'bis()f'i]
3scut 3pDAT sheep
he killed a sheep for them.
In the transcription in this work we will write the dropped final V in
brackets.
Verbs that drop the last vowel all have a Songhay background.
(42) Verbs dropping final /u/
Tadak gloss Songhay (KCH)
dud to pour door
hun to leave from hun
tun to get up tun
hurr to look for wir
dumb to cut dumbu
gug to guide (animal) gurje
huru to enter huru/a (KS)
zumb to get down zumbu (KS)
zur to run zuru (KS)

/u/-final Verbs of Tamasheq origin seem to have an underlying /w/
that is normally realized as /u/. These verbs do not drop the last
vowel when followed by a pronoun, but change it into a glide before
the pronoun.
(43) ab-gu aka [ab'ugu'aka]
3sIMPERF-look.down 3sLOC
s/he looks down on it.
The following verbs behave the same way:
(44) Tamasheq cognates surfacing /w/
Tadaksahak gloss Tamasheq (W)
u to make drink wu
idu to assemble idw
gu (he) ka to look down on (sth.) ugu (WW)
sku to light (fire) suku (WW)
Parallel to the back vowel /u/, the front vowel /i/ behaves differently
according to etymology. Songhay cognates drop the final /i/ while
Tamasheq cognates surface a semi-vowel /y/ when a pronoun
follows.
(45) Verbs dropping final /i/
Tadak gloss Songhay (KCH)
keed to mount (animal) kaar
yeri to vomit yeer
din to take din
jeej to hang deeji
(46) Tamasheq cognates surfacing /y/
Tadak gloss Tamasheq (W)
yi to stick sth. into ry
yli to go / turn around ly
yi to beg asy
ylbi to take out of lby
Final /e/ and /o/ on verbs are so rare that not many observations can
be reported for these vowels. See below for m hear (other items:
bab be numerous, sotroro drop regularly).
36

Verb-final /a/ is dropped both in verbs of Songhay and in verbs of
Tamasheq origin. For example, when the plural clitic i is added to
these verbs the final /a/ is dropped. The stress of the final syllable of
the verb is carried over to the pronoun enclitic, e.g.
(47) akkun()i s/he found them.
ail()i he cleaned them (wells) out

(48) Verbs dropping final /a/
Tadak gloss etymology
gun to see (s.b.) KCH: guna
hab to harvest (wild grass) KCH: haabu gather
baa to want / to love KCH: baa
hin to cook KCH: hina
kun to find KCH: kumna pick up
to eat KCH: aa
yeez to skin (animal) W: azu to skin
yism to clean (intestines) W: as clean by
rubbing
zaan to churn (butter) D: ss-unda churn
W: aznu calabash to
churn butter
il to clean out (well) D: la clean out
(well)
One notes, however, one complication, When the second element is
the enclitic a he/she/it, forms with and without the enclitic are
pronounced differently. The forms without the enclitic have a final
unreleased glottal stop, while those with the enclitic dont, cf.
(49) add [ad ] it is done!
adda [ad ] s/he did it.
In a running text it is not easy always to hear the 3s pronoun. In some
of our transcriptions we note the possibly present pronoun in brackets
with a question mark (a?).

2.4.1.10.1.1 Monosyllabic stems
Vowel-final monosyllabic verbs present different behavior as to their
final vowel when followed by a vowel-initial element. Note that all
these verbs have a Songhay background. In a first group, the vowel is
deleted according to the general rule. This is found in three verbs, da
to do, a to eat, na to give, and ci to say, e.g.
(50) Deletion of final -a in na to give
verb + 1s +3s
phonetic [ana'aj] [a'ns(e)]
ann(a) ay ann(a) as(e)
morphemes 3sgive 1s.IO 3sgive 3sDAT
gloss s/he gave me... s/he gave him

(51) Deletion of final -i in ci to say
verb + 1s +3s
phonetic [aca'aj] [a'cs(e)]
acci ay acci ase
morphemes 3ssay 1s.IO 3ssay 3sDAT
gloss s/he said to me s/he said to him

In a second group, all concerning i-final verbs, the vowel is
maintained and a palatal glide is inserted. This concerns the verbs wi
to kill, i to kick, and i + PRN ka to be lost to somebody.
(52) No deletion of final -i in i to kick
verb + 1s +3s
phonetic [a'ia'aj] [ai'a]
a ay ai
morphemes 3skick 1s 3skick3s
gloss s/he kicked me s/he kicked him

Finally, the verb mo to hear keeps its vowel in all contexts except
with the 3p pronoun i, e.g.
38

(53) Treatment of final -o in mo to hear
verb + 1s + 2s
phonetic amo'aj a'mona
ammo (a)y amm (a)na
morphemes 3shear 1s 3shear 2s.DAT
gloss s/he heard me s/he heard you

+3s +3p
phonetic a'mos(e) a'mis(e)
amm (aa)s(e) amm() iis(e)
morphemes 3shear 3sDAT 3shear 3pDAT
gloss s/he heard him s/he heard them
It will be shown later (2.4.1.10.5) that /o/ also overrides vowels of
other morphemes.
2.4.1.10.2 Noun and demonstratives asnda, yda, ad, oda
Following the general rules of vowel-coalescence, vowel-final nouns
that are followed by one of the determiners beginning with a vowel
regularly lose their final vowel in favor of the vowel of the determiner.
(54) Iizac(e) asnda z, ao ayn hawr
[izaasnd]
youth DEM.FAR LC DET spice 3sGEN meal
so that young man who spiced his meal
(55) andggun gand(a) yda [gandjd]
2psee land DEM.PROX
you(pl) see this land (here)
(56) niyy-igr h(e) ad? [hadi]
2sunderstand thing ANA
do you understand this?
(57) izac(e) ad a-kat [i:zaadi]
youth ANA 3sjump-VEN
...this youth jumped
(58) abara guss() oda. [gusod]
3sbe hole DEM.NEAR
he is in this hole.

2.4.1.10.3 Vowel-initial words preceded by vowel-final words
Final vowel-elision happens constantly where vowels meet each other
at word boundaries.
To illustrate just a short utterance said by a visiting person:
(59) [iwartiad / hadizaxtjidwahin]
iwar cj(i) add h(e) ad z(a) at-yidw hj-en
almost night 3sdo thing ANA LC 1sFUT-return camp-PL
it is almost night, so I will return home.
Unless there is a short pause as in this example to mark the end of
the first statement, final vowels are dropped in many places: noun +
conjugated verb; discourse particle + conjugated verb. In this
utterance, two lexemes are recognized only by a single consonant
that is left in the realization.
There seems to be a hierarchy higher than word level that rules over
the rhythm of utterances. We have not studied this topic to a degree
that we could give firm indications of rules that govern.
2.4.1.10.4 Exceptions
There are two words in the language that do not follow above rules of
elision. One of them is the DET ao. Final /o/ always overrides the
following vowel when it is part of the same noun phrase, e.g.
(60) zam aar ao (a)yda attn [r
w
aojd]
after man DET DEM.PROX 3sarrive
after this man (here) arrived
When ao is the last element of a NP, as before relative clauses, the
following pronouns keep their initial vowel and the final /o/ sound is
also produced. In that case, a glide is inserted between the two
words, e.g.
(61) aal ao ammy nin ka abbn. [aoamj]
work DET 3shave 2s LOC 3sbe.finished
the work he has for you is finished.
The other word with exceptional behavior is he thing, which keeps
its final vowel when it is in subject position or when it occurs in a
heavily marked head of a noun phrase. In this case the second vowel
is deleted. Consider below examples.
40

(62) h (a)ssnnihil ase kun.
[hesn:hlsekuna]
thing 3sbe.much 3sDAT find.NV
he was very ill (he is used here as a euphemism for
sickness)
(63) he (a)(o) oda z [heo:dza]
thing DET DEM.NEAR LC
so, this
Yet consider the occurrence in (56) above, where the whole noun
phrase is almost pronominal in its character, and where the regular
vowel contraction takes place.
2.4.1.10.5 Suffixes on verbs
There are two vowel-initial suffixes which appear on verbs, These are
the adjectivizer AJDZR -an and the directional allative ALL -an. We will
treat their influence on the verb-final vowels one by one.
An /i/ preceding the suffixes is not dropped; instead a semivowel [j]
appears between the basis and the suffix. One reason for this
behavior could be the fact that some of the verb roots have an
underlying final consonant -y# which is realized as V (see Final V-
shortening rule). Etymologically many, but not all, of these can be
traced to Tamasheq roots with final /y/. Adding a V-initial morpheme
allows this final C to be realized.
(64) final -i
Tadak with suffix gloss etymology
iiyn be lost / lost SonKS: ii
hai haiyan to look there ?
mi miyn to change TamW:
my
yli yiliyn to turn around
(there)
TamW: ly
The only exception we have in our data is the verb keen to sleep
(KCH: /kani/). In its meaning to sleep away from home it is realized
keenn (< keen+-an).
Verbs of Songhay origin with final /u/ normally drop their final vowel
before the vowel of the suffix. Verbs of Tamsheq origin often have an

underlying final /-w/ that reappears when the V-initial morpheme is
added.
(65) final -u
Tadak with suffix gloss etymology
hun hunn leave from there KCH: hun
huru huran enter there KS: huru/a
kuk kukn long (adjective) KCH: kuu
mnsu munsuwan be nourished W: mnsw
yu youwan be used (clothes) W: w
yku yikuwan be dried up W: sw
yhu yuhuwan be born W: ihu

In the case of a-final verbs, the two vowels are coalesced:
(66) final -a
Tadak with suffix gloss Songhay
KCH
ceen ceenn be small / small ciina
dig dign forgetfulness / to forget dinaa
The rare verbs that end in /o/ have different behavior (see also
2.4.1.10.1.1).
(67) final -o
Tadak with suffix gloss Songhay
KCH
bab babn be numerous/many bobo much
k(y) kn ~
koyn
to leave there koy
m monn to hear there mom
2.4.1.10.6 Plural morphemes on nouns
The plural morpheme -en, which is used with nouns of Songhay
origin, causes regular deletion of a stem-final vowel, e.g.
(68) plural morpheme -en
noun + PL realization gloss
42

bor + en born person / people
huuw + en huuwn milk / kinds of milk
tugdu + en tugden tree sg/pl
bund +en bundn stick sg/pl
hambor + en hamborn mortar sg/pl
biid +en biidn bone general sg/pl
This process of adding the plural morpheme brings about additional
changes to the last consonant of the stem. In many, but not all, nouns
with a velar /k/ or /g/, the velar is changed to a palatal before the
suffix -en (cf. also 2.2.3.2) e.g.
(69) alternation k/g with c/j
hik+ en hikn two, sg/pl
gug + en gugn belly sg/pl
tug + en tugn turban (kind of) sg/pl
fark + en farcn donkey sg/pl
bag + en bajn well sg/pl
ag+ en ajn place (general) sg/pl
hag + en hajn ear sg/pl
2.4.1.11 /ay/ < /a/
In the first element of a compound (mainly numerals), word-final /a/ is
changed to /ay/. As shown below, this does only concern /a/-final
elements, in C-final fifty an epenthetic schwa is inserted.
(70) i + tmwi > i y-tmwi seventy
seven + ten.PL
aa + tmwi > a y-mwi ninety
nine + ten.PL
amm + tmwi > amm--tmwi fifty
five + ten.PL
When the enclitic a he/she joins the genitive n, /a/ becomes [y].

(71) a + n > ayn his, her
3s + GEN
2.4.2 2.4.2 2.4.2 2.4.2 Resyllabification Resyllabification Resyllabification Resyllabification
There are several environments in the language that lead to
resyllabification. The most frequent is adding the plural morpheme,
then there are conjugations and also some possessive contexts
demand it. The following illustrates the different environments.
2.4.2.1 Plurals
Adding morphemes to a stem (e.g. plural) may lead to restructuring of
the word.
(72) Plurals
aar + en arwn man/men
elaw + an lwan elephant/s
ils + an lsan tong/s
barar + en brren child/children
2.4.2.2 2s combinations
A restructuring of syllables also happens in contexts where
morphemes are joined together. Resyllabification takes place when
ni 2s combines with MAN markers of the shape CV- with a
voiceless initial consonant. 2s is then realized n.
(73) ns-bya
2sNEG.IMPERF-know3s
dont you know it?
When the imperative particle wa ~ ba precedes this construction, the
schwa is deleted.
(74) w-()ns-d(a) ay [wansdaaj]
IMP-2SNEG.IMPERF-do 1s.IO
dont do to me
Apparently, a sequence of four CV syllables is not allowed in a word.
The presence of the consonant /n/ is enough to identify the
2s pronoun.
The complementizer sa behaves in the same way when it precedes
44

words beginning with a voiceless initial consonant such as kl
once in the following example.
(75) tanfust s kla an-m (aa)se
story COMP once 1sNEG.PERF-hear 3sDAT
a story that I have never heard of.
2.4.2.3 Compound numbers
Resyllabification also takes place in compound numerals, which may
be due to the same constraint as above. Cf. the following example, in
which four open syllables would follow each other. A short vowel is
inserted between the two number units to allow proper pronunciation
in slow speed.
(76) Resyllabification thirty
phonetic [kmw]
underlying/slow speech kaa-[]-tmwi
morphemes three-ten.PL
gloss thirty
The speakers do not seem to be conscious of this process. When
they repeat slowly, they have no resyllabification. But as soon as the
same person uses the word in a running conversation the
resyllabified form is used.
2.4.2.4 Possessive pronouns
The 1s and 1p possessive pronouns aan (1sGEN) my and arn
(1pGEN) our are resyllabified when they precede a noun with an
initial vowel. The second vowel in the pronoun is dropped and the
genitive n forms a syllable with the following vowel of the lexeme.
(77) Resyllabification in possessive pronouns
pronunciation morphemes gloss
[ananarag] a(a)n anarag my neighbor /
my spouse
[aniuin] a(a)n iulin my in-laws
[arnalmn ar()n almn our herd
[arniidan] ar()n idan our kids (goat)

The other possessive pronouns have a monosyllabic shape (nin 2s,
ayn 3s, in 3p) and do therefore not behave this way. andn
(2pGEN) your pl has already a closed syllable and cannot be
shortened by dropping the last V.
2.5 2.5 2.5 2.5 Stress Stress Stress Stress
Tadaksahak shows clear evidence of lexical stress (cf. also Nicola
1980). A stressed syllable is realized with a higher pitch and more
powerful air stream than an unstressed syllable. Words with four and
more syllables may also carry a secondary stress on another syllable.
Stress is lexical and unpredictable. Every lexical item has at least one
syllable that carries the stress. Pronoun enclitics and grammatical
morphemes may or may not have inherent stress.
Long vowels do not obligatorily carry the stress. However, when a
long vowel is present, the stressed syllable can only be one syllable
removed from it.
The speakers are aware of word stress and use this feature to create
riddles by putting the stress on the wrong syllable to cause the hearer
to misunderstand the utterance.
Over an utterance different rules are applicable than over the single
word, i.e., the lexical stress may shift to some other syllable.
There are some stress patterns that are frequent and new imported
vocabulary often follows such established patterns. Some mor-
phemes provoke stress pattern changes when they join roots, e.g.
causative S(V)- and derivator t(a)--t. We will discuss these stress
changes in the morphology part of this work.
2.5.1 2.5.1 2.5.1 2.5.1 Stress in disyllabic words Stress in disyllabic words Stress in disyllabic words Stress in disyllabic words
In disyllabic words all stress patterns are possible. There is no
influence of syllable shape on the possible stress patterns, e.g.
(78) Stress in (C)VC.CV words
fark donkey gnda ground, earth
kull all gni snake
dumb to cut mgru to get built
yidw to return in
afternoon
yfri to feel
46

igd ~
idd
because gli ruminated grass
wsa gall
(79) Stress in (C)VV.CV words
feej sheep ini color
baar horse oda this
maa ten
(80) Stress in (C)V.CV words
ad ANA (1 item) na for you
gi deed (2 items)
(81) Stress in (C)VC.CVC words
farkk to be fine/thin tbsit acacia flowers
katkt to simmer zlgat left hand side
harkk always rmsut to desire meat
kandn in the past wnjin to refuse
argn camel hwar decoration (kind
of)
alxr peace dbug aardvark
(82) Stress in (C)VV.CVC words
kaad three anut stick to make
fire
qaarn to study adal wild cat, sp.
(83) Stress in (C)V.CVC words
ahn hold it! hu wind (kind of)
agd moment blq to be dusty
cijn last night bdaw canister
bkw jinn gdm be upside down
2.5.2 2.5.2 2.5.2 2.5.2 Words with three syl Words with three syl Words with three syl Words with three syllables lables lables lables
In words with three syllables stress may be on any of the three
syllables, e.g.
(84) Initial stress
hnaka unidentified item
thuya camels hump

hi to be swollen
gala south
anibo child born out of wedlock
esawa attention, readiness
aata monitor lizard
aatir dried clay ground
adanan guts
gago croup
tfadla wart
tnaflit wellness
lakam place behind (on animal)
krwli to cling to
brkum to be wrapped up
Words with three syllables and a long initial vowel are rare. They
always carry stress on the first syllable.
(85) medial stress
tugdu tree, wood
bakti packet (< English)
yafta to be in a clinch
abtu navel
adcel palm of hand
yazurag to be left free (animal)
amar lamb
alaku dirty water
taiwa ashes (kind of)
tabrda blanket (kind of)
aslgi tobacco pouch (kind of)
tabrjit ring (kind of)
tadamil interest
abrkot stomach (kind of)

(86) final stress
mudud porridge (kind of)
arag radio (< French)
48

adagg crystallic powder
ajerw river / the River (Niger)
hambor mortar
buktur toad
jinjir to pray
tagar to lie
kalkatw corn
This stress pattern is the least frequent observed among the
trisyllabic words.
2.5.3 2.5.3 2.5.3 2.5.3 Words with four and more syllables Words with four and more syllables Words with four and more syllables Words with four and more syllables
The last syllable of a word with four syllables never carries the stress,
the first only very rarely, e.g.
(87) words with four syllables
mkkabani tree sp.
abgara gazelle sp.
aksamba pit (kind of)
akskaabu ring (kind of)
tawalqan bone (kind of)
amuglu powder (kind of)
aarzbbi acacia sp.
tagaloti barrel
amsrrt part of intestins
rrt to hit off its stem (cram-cram)
The following list shows words with four syllables derived from verb
stems or words with the feminine/diminutive marker (t--t ), e.g.
(88) words with four syllables (multi-morphemic)
amnokal king (< mnkl to be king)
amadral blind person (< dral to be blind)
tawnnst dizziness
tatwqt spot (of dirt)
tatugrut part of bed
taskrkrt awl (kind of) (<krkr to part (hair))
Phonological Structure 49 49 49 49

tazanbat ewe having given birth twice in one year
tatanqayt
~ tatanqit
point in scripture
(89) words with five syllables
akaykaya basket (kind of)
anafraa crazy person (< fri-it to be crazy)
tamazazydart patient woman (< zzaydr to be patient)
amandraso ~
amandrasal
plant sp.
almukrkada tea (kind of) (<Arabic)
akawkwaka woodpecker sp.
aragyragay stick of tent (kind of)
abalibali sheep breed
Words with five syllables only carry stress on the penultimate or the
ante-penultimate syllable.

Morphology 49
3. 3. 3. 3. Morphology Morphology Morphology Morphology
As the great majority of the Tadaksahak lexicon stems from
Tamasheq, it is no wonder that at least from the point of view of
statistics Tadaksahak morphology presents a strong similarity to
Berber patterns. Linguistic literature about Berber languages has
therefore been a source of inspiration in this part of the analysis. In
fact, the Songhay part of the Tadaksahak lexicon comprises only
about 300 lexemes. These lexemes consist of about 125 nouns and
designate concrete things. Some 145 verbs are listed, of which many
serve as verbal nouns as well. Other words of Songhay origin are two
numerals, a few adverbs, pronouns, and appositions.
The vast majority of lexemes are of Tamasheq origin, and some of
the religious terms come from Arabic. Many grammatical morphemes
observed in Tadaksahak have cognates with Tamasheq morphemes.
The diversity of origins is often reflected in Tadaksahak morphology.
This shows up in different morphological systems according to the
etymological origin of the words. One special feature, which deserves
mention already here, is the presence of a complicated system of
suppletion in verb derivation (cf. Christiansen & Christiansen 2007).
In Mainstream Songhay all derivations are suffixed. Many verbs
accept the suffix /-(a)ndi/ which makes the causative of intransitive
verbs (and a few transitives), and the factitive of verbs of adjectival
quality (Heath, 1999a:164ff):
aa eat aa-ndi feed, let eat
kan be sweet kan-andi sweeten
In Tadaksahak, this suffix does not exist. Instead verb roots of
Songhay origin are suppleted when they are causativized. The
causative forms show very different roots, recognizable as Tamasheq
cognates containing the causative sibilant prefix.
(1) a eat -ka feed
bibi be black s-kwl make black
Similarly, in Mainstream Songhay the reciprocal construction uses the
indefinite singular noun friend, mate (Heath, 1999a:357):
50
borey ga cere kar.
person.PLDEF MAN friend hit
the people hit each other.
In Tadaksahak, however, the reciprocal is expressed with a nasal
prefix as in Tamasheq.
(2) ydr to be glued m- dr to adhere to
As with causatives, Songhay underived verbs may be paralleled by
Tamasheq-based derived forms (sometimes a double middle prefix),
e.g.
(3) kr to hit n -mm-aa to hit/kill each other
For passive forms, Mainstream Songhay verbs take the same mor-
pheme as for causative forms. In Tadaksahak, a Tamasheq-based
derivation with a prefix tuw- is used, and the same suppletion as
signaled above is found, e.g.
(4) w to kill tw-aa to be killed
3.1 3.1 3.1 3.1 The verb The verb The verb The verb
In this chapter the grammatical category of the verb is discussed.
First the verbs are grouped into different classes depending on their
derivational behavior. Then the different verbal derivations are
described. The following section is dedicated to inflection. The
ensuing discussion shows arguments for the notion of a verbal word,
a grammatical unit found in Tadaksahak very similar to the Tamasheq
inflected verb.
3.1.1 3.1.1 3.1.1 3.1.1 Verb root classes Verb root classes Verb root classes Verb root classes
The derivational and inflectional behavior of verbs differs depending
on the etymology and shape the verb roots. The following section
gives the different classes with some of their distinctive features.
The most remarkable split for verb classes is along etymological lines
and separates the verbs into Songhay and Tamasheq cognates. On
the surface the Songhay cognates may be recognized by
a) CV or CVC pattern, e.g. d to do, m to hear,
mn to pour out, dt to pound
Morphology 51
b) a nasal closing the first syllable of a di- or tri-syllabic root; e.g.
hambar to fear, cind to leave a rest, gag to prevent s.b.
from
c) a long V in the initial syllable, e.g. keen to sleep, baa to
want / to love
d) two short Vs in a di-syllabic root with open final syllable, e.g.
did to walk, tab to taste
These patterns are not a safe parameter of recognition for the origin
of the root. Moreover, some CVC verbs are indeterminate whether
they are of Songhay or of Tamasheq stock, e.g. to be thirsty
Songhay: /faar / faaru/; Tadaksahak: fad; Tamasheq: /ufad/ to be
thirsty, /fad/ thirst.
Derivation of Songhay-based verbs always means suppletion of the
verb root. Some inflections are handled like that of the /y-/ initial verbs
of the Tamasheq class.
The Tamasheq class of verb roots is divided into three groups. The
criteria are surface shapes:
a) first consonant is other than /y/,
e.g. lkm to sit behind someone (on animal); kms to tie
up (sugar, coin) in corner of garment
b) first consonant is /y/, e.g. yn to graze;
c) tri- or polysyllabic roots with final /-t/, e.g. wlq-t to
swallow in one gulp
Group (a) behaves the most regularly. These roots do not drop
consonants in either inflection or derivation.
Group (b) loses the initial /y/ in some inflections and all derivations.
Group (c) loses the final consonant in nominalization while the last
syllable does not count for stress distribution.
The verb roots of Tamasheq origin with more than two syllables tend
to have neutralized vowels. Schwa is by far the most frequent in this
class of verbs. Back consonants (e.g. , , ) tend to attract the low
vowel [a] and palatalized consonants (e.g. //, // and /y/) are mostly
followed by [i].
52
The citation form of verbs in this work always shows an initial conso-
nant for verb roots. The /y-/ initial verbs are remarkable in that they
lose this initial consonant in some environments. It would seem that
the 3
rd
person masculine singular perfective form in Tamasheq is the
base for the Tadaksahak verb root. The inflected form of the root /dhl/
to help in Tamasheq Tawllmmt is idhl he helped on which
ayydhl he helped is based.
Many derivations in Tadaksahak consist of a prefixed consonant (e.g.
s()- causative). In such contexts, the initial /y-/ is dropped and the
derivational consonant replaces it. yktb to write becomes s-ktb
to make write. Note that the realization of the first vowel is now
schwa.
A similar phenomenon occurs with inflectional prefixes consisting of
only a consonant, e.g. b- imperfective and m- subjunctive. The four
y-initial Songhay roots expose the same behavior as the Tamasheq
cognates. For the long consonants see 2.4.1.7.2.
(5) Inflection of y-verbs
perfective imperfective gloss Etymology
ayyeri abb-eri to throw up Son: yeeri
ayyd abb-d to return Son: yee
ayygmm abb-gmm to chew
(tobacco)
Tam:
gmm
ayyiwl abb-wal to mark
(animal)
Tam: awl
ayyaaf abb-aaf to yawn Tam: afu
In the class of the /-t/-final verbs, one remarks the change of the
final syllable in verbal nouns. There are about 130 verbs of this type
in our corpus.
(6) Nominalization of -t final roots
verb root verbal noun gloss
dlnf-t a-dlnf-u to be gooey
f lcq-t a-flcq-u to be flat
frnfr-t a-frnfr-u to stir quickly
Morphology 53
lli-it a-lli-u to wash (grain)
3.1.2 3.1.2 3.1.2 3.1.2 Verb stems Verb stems Verb stems Verb stems
Verb stems may consist of a verb root and one or more derivational
prefixes.
All underived verb roots of Songhay origin have a semantically similar
counterpart of Tamasheq origin. This Tamasheq root appears when
derivation or certain nominalizations happen. Such roots never occur
without a derivational or nominalization morpheme and are therefore
considered to be bound. In running texts these roots are glossed with
BND for bound.
(7) Examples of bound roots
root Causative Passive noun/VN gloss
a -ka t- ka a--k-o to eat
kug s-ywn twa-s-ywn t-ewan-t to be
satiated
All derivational elements are prefixed to the verb root. For most roots
one prefix occurs, however some roots allow for more than one prefix.
No particular study of possible forms and combinations has been
made. The following chart is based on examples found in the corpus.
(8) Examples of verb stems with derivational morphemes
Pass Caus Reciprocal (Caus.) root gloss root
n-m- s- lkm follow
s- n-m s- wr put on
tuwa-

s- ss- ra teach
54
Reduplication takes place on stem as well as on root level.
3.1.3 3.1.3 3.1.3 3.1.3 Derivation Derivation Derivation Derivation
3.1.3.1 Labile verbs (verb roots with variable valency)
A vast number of Songhay cognates can be used in an intransitive
(often descriptive) and transitive (factitive) way. A number of Tama-
sheq cognates expose the same behavior.
In the list below, the first group (a) shows Songhay cognates.
The following verbs are Tamasheq cognates exposing the same
characteristics. Group (b) shows the same stress pattern as stative
verbs in Tamasheq, i.e. the last syllable has the stress. However, the
verbs of group (c) have the stress on the first syllable and serve as
intransitive (stative) verbs as well.
(9) Simple verbs with two valencies
root intransitive gloss transitive gloss
a) bibi be black blacken
yy be cold make cold
br be big enlarge
y be moist moisten
n be old make old
mn be close approach
mr be distant distance
dgdig be broken break
mn be thrown out throw out
ls be unclean make unclean
b) yim be decorated decorate (leather)
yisk be combed comb
yi be shaved shave
c) yfl be locked lock
ydra be decorated with
metal
decorate with metal
Morphology 55
root intransitive gloss transitive gloss
ylm be open open
yk be braided braid
ybr be spread out (to dry) spread out
yssa be tied two together tie two together
yid be out of use put out of use
In summary we note that a fair amount of the Songhay cognates have
a double valency. Some verbs of Tamasheq origin behave the same
way.
3.1.3.2 Causative S()-
The prefix S()- makes the causative of intransitive verbs (make sb.
walk) and many transitive verbs (make eat > feed) and the factitive
of verbs with descriptive qualities (widen). The prefix is of Tamasheq
origin.
Many causativized transitive verbs involve a causee, somebody who
is made to do something. This semantic role is marked with dative se.
See further discussion under Syntax 4.3.7
The causative morpheme is prefixed to the verb stem. It consists of a
sibilant with a neutral vowel. Sibilant harmony is in effect and forces
the causative prefix to take the same place of articulation and the
same voicing as the sibilant present in the verb stem or root.
(10) Causative morphemes

z(V)-
(V)-
(V)-
s(V)-
root contains root contains root contains root contains
voiced alveolar fricative
voiced palatal fricative
voiceless palatal fricative
elsewhere
(11) Sibilant harmony
verb root causative gloss
m-zg
1
z -mm-zg to race a race (camel) /
to be made to race
m-i
1
-mm-ii to be separated /
to separate
56
to separate
yni -ni to be filtered / to filter
ybsa s-bsa to be saved / to save
All y-initial verbs drop the initial consonant and replace it with the
consonant of the prefix. Verbs beginning with core consonants add a
syllable with a vowel of the same quality as the rest of the root.
Note 1: For both, m-i and m-zg an initial /m-/ morpheme with a
semantic middle-component are recognizable. They are no
longer separable from the root. *yi and *yzg do not exist.
Adding a morpheme to the root, which equals an extra syllable in
some cases, causes stress shifts. The stress is on the causative
morpheme syllable unless this leaves three unstressed syllable to the
right. In this case the stress moves on the ante-penultimate syllable.
(12) Stress on causative stems
verb root causative gloss
yhar s-har to be covered / to cover
ydbl s-dbl to be in heaps / to heap up
nfd s-anfd to be hobbled (kind for
camel) / to hobble
grff-t s-grff-t to kneel / to make kneel
3.1.3.2.1 Causative with suppletion
For all verbal derivation the etymology of the roots is of crucial im-
portance. Verb roots of Songhay origin cannot take derivational
morphemes. These roots are replaced by suppletive roots in order to
take derivational prefixes. In such suppletive forms, both the prefix
and the root have a Tuareg background.
The examples below show verbs with (a) a descriptive meaning, (b)
other intransitive verbs, and (c) transitive verbs.
(13) Some examples of suppletion of Songhay roots
Songay root causative gloss
a) br to be big -mar to honor (person)
to respect (person)
Morphology 57
qq to be dry s-r to dry
kug to be full s-ywn to eat enough
b) k to fall - r to make fall
hw to cry s-lh to make cry
gor to sit -am to make sit
c) zw to take -uwa to send s.th. to s.b.
tag to lead
(animal)
- wt to make go
(animal) ahead of
s.b.
dt to pound -ygi to make s.b. pound
There are over one hundred verbs in our corpus that have a
suppletive root for the causative (as well as the other derivations
treated below) (see Appendix II).
3.1.3.2.2 Exceptions for sibilant choice
The large majority of the causative forms are covered by the rules of
sibilant harmony given above.
However, there exist a number of roots that do not follow these rules.
In particular the choice of a sibilant when no sibilant is present in the
root poses some problems. Our examples show the following tenden-
cies for roots that contain no sibilant:
1) Roots without sibilant starting with two voiced consonants may
take /z/
(14) Roots with voiced consonants
root causative gloss (of the causative)
bll z-bbll to set at ease
brmt z -bbrmt to change money
dlg z-ddlg to make decorate
(leather/face)
gnnti z-gnnti to make bend ones head
backwards
wultwult zu-wultwult to make bend (wind)
58
2) Roots without sibilant containing pharyngeal sounds including //,
/x/ and /w/ may take // (cf. a) below). The same is true for some of
the suppleted roots that contain a pharyngeal consonant. The
examples are under b) below.
(15) Roots with pharyngeal consonants
a) yala
yad
yxlk
yilw
-ala
-ad
- xlk
-ilw
to make pure (religiously)
to make straight
to create
to make wide
b) br -mar to honor (person);
to respect (person)
k - r to make fall
baa -ea to make s.b. love s.b.
zw -uwa to send s.th. to s.b.
tag -wt to make go (animal) ahead
of s.b.
There are a few other irregular forms:
(16) Irregular forms
ras

-r

to make cheap /
to facilitate
deraw s-dru to make have in common
A few Songhay cognates take the Tamasheq derivational prefix
without suppletion. This exceptional behavior is probably due to their
shape, which (falsely) suggests a Tamasheq origin. Some of these
verbs start with /y-/, which is in most cases indicates a Tamasheq
cognate. One root has an initial sibilant // that apparently is
interpreted as a causative morpheme and therefore is allowed to take
a prefix. This particular verb root has for some unknown reason
added a final /-t/ and so falls in a class of verbs that are otherwise of
Tamasheq origin. The Songhay cognates of Timbuktu (KCH) are
given unless marked differently (KS for Gao).
Morphology 59
(17) Songhay roots with causative prefix
root gloss caus. gloss KCH
yd to return s-eed to make return yee
yeri to vomit s-eri to cause to
vomit
yeeri
(KS)
ibit to be dirty -ibit to make dirty jiibi
The case of s-eed is remarkable, as there appears an additional /i/
at the end of the stem. Possibly, /yeeri/ to restitute is related to /yed/
return. The causative may have been taken from an older disyllabic
form.
3.1.3.2.3 Double causative
A small number of roots allow for double causatives. Some of them
are semantically motivated, while others cannot be satisfactorily
explained. The examples under (a) are Tamasheq cognates with an
intransitive use in the root form (to graze; to be divorced). The first
causative form adds a human will (to make (animal) graze; to make
be divorced = to divorce) and the second causative involves one
more human causer (to make somebody graze (animal); make
somebody divorce)
Example (b) has an intransitive root in Tadaksahak (keed be up on =
be mounted). s-w is used in an active form to put somebody on
something. The double causative form adds another human actor
(make somebody put something on something)
(c) gives examples with suppletion where no simple causative is
found. These cases cannot be explained with semantic or syntactic
reasoning.
(18) Double causatives
root causative double-causative gloss
a) y - -- make graze
lf -lf -i-lf make divorce
b) keed -w --w make put on
c) w s-sw-aa make kill
mn s-ss-l make pour
60
3.1.3.3 Reciprocal and Middle
As in most languages of the world, Tadaksahak has some inherently
reciprocal verbs. But the larger part is marked with a prefix as shown
below.
3.1.3.3.1 Lexical reciprocals
A number of verbs have a reciprocal component that is not marked
with a morpheme. Syntactically, when they are found with a plural
subject they do not need a complement. When used with a subject in
the singular, a complement is needed to be grammatically correct.
Examples:
(19) a) i-b-z.
3p-IMPERF-fight.verbally
they fight (each other).
b) i-b-saaw.
3p-IMPERF-look.alike
they look alike (like each other).
The examples in our corpus with marked reciprocals exceed by far
the few unmarked roots.
3.1.3.3.2 Morphologically marked reciprocals and middles
The morphemes found to express reciprocal or middle meanings are
the following.
(20) Reciprocal morphemes
m()- root contains no labial C
n()- root contains labial C
n-m(m)()-
The basic form of the prefix is m-, as illustrated under (a). The use of
the allomorph n- is conditioned by the consonants in the root it is
prefixed to. Verb roots containing an /m/ or any other labial (/b/ or /f/;
/w/ does not count as labial for this feature) take the n- prefix. See
examples under (b).
Morphology 61
(21) Use of allomorphs
verb root reciprocal gloss
a) ydr m-dr to be glued / to adhere to
yxwl m-xwl to be preoccupied by s.th.
/ to be bothered by s.b.
m - to be along / to line up
b) yrzm n-rzm to be tied around / to
cramp
ybdd n-bdd to be held up / to stand
together
grtttf n-grtttf to stumble / to stumble
Morphologically marked reciprocals cannot be distinguished from
middles on the grounds of the morpheme. One meaning found for the
morpheme is doing something together or paraphrased differently
doing something with each other as opposed to doing something to
each other. However, it is striking that a very high percentage of
verbs with the doubled n-m(m)()- prefix express reciprocity,
implying a patient and an agent.
A reasonable amount of verbs occur with a reciprocal prefix without a
basic underived root to belong to.
(22) Roots not found without reciprocal prefix
stem gloss
m-dd
m-ds
m-da
m-i
m-grz
m-ll
m-qt
m-i
m-lli
m--t
m-kwi
n-fli
to be weak
to be compared
to be side by side
to meet
to regret
to be thoughtful about
to be preoccupied with
to change (one self)
to be inside out
to turn oneself around
to move from
to be at ease
62
As observed with the roots that take a causative prefix, the different
types of roots behave similarly when taking the reciprocal prefix. /y/ is
dropped (a), some roots (and stems) need to adjust the stress to the
ante-penultimate syllable (b) and some roots resyllabify (c).
(23) Roots and stems taking the reciprocal prefix

root

reciprocal

gloss root
gloss
derived root
a) ydr m-dr to be glued to adhere to
yilt m-lta to be glued to adhere
together
ygr m-gr to push away to butt
yskl m-skl to take away to change against
ybdd n-bdd to be held up to stand together
yb n-b to squeeze
between
to squeeze self
between
yktb n-ktb to write to write each
other
yrkb n-rkb to pull to pull from s.th.
yrdf n-rdf to be unhooked to hook with
yrzm n-rzm to hang around
s.th.
to cramp
ymbz n-mbz to disperse to be dispersed
among
b) grtttf n-grtttf to stumble to stumble
krbt n-krbt to join to join
t ltl m-tltl to roll up to be tangled up
m - to be along to line up
c) ay m-i to fill to force feed
ay m-i to be different to confuse with
fls n-fls to believe s.th. to have
confidence in s.b.
Mainstream Songhay has no morphological reciprocals. When not
Morphology 63
expressed lexically they are analytic and formed with the lexeme
friend without definite and plural morphemes serving to mark each
other. It is not surprising therefore that in Tadaksahak Songhay
cognates taking reciprocal morphology are borrowed from Tamasheq.
(24) Songhay roots suppleted by Tamasheq cognates

root

reciprocal
gloss root/
derived suppleted root
Tamasheq
cognate
ky n-bdd to stop/stand together bdd
na n-kfa to give/give each other kfa
aab n-mi to sew/sew together my
gor n-iima to sit/sit together amu
The double prefix is very frequent with suppletive roots and mostly
indicates reciprocals.
(25) Suppletive roots with double prefix
root reciprocal gloss root gloss derived root
wi n-mm-ana to kill to beat/kill each
other
d n-mm-ga to do to do to each other
mr n-mm-gg to be distant to be distant from
each other
mn n-mm-hz to be close to be close to each
other
hai n-mm-swud to look to look at each
other
kr n-mm-wut to hit to hit each other
zw n-mm-wi to take to be infectious
(lit: to be taken to
each other)
There are a number of underived Tamasheq cognates that also take
a derived form with the double prefix. In many cases a meaning of
doing together/with each other is conveyed.
64
(26) Tamasheq cognates with double prefix
root reciprocal gloss root gloss
derived root
yard n-m-arda to agree to agree with
each other
ydkl n-m-dkl to pick up to pick up
together
yli n-m-li to go around to go around
from two sides
yog n-mm-ga to spot to spot each
other
yntz n-m-ntz to pull quickly to pull from
each other
ym n-m-m to try to try with each
other
y n-m- to ford to ford together
ywa n-mm-wa to block way to block
passage
together
yizgr n-mm-zgr to bear sb. a
grudge
to bear a
grudge against
each other
kit n-m-kuit to inherit to inherit from
each other
gn-t n-m-gn-t to reproach to reproach
each other
ksn n-mm-ksan to refuse to refuse to
(hold) together
zray n-mm-zri to pass after
sb.
to miss each
other
Morphology 65
A few roots are found with the single as well as with the double prefix;
in such cases different meanings are conveyed, e.g. yrkb to be
pulled (underived form); n-rkb to pull from (singly derived form);
n-mm-rkb to pull between each other (double derivation).
3.1.3.4 Passive t()-, tuw- and tuwa-
There are three prefixes which may form the passive of a verb.
(27) Passive prefixes
t()-
tuw-
tuwa-
Using a passive prefix always implies a human agent that the speaker
does not want to name. At the same time it is ungrammatical to add
the agent in the same clause as is possible in English, e.g. he was hit
by his brother.
Some semantically less active verbs like call allow for a comple-
ment with nda with when used in the passive voice, e.g. the place
was called nda T.
tuwa- -- - only occurs preceding causativized stems and the few roots of
Songhay origin that allow the passive morpheme. This suggests that
this is the default prefix for already derived stems and a few Songhay
cognates.
The allomorphs tuw- -- - and t()- are less predictable. The shorter form
tends to replace the initial /y/ of that verb class. But there are tuw- -- -
passives found preceding y-initial verbs.
tuw- -- - is the least frequent allomorph found mostly preceding
suppletive roots that replace Songhay verbs to form the passive
voice.
The following list shows different ways to form the passive voice.
Group (a) shows the replacement of /y-/ with t-. The examples under
(b) resyllabify to take the prefix. (c) gives the only example in our
corpus of a y-verb that takes the tuw- prefix. The last example (d) has
no basic form, only a causative stem is known.
66
(28) Passive forms of Tamasheq cognates
root passive gloss
a) ybt
ylm
yqbul
yttl
ykkl
yiw
t- bt
t- lm
t- qbul
t- ttl
t- kkl
t-wa
be snatched
be opened
be accepted
be wound around
be elevated
be blocked
b) ay
ksn
t -i
t -ksan
be filled
be refused
c) ylka tw-lka be disdained
d) -uf t- f be withheld
Songhay roots undergo suppletion when used in the passive form.
Both kinds of prefixes are attested. The list below gives examples for
the t()- prefix under (a) and under (b) are the forms with tuw- -- -.
(29) Passive forms of Songhay roots with the Tamasheq
cognate.
root passive gloss Tam cognate
a) zw t-wi bring awy
keed t-w climb/ride w
dumb t-gzm cut/slaughter gzm
d t-ga do gu
nn t-u drink (w)u
t-ka eat ika
z t- k fight (also verbally) ks
hab t-frd gather (food) frd
n t-kfa give kfu
kr t- wt hit wt
zy t-ku steal akr
gn t-lmz swallow lm
din t-bu take b
Morphology 67
root passive gloss Tam cognate
kw t-ku take out kk
hr t-ml tell ml
hai t-wu look at sw
hurr t-gmi look for gmy
b) m tw-sla hear slu
t tw-ggd jump over ggd
w tw-ana kill/hit anu
by tw-asun know ssn
ds tw-iya leave alone yyu
cw tw-ara call s.b. ru
baa tw-a love/want iu
qaarn tw-ara read/study ru
c tw-a say u
gun tw-ni see ny
The full form tuwa- -- - appears mostly on stems that have a causative
morpheme. Adding two syllables to a di-syllabic root or stem always
entails stress shift from the first syllable of the stem to the ante-
penultimate syllable which is the default stress for verbs (third from
right).
(30) Passive forms of Tamasheq causative roots
stem passive gloss
s-rkb tuw-s-rkb be pulled
-g tuw--g be milked
z-guz tuw-z-uguz be made to enter
One example occurs that has a non-sibilant initial C but behaves like
a causative. This root may be interpreted as having an atypical
causative prefix, i.e., the reduplication of the root suggests such
reading. to load jij (from Tamasheq /gggu/ to load) has the
passive form tuw-jiji be loaded.
68
There are a few Songhay verbs that take this morpheme for the
passive voice. Find the attested examples in the list below.
(31) Songhay roots taking the passive morpheme
root passive gloss
fk twa-fik be planted
mn twa-mun be poured out
tm twa-tim be pricked (get an injection)
3.1.3.5 Reduplication
In Mainstream Songhay, according to Heath (1999a:141; 1999b:173),
verb-stem reduplication is not a very common feature, but sometimes
indicates iteration or prolongation.
It is not extremely productive in Tadaksahak either, but there are a
number of examples in our corpus that merit discussion.
The general meaning of duplicated verb stems suggests repeated
action doing many of for action verbs as illustrated in (a) and
conveys intensification for qualifying verbs (b).
(32) Reduplication of Songhay cognates
root gloss duplicated gloss
a) bq to break bqbaq to split (into many
small pieces)
ky to stand kykay to stroll (stop many
times)
hw to attach hwhaw to attach many
ks to cut kosks to cut in pieces
mn to throw out munmn to throw out
(repeatedly)
b) cidy to be red cidcidi to be very red
koray to be white korkoray to be very white
ceen to be small cincina to be very small
The disyllabic roots shown in (b) above reduplicate the initial CVC. A
copy vowel is inserted to link to the complete second segment. All
Morphology 69
long vowels of the root are shortened. In addition, the last example
has a higher vowel. This could be caused by shortening and the
preceding palatal C. In these examples the stress pattern fits with the
default for verbs.
The verb roots of Tamasheq origin need to adjust for reduplication.
y-verbs loose /yV-/ and re-syllabify. The two most frequent patterns
modify as follows:
(33) Reduplication patterns for Tamasheq cognates
yiC1VC2 C1VC2-C1VC2
yiC1C2C3 C1C2C3-C1C2C3
The illustrations are under (a) in the list below.
Verb roots with final /-t/ lose this syllable and duplicate the remaining
part. Examples are under (b) below.
(34) Reduplication of Tamasheq cognates

root gloss duplicated gloss
a) yttl to roll around t ltl to roll up
yf to cut (kind of) ff to cut in many
small pieces
yslf to carve slfslf to carve many
yli(y) to go around lyli to go around
repeatedly
b) bk-ut to thresh
(millet)
bkbuk to clean by
hitting
t bb-t to hammer t btb to castrate
(kind of)
krmm-t to cut s.th. dry krmkrm to crumble
A number of verb stems only occur as duplications. Both forms with a
Songhay background (e.g. cycay to weave, cf. KCH key to weave)
and forms with a Tamasheq background belong to this class.
Among the CVC-CVC patterned stems, the vowels can be different
from schwa. This may indicate that some of these forms are more
likely of Songhay stock. See examples under (a) below.
70
The doubled di-syllabic stems invariably have the vowel schwa. With
four syllables these stems take the default stress for verbs on the
ante-penultimate syllable. Illustrations are in (b).
(35) Verbs only appearing in a duplicated form
stem gloss
a) cycay
dzdz
kfkuf
dgdig
f f
kkun
rgrg
lflf
mm
to weave (up and down, up and down)
to castrate (kind of)
to castrate (kind of)
to break/split (many small pieces)
to rub fast (foot on camels neck)
to roll up (mat)
to tie (tent sticks) together
to climb (insects)
to wind (through material)
b) gg
kamkaam
kfkf
rgtrgt
rkyrki
tmtm
to chew with noise
to cut (meat) in small pieces
to tinker
to rock
to wobble
to wink at somebody.
The examples given so far only show un-derived roots. There exist
also derived forms with reduplication. Two different strategies can be
observed.
a) derivation applies to the reduplicated stem
b) derived stems are duplicated
Pattern (a) is found in Tamasheq and must have its origin with
imported lexical items from that language.
Pattern (b) seems to be an innovation. It is striking that the stress
pattern on these reduplications is different from the default. The
stress of the duplicated element is echoed in a weaker form on the
second element however long the string of syllables may be. The
shortest example is CVCV-CVCV and the longest has four syllables
to be duplicated.
Morphology 71
(36) Reduplicated roots with causative derivation
stem caus +
duplicated stem
gloss of the causative
tyti s -tiyti drive s.th. into
lyli s-lyli make pivot
s -fofo click with lips to call
sheep
wltwl-t s-wltwl-t make bend in the wind
The last example on the above list violates the rule that requires
duplicated roots to drop the final -et syllable.
(37) Duplicated causative stems
stem duplicated stem gloss duplication
-du -du--idu assemble many
things
s-li s-li-s-li make go around
-b - b--b pour repeatedly
small quantities
s-trm-t s-trm-t-s-trm-t distribute
something dry and
small
The behavior of stress in duplicated roots and stems is shown in the
following scheme.
(38) Duplication + Stress
[root] + [root] --> CVCV-CVCV
Caus-[root + root] CV-CVCVCV
[stem] + [stem] --> CVCV-CVCV
3.1.3.6 Directional -kat and -an
The directional markers are not obligatory but if present, they are
suffix to the verb stem.
Mainstream Songhay only has a centripetal suffix (towards the
speaker), but Tamasheq has both, a centripetal and centrifugal
72
(away from the speaker) enclitic. Tadaksahak may have copied this
two-way opposition from Tamasheq.
KCH and KS have a suffix /-kate/ with the meaning to here which is
probably related to the verb /kata ~ kate/ bring (Heath 1999a:140;
1999b:172).
The centrifugal enclitic in Tamasheq /(n)n/ (Prasse et al. 579;620)
thither looks similar to the Tadaksahak form -(n)an but has irregular
vowel quality. In other Songhay languages the verb release, leave
alone, let go is attested as /nan/ (Timbuktu) and /na/ (Gao). This
verb would also constitute a possible origin of the Tadaksahak
directional.
-kat indicates the centripetal direction. It is glossed VEN ventive
indicating moving towards the deictic center (or speaker). -an stands
for the opposite direction (centrifugal) and is glossed ALL allative
meaning moving away from the speaker.
In Tadaksahak -kat is much more frequent in texts than -an.
Movement verbs take the suffixes the most easily, e.g., to return yd
is most frequently encountered as ye-kat return to here (see
irregular assimilation with /k/ for the pronunciation 2.4.1.5) but also
as yedan return to there.
Other verbs regularly found with -kat are: leave pass, leave from,
run and go out. The movement verb tn to arrive (possibly cognate
with KCH /tenje/ go towards, head for) does not occur with the suffix.
The suffixes are in no way restricted to movement verbs. They are
found on verbs like undo, do, attach, cut, kill, see or sneeze.
The occurrence of nouns containing the suffix confirms its derivational
status, kos-kat-n (cut-VEN-PL) the cut-off things.
Tadaksahak has no underived verb root with the meaning bring. The
verb zw take is usually heard with -kat to express bring. Likewise,
ymmr pass by with -kat pass (somewhere) to here is another way
to express bring. These examples could be rephrased as take and
bring/pass and bring respectively. However, the occurrence of the
suffix with non-movement verbs suggests a semantic centripetal
direction only not involving a bring component.
There is no verb root in the language to express to come. The form
/kaa/ to come from Songhay is not found, only the form koy to leave
Morphology 73
is used. This root expresses a movement away from some place and
it is then specified whether this movement is towards the speaker or
away from her/him.
(39) a) akk(y).
3sleave
s/he left.
b) nikky-kat ay.
2sleave-VEN 1s.O
you came to me. (you left to here [where I am])
c) akky-an yn hj-en
3sleave-ALL 3sGEN tent-PL
s/he went to his/her camp. (s/he left for there to...)
The imperative of this verb when used to cause a movement towards
the speaker is a suppletive root from Tamasheq (4.3.5).
Some verbs are hardly ever used without a directional suffix. dy to
deal is an example; while the verb can occur without a suffix (see a),
it is by far most frequently encountered with the suffix (see b and c):
(40) a) danj-n ib-dy amm.
charcoal-PL 3pIMPERF-deal five
(bags of) charcoal are dealt for 25 Fcfa.
b) aaddy-kat t-a-lgas-t.
1sdeal-VEN F-SG-melon-F.SG
I bought a melon.
c) ab-dy-an tyni.
3sIMPERF-deal-ALL date
he sells dates.
For some verbs the directional suffixes are so much part of the verb
that the root cannot be used without the morpheme. The noun
forgetfulness is dig, the verb to forget does not occur without the
suffix -an ALL.
(41) aaddig()-an h f.
1sforget-ALL thing IND
I forgot something.
Likewise to continue to do yilln-an always has the suffix.
74
(42) yllan-an nd(a) all a ()yda!
continue-ALL COMV behavior DET DEM.PRX
continue this behavior!
The verb fr to throw can take the suffix -an to throw away. When
this form is used with a non-human agent people give the meaning to
be lost.
(43) aan t-e-ar-t affur-n.
1sGEN F-SG-bowl-F.SG 3sthrow-ALL
my bowl is lost.
With the verb ykti to remember/be reminded of the centripetal suffix
-kat is almost always present.
(44) a) aa-yykti-kat sa
1sremember-VEN COMP
I remember that
b) ayykti-kat ay an yyaw.
3sremember-VEN 1s.IO 1sGEN nephew
he reminds me of my nephew.
Non-directional verbs such as see, sneeze or find can also take
the directional suffixes. From the analysis of narratives we find that
this device is regularly used to indicate the center of attention or
whom the narrator considers to be the main actor in the deed. The
feature is also used to show perspective within the story.
3.1.4 3.1.4 3.1.4 3.1.4 Verb Inflection Verb Inflection Verb Inflection Verb Inflection
In his Songhay grammars Heath talks about the verb phrase
structure when he addresses inflection and Mood-Aspect-Negation
(MAN) morphemes. What is a verb phrase in Mainstream Songhay
shows the behavior of a verbal word in Tadaksahak, i.e. inflection and
the verb stem form a unit that cannot be cut into separate words.
Such behavior is well known and normal for Berber languages.
Person, number, MAN and the stem form a single unit with prefixes,
infixes, suffixes and vowel changes, as well as certain stress
patterns.
In Tadaksahak the inflected verb must contain person/number, MAN,
and the verb stem regardless of the presence of a noun phrase. This
is different from Mainstream Songhay where there is no obligatory
agreement of person/number when an overt noun phrase is present.
Morphology 75
The Tadaksahak structure with obligatory person reference
regardless of the presence or absence of an NP is reminiscent of
Tamasheq.
Two of the six person-clitics have an allomorph depending on the
shape of the following MAN-morpheme (see below). One clitic re-
syllabifies when followed by two of the MAN-morphemes (Phonology
2.4.2.2). In addition, the inflected verb has only one stressed syllable,
typically on the verb stem.
In the following sections the subject clitics and the MAN morphemes
are presented. Together with the verb stem they form the verbal
word. The scheme below summarizes the possible elements found in
the verbal word. The elements in brackets indicate that they are
optional.
(45) Elements of the verbal word
subject clitic MAN s ss stem tem tem tem (3
rd
person direct object)

3.1.4.1 Subject clitic
All inflectional morphemes in Tadaksahak are prefixed except for the
direct objects pronominal clitics. The categories they represent are
person (1
st
, 2
nd
, 3
rd
) and number (singular, plural). Unlike Tamasheq
but according to the general Songhay pattern, no distinction between
masculine and feminine is made in pronominal elements. Subject
clitics will be glossed as 1s, 2s, 3s, 1p, 2p and 3p
(46) Subject clitics:
singular plural
a(a) 1s ar() 1p
ni/n 2s and 2p
a 3s i 3p
The two first-person clitics have an allomorph determined by the
following syllable. With the MAN markers of the shape CV- the short
subject clitic, a- is used (and pronounced [ax] before s- and t- see
Phonology 2.4.1.3), while the MAN markers of the shape C- are
preceded by the longer form, aa-.
76
(47) at-qaarn aam-qaarn
1sFUT-study 1sSUBJ-study
I will study. I may/should study
as-qaarn aaf-qaarn
1sNEG.IMPERF-study 1sIMPERF-study
I do not study / I am not ... I study / I am studying
an-qaarn aaqqaarn
1sNEG.PERF-study 1sstudy
I did not study. I studied.
The second person singular undergoes resyllabification when
preceding the CV- shaped MAN morphemes s- and t- (Phonology
2.4.2.2).
(48) nt-qaarn nim-qaarn
2sNEG.IMPERF-study 2sSUBJ-study
you will study. you may / should study.
ns-qaarn nif-qaarn
2sFUT-study 2sIMPERF-study
you do / will not study. you study / you are studying.
nin-qaarn niqqaarn
2sNEG.PERF-study 2sstudy
you did not study . you studied.
The other clitics do not change their shape whatever the shape of the
following MAN marker.
3.1.4.2 Mood-Aspect-Negation (MAN) morphemes
The paradigm of MAN markers shows five morphemes, labeled as
follows:
imperfective (IMPERF)
subjunctive (SUBJ)
future (FUT)
negative imperfective (NEG.IMPERF)
negative perfective (NEG.PERF)
These morphemes are mutually exclusive, and can never be
combined.
The perfective is unmarked; however, due to phonological rules (see
2.4.1.7.2), there is gemination of the initial consonant of the verb in
Morphology 77
this aspect.
All other markers are marked by a single consonant or have the
pattern C-.
(49) MAN paradigm:
affirmative negative
perfective - n-
imperfective b-/b-/f-
future t-
subjunctive m-

s-
The imperfective marker appears in three forms. They are condi-
tioned by the following consonant of the stem.
f- before voiceless plosives
b- with b-initial verbs
b- elsewhere
This is illustrated below:
(50) Devoicing of b- morpheme
C 3p-IMPERF-verb gloss
/t/ af-tud s/he is responding
/d/ ab-dud s/he is pouring
/c/ af-ci s/he is saying
/j/ ab-jinjir s/he is praying
/k/ af-kun s/he is finding
/g/ ab-gun s/he is seeing
/q/ af-qaarn s/he is studying
(51) Allomorph b- with b- initial verbs
3p-IMPERF-verb gloss
ab-bbb she is carrying (child) on the back
ab-blglg it (fire) is crackling
ab-bllen he is wrestling
ab-bkbuk s/he is cleaning by hitting
78
ab-bibi s/he/it is black
All y-initial verb roots, also those with Songhay etymology, lose their
initial consonant before MAN markers consisting of a single
consonant, i.e. the imperfective and the subjunctive.
(52) b- -- - imperfective MAN deleting initial y-
3p-IMPERF-verb gloss
abb-eri s/he is throwing up
abb-d s/he returns
abb-la s/he rolls (rope)
abb-gmm s/he chews (habitually) (tobacco)
abb-ar s/he/it is yellow
(53) m- -- - subjunctive MAN deleting initial y-
3p-SUBJ-verb gloss
amm-eri would that s/he throws up
amm-d would that s/he returns
amm-la would that s/he rolls (rope)
amm-gmm would that s/he chews (tobacco)
More discussion about the MAN system can be found under 4.2 in the
syntax part.
3.1.4.3 Direct object clitic
Direct object pronominal markers fall into two groups. First and
second person markers have no influence on the form of the
preceding verb form. The third person direct object clitics a
him/her/it and i them, which consist of a single vowel, behave
differently. They cause a final closed syllable of the verb stem to open
and reveal a possible long vowel in this syllable. The other V-initial
direct object pronouns do not open the preceding closed syllable.
This indicates that ay 1s.O, ari 1p.O and ndi 2p.O are not
closely knit to the verbal word. nn 2s.O starts with a consonant and
cannot influence a preceding closed syllable.
Morphology 79
(54) Direct objects
a) 3spound
addt s/he pounded.
addt ari hayn s/he pounded millet for us.
adduut s/he pounded it (millet).
b) 3sfinish
abbn it is finished.
abbn ari s/he finished us.
abbeen s/he finished him/her/it.
The last possible element of the verbal word is the third person direct
object clitic.
3.1.5 3.1.5 3.1.5 3.1.5 Adverbs Adverbs Adverbs Adverbs
There are only a few adverbs that modify verbs. Manner is often part
of the meaning of the verb. Time and space expressions are
abundant but most of them are noun phrases used adverbially. We
present here only the manner adverbs and three spatio-temporal
adverbs.
3.1.5.1 Manner
The only manner adverbs which are regularly used are the following:
(55) Manner adverbs
ik quickly
sallnda carefully
hlln much
Many verbs contain a manner component and need therefore not be
modified, e.g. t lss-t to walk lightly, y to return quickly.
Expressions like doing a lot of something or doing something of
good quality are expressed as a verbal noun construction (4.3.3.1).
80
3.1.5.2 Spatio-temporal
The three most important deictic adverbs (and adverbial phrases) are
listed below.
(56) Spatio-temporal adverbs
neda here
snda ~ asnda there
mard-oda now
neda here has a cognate in KCH /nee daa/ right here.
The distal counterpart snda ~ asnda there seems to go back
partly to Tamasheq. Prasse et al. (2003:727) list /sen/ towards there,
in that direction Added on this element is the emphatic particle da
exactly. For the demonstrative use of snda ~ asnda that see
4.1.3.1 and 4.1.4.1.
The temporal expression mard-oda now is composed of a time
element mard and the demonstrative oda this. Another related
term, mard-da right now, has the same initial element followed by
the emphatic particle da exactly. *mard does not occur in isolation.
However, it has a cognate in /mareyda/ now in KCH. (Heath
1998a:199).
3.2 3.2 3.2 3.2 Nouns, pronouns, adjectives, numerals Nouns, pronouns, adjectives, numerals Nouns, pronouns, adjectives, numerals Nouns, pronouns, adjectives, numerals
3.2.1 3.2.1 3.2.1 3.2.1 Basic structure of nouns Basic structure of nouns Basic structure of nouns Basic structure of nouns
In the introduction to the morphology the effect of etymological origin
in the morphological behavior of verb roots was shown. Nouns
behave in a similar way: Songhay nouns are formed differently and
their morphology is quite different from that of nouns coming from
Tamasheq.
The basic noun structure can be presented in two schemes. One
group of nouns has no prefix and covers most of the Songhay
cognates, Arabic loans and some Tamasheq nouns. The other group
has a prefix and mostly consists of nouns from Tamasheq.

Morphology 81
Type 1: nouns without prefix
(prefix) - STEM - (suffix)
(number) (number)
only pl only pl

Type 2: nouns with a prefix
prefix - STEM - (suffix)
number (number) (number)
(gender) (gender)

Type 1 nouns mark plural by means of a suffix or a prefix, but not
generally both. The absence of a plural morpheme indicates the
inherent singular number of the noun.
Type 2 nouns always have a prefix that marks number. Both singular
and plural are explicitly marked. Plural may be marked by a suffix
and/or by a certain vowel pattern. If gender is expressed, it is always
marked in the prefix, and sometimes also in the suffix. When a plural
suffix is present the gender suffix is absent.
Nouns may consist of one syllable; however the majority of the nouns
have two or three syllables. Some mono-morphemic nouns of four
syllables are found.
3.2.2 3.2.2 3.2.2 3.2.2 Gender Gender Gender Gender
Gender is a category which only plays on the lexical and derivational
level. There is no gender agreement in the language. The only reason
to consider gender a category in Tadaksahak is the existence of a lot
of nouns which occur in two genders with a relatively clear semantic
correlation between the choice of the gender and the meaning of the
item. For those nouns which do not allow for a gender opposition,
there is no grammatical reason to assign them to one or the other
gender. However, in most elements derived from Tamasheq, the
formal make-up of the noun makes use of the same elements which
in gendered nouns (i.e. those allowing for the opposition) are used to
mark the opposition.
82
Tadaksahak has two genders, which, following the grammatical
tradition in Berber studies, will be referred to as masculine and
feminine. Masculine gender has no formal expression, feminine
gender is marked by means of the prefix t- and (in most singular
nouns), the suffix -t, e.g. e-jaf / t-e-jaf-t dune / small dune. In
those nouns which allow for a gender opposition, the feminine marks
some other meanings besides the natural gender of animals and
humans. It can mark the diminutive, and it serves for some categories
as a nominalizer.
The marker comes from Tamasheq where it is very productive. In
Tadaksahak it is not only found with Tamasheq cognates but also
observed with nouns of Songhay origin.
When a feminine noun is derived from a noun without a prefix, the
prefix consists of the gender morpheme t- followed by the default
number prefix a-. The two elements form a full syllable prefixed to the
stem which entails a shift of the stress to the left on the resulting
noun, e.g. moadd paternal uncle t-a-moddi-t paternal aunt.
3.2.2.1 Assimilation rules for the gender suffix -t
The suffix -t assimilates to the final consonants of the stem.
We have no evidence of //, // and /h/ being followed by -t. For the
other consonants the following rules apply:
Liquids, semivowels and nasals remain unchanged.
Voiced plosives (particularly /b/) and fricatives are devoiced.
If C is any occlusive except /b/, -t is fully assimilated; the only trace of
the suffix is the devoicing of the stem consonant.
If C is //, it is amalgamated with -t to be realized as [q].
(57) Examples: unchanged adding -t:
final
C
without
morpheme
with
morpheme

gloss
/n/ a-rgn t-a-rgn-t adult camel
(male/female)
/m/ -lam t--lam-t riding camel
(male/female)
/l/ a-hlel t-a-hlel-t foal of donkey
(male/female)
Morphology 83
(male/female)
/r/ e-ar t-e-ar-t cooking pot /
receptacle (kind
of)
/y/ a-way t-a-way-t kid/lamb
(male/female)
/w/ a-bnaw t-a-bnaw-t old donkey
(male/female)
(58) Devoicing with -t
final
C
without
morpheme
with
morpheme

gloss
/z/ a-bobaz t-a-bobas-t cross cousin
(male/female)
// -gmu t--gmu-t thumb (normal
size/small)
/b/ yrkb t--rkp-t to pull / tyranny
(59) Devoicing and full assimilation of -t.
final
C
without
morpheme

with morpheme

gloss
/d/ t--s-smad t-a-s-smt-t points / point
// a-mawa t-a-mawa- young boy /
young female
animal
/g/ t- -zbug-an t--zbuk-k ropes / rope of
waterbag
/q/ almunafiq t-almunafiq-q wicked person
(male/female)
(60) Development of // + -t
final
C
without
morpheme

with morpheme

gloss
// a-qa
t- -l-in
t-a-qaq-q
t-e-laq-q
brother / sister
knives / knife
84
Gender morpheme encodes various meanings in Tadaksahak.
Several meanings are the same as in Tamasheq.
3.2.2.2 Natural gender
The gender opposition is used very productively to oppose a female
being to its male counterpart. The feature is encountered with
humans as well as with animals. The nomadic culture depending on
female animals for reproduction and milk as daily nourishment has a
large array of nouns for these items. Many kinship terms are found
with this feature.
The first group (a) shows nouns of human beings. Under (b) wild and
domesticated animals are listed. (c) gives an exception: the female
form kid is irregular. Note that young cow t-a-it-t is the feminine
form expected from a-id male kid. female kid t-a-dit-t is also
used as a pet name for girls.
(61) Examples for female
male female gloss
a) a-bobaz t-a-bobas-t cross cousin
a-lgus t-a-lgus-t sister/brother in law
a-m-gol t-a-m-gol-t handsome man/beauty
b) a-har t-a-har-t lion/lioness
a-bnaw t-a-bnaw-t old donkey
a-u t-a-i-t young bull/cow
a-lgo t-algo- baby camel, male/female
c) a-id t-a-dit-t (goat) kid
Two Songhay cognates in our corpus take the morpheme to mark the
opposition male/female. They are shown below.
(62) Songhay cognates with feminine gender morpheme
male female gloss
eem t-a-emi-t blacksmith
bkw t-a-bkaw-t jinn
In contrast hni dog, also a Songhay cognate, cannot be combined
with the feminine morpheme. The term is suppleted by a Tamasheq
Morphology 85
cognate with the feminine marker: t-a-bykor-t bitch; its logical
masculine counterpart (well-attested in Tamasheq)*a-bykor is not
used in Tadaksahak.
A number of animals are only used in forms with the feminine marker
(illustrated under (a) below). Other words for female animals,
however, have no marker because they are of Songhay origin.
Interestingly, these nouns are suppleted by Tamasheq masculine
nouns. The nouns under (b) give the name of the male animal used
for reproduction and a general term for the female animal. Many
terms for sub-categories of these animals are attested in both gender
forms.
(63) Terms for animals
male female gloss
a) t--amu-t cow without calf
t-a-skaf-t cow without calf
t-a-zabna-t ewe having given birth
twice in one year
b) a-zola hincin billy goat / (she-)goat
-krar feej ram / sheep (ewe)
a- haw bull / cow
a-rgn yw stallion / female camel
The last term a-rgn big, male camel is also found with the feminine
affixes in order to designate a particularly tall female animal.
Some informants allow the term horse to take the feminine
morpheme for the female animal: baar horse (male), t-a-bari-t
mare. This term follows a different pattern from the one shown in the
list above where the general Songhay noun designates the female
animal.
Ethnic names can all take the feminine marker when a woman of that
group is designated. At the same time this word is the expression
used for the name of the language of the group. a-ffulen >
t-a-ffulen-t Peul, bambar > t-a-bambra-t Bambara.
86
3.2.2.3 Diminutive
Another meaning conveyed by the feminine marker is smallness.
Regular size items have no marker and the small variety takes it. This
is illustrated under (a) on the list below. In many cases, the feature
may be still present, but the meaning is rather lexicalized (b), and the
difference goes beyond that of size. (c) illustrates another meaning of
small as less capable of doing something. It is always a man who
plays the guitar, so female is no alternative reading for this noun.
(64) Diminutive
regular size small size gloss
a) a-bktaw t-a-bktaw-t cushion
-gmu t--gmu-t thumb
a-zar t-a-zra-t temporary pond
a-jirar t-a-jirar-t river bed
b) a-kbar t-a-kbar-t wooden milk receptacle
(camel; sheep/goat)
e-ar t-e-ar-t cooking pot; pot
-lla t--llaq-q spear; carved stick
(kind of)
ela t-e-laq-q bone (kind of); knife
c) ggu t-ggu-t player of traditional
guitar; (male) learner of
traditional guitar
Diminutive is not always a relevant factor in this kind of opposition. In
fact, in a number of lexicalized items, the feminine refers to
something bigger than the masculine.
(65) Irregular pairs
-lkas t--lkas-t tea glass; calabash
a-n-may t-a-n-may-t needle; sewing machine
a-maur t-a-maur-t forearm; force
-mrar t--mrar-t neck rope (baby camel);
halter (adult camel)
Morphology 87
A few Songhay cognates can take the feminine marker to mark the
diminutive:
(66) Diminutive on Songhay cognates
karf t-a-krfu-t rope
hambor t-a-hambri-t mortar
cidaw t-a-cdaw-t bird
Note the stress shift of the two first expressions with the prefixed full
syllable.
Many nouns have feminine morphology, but do not allow for gender
opposition. Sometimes, this seems to be linked to the inherent
semantics of the word, as in t-a-ce- little finger.
One group of nouns which very regularly has feminine morphology,
but that does not allow for a gender opposition are names for trees
and shrubs. There are some exceptions with names of southern
species and recently imported kinds. Only very few local trees have
no t--t marker. (a) lists names with the morpheme. (b) gives some
local trees without the morpheme.
(67) Tree names
name scientific name
a) -a-ma- acacia
(Acacia ehrenbergiana)
t- ggar-t acacia (Acacia nilotica)
t--ay-t acacia (Acacia senegal)
t--dm-t baobab tree (Adansonia
digitata)
t-a-yin-t jujube tree (Ziziphus
mauritiana)
t-a-boraq-q wild date tree (Balanites
aegyptiaca)
t-a-dan-t shrub (Boscia senegalensis)
b) oruf acacia (Acacia seyal)
-ffagag acacia (Acacia raddiana)
a-arzbbi acacia (Acacia pennata)
88
name scientific name
a-dras tree (Commiphora africana)
In one case, the fruit of the tree is referred to by means of the
masculine form: a-bora fruit of wild date tree t-a-boraq-q wild
date tree. In most cases the fruits of these trees have names with no
relation to the name of the tree. An exception is t-a-rka-t shrub
(Grewia tenax or Grewia mollis), a term which also refers to the fruit.
The use of the feminine morpheme in nominalization will be treated
below (3.2.4.3).
3.2.3 3.2.3 3.2.3 3.2.3 Plural Plural Plural Plural
All nouns are marked for number. When no overt number marking is
present the noun is interpreted as singular.
Even when taking into account the difference between two types of
basic nouns, rules for the formation of the plural are quite
complicated.
Songhay of Gao (KS) distinguishes a definite and an indefinite plural
morpheme. Tadaksahak nouns are not marked morphologically for
definiteness, and have therefore no opposition between definite and
indefinite plural forms.
Type 1 nouns have four different subclasses regarding pluralization.
In broad terms they can be grouped etymologically. One class
represents nouns from Songhay, one class includes nouns from
languages other than Tamasheq or Arabic, the third class covers
many Arabic loans. And finally the last class covers Tamasheq
cognates without a prefix.
Type 2 nouns often have cognates in Tamasheq and use a whole set
of possible vowel schemes and suffixes also found in that language.
Yet the scheme used for a particular noun in Tadaksahak does not
necessarily correspond to the one used in Tamasheq.
3.2.3.1 Type 1 noun plurals
There are four different schemes for plurals of type 1 nouns.
Morphology 89
(68) Type 1 nouns: Plural morphemes
1) -en/-an
2) -tan
3) id-
4)

STEM
-an
3.2.3.1.1 Class 1: -en/-an, -yen/-yan
Class 1 concerns etymological Songhay nouns.
-en PL may be related to Songhay /yan/, the indefinite plural
morpheme, but the exact historical processes behind it are not yet
clear.
When the suffix is joined to a vowel-final stem, the final vowel of the
stem is dropped. This is illustrated under (a) below. -en is the default
form; the allomorph -an occurs when the root has /e/ in the stem. This
is illustrated under (b).
(69) Songhay cognates
a) bor bor-n person/people
bund bund-n stick
boo boo-n ashes (kind of)
jinjir jinjir-n prayer
b) ceed ceed-n spoon
deed deed-n Arabic gum
geen geen-n louse
feej feej-n sheep
yeer yeer-n vomiting
For di- or tri-syllabic nouns stress does normally not change as
illustrated above and in the list below.
90
(70) Plurals without stress shift
tugdu tugd-en tree/wood
baa ba-en love/preference
gnda gnd-en earth/ground
almn almn-en herd (of animals)
Monosyllabic stems behave differently. Only a small number keep the
stress on the stem (b) (marked with over the vowel) whereas the
majority shift stress on the plural morpheme (and any long vowel in
the stem is realized). See illustrations under (a).
(71) Monosyllabic stems
a) cw caaw-n call
mn muun-n pouring
hw heew-n wind
b) mn man-en name
gn gon-en swallow
br ber-an older sibling
fn fun-en hole
Some noun stems with a velar stop as their last consonant undergo
phonological changes (see a) below). These changes are not
predictable since some stems do not change, as illustrated under (b)
below:
(72) Palatalization of g/k preceding plural suffix
a) hang hanj-n ear
bang banj-n well
ang anj-n place
fark farc-n donkey
b) hink hink-n two
Morphology 91
gung gung-n belly
This class is exclusively of Songhay stock but does not cover all
Songhay cognates found in Tadaksahak.
There exist a few items that take a /-yVn/ plural morpheme. In all
cases a /w/ precedes the plural morpheme. The noun jinn is of
uncertain origin whereas cow and bowl have Songhay cognates.
(73) Rare plural with -yen/-yan
bkw bkw-yan jinn
haw haw-yn cow
t tuw-yn large wooden bowl
3.2.3.1.2 Class 2: -tan
Many vowel-final nouns take this suffix as well as nouns borrowed
from languages other than Tamasheq or Arabic.
Under (a) we illustrate vowel final stems of local origin. Many nouns
ending in /o/ use this pattern. (b) gives some items of other langua-
ges, ending in both consonants and vowels using this same
morpheme.
(74) Vowel final nouns:

a) llo llo-tan food for a journey
ai ai-tan side of the belly
iba iba-tan loss
buktur buktur-tan toad
heeb heebu-tan market
big bigi-tan male donkey (KS binji )
bna bna-tan salary (KS bana pay)
boory boory-tan giraffe (KS: bura )
b) kssaw kssaw-tan prison (< French cachot )
92
bdaw bdaw-tan canister (< French bidon )
ftaw ftaw-tan ~
ft-an
manufactured recipient
(< English pot )
fatlla fatlla-tan flashlight (KCH fitila <
Arabic fatiila wick)
arag arago-tan radio (< French radio)
bitgi bitigi-tan shop (< French boutique)
When speakers are not sure about a plural for a certain noun they
often offer -tan, which seems to be the strategy that is allowed and
understood even if it is not necessarily the correct one.
3.2.3.1.3 Class 3: id-
This class mostly consists of loans from Arabic. These nouns are also
present in Tamasheq, but form their plural in a different way, e.g.
Tamasheq: /lwli/ saint pl: /lwli-tn/ as compared to Tadaksahak
alwal pl: id-lwali .
All examples consist of nouns taken over with the Arabic article. The
examples under (a) show forms where the article is not assimilated,
while the forms under (b) have the regular Arabic assimilation of al- to
following coronal consonants.
(75) Plurals of Arabic loans
a) alwal id-lwali saint (< Arabic)
abau id-abau gun (kind of) (< Arabic)
alkda id-lkada bowl for milk (kind of)
(< Arabic: qada)
lham id-lham rage (< Arabic)
b) attahall id-attahall leather sheath around
book (< Arabic)
assq id-assq market (< Arabic)
ass id-ass strength (< Arabic)
annab id-nnabi prophet ( < Arabic)
ak id-ak doubt (< Arabic)
Morphology 93
attam id-ttaam staple food (cereal) (<
Arabic)
asswak id-ssuwak teeth cleaner (< Arabic)
Aarf Id-arif clan name (< Arabic)
For many of the examples above the addition of the prefix leads to a
stress shift to the left. When a shift occurs, stress falls on the first
syllable of the noun after the prefix.
Some exceptions are found in our corpus where this pattern does not
hold. The noun adiktb / id-idktab booklet changes the initial /a/ to /i/
after the prefix id-. Some more Arabic nouns ending in a vowel add
the -tan suffix of class 2 to the normal prefix, e.g. alfqi / id-alfqi-tan
religious teacher. The term for (tea) glass has changed category
and forms the plural like a Tamasheq cognate, i.e. -lkas / -lkas-an.
Some informants give different forms from those on the list, e.g.
instead of id-lkada milk bowls and id-ass strength pl. they use
id-alkda-tan and id-ssa-en strength pl. This may be an indication
that some of these infrequently used plurals are not rigidly
established.
3.2.3.1.4 Class 4: -an
In a small number of Tamasheq cognates the first part of the noun
resembles the nominal prefix, but pluralization either does not affect
the vowel quality, or affects it in an irregular way. Therefore, we
consider these nouns to be prefixless in Tadaksahak (whatever their
status in Tamasheq). This class is supplemented by a small number
of nouns which do not have the shape of a prefixed noun at all. They
divide into smaller subclasses that behave in different ways. One
class adds the regular suffix for Tamasheq cognates -an to the
unchanged stem. These nouns may be consonant- or vowel-initial.
Under (a) on the list below consonant-initial nouns are given and (b)
vowel-initial nouns.
(76) Tamasheq cognates without prefix
a) tsa ts-an sheep/goat
94
fa fa-an other
swsut swsut-an mat (kind of)
tidi tid-an sweat
b) afol afol-an edge
arab arab-an Arab
ekat ekat-an measure
wr wr-an heel
A few vowel initial disyllabic stems re-syllabify and then add the plural
suffix. The syllable after the initial long vowel is collapsed and forms
two syllables with the shortened initial vowel and the plural suffix, e.g.
V-C1VC2 becomes V-C1C2-an. The examples are below.
(77) Plurals with re-syllabification
elaw lw-an elephant
e -an depression (ground)
ils ls-an tong
idm dm-an supplication
The term ela kind of bone does not shorten the initial /e/ when
resyllabified el-an.
One noun of this pattern takes the suffix -in instead of regular -an:
oruf / rf-in tree, sp..
3.2.3.2 Type 2 noun plurals
Nouns of this type have a prefix that marks them for singular. This is
mostly a- and in some cases e- or u-. The prefix is replaced by a
plural prefix i- in all cases.
The following overview shows some of the possibilities for forming
plurals for this type of noun. Combinations of the different formations
are also possible and some commonly used nouns allow for two
different plural forms.
Morphology 95
(78) Type 2 nouns: Plural morphemes
prefix stem suffix
i- -an / -en / -n / -in
i- -tan
i- apophony (-an)
i- resyllabification (-an)
t-- -in / -an
The morphemes between brackets indicate that the majority of the
nouns do not take this morpheme but that a smaller number of nouns
take the suffix in addition to the other plural marking features.
In the paragraphs below the different patterns will be illustrated and
discussed.
3.2.3.2.1 Plural pattern /i-STEM-an/
The pattern /i-STEM-an/ is the most frequent plural pattern. The suffix
shows different vowel qualities. The preceding vowels in the stem
give some indications of which suffix to use but there are many
exceptions to this. When the stem vowel is non-high vowels (/o/, /e/
and /a/), the suffix tends to have a low vowel. This is illustrated under
(a) below. In addition, stems with a consonant cluster preceding the
plural morpheme take /-an/. See illustrations under (b). The suffix has
schwa when it is preceded by a high vowel (/i/, /u/, //) in an open
syllable. See examples under (c).
(79) Plural scheme /i-...-an/ and variants
a) a-nfta i-nfta-an visitor
-mar -mar-an old man
-lal -lal-an trough
a-bydog i-bydog-an thief
a-bobaz i-bobaz-an cross-cousin
a-faa i-fa-an honey badger
-alla -all-an court wall
96
a-ggel i-ggeel-an lost animal
a-bkkel i-bkkeel-an skinny animal
a-lnjez i-lnjez-an drum (kind of)
b) -tri -tr-an ~ -tri-en wound
a-mala i-mal-an jaw (bone)
a-ina i-in-an bone (kind of)
i-b-an gift given at
the naming
ceremony
c) a-nfil i-nfil-n clove
a-er i-er-n meat (kind of)
-mm-n milk (kind of)
i-gri-n black solution
Only very few items take the variant /-en/ and /-in/ of the suffix. When
the suffix is preceded by a high vowel (/i/, /u/) in an open syllable and
the last consonant is a sibilant, most often /-en/ is used (but consider
the last example above). This is illustrated under (a) below; (b)
provides an item with the /-in/ plural ending.
(80) Plurals with /i--en/ and /i--in/
a) -gmu -gmu-en thumb
-tri -tri-en hail
-tri -tri-en ~ -tr-an wound
-zr-en endurance
i-sk-n comb
b) a-rgn i-rgan-in camel (kind of)
3.2.3.2.2 Plural pattern /i-STEM-tan/
This minor plural pattern is found with nouns ending in a vowel. Not
all nouns ending in a vowel take this suffix.
Morphology 97
(81) Plural scheme /i-...-tan/
a-btu i-btu-tan navel
A-dogiri I-dogri-tan clan name
a-balibali i-balibali-tan sheep breed (kind of)
-gago i-ggo-tan croup
-aba i-ba-tan bit (horse)
a-la i-la-tan (tea) leaf
3.2.3.2.3 Plural patterns with apophony
Several patterns of apophony are found in Tadaksahak. The vowel
pattern of the noun in the singular does not seem to be important.
Different vowel combinations of the noun in the singular can turn into
a same plural pattern.
3.2.3.2.3.1 Plural pattern i-CuC(C)aC
This plural pattern is found with the structure a-CVC(C)VC. While
there are many possible vocalizations in the singular, the plural
always has the same pattern.
(82) Plural pattern i-CuC(C)aC
a-rzum i-rzam bag for cereal
a-wtay i-wtay year
a-sabl i-subal seam
a-anib i-unab pen
a-magor i-mugar camel (kind of)
a-etas i-utas branch (kind of)
a-hllum i-hllam rope (kind of)
a-hrhur i-hrhar hair stripe (kind of)
Stress and long vowels do not change with apophony.
98
3.2.3.2.3.2 Plural pattern i-CC(C)aC
This plural pattern is found with the nouns of the shape a-CVC(C)VC.
Most singulars have /o/ in the last syllable. This is illustrated under
(a). Also nouns with homophonous vowels in the singular are found in
this group. The examples are under (b). The last example (c) on the
list shows that the above described singular patterns are not the only
vowel patterns that can take this plural scheme.
(83) Plural pattern i-CC(C)aC
a) a-bkot i-bkat old tent skin
a-mao i-ma pasture
a-btol i-btal shrub formation
a-zbzod i-zbzad eyebrow
a-bryom i-bryam kid (kind of)
b) a-sggn i-sggan place of rest
a-blbl i-blbal bowl (kind of)
a-kku i-kka whip
a-stfur i-stfar blanket (kind of)
c) a-fndis i-fndas half-brother
Schwa may undergo assimilations. The following examples show that
the same i-CC(C)aC plural pattern can be realized with an /i/ in the
place of // when the preceding consonant is palatal. The examples
are under (a). If the consonant following // is // then it is realized as
/a/.
(84) Variant of plural pattern i-CC(C)aC
a) a-clcil i-clcal marrow
a-bo i-ba sacrifice
b) a-son i-san rope (kind of)
a-ol i-al castrated ram
-mao -maa rope (kind of)
Morphology 99
3.2.3.2.3.3 Plural pattern i-CaC(C)an
This plural pattern is not frequent. Singular stems containing non-low
vowels can take this pattern. The examples are under (a). The
examples under (b) illustrate how the apophony influences the
realization of the consonants in the stem.
(85) Plural pattern i-CaC(C)an
a) a-llli i-lll-an noble person
a-dmi i-dm-an gazelle, sp.
a-guz -gaz-an sinew (kind of)
a-i i--an crevice
a-kko i-kk-an tree, sp.
b) a-jji -gag-an luggage
a-bji -bag-an hyena
Another group of nouns exposes this same pattern with different
vowels in the singular stem. Some of them expose non-low vowels in
the stem which would classify them in the list above. However, they
all systematically geminate the final consonant of the stem and some
expose low vowels in the stem.
(86) Duplication of stem final C
a-har -harr-an lion
a-gur -garr-an castrated animal
a- -a-an vulture, sp.
a-fi -fa-a extend
a-jit -jatt-an plate of salt
a-df -daff-an bone (kind of)
e-ar -arr-an cooking pot
e-a -a-an shoulder
e-jaf -jaff-an dune
100
3.2.3.2.4 Plural pattern with resyllabification and /-an/
This pattern involves stems with two syllables. The vowel of the first
syllable is neutralized to schwa and the second syllable is collapsed
to form a new syllable with the suffix, e.g. a-C1VC2VC3 becomes
i-C1C2C3-an. See illustrations under (a) below. Very few nouns with
the a-CCVC singular pattern also resyllabify to the above pattern. The
examples are under (b).
(87) Resyllabification and /-an/
a) a-kbar -kbr-an milk receptacle
a-lkaf -lkf-an horse saddle
a-lkat -lkt-an branch (kind of)
a-lmis -lms-an (guinea fowl) chick
a-mlez -mlz-an milk (kind of)
b) -krm -krm-an dry piece of Arabic gum
-rm -rm-an town/village
3.2.3.2.5 Minor plural patterns
The following plural patterns described do not involve more than a
handful of items.
3.2.3.2.5.1 Stems with final /w/ and /y/
In type 1 and type 2 nouns there are stems with final /w/ and /y/ that
display different behavior. Many nouns lose the final C and the vowel
of the suffix is changed. In the case of /w/ the suffix contains /a/ also
for Songhay cognates and with /y/ many suffixes are /-en/ instead of
the expected /-an/ for Tamasheq cognates.
The list below illustrates di-syllabic nouns with final /w/. Words under
(a) are Tamasheq cognates and those under (b) are Songhay
cognates. The nouns under (a) lose the final consonant of the stem
but the /-an/ suffix is the default for Tamasheq cognates. bird is the
item that exposes special behavior since this word should have the
/-en/ suffix for plural. speech has /ee/ in the stem and therefore must
take /-an/ even as a Songhay cognate.
Morphology 101
(88) Stems dropping -w#
a) a-maaw i-ma-an relative (family)
a-bktaw i-bkt-an old cushion
a-gnaw i-gn-an thread (sew)
e-caw -cc-an root
fraw fr-an ~ -fr-an feather; wing
b) cidaw cid-an bird
lelaw lel-an speech
Monosyllabic Songhay cognates do not lose the final /w/, i.e. insult
ww / waw-en female camel yw / yaaw-n.
/y/ final nouns show more variety in behavior than the /w/ final nouns
described above. For Songhay cognates the suffix /-en/ is expected.
This is illustrated under (a) below. But there are Tamasheq cognates
that also take this suffix as shown under (b).
(89) Stems dropping -y#
a) cy c-n leg; foot
aaby aab-n turban (general)
cary car-n friend
zzay zz-en offspring; young animal;
fruit
b) a-frtay i-frt-en mat (kind of)
a-kray i-kr-en head scarf
a-mmay i-mm-en leather stripe
A possible explanation for the Tamasheq cognates is that the final /y/
amalgamates with the suffix and raises the low vowel /a/ to /e/.
Consider also the examples under 3.2.3.2.1 that take this plural suffix.
Two Songhay high frequency items, ky owner, master and surgy
woman, also drop their final /y/ in the plural but the vowel of the stem
102
is preserved. This leads to the plural forms k-n and surg-n
respectively.
Final /y/ is not dropped in all cases. Monosyllabic type 1 nouns do not
drop it and some type 2 nouns use other strategies for plurals than
the above described behavior.
(90) Monosyllabic Songhay cognates with final /y/
zy zayn swear (n)
wy waayn woman
One item behaves like above Songhay cognates and adds a plural
with /-en/ despite being of Tamasheq origin: aay / aay-en
disgust.
The following list gives examples of /y/-final Type 2 nouns that use
different strategies than described above. The example under (a)
takes the expected /-an/ suffix, but with gemination of the final /y/. (b)
illustrates resyllabification with final /y/ and (c) apophony.
(91) Other strategies with /y/ final nouns
a) a-way -wayy-an young
(goat and sheep)
b) a-mgay i-mgy-en camel (kind of)
a-tay i-ty-en bald head
c) a-ay i-ay ~ i--en lip
a-wtay i-wtay year
3.2.3.3 Nouns with the prefix t(a)-
All the strategies described for the Type 2 nouns can be found with
nouns with the feminine prefix t(a)-. The plural prefix i- for plurals is
only realized as /i/ when the high consonants /y/ or /j/ follow
immediately, e.g. t--yhas-t / t--yhas kind of saddle or t-e-jaf-t /
t--jaff-an small dune. Normally it is pronounced schwa.
Morphology 103
The examples above show that the suffix -t of these nouns is always
absent when the plural suffix is present. We can therefore expect that
final /w/ and /y/ behave as in nouns without the suffix.
From Tamasheq it could be expected that the suffix would be -en for
all these feminine nouns. In fact, some nouns have this suffix, but
there are many that take the -an suffix. Resyllabification and
apophony are observed and some of the minor patterns, too. In short,
the whole array of possibilities for Type 2 nouns occurs.
The illustrations below show under (a) nouns with plural suffix -in. (b)
has resyllabification of the last syllable and a stress shift together with
the -in suffix. (c) shows nouns taking the regular -an suffix and one
item with -n. (d) shows two different kinds of apophony /i-u-a/ and /i-
-a/. (e) lists /w/ final nouns that drop the consonant and nouns under
(f) drop the final /y/ and realize an -en suffix.
(92) Nouns with the feminine marker
a) t-a-bon-t t--boan-in old sheep
t-a-gndar-t t--gndar-in hole (kind of)
t--m-t t--m-in wrong accusation
b) t-a-bkar-t t--bkr-in ewe
t-a-dan-t t--dn-in stomach, sp.
t-a-dber-t t--dbr-in pigeon
t--far-t t- -fr-in rope (kind of)
c) t-a-bobas-t t--bobaz-an cross cousin
t-a-hlel-t t--hlal-an female foal of donkey
t-a-mandras-t t-a-mandras-an root, sp.
t--blel-t t--blal-an grain; pearl
t-a-bl-t t--bul-an small heap
t--lliit-t t- lliid-n cushion
d) t-a-kaf-t t--kufa European/Western
woman
t-a-buer-t t--buar female camel
104
t-a-deklt t--dukal underside of hoof
t-a-dit-t t--dad female kid
t--ddabi-t t--ddba night (kind of)
t-a-mzdoq-q t--mzda homestead
t-a-bykor-t t--bykar bitch
e) t-a-blaw-t t--bll-an snail shell
t-a-dcaw-t t--dcc-an tent pole (kind of)
t--draw-t t--dr-an skin fold
f) t-a-msay-t t--ms-en carcass
t-a-rday-t t--rd-en fruit, sp.
t--ay-t t---en shrub, sp.
3.2.3.3.1 Some special plurals
There are many nouns that do not fit into the above slots without
additional rules. Below are some particularly odd cases that we wish
to present.
Some of these plurals invert consonants (a). Some nouns add a suffix
/-wan/ (b). In some plurals consonants surface that are absent in the
singular and vice versa (c). The items under (d) add a plural suffix
with an intervening /w/ sound. (e) gives an item with the feminine
prefix, apophony and -wan suffix, (f) shows a high frequency item with
an irregular consonant pattern.
(93) Odd plurals
a) a-lweg -lgw-an branch (kind of)
a-bjez -bzg-an pot (kind of)
a-rda i-rad-in
~ -rd-in
old goat
b) a-a --wan finger
a-zar ~ -zru -zr-wan sinew
Morphology 105
c) t-a-qas-t t--ws-in game (animal)
a-ga i-u-in father-in-law / in-law
family
d) t-a-ssa t--s-w-in body
t--ssaga t--ssg-w-in side
e) t--kooba t--kab-wan sword
f) t--gud t--mgad-n girl
3.2.3.3.2 Plurals without singular
A number of nouns are only found in the plural form. Semantically this
includes items that appear as pairs (e.g. glasses) or designate a
number of items that belong together (e.g. gifts for certain occasions),
but also many natural liquids.
Find examples on the list below. (a) shows pairs, (b) other items and
(c) natural liquids with Songhay cognates. Note that milk, huuw, is
not a plural despite being a liquid. (d) are liquids with Tamasheq
cognates.
(94) Pairs and other plurals
plural gloss
a) -dmar-an chest
i-ftu-tan palms of hand
urat-an lungs
t--mswad-an (sun) glasses
-gag-an load (on animal)
b) i-kd-an fireplace (three stones)
-maw-an moustache
t--bddar gift (after journey)
i-b-an gift (name giving ceremony)
-gayd-an luggage end in tent
i-nn-an heaven
106
plural gloss
i-ilflaf cloud (kind of)
t--kf-an foam
nuun-n vapor, smoke
c) ary-n water
kud-n blood
hagar-n urine
d) zna-an amniotic fluid
rnan-an (snake)venom
i-mw-an saliva
i-m-an tears
i-wnir-an blood from nose
i-nar nasal mucus
3.2.3.3.3 Double plurals
Two items are found that allow for a double plural.
The plural of tam sandal, shoe is interpreted as a pair of and
several pairs can be marked by adding a second plural on the
pluralized noun which is tam-n-en pairs of sandals.
The item person with the plural people does not form a pair but
people can be found in groups. The double plural is used to designate
groups of people randomly scattered over an area. bor
person/somebody bor-n people bor-n-en groups of people.
3.2.4 3.2.4 3.2.4 3.2.4 Nominalization Nominalization Nominalization Nominalization
3.2.4.1 Verbal nouns
There are different strategies to derive nouns from verbs. Songhay
and Tamasheq cognates do not behave the same way.
3.2.4.1.1 Zero morphology: Songhay cognates
Songhay cognates have no morphological distinction between verbs
and verbal nouns. When functioning as a verbal noun, these stems
Morphology 107
can take a plural morpheme and take positions in the sentence where
nouns occur. Examples:
(95) Songhay cognates with zero-derivation
stem verb verbal noun Songhay (KCH)
ww to insult insult (n) /wow/ to insult
mn to pour pouring /mun/ to pour
dud to pour pouring /doori/ to pour
KS
k to pasture
animals
pasturing /kur/ to herd
animals
horr to be bitter bitterness /hottu/ to be bitter
gag to prevent
from
prevention /gaga/ to
prevent from
There are a few roots of Tamasheq and other origins with the same
behavior.
(96) Non-Songhay cognates with zero derivation
stem verb verbal noun Tamasheq
lku to be dirty
(water)
dirtyness
(water)
/lk/
fill with tannin
lkm to sit behind
s.b.
following (n) /lnkm/
to sit behind
s.b.
ma to be without
grazing
red earth /nnu/
to be
deserted
yilk to disdain disdain (n) /alku/ to
disdain
fssar to interpret
(Koran)
interpretation /fssr/ to
explain (text)
< Arabic
soor to eat during the
night
(Ramadan)
night meal < Arabic
dabs to increase increase (n)
108
blq to be dusty dustiness
In addition some verbs with a causative morpheme take zero morpho-
logy as nouns.
(97) Causatives with zero-derivation in the verbal noun
stem verb verbal noun Tamasheq
z-zl to drive driving (n) /azl/ to run
- to count counting /in/ to count
s-dw to make
return
returning in
afternoon
/adwu/ to return
in afternoon
s- to humiliate humiliation /sr/ to cause
to go down
-du to assemble assembling (n) /idw/ to
assemble
s-kn to show showing /skna/ to show
All the examples above lack the nominalizer prefix that would normal-
ly be present with Tamasheq cognates.
3.2.4.1.2 Verbal nouns of Tamasheq cognates
Verbs of Tamasheq origin use different strategies for nominalization.
The strategies described below concern mostly abstract nouns or
verbal nouns that could be paraphrased with the doing of X or the
being of X quality where X stands for the semantics of the verb.
Verbs with three or more syllables prefix an a- for nominalization and
change the stress pattern. Nouns have the stress on the penultimate
syllable whereas the verbs have the ante-penultimate syllable
stressed. Under (a) transitive and under (b) intransitive verbs are
given. A long consonant in the verb stem is not long in the noun.
(98) a- nominal prefix and stress shift
verb noun gloss
a) kamkaam a-kaamkam to cut into pieces
-igl a-i-ggl to look for (animal)
z-mmumur a-z-ummur to creep
Morphology 109
verb noun gloss
z-llzlz a-z-lzlz to shake (tree)
b) hlklk a-hlklk to pant
h a-h to whine (child)
bb a-bb to cry (camel)
n-grttf a-n-grttf to stumble
y-initial verbs with three following consonants lose the initial yi-
syllable which is replaced by the nominal a- prefix and insert /a/
between all the consonants. The illustrations are under (a). y-initial
verbs with two consonants take a long stressed ee- prefix and insert
an /a/ between the two consonants. Examples are under (b) below.
(99) y-initial verb: CCC and CC
verb noun gloss
a) ydran a-dran to return quickly
yid a-ad to be out of order
yfl a-fal to bother s.b.
b) yf e-af to swim
y e-a to crush into powder
ynz e-naz to bend
/-t/-final verbs take the nominal prefix /a-/ and drop the last syllable
which is replaced by /u/. This last open syllable does not count for the
stress distribution.
(100) /-t/-final verbs
verb noun gloss
-lli-it a--lli-u to clean (kind of)
bbbug-ut a-bbbug-u to burn off (hair/feather)
dlnf-t a-dlnf-u to be gooey
f lcq-t a-flcq-u to be flat
Another strategy for nominalization is presented below (3.2.4.3). The
feminine prefix is the nominalizer in these cases.
110
3.2.4.2 Actor nominalization
Tadaksahak uses a prefix for actor nominalization. The default prefix
is ma- with an allomorph na- for stems that contain a labial consonant
(/b/, /f/ or /m/). In addition to the prefix many stems change the vowels
into /a/ sounds.
Semantically the actors can be human, animate (animals) or an item
that acts on humans.
Descriptive verb stems with the prefix designate beings with the
characteristics of the verb. When action verbs are prefixed with this
morpheme, the resulting expression designates a person that does
the action or animate being that undergoes the action.
In the list below the first two items under (a) do not change the vowel
of the verbal stem. (b) illustrates the change of the vowels to /a/ with
the dropping of the final /-t/. (c) gives an example with re-
syllabification. (d) shows the pattern for yiCCvC stems. (e) illustrates
yiCvC stems. Roots with only two consonants tend to have a long
vowel in the stressed syllable. Finally (f) shows one of the few verbs
of Tamasheq origin that have a long vowel.
(101) Actor nominalization with /ma-/
verb noun gloss verb gloss noun
a) z-rgz a-ma-zrgz to court man courting
women
hgg a-ma-hgg to go on
pilgrimage
pilgrim
zzaydr a-ma-zazydar to be patient patient person
b) g- a-m-ga-a to guard
(house)
guard
wl-t a-m-wal-a to be
gourmet
gourmet
c) zrg a-m-zrag to go to well person going
to well
d) ydr a-m-dar to betray traitor
yg a-m-ga to be
turbaned
newly
turbaned youth
Morphology 111
yni a-m-nay to beg beggar
yldd a-m-ldad to milk into
mouth
milk thief
yxlk a-m-xlak to be created Creator
e) y a-ma-a to graze shepherd
ya a-ma- to be trained
(camel)
trained camel
f) yazurag a-ma-zarug to be free
(camel)
liberated
camel
In one item one finds actor nominalization with a verb root of Songhay
origin. The CVC root is reduplicated and then prefixes the regular
actor morpheme: zy to steal, a-ma-zyzay thief. Another possible
cognate of Songhay uses the long vowel strategy for actor building:
a to hurt (cf. KCH /door/ hurt) may be the stem from which a-me-
a is derived a hurting particle (in the eye). The /e/ directly after the
/m/ is irregular, though, and not found elsewhere in our corpus.
There are several animals on the above list. One more is the general
term a-mu-dr animal, living being that is derived from yidr to
live.
In the list below are examples with the same surface features
(syllable structure and y-initial) as discussed on the list above, that
take the na- prefix. These stems all contain a labial consonant.
(102) Actor nominalization with na-
a) bll a-na-blal to be at ease who puts at
ease
b) fri-it a-na-fra-a to be crazy crazy person
c) gimr a-n-gmar to hunt hunter
s-mmgl a-na-s-mgal to treat
(sickness)
healer
d) yibdn a-n-bdan to be
paralyzed
paralyzed
person
112
ytf a-n-taf to ambush street robber
yaxrm a-n-xram to refuse badly trained
camel
yktb a-n-ktib to write writer
ylf a-n-lif to be entrusted
to
guardian
f) mazal a-na-mazal to be sent messenger
Another minor actor strategy is found. It is not nominalizing a verb but
prefixes to a noun that designates an item that is the distinguishing
feature for the agent. The prefix aw- person in singular and kl
people for plural is added to a noun. Examples are: merchant
aw-maamla (person-commerce) and cultivator w-t-a-wgus-t
(person-F-SG-field-F.SG) with the plural kl maamla and kl
t--wgas respectively. Semantically a strong indication of different
social belonging is conveyed. This strategy is also found in
Tamasheq.
3.2.4.3 Nominalization with t-(a-)...-t
Many terms carrying the t-a--t marker are nouns derived from
verbs. Depending on the meaning of the verb stem, the nouns may
denote an entity with the characteristics of a descriptive verb, the
instrument doing the verb, the result of doing the verb or an abstract
noun.
Stative verbs describing qualities such as flat, smooth, round can be
changed into a noun which displays these qualities.
(103) Descriptive verbs
f tiyll t-a-fatylal-t be flat flat plate
blul t-a-bululeq-q to be round round thing
lft t-a-lfaat-t to pound s.th.
soft
pounded meat
krmbu t-a-karmbaw-t to be bent scorpion
qazr t-a-qzor-t to have a
bent back
animal with bent
back
Morphology 113
bent back back
ay t--i-t to have
stripes
striped animal
amll t-a-mlal-t to be blond
(kind of)
sand colored
goat
A productive nominalization is found with colors. The result of the
nominalization is the fact of being X. The words listed under (a) have
Tamasheq cognates. (b) is a Songhay cognate which takes both
nominal forms with productive color nominalization and zero
nominalization.
(104) Color names
verb fact of being gloss verb
a) agl t-a-gal-t to be fair colored
dabr t-a-dbar-t to be grey
amll t-a-mlal-t to be blond
cawl t-a-cwal-t to be clear
b) cday t-a-cday-t ~ cday to be red
The following nominalization patterns are not linked to specific
semantics; it is rather the shape of the verb root that has some
influence on the choice of the nominalization pattern. Abstract nouns
as well as very concrete items can result from such nominalizations.
(105) Other nominalization patterns
1) CV()CVC > ta-CVCVC-t
2) yVC1C2VC3 > ta-C1VC2VC3-t
Verbs listed under (a) and (b) below illustrate pattern (1) above. (c)
and (d) show examples for the second pattern (2). The consonantal
output for all of them looks very much the same. The vowel part of the
change is much less predictable than the consonants. A pattern of
/a/-/ee/-/a/ is quite frequent but other long vowels occur like /oo/
(tahorat suitability) or /uu/ (tasutft spit).
114
(106) Nominalization
a) bll t-a-balul-t to be at ease young tree, sp.
f t-a-oef- to pardon pardon
stf t-a-sutef-t to spit spit
b) mazal t-a-mazal-t to be sent purpose
rurud t-a-rarat-t to be in a hurry hurrying
c) yf t-a-fea- to cut with one
stroke
piece of cut
material
ylf t-a-alif-t
~ t--lif-t
to have
confidence in
confidence
yrs t-a-ers-t to chisel well cut in rock
yf t-a-efa-t to be crushed blister
ydkl t-a-dekl-t to lift up hoof (part of)
In addition, all verbs of the rare shape yVhVC are nominalized with
this strategy. They add an extra syllable in order to form a word with
three syllables. yhag / t-a-hag-it to last / duration yahr / t-a-hor-
at to be suitable / suitability. (see also aa-ht / t-a-ht-at Zarma
person m/f). The other verbs of the shape y-VCVC use a different
strategy for nominalization, i.e. long initial vowel yf / e-af to
swim / swimming (see 3.2.4.1.2).
3.2.4.3.1 Instrument
In a few verb stems, one finds a marker sV- which forms an
instrument noun.
For these verb stems this marker produces the instrument with which
the action of the verb is done. This procedure is not very productive.
The examples under (a) show the verb root without the causative that
are used as active verbs. (b) shows verbs only attested with the
causative that can form the instrument.
(107) Instruments
a) yrs t-a-s-ris-t to chisel chisel
Morphology 115
yfl t-a-s -fl-t to lock lock
yskl t-a-s-ksl-t to shovel up shovel
yiwl t-a-s-wl-t to be sharp
(knife)
sharpener
b) -k t-a--k-t to put on its
base
holder for
milkbowl
s-smd t-a-s-smt-t to be pointed s.th. pointed
Note the inversion of the /s/ with /k/ in the stem of the noun derived
from yskl. The verbal form with the causative prefix shows the same
behavior s-ksl.
One stem was found that does not take the instrument morpheme but
the feminine marker only and results in the instrument: yslf >
t--slf-t to carve > carving ax. The /s/ in the root is possibly
interpreted as the instrument marker.
3.2.5 3.2.5 3.2.5 3.2.5 Compounding Compounding Compounding Compounding
Tadaksahak almost entirely lacks the possibility of noun-noun
compounding. This is very different from the situation in Mainstream
Songhay, such as Gao Songhay, and resembles the situation in
Tamasheq.
The only noun-noun compounds with simple juxtaposition are found
with the noun koy owner, master and the two lexemes camel and
sheep.
(108) owner compounds
-ms - koy
SG-camel-owner
i-mas - kon
PL-camel-owner.PL
camel owner(s)
camel rider(s)
feji - koy
sheep-owner
feji - kon
sheep-owner.PL
sheep owner
The two words can be used as expressions for rich people. Note that
the plural of camel owner has both parts of the compound pluralized
whereas the plural of sheep owner only has the owner part marked
as plural. A possible explanation could be that, in the latter case,
since both terms are Songhay cognates, the compound behaves like
116
a Songhay noun phrase where only the phrase gets a plural marker,
i.e. the last element. This corresponds to owner in this example.
The same strategy is found in two clan names
(109) Clan names
Abkot-kon
old.skin-owner.PL
people belonging to the clan of
Abakot
Ag-litmu-kon
son.of-name-owner.PL
people belonging to the clan of
Ag Litamu
Both terms have irregular singulars without the owner element
present. They are a-na-zbkot (with the agent prefix and an irregular
/z/) and aw-ltamu ~ ag-ltamu respectively.
A small number of compounds with simple juxtaposition occur that
would seem to be noun-adjective/verb compounds. These frozen
expressions designate kinship terms and animals. Similar
expressions are found in Mainstream Songhay. In Tadaksahak, only
one adjective is found in this kind of compound nouns, beer- big,
e.g.
(110) Noun-adjective compounds
nana ber-i
mother be.big-ADJZR
grandmother (Lit: big mother)
baba ber-i
father be.big-ADJZR
grandfather (Lit: big father)
The other forms correspond to actual verbs.
(111) Noun-verb compounds
nan ceen
mother be.small
maternal aunt (Lit: little mother)
nan fumb
mother be.rotten
step-mother (Lit: rotten mother)
bab fumb
father be.rotten
step-father (Lit: rotten father)

m ceen
eye be.small
jackal (Lit: small eye)
Morphology 117
mya kuk
mouth be.long
mosquito (Lit: long beak)
All these expressions form their plural by adding a plural morpheme
only to the last element of the term, e.g., nan ceen-n for maternal
aunts.
A small number of idioms use the genitive /n/ as link between the two
terms. The stress pattern of these expressions is the same as in
regular genitival constructions. All terms except ox are Songhay
cognates. They form the plural by adding a plural morpheme only to
the last element of the expression, e.g., gnda car-n snakes h
kun-n sicknesses. To what extent these idiomatic expressions can
be identified as real compounds is open to discussion.
(112) Genitive construction compounds
h kun
thing GEN find.VN
sickness
(Lit: finding of a thing)
keen gun
sleep GEN see.VN
dream
(Lit: sleeps seeing)
emi nn wd
blacksmith GEN ox
praying mantis
(Lit: ox of the blacksmith)
gnda cary
ground GEN friend
snake, sp.
(Lit: friend of the ground)
gnda karf
ground GEN rope
grass snake
(Lit: rope of the ground)
trra nn zzay
bush GEN son
lion
(Lit: son of the bush)
Some of these expressions are clearly euphemisms for animals that
should not be called by their names.
A restricted number of nouns take a preposed element bad, which
forms a kind of compound word.
The bound element precedes the noun it goes with. Its stress pattern
depends on the stress of the following noun. When the noun has
stress on the penultimate syllable, agar remains unstressed. When it
has final stress, the element agar is stressed on its second syllable.
118
agar bad doubtlessly has a Berber background, even though it does
not seem to exist in Tuareg. The morphosyntactic behavior of
Tadaksahak agar is remarkably similar to that of /erk/ bad in
Tamasheq.
(113) Nouns found with agar
agr bor bad person
agr fark bad donkey
agar lelaw slander
agar a-hndag difficult/dangerous place
agar kykay morally bad behavior
agar i-m-an dizzy spell
agar bad does not agree in number or gender with the noun it
modifies. This is shown by the last example, agar i-m-an which
contains the plural noun i-m-an life, soul, and by forms such as agar
t- -mgad-an bad girls with the feminine plural noun t- -mgad-an
girls.
It should be noted that the regular expression for bad is by means of
the adjective yibrr+an be bad+ADJZR and the place in the noun
phrase is after the noun.
(114) w ()ns-d(a) ay he yibrar-an
IMP 2sIMPERF.NEG-do 1s.IO thing be.bad-ADJZR
dont do me any harm!
3.2.6 3.2.6 3.2.6 3.2.6 Personal pronouns Personal pronouns Personal pronouns Personal pronouns
In the section about the verbal word it was shown that subjects are
always referred to in a clitic which appears before the verb stem.
Besides the subject clitics there is a series of pronouns that behave
differently from the clitics and behave more like noun phrases from a
syntactic point of view. They cannot be possessed but they may be
followed by a certain demonstrative construction, by discourse-
functional morphemes, and/or by a postposition.
3.2.6.1 Person and number categories
The speaker (1s), the addressee (2s) and the non-participant (3s)
form the paradigm in the singular. There is no gender distinction. The
Morphology 119
3s pronoun stands for female and male, animate and inanimate
referents alike.
The plural has the same three categories 1p, 2p and 3p. There is no
distinction between inclusive or exclusive in the first person plural.
3.2.6.2 Forms
The list below gives the different shapes of pronouns in their
functions.
What I call independent subject is a pronoun pre-posed to the verbal
word which occurs without a focalization morpheme. In this position it
is labeled 1s.EMP (emphatic) in order to show its status outside the
inflected verbal word, e.g. ay aaggun(a). (1s.EMP 1ssee3s) I, I
saw him.
The dependent object pronoun form has a clitic in the 3
rd
person that
attaches either to the verb (see 3.1.4.3) or to the postposition (see
below 3.2.6.3).
The independent object form shows a difference in the 3
rd
person
where a longer form is found that stands independently and has the
same properties as the other pronouns, i.e. it may take modifiers.
These pronouns will be glossed with EMP emphatic.
(115) Shapes of personal pronouns
dependent
subject
independent
subject
dependent
object
independent
object
1s a(a) ay ay ay
2s ni/n nn nn nn
3s a ga a ga
1p ar() ari ari ari
2p and ndi ndi ndi
3p i gi i gi
3.2.6.3 Pronouns as postpositional complements
The pronouns listed in the preceding table may be combined with all
postpositions (for n genitive and wani / wan-en of, see below) and
the preposition nda with, and.
120
The dependent 3
rd
person pronouns cliticize to following
postpositions. The clitic normally carries the stress which results in a
VCV word where the initial open syllable is lengthened, e.g. ise
(3pDAT) for them.
When several pronominalized complements follow each other in a
clause, they are separated from each other by a specialized
morpheme that is described as the pronoun separator below
3.2.7.11.2.
3.2.6.4 Possessive pronouns
In Mainstream Songhay the regular pronouns also serve as
possessors (Heath 1999b:80). This is not the case in Tadaksahak
where possessors are marked by means of the subject clitic series
together with the genitive morpheme.
In the list below the subject clitics are given in the first row to show
the similarity in shape with the possessive pronouns, which are given
in the second row. The third row shows that the possessor form
(mine, yours) uses the same series of dependent pronouns
together with the particle wani / wan-en. Note that the same
phonological rules are in force as for the clitics preceding an inflected
verb, i.e. the first persons use the mono- or disyllabic allomorph
depending on the shape of the following element. The 3s clitic has an
allomorph ay (pronunciation [j]) when joined with the markers for
possession, i.e. ayn his/her/its and aywani his/hers
(116) Possessive pronouns
subject
clitic
possessive
pronoun 1
possessive
pronoun 2
1s aa/a an awni
2s ni nn niwni
3s a yn aywni
1p ar/ar rn arwni
2p and ndn andwni
3p i n iwni
The 1
st
person pronouns of the series 1 have an alternative form
when the following noun has an initial vowel. In such cases the
Morphology 121
second vowel in the pronoun is dropped, e.g. an aanib my pencil
or arn iuin our in-laws (see more examples under 2.4.2.4).
3.2.7 3.2.7 3.2.7 3.2.7 Adpositions Adpositions Adpositions Adpositions
Tadaksahak has several postpositions and a few prepositions. The
list below presents the translation equivalents and a general
indication of the function.
(117) Adpositions
form gloss function
se for dative
ka in, on, to, from locative
be on, over locative
daw at (chez) locative
kmba towards locative
n of possessive
wni /
wn-en
of character of
nda and, with, towards; if instrumental;
comitative; locative;
conjoining NPs;
conditional
wala without; or lack of item; disjunction
nin like comparison
For some of these postpositions we can suggest origins:
se: same as in Mainstream Songhay.
ka: The equivalent in Songhay is /rala/ and does not help for
an origin. But KS has a noun /kuna/ interior. This word is
still being used as a locative postposition in KCH (Heath
1999a:354) and in Tasawaq, another Northern Songhay
language, e.g. /hg kn/ in the house (Kossmann
p.c.).
122
be: has a nominal relative in bena top that can be used to
express on something as in hgu n bena top of the
house
daw: Songhay of Gao has /doo/ place (and a postposition with
the same shape) which could be at its origin. A frequent
use of the postposition is at Xs place (French chez). It
can also mean close to, next to a present physical entity
(person, family, house). Tamasheq has a preposition
/daw/ under that is closer in shape but semantically
points in a different direction and seems therefore unlikely
to be the origin.
kmba: also means hand, arm and so indicates a direction which
is the meaning of the postposition.
n: genitive marker with the same form as in Tamasheq but
syntactically used in a different way.
wani: is a possessive postposition in Mainstream Songhay. In
Tadaksahak the use is somewhat different since it occurs
for marked possessor relationships and characteristics.
nda: is found in Mainstream Songhay where it serves for most
of the functions observed in Tadaksahak. An additional
feature is its locative use with motion verbs.
wala: this preposition is originally from Arabic but is also used in
Tamasheq and Songhay.
nin: a cognate in Tamasheq is /zun zund/ used the same
way.
3.2.7.1 Dative se
This postposition is used for indirect objects, i.e. the addressee with
verbs like ci say and har tell (sth.), and the beneficiary with verbs
like na give and -uwa send.
(118) ann() yn t--sssira [alfqi se].
3sgive 3sGEN F-PL-key teacher DAT
she gave its (trunk) keys to the teacher.
With pronouns, the dative postposition may be absent (see
3.2.7.11.2.1) It is obligatory with third person pronouns.
Morphology 123
(119) ann(a) ise t-e-laq-q
3sgive 3pDAT F-SG-knife-F.SG
s/he gave them a knife.
Certain causative verbs mark the causee with the dative.
(120) ass-ss-l-an [twway se]
3sCAUS-CAUS-pour.BND-ALL servant DAT
barar n ibi.
child GEN dirt
she made the servant remove the childs dirt.
The postposition is pronounced [sa] when followed by an another
pronoun beginning with /a/. For a discussion about n pronoun
separator and further examples, see 3.2.7.11.2.
(121) ann() [ay sa] n a
3sgive 3s DAT SEP 3s
s/he gave it to me.
Second person singular is irregular: Instead of expected *nise , it
appears as ana 2s.DAT. The form may be related to the irregular form
used in Mainstream Songhay where 2s.DAT is /mane mana/. In
Tadaksahak most pronouns begin with a vowel and so possibly the
initial consonant was dropped.
(122) aahr ana ayn mmk.
1stell 2s.DAT 3sGEN manner
I told you how s/he/it is.
This pronoun behaves quite differently from the rest of the series.
Further treatment of this topic is found in 3.2.7.11.2.1.1.
3.2.7.2 Locative and temporal ka
The basic reading of this locative postposition ka LOC is in. It is a
purely topological postposition, insensitive to questions of location vs.
direction. That is to say, it can be translated both as locative in, at,
on and as directional into, from, etc. (cf. also Heath 1999b:136).
(123) a) ab-gor [hgu ka]
3sIMPERF-sit tent LOC
S/he sits in the tent.
124
b) ab-gor() [[a-jerw n a-ss-lm] ka]...
3sIMPERF-sit SG-river GEN SG-INST-outside LOC
She (fish woman) was sitting at the riverside...
c) af-keen [gnda ka]
3sIMPERF-lay ground LOC
It is laying on the ground.
d) [an baa] ayyd [bagu k].
1sGEN water.bag 3sreturn well LOC
My water bag fell in the well.
e) ab-nn [t-e-ar-t ka]
3sIMPERF-drink F-SG-pot-F.SG LOC
S/he drinks from/in the pot.
f) [[man n] k(a)] aattga-kati?
where place LOC 1spush-VEN3p
From where did I push them (camels) to here?
The examples below have a temporal as well as a locational
incidence of ka.
(124) a) [zari ao ka] niss-bddi
day DET LOC 2sCAUS-stop.BND3p
[[an mo] ka]...
1sGEN eye LOC
(on) the day you place them in front of me...
b) [ga ka] nib-mn [ak(a)] ary-n...
3s.EMP LOC 2sIMPERF-pour 3sLOC water-PL
then you pour water in it...
In this last example ga 3s.EMP refers to the whole preceding clause
which is of temporal nature: The moment when you finish with the
meal in the plate.
3.2.7.3 Locative be on
The postposition be means basically on but also above and in a
more abstract way about. Similar to ka, it can be used both in
locative and in directional contexts. Expressions like to descend
down on, jump down on, be on use this postposition.
(125) a) ahoay [abe].
3sspend.day 3son
he spent the day there (at the well).
Morphology 125
b) aakkw [ab(e)] [ayn -slsa].
1stake.away 3son 3sGEN PL-clothes
I took his clothes off him. (= from on him)
c) nib-gun h f-tw-(a)
2sIMPERF-see thing.DET IMPERF-PASS-say.BND
[i-dksahak be]?
PL-ethnic.name on
do you see what is said about the Idaksahak?
This postposition can also be used in a causal sense because of, on
account of (see 4.8.2.2).
3.2.7.4 Locative daw at somebodys place (chez)
The postposition daw can frequently be rendered by the French word
chez i.e., at somebodys place but being physically close to or
next to can also be possible. The location is mostly a person or a
place where people normally are, e.g. a house.
(126) a) attn [ay daw]
3sarrive 1s chez
he arrived at my (place).
b) af-ky [[yn nana] daw]
3sIMPERF-stand 3sGEN mother chez
it (child) stands next to his/her mother.
3.2.7.5 Directional kmba towards
Another postposition rarely used is directional kmba towards.
Example:
(127) ked(i) [a-gilal kmba]
mount SG-rear towards
get up towards behind!
See also 3.2.7.8 for a similar meaning of nda towards.
3.2.7.6 Genitive n
Tadaksahak has a possessor possessed order. The genitive
postposition n provides the link between the two nouns. A similar
marker is found in Tamasheq, but Tadaksahak has the reverse order
of constituents.
126
(128) [Mssa n] hgu
name GEN house
Mussas house
The form can take an epenthetic schwa when the preceding noun
ends with a consonant.
(129) [barar n] hni
child GEN dog
(the) childs dog
A similar structure is used with pronouns (see 3.2.6.4).
The morpheme assimilates to the place of articulation of a following
consonant. The illustrations are in the phonology part (2.4.1.1).
An interesting observation is the fact that speakers usually repeat the
genitive particle together with the possessed item when they retake
this construction partially, e.g. Mussa n hgu Mussa,
eeem.(hi)s house.
3.2.7.7 Possessive wni / wn-en of
This element, which is the only overt possession marker in
Mainstream Songhay, is not very frequent in Tadaksahak. It only
rarely marks a true possessive relationship. A more regular use of
this form is to express character of or of material of.
The head precedes the modifier and the particle follows the modifier.
(130) t-a-mnk-t [hamu wni]
F-SG-piece-F.SG meat of
piece of meat
This particle agrees in number with the head.
(131) -slsa [ura wn-en]
PL-clothe gold of-PL
clothes (made) of gold
Only in conjunction with a pronominal clitic does this particle express
ownership as in mine or yours, (3.2.6.4) but there is also a use
where the whole construction modifying a noun means (my) kind of
including the notion of character.
Morphology 127
3.2.7.8 Preposition nda with, in the direction of
This element has many different functions. Its syntax together with
pronouns merits special attention (3.2.7.11.2.2). Phrases with nda +
noun have instrumental or comitative meaning. With transitive verbs
the instrumental reading is normal (he hit it with a hammer.), with a
certain class of (intransitive) verbs the comitative meaning is normal
(he accompanied him). See more examples in 4.3.6.
(132) a) abb-l [nda --]
3sIMPERF-work with F-SG-ax
he works with an ax.
b) ab-hg(a) [nd(a) [yn cary]]
3sIMPERF-accompany with 3sGEN friend
he accompanies his friend.
One particular use of nda and, with is as a locational expression.
Some movement verbs take this preposition to indicate close by, in
the direction of.
(133) azzru [nda hgu] fo
3prun with house IND
he (snake) run close by a house...
The list below gives more verbs that use nda in the direction of to
encode a location. The first verb on the list below does not occur
without the preposition.
(134) Verbs with nda in the direction of
verb gloss syntax gloss
yray nda X be in the
direction of
by move camp by nda X move in the
direction of
yci pass yci nda X pass in the
direction of
ydu be assembled ydu nda X be assembled
in the direction
of
128
3.2.7.9 Preposition wala without
wala has many functions in the language (4.8.1.2 or; 4.6.4 not
even). When meaning without, it precedes the noun that is negated.
The second example below has wala in both functions, without and
or.
(135) a) s-kahar aab-d() -rs wala haam...
maybe-when 1sIMPERF-make SG-sauce without meat
when I make a sauce without meat...
b) bora jji-kat ayn -ms wala
person load-VEN 3sGEN SG-camel without
t-a-xawi-t wal(a) i-stfar...
F-SG-saddle.kind-F.SG or PL-cover
somebody who loads his camel without saddle or
(without) padding...
There is an idiomatic use of the construction without + child/one to
include absolutely all (persons). In the following example also the
word kamil all is intensified to express all included.
(136) a) iyydu-kat kamululhi wala barar
3assemble-VEN absolutly.all without child
they were absolutely all assembled.
b) agr i-mnokal-an if-twa-s-ku
3smust PL-ruler-PL 3pIMPERF-PASS-CAUS-call.BND
wal(a) -ffo.
without SG-one
all the chiefs without exception had to be summoned.
c) s(a) iggri ikks wal(a).
COMP 3pfind3p 3pcut without3s
it was found that they were cut without (exception).
The last example has no noun following wala. The meaning is
nevertheless the same as the other examples show. The stress on
the final syllable of wal suggests that some morpheme is added
there, probably a 3s clitic.
3.2.7.10 Preposition inn like
inn behaves like a preposition at times but can also join sentences.
Find more examples and discussion under (4.7.4.6).
Morphology 129
(137) inn t-a-zoonya-t n ci?
like F-SG-bird.sp-F.SG GEN kind
Like a kind of small bird?
3.2.7.11 Pronominalized elements and the verb
3.2.7.11.1 Pronominalized NPs
Subject pronouns precede the verb. Other pronominal elements
follow the verb (unless in focus). There are rules for the succession of
pronouns after the verb and the presence of the dative postposition.
1) When other pronominalized elements are present, the
pronominalized direct object is the last element (as illustrated
in (138) below)
2) Most pronouns indicating the indirect (dative) object are
marked by the dative postposition se. With first person
pronouns it is absent when the pronoun is not followed by
another pronoun, but present otherwise (see 3.2.7.11.2.1
below)
3) When a locative and a dative pronoun are present, the dative
precedes the locative pronoun
3.2.7.11.2 Pronoun separator n
Tadaksahak uses a particle n to separate pronouns from each other
in the post-verbal position. The insertion of this consonant allows for
the pronunciation of vowels that would normally be deleted because
of regular vowel coalescence rules.
In Tadaksahak there is no evidence that this particle is more than the
consonant /n/. In Songhay of Gao there is a particle /na/ transitive
that marks direct objects with verbs that use preverbal pronouns
(Heath 1999b:212).
The use of the pronoun separator n is illustrated below in (c); The
sentence (b) only has one pronominal element; sentence (a) presents
the full sentence without pronominalization.
(138) a) akkun ceed hgu ka.
3sfind spoon house LOC
s/he found a spoon in the house.
130
b) akkun()a hgu ka.
3sfind3s house LOC
s/he found it in the house.
c) akkun() aka n a
3sfind 3sLOC SEP 3s
s/he found it in it.
The pronoun separator does not only separate direct object pronouns
from other pronouns, it also separates postpositional pronouns from
each other. The following clause illustrates this.
(139) akkw ay sa n aka nd-en.
3stake 1s DAT SEP 3sLOC pebble-PL
She took pebbles out of it (rice) for me.
The following example has the maximal amount of pronouns possible
in one single clause.
(140) Koy nim-d() ase n aka n a!
leave 2sSUBJ-do 3sDAT SEP 3sLOC SEP 3s
Go put it in it for him.
nda with can be preceded by the pronoun separator.
(141) Lm-kat ay sa n ()nd(a) i-gn-an
twine-VEN 1s DAT SEP 3swith PL-thread-PL
Twine me thread with it (earth).
Read more about nda and its behaviour with pronouns under
3.2.7.11.2.2.
3.2.7.11.2.1 Pronouns with dative se
Most pronouns indicating the indirect (dative) object are marked by
the dative postposition se. With first person pronouns it is absent
when the pronoun is not followed by another pronoun. When another
pronominal is present, ay 1s and ari 1p, used as indirect
objects, are obligatorily followed by the postposition se DAT. Consider
the examples:
(142) a) ann(a) ay t-e-laq-q
3sgive 1s F-SG-knife-F.SG
s/he gave me a knife.
Morphology 131
b) ann(a) ay sa n a
3sgive 1s DAT SEP 3s
s/he gave it to me.
c) ayyddr ari barar
3shold 1p child
s/he held the child for us.
d) ayyddr ari sa n a.
3shold 1p DAT SEP 3s
s/he held it for us.
The third person pronouns and 2p andi are always followed by the
postposition. For the 2s pronoun see below.
(143) a) aadd() ndi s(e) a-safu...
1sdo 2p DAT SG-greeting
I greeted you(pl)...
b) aadd() as(e) a-safu...
1sdo 3sDAT SG-greeting
I greeted him/her...
c) aadd() is(e) a-safu...
1sdo 3pDAT SG-greeting
I greeted them...
3.2.7.11.2.1.1 Second person with se DAT
The second person singular dative pronoun appears as ana for you
(sg).
(144) a) aann() ana t-e-laq-q
1sgive 2s.DAT F.SG-knife-F.SG
I gave you a knife.
b) at-yilkm ana
3sFUT-follow 2s.DAT
He will follow you.
The syntax of this pronoun is not regular, as it has a different position
in the clause from the other DAT pronouns, following the direct object
pronoun rather than preceding it, e.g.
(145) at-tag() (a)na
1sFUT-push.ahead3p 2s.DAT
I will push them ahead for you.
132
When occurring with a pronominalized locative phrase, ana 2s.DAT
comes between the pronoun and the locative postposition. The
following examples come from a dialog at the market.
(146) a) aar i(a)na-be --medi.
1sput .on 3p2s.DAT-LOC F-SG-hundred
I add you 500 Francs
1
CFA on them.
b) aab-n() i(a)na-ka i-jm-an hik.
1sIMPERF-give 3p2s.DAT-LOC PL-thousand-PL two
I give you 10.000 Francs CFA for them.
In combination with the first person pronoun there is yet a different
strategy used. The regular 2s pronoun nn appears together with the
DAT marker. The direct object follows the verb immediately, as in the
examples above with ana.
(147) a) ann nn ay se
3sgive 2s 1s DAT
He gave you to me.
b) ann(a) ay nn se
3sgive 1s 2s DAT
He gave me to you.
3.2.7.11.2.2 Pronouns with instrumental-comitative nda
The preposition nda with does not behave as expected in all
environments. When the PP with nda is the only pronominalized
element, nda is preposed to the pronoun, e.g.
(148) a) abb-l [nda ].
3sIMPERF-work with ax
He works with an ax.
b) abb-l [nd(a)].
3sIMPERF-work with3s
He works with it.

1
The monetary system is based on one coin that is worth 5 Francs CFA. All
numbers need therefore to be multiplied by 5 to indicate their monetary value, e.g.,
100 units of 5 Francs CFA equal 500 Francs CFA.
Morphology 133
When the instrument is pronominalized in sentences that also contain
a direct object, nda is postposed to its pronominal complement and
now functions as a postposition.
(149) a) ab-hmay yn bag [()nda ary-n].
3sIMPERF-wash 3sGEN head with water-PL
She washes her head with water.
b) ab-hmay [()nda] bag.
3sIMPERF-wash 3pwith head
She washes the head with it.
c) at-n [nn nd(a)] [aan t-a-bor-t]
1sFUT-share 2s with 1sGEN F-SG-wealth-F.SG
I will share my wealth with you.
The same behavior is found when nda is used as a comitative.
(150) ab-deraw ()nda baab.
3sIMPERF-have.in.common 3pwith father
He has the same father as they have.
3.2.7.11.2.3 Pronouns with locative PPs
The locative postpositions ka in, from, among, to, at, be on and daw
at (somebodys place) are always present when the accompanying
noun is pronominalized. Find a selection in the examples below.
(151) a) aggu ay ka
3slook.down 1s LOC
She looked down on me.
b) ...ao nn ka
DET not.be 2s LOC
...that you have lost.
c) t--gud af-tm-tm aka
F-SG-girl 3sIMPERF-blink-DUP 3sLOC
The girl blinked at him.
d) i-kr ari be t-a-zice
3pCAUS-get.up.BND 1p LOC F-SG-storm
They raised a storm on us.
e) aattn ndi daw
1sarrive 2p LOC
I arrived at your(pl) place.
134
f) a-mnsu ao n cijn aqqq-an ibe
SG-meal DET GEN last.night 3sbe.dry-ALL 1pLOC
The meal of the previous night has dried on it.
3.2.8 3.2.8 3.2.8 3.2.8 Adjectives Adjectives Adjectives Adjectives
Tadaksahak has a category of adjectives which are different from
verbs and nouns on the basis of their morphological properties. All
adjectives have a corresponding verb, and the great majority of
adjectives is morphologically derived from the verb stem. There are
three different strategies to form adjectives depending on shape and
etymology.
The first strategy concerns verbs of Songhay stock. A very different
morphology is used with verbs of Tamasheq origin. A third strategy
allows Songhay cognates to be inserted into the morphological
pattern otherwise used in deriving adjectives from Tamasheq verbs.
3.2.8.1 Songhay derivation: -i/-u and zero-derivation
Some monosyllabic Songhay-based verbs form the corresponding
adjective by adding a stressed high vowel. A low /a/ vowel in the stem
seems to attract the -u suffix and a mid vowel the -i suffix. This
marker is different from the ones found in Songhay of Timbuktu and
Songhay of Gao, which add /o/ and /a/ respectively.
Since the suffix is a single vowel, a long vowel in the stem reappears.
The examples below illustrate high frequency adjectives with suffix -i
under (a) and suffix -u under (b)
(152) Songhay derivation
verb gloss adjective
a) en to be old een-
ber to be big beer-
qoq to be dry qoo-
b) as to be fat aas-
baq to be broken baaq-
Three Songhay cognates use no segmental derivational morpheme to
serve as noun modifier, viz. the basic color terms white, black and
red/brown.
Morphology 135
(153) No morpheme
bibi to be black bibi
koray to be white koray
cidy to be red cidy
3.2.8.2 Tamasheq cognates: derivation with /-an/
Di-syllabic stative verbs of Tamasheq origin take a suffix -an ADJZR to
mark a modifier in a noun phrase.
In Tamasheq the masculine singular form of the (stative) participle-
suffix is /-n/. In a clause like black man the verbal stem to be black
is inflected with this participial suffix, e.g. /-hls kwl-n/ (SG-man
be.black-/n/) black man (cf. Heath 2006:483). This suggests that
the suffix has come into the language together with its use on
Tamasheq cognates.
The table below illustrates verbs taking the -an suffix. They are all
Tamasheq cognates. When the vowel-initial suffix opens a syllable
with a stressed vowel, this vowel is realized long in the adjectivized
form. Under (b) the adjectival forms are listed with the realizations of
this feature. (c) illustrates a V-final root that loses this vowel. The
stress of the last syllable is carried over to the suffix. (d) illustrates the
way the stem amalgamates with the suffix and is realized [n]. Finally
(e) gives the only example where the final -ay syllable is not
amalgamated but opens up and exposes a long final /a/.
(154) Tamasheq cognates
a) dalt to be blue/green dlat-an
kdak to be brown (kind of) kdak-an
yar to be yellow yra-an
b) yibrr to be bad yibrar-an
yimd to be complete yimad-an
yizzr to be ahead yizzar-an
dagg to be slow dagag-an
136
zadg to be clean zadig-an
c) yis to be strong yis-n
d) dary to be brown (kind of) dr-en
kay to be white (kind of) k-en
zray to pass after zr-en
e) yayny to be new yaynay-an
Four disyllabic Songhay cognates in our corpus also take this suffix
as the only possible derivational suffix.
(155) Disyllabic Songhay cognates with -an
kuk to be long kuk-n
ceen to be small/young/few ceen-n
bab to be numerous bab-(a)n
ibit to be dirty ibit-an
3.2.8.3 Reduplication + -an
The great majority of monosyllabic verb roots of Songhay origin use a
reduplication strategy. The verb root is duplicated and the morpheme
-an is suffixed.
The reduplication sometimes entails phonological changes, such as
/n/-assimilation. A special instance is /r/-assimilation, which only
occurs with the adjectival derivation.
In the list below are adjectives that occur exclusively with this
strategy. (a) illustrates the regular case of CVC shaped stems
reduplicated with the phonological rules of assimilation. (b) shows CV
pattern reduplication following the respective rules for final Vs: /a/ is
dropped and /y/ is inserted after /i/.
(156) Reduplication + /-an/
verb gloss reduplication
a) ban to be soft bam-ban-n
Morphology 137
verb gloss reduplication
bun to be dead bum-bun-n
dut to be pounded dut-tut-n
fay to be separated fay-fay-n
fik to be buried fik-fik-n
kan to be sweet ka-kan-n
kos to be cut kos-kos-n
ay to be wet ay-ay-n
wa to be boiling wa-wa-n
boy to move camp boy-boy-n
hay to give birth hay-hay-n
b) wa to be healed wa-w(a)-n
i to be lost i-i-n
3.2.8.4 Irregular adjectives
Quite a number of frequently used adjectives appear in several forms.
They are all Songhay cognates. It should be noted that this variation
is found in real language use, and not due to the medium of
elicitation. The forms listed without brackets below have been
extracted from our text corpus, those in brackets have only been
attested in elicitation.
Some reduplicated roots can take the -i suffix and not only the
expected -an.
Roots under (a) have two or three forms. The examples (b) to (e)
show forms which are irregular for one or another reason (b) has
assimilation of the final /r/ of the first syllable to the /m/ of the second
and adds -i despite reduplication. Elicitation also provided the
expected -an ending; (c) shows partial reduplication but both stems
do not take the same suffix. hot takes -i and bitter takes the -an
suffix, elicitation also provided the other possibility. fall under (d)
does not duplicate yet takes -an. (e) good reduplicates only partially.
138
(157) Songhay cognates with irregular derivation
verb gloss simple root redup. root
a) ber to be big beer- b-ber-i
bb-br-n
qoq to be dry qoo-
qoq-n
qoq-qo-n
en to be old een- en-en-n
as to be fat aas- as-as-n
b) mor to be distant mom-mor- ~
(mom-mor-n)
c) korr to be hot kor-korr- ~
(kor-korr-n)
horr to be bitter (hor-horr-) ~
hor-horr-n
d) ka to fall kg-an
e) gman to be good gi-gimn
It seems that the two very different strategies for adjective formation
found in Tadaksahak are on the way to merging into one form that is
used with all verbal roots. This merged form would be based on two
or more syllables (possibly reached by reduplication), followed by the
suffix -an. This implies a normalization towards the Tamasheq
pattern.
3.2.8.5 Plural
Adjectives agree in number with the noun they modify. Elicitation of
the morpheme provides the form -nin, which is added to the
adjectivizer suffix, e.g. ary-n yay-yay-n-nin cool water However,
in our text data only few adjectives with the ending -an-nin occur. It
would seem that these two suffixes are abbreviated in running texts to
a two-syllabic suffix where -an and -n are collapsed to a long [a]
which results in the plural ending -aanin. This suffix combines the
meanings adjective and plural. It seems that the stress pattern of
the verbal root influences the stress possible on the suffix.
Reduplicated roots tend to have the stress on the first syllable of the
Morphology 139
suffix while roots with stress on the final syllable keep it there. Note
this change in the two forms for big on the list below (a).
The three roots without adjectival derivation under (b) take -nin as the
plural suffix. In the forms ending in -ay the unstressed syllable is
pronounced [e]
(158) Plural adjectives from texts
adjective plural phonetic gloss
a) zadig-an zadg-anin [zadignn] clean
bber-i bber-anin [bbernn] big
bbbr-n bbbr-anin [bbrann] big
yayyay-n yayyay-anin [jjjann] fresh
b) bibi bibi-nin [bibnn] black
cday cday-nin [idenn] red
koray koray-nin [korenn] white
One clear exception is gi-gimn good. Its stem-final an is
interpreted as part of the suffix and only adds -n for the plural which
results in gi-gimn-n.
3.2.9 3.2.9 3.2.9 3.2.9 Qu Qu Qu Quantificational adjectives antificational adjectives antificational adjectives antificational adjectives
3.2.9.1 Basic numerals
Most numerals are of Tamasheq origin. one and two are from
Songhay and twenty seems to have a cognate in Mauritanian
Zenaga (Nicolas 1953:60).
The numerals from one to ten can modify a noun as part of the
noun phrase. The numeral one follows a noun in the singular and the
numerals two to ten follow a noun in the plural, e.g. barar foda
one child and barr-n hik two children respectively.
An abbreviated form of one serves as indefinite marker for newly
introduced entities in discourse, e.g. surgoy fo (woman IND) a certain
woman.
The numerals from two up can be used as nouns, too, without addi-
tional morphology when the referent is clear from the context. In a
nominal function they can take the plural morpheme. The numeral
140
one needs to take the nominalizer prefix a- to be allowed in a
nominal function. This prefix is also present when the word is used in
isolation, i.e., when listing the numerals. This is shown by the
brackets on the list below.
(159) Numerals
number gloss
a-ff / (a-f)fo-da 1
hik 2
kaa 3
akkz 4
amm 5
aa 6
i 7
im 8
aa 9
maa 10
tainda 20
--medi 100
a-jm 1000
3.2.9.2 Compound numerals
The multiples of ten higher than twenty are built by juxtaposition. This
kind of compounding is not found elsewhere in the language. It
seems to be a imported feature from Tamasheq where the
constituents are in this same order, e.g. /smmos(t) trwen/ fifty
(lit. five tens). The arguments that the tens in Tadaksahak are
compounds and not noun phrases are the following: 1) no
postposition can be inserted between the two units; 2) final /a/ of i
seven and aa nine behave as in tightly knit units 3) consonant-
final numerals have the insertion of an epenthetic schwa between the
two units and finally 4) the number thirty regularly re-syllabifies in
rapid speech (see Phonology 2.4.2.3).
Morphology 141
The lexeme t--mw-in ten small ones is a Tamasheq feminine
plural derived from Tamasheq /mraw/ ten.
(160) Compound numerals
number gloss
akkz--t--mw-in 40
amm--t--mw-in 50
iy-t--mw-in 70
Another word derived from ten has survived in the form of
t-a-mauk tenner which designates the piece of money worth 50
Francs CFA (10x5 francs), it is also used to mean small herd
(consisting of some ten animals).
Numerals from 11 to 19 and all the other single digits between the
multiples of ten are built as a coordinate noun phrase ten and
one/two/ fifty and ...
(161) Formation of numbers 11 19
number gloss
maa ()nd(a) a-ff 11
maa ()nda hik 12
maa ()nd(a) i 17
The numbers beginning with hundred and higher are expressed in a
noun phrase. The lexemes hundred and thousand are the head,
and occur in the plural when needed.
(162) hundred and thousand
--medi --mmad 100
a-jm i-jim-an 1000
To form the numbers in between, the smaller units are added by
inserting nda and, e.g. - -mmad hink ()nda amm--t-mwin
nda taa (100 two and 50 and 9) 259.
The numerals higher than thousand are loans from French, e.g.
miliyn million and take a plural suffix miliyn-tan. Syntax of these
142
numerals and other types of quantifying modifiers are discussed in
4.1.5. and 4.1.6.

Syntax 143
4 44 4 Syntax Syntax Syntax Syntax
This chapter starts with a discussion of the syntax of the noun phrase.
This includes NPs with possessors, demonstratives, the determiner
ao/aondo and modifiers like numerals and adjectives. In the next
section (4.2) the different MAN markers with their uses are presented.
Following that is a section about argument structure, i.e., the different
types of verbs (4.3), and a special type of clause treated under
copular clauses (4.4). In section 4.5 relative clauses are described
followed by negations (4.6) and several small chapters about
information structure (4.7). Finally the section on complex sentences
(4.8) discusses clausal coordination, purpose and causal clauses,
conditionals and adverbial subordination.
4.1 4.1 4.1 4.1 Noun phrases and adpositional phrases Noun phrases and adpositional phrases Noun phrases and adpositional phrases Noun phrases and adpositional phrases
4.1.1 4.1.1 4.1.1 4.1.1 Overview Overview Overview Overview
The simplest noun phrases (NP) are independent pronouns, which
take no further marking for definiteness or plurality. In this section the
other types of NP will be presented, i.e. NPs headed by a lexical noun
or any other stem capable of functioning as NP head. Such stems
can be numerals (4.1.5), adjectives preceded by the determiner
(4.1.4), the demonstrative na followed by the determiner and pronoun
clitics cliticizing to the postposition wni/wn-en. This postposition is
also involved in a special type of NP of the type Head [noun wni ]
(4.1.8).
All elements except the head are optional for a NP.
Modifiers like da very (one), za so, j ~ jn only are discourse
particles and not part of the NP. They may follow a NP.
The maximal structure of a noun phrase is as follows:
possessor Head (determiner) demonstrative numeral
adjective
The determiner gives the NP a different status on sentence level. See
discussion under 4.1.4.
In postpositional phrases, the postposition immediately follows the
head+demonstrative. Numerals, other quantifiers and adjectives
follow the postposition (4.1.8).
144

(1) Shapes of NPs
bor
person
a person N
bor-n hik
people-PL two
two persons N num
t-a-rswoy-t ibit-an
F-SG-dress-F.SG be.dirty-ADJZR
dirty dress N adj
an feej
1sGEN sheep
my sheep [N/ProGEN] N
a-mar oda
SG-lamb DEM
this lamb N DEM
ao bibi
DET black.ADJ
the black (one) DET adj
-sls(a) ura wn-en
PL-clothing gold of-PL
clothes (made)
of gold
N [N POSS]
It is rare to find more than two modifiers accompanying a head noun
in texts (not counting the determiner). There is no occurrence of a
simple NP with both a numeral and a qualifying modifier in our corpus
but they can be elicited.
4.1.2 4.1.2 4.1.2 4.1.2 Possessor phrases Possessor phrases Possessor phrases Possessor phrases
There are two possessive constructions. In the first construction the
possessor is marked by a postposition n (glossed GEN) and precedes
the possessed. In the second construction, an element wni (glossed
POSS) is used, which follows the possessor. In this construction the
possessor phrase follows the possessed.
4.1.2.1 4.1.2.1 4.1.2.1 4.1.2.1 Genitive n Genitive n Genitive n Genitive n
The most common possessor phrases are PPs consisting of a NP
followed by the genitive postposition n (n if following a C) (glossed
Syntax 145
GEN). The postposition assimilates to the point of articulation of a
following consonant (see 2.4.1.1). The possessor PP precedes the
head of the NP.
With this construction a much wider range of semantic connections is
expressed than possession only. Similar to English of, which ranges
from ownership of property to part of whole and many other and more
abstract relationships, n GEN is found in various contexts, among
others, noun formations consisting of a concrete noun and a verbal
noun such as a-gyis n w (SG-bustard GEN kill.VN) bustard killing
or locational attributes such as tugdu n cidy (tree GEN underneath)
under a/the tree.
It was shown earlier (3.2.6.4) that the series of possessive pronouns
also contains the genitive marker. As expected, the pronoun takes the
place of the noun it replaces. The example below shows both a
possessive pronoun in the possessor phrase and a genitive
postposition joining two NPs.
(2) [[n baba] n] t-a-am-t
3pGEN father GEN F-SG-court-F.SG
their fathers courtyard
Several possessor phrases can follow each other. Probably the
maximal expansion is illustrated by the following example.
(3) [[[[an amnokal] n] bund] n] mya
1sGEN chief GEN stick GEN end
the end of the stick of my chief
The allomorphs of the possessive pronouns are discussed under
2.4.2.4.
4.1.2.2 4.1.2.2 4.1.2.2 4.1.2.2 Possessor wni / wn Possessor wni / wn Possessor wni / wn Possessor wni / wn- -- -en en en en
A possessor phrase formed with the postposition wni, pl. wn-en
follows the head NP it specifies. The postposition normally agrees in
number with the head noun. Semantically an owner relationship is not
its first function, most often it specifies the character of the head
noun.
146

(4) a) a-magor [wy wni]
SG-young.camel woman POSS
a female young camel
b) alima [arw-n wni]
assembly man-PL POSS
a crowd of men (not of women)
c) zar [altann wni]
day Monday POSS
a Monday (not a Tuesday)
d) i-ssl-an [t--zdk-k wn-en]
PL-news-PL F-SG-cleanness-F.SG POSS-PL
news of/about cleanness
There are some examples in our corpus which show lack of number
agreement with the head noun. In some instances the head noun is
so far away from the particle that the speaker may have lost count
and then it agrees with the noun next to it. In the example below, a
relative clause is inserted between the head noun and the modifier,
and number agreement is with plural bkw-yan jinns, rather than
with the singular head of the NP t-a-nfus-t story.
(5) t-a-nfus-t ao at-d() ndi se
F-SG-deed-F.SG DET 1sFUT-do 2p DAT
[bkw-yan wn-en]
jinn-PL of-PL
the story I want to tell you (pl) is of/about spirits.
A possessive element of similar form is found in KS and KCH (/wane,
wana/).
4.1.3 4.1.3 4.1.3 4.1.3 Noun phrases with demonstratives Noun phrases with demonstratives Noun phrases with demonstratives Noun phrases with demonstratives
Tadaksahak has six different demonstrative particles that can specify
a noun. None of them agrees in number with the head noun and they
all follow the noun, with the exception of na. The determiner ao DET
Syntax 147
and aondo ~ ndao ~ nnao DET.PL are not part of this series of
demonstratives since demonstratives can co-occur with this marker.
All noun phrases with a demonstrative are definite, whether a DET
marker is present or not. The function of the DET will be discussed in
4.1.4.
(6) Demonstratives with their basic meaning
form meaning gloss label
(a)snda away from speaker or other
deictic center
that DEM.FAR
oda near to the speaker or
deictic center, including
cataphoric
this DEM.NEAR
yda close to the addressee, in
the proximity

this DEM.PROX
ad anaphoric, active that ANA
o broader reference than
oda
this/that DEBR
na N facing, opposite this/that OPP
The three first demonstratives on the list are true demonstratives, i.e.
they can combine with any type of noun and specify it. They mark a
three-way difference in distance, where oda this is close at hand
while snda that is far away and yda this is in the proximity, yet
not close at hand. o DEBR (DEmonstrative with Broad Reference) and
na OPP (opposite) have a specific use and can therefore not combine
with all nouns. ad ANA (anaphoric) functions on discourse level only;
there is no spatial value linked to it.
The term n place can combine with all the demonstratives except
snda that and na opposite.
The neutral referent h thing can combine with most demonstratives
(except snda that and na opposite) and behaves then almost like a
pronoun. Find examples in the appropriate sections below.
148

4.1.3.1 4.1.3.1 4.1.3.1 4.1.3.1 snda snda snda snda ~ ~~ ~ asnda that asnda that asnda that asnda that
(7) zw-kat ay [huur() asnda]
take-VEN 1s fire DEM.FAR
Bring me that fire!
This demonstrative can combine with an NP containing a possessive
pronoun.
(8) nin haam() asnda
2sGEN meat DEM.FAR
that your meat / your meat there
In combination with other determiners (see below) snda may be
shortened and appear as s there, normally carrying stress (not to
be confused with se DAT).
This demonstrative has its origin in Tamasheq. It can be used
adverbially and as modifier of a noun phrase.
4.1.3.2 4.1.3.2 4.1.3.2 4.1.3.2 oda this oda this oda this oda this
The demonstrative oda combines with location names and can be
found together with a possessive pronoun.
(9) a) A-aal oda ab-z- aay.
SG-work DEM.NEAR 3S-IMPERF-CAUS-be.tired 1s.IO
This work makes me tired.
b) an haw(u) oda ndga
1sGEN cow DEM.NEAR when
this my cow, when
c) akkun(a) gi Assylal oda be.
3sfind 3p.EMP loc.name DEM.NEAR LOC
he found them in Essaylal here (the closer of two possible
places with that name).
Syntax 149
d) hr j i-mu-dar-an oda kamil
until only PL-ACT-animal-PL DEM.NEAR all
ihun(u)-n snda ka.
3pleave-ALL DEM.FAR LOC
... as soon as all these animals were dead there.
The combination with he thing + oda can be translated with this as
in he did this:... and is in this form mostly pointing ahead in time, i.e.
has a cataphoric function.
(10) add [h(e) oda] ass-og() ga
3sdo thing DEM.NEAR 3sCAUS-approach 3s.EMP
[elaw n t--nar] ...
elephant GEN F-PL-nostril
he did this: he approached it (the hot grease) to
Elephants nostrils
KCH and KS have a demonstrative /woo/ (Heath 1999a:82;
1999b:97) that can occur together with an emphatic particle /da/ in
Gao (Heath 1999b:133, 265). One hypothesis is that oda this
consists of /woo/ reduced to /oo/ plus /da/ the discourse function
particle (glossed INT intensifier) also found in Tadaksahak. Note that
several Tamasheq speech varieties also have a particle /da/ to
indicate here, there, at the place in question (Prasse et al. 2003:69,
also Sudlow 2001:333).
4.1.3.3 4.1.3.3 4.1.3.3 4.1.3.3 yda this yda this yda this yda this
The deictic use of this determiner indicates closeness to the
addressee.
(11) a) -in()a tabl yda be.
CAUS-put.on.BND3s table DEM.PROX on
put it on this table (close to you)!
b) andggun gnd(a) yda
2ssee land DEM.PROX
andeb-gun(a?) n(e) yda ka
2sIMPERF-see(3s?) place DEM.PROX LOC
You(pl) see this land you see (it?) around here(it is a lot
and you think it is worthless)
On discourse level its use is anaphoric.
150

(12) t-a-caw-t yda at-t-kat yn wl
F-SG-bird-F.SG DEM.PROX 3sFUT-fly-VEN 3sGEN heart
ka...
LOC
This bird (earlier topic in discourse) flew from her heart
yda occurs most frequently with n place to indicate a temporal
now or a spatial here. Acoustically this is very close to neda here
[nda] while n(e) yda is pronounced [njda]. In texts the two
expressions are sometimes interchangeable but in deictic use they
are clearly distinct from each other, i.e., neda gives a very specific
place while n(e) yda is close by but not a specific spot (see second
line (11)b).
Sometimes when h(e) thing+ yda occurs, e.g., he did this (action
named before).... it can be replaced by h(e) + ad he did this (afore
named action).
One possibility of an origin of this determiner is a fusion of two
morphemes: a 3s and da INT. It has been shown (3.2.6.4) that this
clitic has an allomorph ay when it attaches to something other than a
verb stem. A semantic paraphrase could then be (the/a) very him
indicating that he is known and has been mentioned before.
4.1.3.4 4.1.3.4 4.1.3.4 4.1.3.4 ad anaphoric ad anaphoric ad anaphoric ad anaphoric
ad is always anaphoric to an established referent in the discourse,
marking a participant or other referent still active in the hearers
mental representation.
It can often be observed together with the neutral noun he thing to
refer to some past event.
Syntax 151
(13) aywa t-a-nfus-t abbn min d
RESUME F-SG-story-F.SG 3sbe.finished but INT
aalib akks alwal dffr [h(e) ad]
student 3sbe seer after thing ANA
so, the story is finished, however, the student became a
seer after this (the deed told in the story).
In Songhay of Gao there is an anaphoric particle /din/ with a similar
function (Heath 1999b:131). Nigerien Tawllmmt Tamasheq uses a
demonstrative with exactly this shape but with a different function
(Prasse et al. 2003:70).
4.1.3.5 4.1.3.5 4.1.3.5 4.1.3.5 o broad anaphoric o broad anaphoric o broad anaphoric o broad anaphoric
The element o refers to a broader referent than a particular point in
time or place - rather to a period or an area. In the following short
exchange this determiner is used. It does not refer to a particular
moment during the morning, but rather to the more vague time period
morning:
(14) Q: c(i) agd attn?
what? time 3sarrive
when did he arrive?
A: alfjir o.
morning DEBR
this morning. (of the day the conversation takes place)
o is used most frequently with temporal and spatial nouns. In a
temporal context it can stand in opposition to oda which is cata-
phoric.
Particularly with a perfective aspect on the verb, the particle is used
to indicate anteriority in time.
(15) a) t-a-dwi-t o izzo
F-SG-afternoon-F.SG DEBR 3pfight
This (past) afternoon they had a fight.
b) ...aam-hnu-kat an alait
1sSUBJ-leave-VEN 1sGEN tablet
[t-a-dwi-t oda]
F-SG-afternoon-F.SG DEM.NEAR
...I (may) finish my (koranic) lesson this (coming)
afternoon.
152

o easily combines with he thing and then takes almost pronoun-like
properties. This combination will be glossed as a single unit ho
(thing.DEBR) this. A frequently found NP is ho snda this/that.
Consider the following example. A long explanation is summed up
with this final sentence:
(16) [[ho snda] be] za iggun-kat s
thing.DEBR DEM.FAR LOC LC 3psee-VEN COMP
So, because of this [lit: this thing there] they saw that
For stylistic reasons, some speakers use o after non-temporal nouns
instead of oda, e.g. in direct speech, even when elsewhere in the
story the long form is used.
The closest relative of this particle is the Songhay demonstrative
/woo/ this/that which is also used anaphorically in discourse (Heath
1999a:61; Heath 1999b:130). In addition, KS has a definite singular
suffix /-oo/ or /-aa/ (Heath 1999b:127) which may be another, less
probable, source for this demonstrative in Tadaksahak.
The demonstrative oda this could also be a candidate, assuming
that o could be an abbreviated form of the latter. The demonstrative o
has a clear preference for combining with temporal nouns, whereas
oda is not restricted. In some instances the two may be
interchangeable yet in others they have opposing meanings (see
above).
4.1.3.6 4.1.3.6 4.1.3.6 4.1.3.6 n opposite n opposite n opposite n opposite
This determiner precedes the noun it marks. In combination with ao
DET, which functions as the head, n is a frequently used
demonstrative. Any object or person pointed at without being called
by its name can be referred to by n ao this (one)
Syntax 153
(17) [n ao] ab-s-wl t-e-laq-q
OPP DET 3SIMPERF-CAUS-sharpen F-SG-knife-F.SG
[n aondo] if-kam-kaam haam
OPP DET.PL 3pIMPERF-cut meat
this (one) sharpens a knife, those are cutting meat.
Syntactically, this conglomerate is treated like a full NP consisting of a
noun with determiner.
In texts, n alone is most frequently found determining nouns of
location, mostly together with a shortened form of the demonstrative
that s and it conveys a location facing (vis--vis) the place from
where the action starts.
(18) affur-ana [[n(a) gu] s] ka
3sthrow-ALL3s OPP place DEM.FAR LOC
he threw him away over there.
When the particle appears twice in the same sentence, it indicates
two opposed possibilities of the same entity, as marked in English
with this or that. The following command encodes such an instance.
(19) wa d [n h] wa d [n h]
IMP do OPP thing.DEBR IMP do OPP thing.DEBR
do (pl) this (and) do (pl) that!
n occurs three times in the corpus in the introductory clause to a
story, accompanying the future major participant. In all these cases
the storyteller may have conveyed that she/he judges the behavior of
that particular participant undesirable, not good for the hearer to copy.
(20) icc kl kl [na wy f]
3psay once once OPP woman IND
h s
thing.DEBR DEM.FAR
there was once this woman...
Songhay of Gao has a preverbal direct object morpheme /na/ that
also precedes the noun (or pronoun) it marks (Heath 1999b:212).
Semantically far from determiner, this particle is by its shape and
syntactic behavior the closest candidate for an origin of n.
154

4.1.4 4.1.4 4.1.4 4.1.4 NPs with NPs with NPs with NPs with a aa ao o o o determiner determiner determiner determiner
The determiner ao follows the noun it modifies and is always
followed by an additional element, typically a demonstrative, e.g.
tugdu ao oda /tree DET DEM.NEAR/ this tree.
The particle is attested in singular and plural form with dialectal
variants.
(21) Forms of the determiner
ao DET
aondo DET.PL Talatayt
ndao DET.PL Meneka
nnao DET.PL Infukaraytan
wao DET.PL Tamalet
The plural forms may be ao fused with other particles known in the
language, i.e. nd(a)-ao (with-DET) those with the contracted form
nn-ao and ao-()nd(a)-o (DET-with-DEBR) that with those and a
last variant that seems to contain a Tamasheq particle /w-/ that is
used in the same environment. Especially the first variant aondo is
also found with the additional morpheme no there intervening
aonda-no those there (= at question) where the last element
(demonstrative) is dropped in favor of a semantically more locational
element.
The particles do not seem to have lexical stress, rather the following
element, e.g., an inflected verb, a demonstrative or a postposition,
carries the stress.
ao can be combined with all demonstratives.
In combination with the determiner an NP has a different status on
sentence level. NPs with a head noun and a determiner are always
topicalized or constitute an otherwise salient element of the sentence.
Syntax 155
The determiner together with n OPP may also function as a pronoun
for (con)textually established entities without a noun present. Ao is
also found after NPs that are followed by a relative clause (see 4.5.1).
The origin of the particle is not easy to find. It is attested in the other
Northern Songhay languages but not in this shape in Mainstream
Songhay.
4.1.4.1 4.1.4.1 4.1.4.1 4.1.4.1 a aa ao + demonstratives o + demonstratives o + demonstratives o + demonstratives
These examples are all given with a larger context, sometimes in
English, to show the salience of the NP. The examples are given with
the demonstratives in the same order as in the previous section.
(22) (when he left his wife, she was washing dishes.)
ayyed-kata t-oo-ls-t
3sreturn-VEN3s F-SG-repeat-F.SG
tuw-yn aondo snda in-hmay.
receptacle-PL DET.PL DEM.FAR 3pNEG.PERF-wash
(when) he came back to her again, those dishes were not
(finished) washing.
(23) fur a(o) oda ga a-gg
throw.VNi DET DEM.NEAR 3s.EMPi SG-fear
as-mmay niwni a-gg wni!
3sNEG.IMPERF-own 2sof SG-fear of
this throw, there is no fear in it, (but) yours was of fear!
(= I was not afraid when I threw, but you were!)
In texts, oda appears more frequently with DET ao than without it.
This seems logical since this particle indicates at the center of
interest and this would often be the (re-introduced) topic or the thing
that is going to be talked about, i.e., such a noun phrase is also
marked for topicality or focus and is salient in its context.
(24) (do you understand this? [speaker addressing hearer])
zama aaru a (a)yda attn nda
after man DET DEM.PROX 3sarrive with
t-a-kras-t oda (h(e) ad za)
F-SG-letter-F.SG DEM.NEAR thing ANA LC
ann() ase n i.
3sgive 3sDAT SEP 3p
after this man had arrived with this letter, (so this) he gave
them (camels) to him.
156

(25) (a marabouts wife, after having declared that it was not
the food that had brought her to this (other) man but his
person, gets the answer:)
kalakala
no
he (a)o (a)d wiji h at-hai-an ay.
thing DET ANA is.not thing 1sFUT-look-ALL 1s
no, this (that you want to live with me) is not something
that I will consider.
The only occurrence of o DEBR following ao is found where the
specified referent is an utterance. Later this utterance is used as a
name, around which the whole conflict of the story turns. It is here
marked as salient for the story.
(26) (Hare heard her)
s(a) acc he (a)o ()
COMP 3ssay thing DET DEBR
s(a) nnazag acc brr-en se
COMP hyena 3ssay child-PL DAT
'andb-deraw' ao ().
2pIMPERF-share DET DEBR
that she said this, that Hyena said this You(pl) share
to the children.
Final vowel shortening does not allow length to mark the particle. It is
in fact stress on the last syllable of a that indicates the presence of
another morpheme.
When n opposite co-occurs with ao in order to modify a noun, the
combination follows the noun and then behaves like all the other
demonstratives.
(27) Arhw t-a-bkar-t [[tugdu nn ao] ka]
1pattach F-SG-ewe-F.SG tree OPP DET LOC
We attached the sheep at that tree over there. (in front of
the speaker at the moment of the report, pointed at)
Syntax 157
4.1.4.2 4.1.4.2 4.1.4.2 4.1.4.2 a aa ao + wani/wan o + wani/wan o + wani/wan o + wani/wan- -- -en en en en
When ao occurs together with the possessive element wani, it
follows the head noun immediately. When a demonstrative is present,
it follows DET. Two of the examples have a location name that is
referentially definite.
(28) a) t-a-dalat-t ao [agar wni]
F-SG-be.green-F.SG DET tree.sp POSS
(the) green of the aagar-tree.
b) gnd(a) ao [Ielman wni]
earth DET loc.name POSS
the region of Indeliman
c) mn ao oda [ffud wni]
name DET DEM.NEAR loc.name POSS
this name (of) Affud (=Ansongo)
In constructions with possessive markers, ao seems to be insensible
to number as the following example shows (see also (c) below):
(29) i-mas ao [yyar wni] ib-zarf.
PL-camel DET loc.name POSS 3pIMPERF-be.spots
the camels of the Air have large spots.
4.1.4.3 4.1.4.3 4.1.4.3 4.1.4.3 a aa ao + n o + n o + n o + n
This combination is found in a type of compound like words e.g.
airplane and feast. Note that the constituent order is different from
the regular genitival construction. Here the head precedes the
modifier and ao seems to be insensible to number (c).
(30) a) [t-o-ruf-t ao n i-nn-an] mmay
F-SG-car-F.SG DET GEN PL-sky-PL 3shave
fr-an hik.
wing-PL two
The airplane (lit: car that of sky) has two wings.
b) [zar ao n jinjir]
day DET GEN prayer
kull bor() add() e-zl.
each person 3sput SG-dress.up
(On) the feast (lit: day that of prayer), everybody dresses
up.
158

c) -gur-an ao n agilal
PL-braid.type-PL DET GEN rear
neck braids (braided in a particular way)
The next example is standard for the terms older and younger
sibling. They always occur with a determiner of some kind (often a
possessive, e.g., my).
(31) ao n cena at-ci
DET GEN younger.sibling 3sFUT-say
ao n br se:
DET GEN older.sibling DAT
The younger (brother) would say to the older (brother):
Temporal expressions are also found with this construction.
(32) Arn alzmmt ao n bi...
1pGEN chat DET GEN yesterday
Our chat (of) yesterday
4.1.5 4.1.5 4.1.5 4.1.5 NPs with numerals NPs with numerals NPs with numerals NPs with numerals
4.1.5.1 4.1.5.1 4.1.5.1 4.1.5.1 Numerals one to ten Numerals one to ten Numerals one to ten Numerals one to ten
Numerals from one to ten follow a noun like most other modifiers.
The noun is in the plural and a demonstrative or a possessive may be
present.
(33) a) ...aam-d() ndi s(e) [a-sstn fo-da]
1sSUBJ-do 2p DAT SG-question one-INT
... to ask you one question
b) [bor-n kaa] -b-gug() [i-mas hik]
person-PL three IMPERF-lead PL-camel two
(here are) three persons leading two camels
c) immy [n nan-n hik]
3phave 3pGEN mother-PL two
They had their two mothers
Syntax 159
All numerals from two to ten can function as the head of an NP.
(34) [hik()] ib-n-bdd
two 3pIMPERF-RECI-talk.BND
Two are talking with each other.
Postpositions precede modifying numerals. An example is given
below in (59).
One occurrence of the plural indefinite marker cind-n with a numeral
was found in the introductory sentence to a story. The indefinite
marker follows the modified noun immediately and the numeral closes
the NP.
(35) [arw-n cind-n hik()] bara
man-PL IND-PL two 3pbe
(there) were two certain men
Both men are equally important for the ensuing story and may
therefore be introduced this way.
4.1.5.2 4.1.5.2 4.1.5.2 4.1.5.2 Numerals from ten to ninety Numerals from ten to ninety Numerals from ten to ninety Numerals from ten to ninety
Noun phrases with numerals higher than ten are formed as a
genitive construction. The modified noun, i.e. the head and last
element of the clause, is in the singular.
(36) a) tainda n zar
twenty GEN day
twenty days
b) asay-t--mw-in n bor
nine-F-PL-ten-PL GEN person
ninety people
This construction can be used to express for X money where the
numeral gives the amount of money and the head noun is the item
paid for. Often the head is a mass noun but it can also be some other
item that can be bought. The numeral refers to the smallest monetary
unit, one coin of 5 Francs CFA.
(37) zw-kat ay [tainda n j]
take-VEN 1s 20 GEN butter
Bring me butter for 100FCFA.
160

4.1.5.3 4.1.5.3 4.1.5.3 4.1.5.3 Numerals higher than hundred Numerals higher than hundred Numerals higher than hundred Numerals higher than hundred
The terms 100 and 1000 and million are nouns that are counted
like other entities and then appear in the plural. They are mostly used
in connection with money where the numeral 100 designates the
500CFA bill/coin. The examples below illustrates that the postposition
follows the noun immediately even if this happens to be a complex
numeral.
(38) a) aa-r ana amm--t--mrw-in
1sCAUS-put.on 2s.DAT five-[]-F-SG-ten-PL
[a-jm be nda [- -mmad amm ]]
SG-thousand LOC with F-PL-hundred five
I add you fifty on the thousand and five hundred.
= I add you 250CFA on the 7500CFA.
b) s-dbl-an miliyn-tan [zar-n be kaa]
CAUS-heap-ADJZR million-PL day-PL LOC three
heaping up millions (in money) in three days
4.1.5.4 4.1.5.4 4.1.5.4 4.1.5.4 Ordinals Ordinals Ordinals Ordinals
Ordinal numbers are formed as a phrase containing first the
determiner ao, then the comitative nda with and then the numeral.
According to regular vowel elision rules /o/ is always heard but the
final /a/ of nda is deleted when a vowel initial numeral follows. For
some unknown reason, ao recieves stress in this construction.
The numeral 1 cannot be combined with this paradigm. Instead a
noun phrase based on a verb stem comes in place of the numeral.
(39) Ordinals
phrase gloss
ao yizzr-an
DET be.ahead-ADJZR
first
a ()nda hik second
Syntax 161
a ()nd(a) akkz fourth
a ()nda maa tenth
This paradigm can constitute an NP by itself when the referent is
known, or it can be a modifier to a noun.
(40) a) [a ()nda hik] an-ye-kat
DET with two 3sNEG.PERF-return-VEN
the second did not return.
b) ciim [a ()nda kaa]...
truth DET with three
the third truth...
When counting days yet another paradigm is possible. The referent of
the possessive pronoun ayn its in the example below is this current
month. Thus referring to a definite entity the numeral can be read as
an ordinal with a literal rendering its (month) twentieth.
(41) ald [ayn tainda], wiji?
Sunday 3sGEN 20 is.not
Sunday is the twentieth, isnt it?
4.1.5.5 4.1.5.5 4.1.5.5 4.1.5.5 Multiplication and distributive clauses Multiplication and distributive clauses Multiplication and distributive clauses Multiplication and distributive clauses
Multiplication can also be expressed with a simple NP. The head is a
numeral in the plural and the modifier numeral expresses how many
times.
(42) i-n kaa kaaa-n i
seven-PL 3 three-PL 7
3 times seven 7 times three
Numerals above ten use a different paradigm that can also be used
for numerals below ten.
(43) a) tainda har maa
twenty until ten
ten times twenty
b) amm har maa ()dn(a) a-ff
five until ten with SG-one
eleven times five.
162

Distributive clauses reduplicate the numeral. one appears first in a
shortened form and then as the full count noun. The other numerals
do not change shape when used in this paradigm.
(44) a) ab-dumb(u)-i je ()nd(a) a-ff a-ffo-da
3sIMPERF-cut-3p only with SG-one SG-one-INT
He had simply killed them one by one.
b) wa m-- nda hik hik.
IMP RECI-DUP-line.up with two two
Line (yourself.pl) up two by two!
4.1.5.5.1 One and the other
Several strategies exist to express one and the other. When both
referents are established and equally important for the ongoing
action, the following construction can be used:
(45) a-ff (a)cc(i) a-ff se...
SG-one 3ssay SG-one DAT
One said to the other:...
However, there exists also the expression fan ~ faan that
denotes other, different from another known X in all contexts.
(46) ao fan acc() yn cary se:...
DET other 3ssay 3sGEN friend DAT
The other said to his friend:...
When the additional feature antagonist of an ongoing story needs to
be conveyed, yet another way is possible to express the other(s):
The demonstrative na opposite together with the determiner ao
encode the other (opponent). This is exemplified in example (47).
The text material preceding the following example informs the listener
that the first son, the antagonist of the other sons, had received a
limping horse. Then follows the clause:
Syntax 163
(47) ann n aondo se baar-n
3sgive OPP DET.PL DAT horse-PL
(and) He (father) gave (good) horses to the other ones.
4.1.6 4.1.6 4.1.6 4.1.6 NPs with other quantifying modifiers NPs with other quantifying modifiers NPs with other quantifying modifiers NPs with other quantifying modifiers
Several modifiers are found that indicate the whole group of a given
set. kamil all (from Arabic /kaamil/ entire) always follows the noun
it modifies and does not agree in number.
Examples of kamil all
(48) a) [i-mnokal-an kamil] ikksn i-mnsuw-an.
PL-chief-PL all 3prefuse PL-meal-PL
All the chiefs refused to eat.
b) [[h (a)o snda] kamil] nn af-keed
thing DET DEM.FAR all 2s 3sIMPERF-be.on
All that is your responsibility (Lit: lays on you).
c) ba gdm abe, [ndi kamil]
IMP lay 3sLOC 2p.EMP all
Lay(pl) on him, you all!
In some instances with a singular noun it can be read as every one of
a given entity as in nd(a) a-hndag kamil towards every place. In
other instances a reading is also entirely or paraphrased differently
all of X as in a()a, ga kamil he ate him entirely.
kull each can be read as each one of a given entity and so also
indicates all in some instances. Again, this modifier does not agree
in number with the head noun which it follows.
Examples of kull each
(49) a) n za [h (a)o oda kull]
indeed LC thing DET DEM.NEAR each
alfqi oda assstn nd(a)....
teacher DEM.NEAR 3Sask with3s
So indeed, all this the teacher was asking himself....
b) [gi kull] affa yn ga se
3p.EMP each 3sneglect 3sGEN self DAT
Each one of them (preventions) he neglected for himself.
kull is rarely found with plural entities and the second example
above could be analyzed as an equational clause and then read they
164

(preventions) are each (something) ... so insisting on each single
action yet still including all of them.
A dialectal variant is hk each (from Tamasheq) used in the
southern region, as found in hak bor each person or hak a-ffo each
one. It precedes the noun it modifies.
Another expression for each/every is ttilla (from Tamasheq). Like
hk this modifier precedes the noun it modifies. It is only used with
singular nouns. When combined with countable time expressions like
day each single entity is evoked. In that context kamil and ttilla are
synonyms: ttilla zri = zri kamil every day. Less countable time
expressions like moment convey every moment = whenever. When
ttilla stands by itself a time referent is evoked each time/whenever.
person-type words may be perceived as uncountable since the
modification encodes everybody.
(50) a) [ttilla zar()] it-tn snda...
each day 3pFUT-arrive DEM.FAR
Each/every day they would arrive there...
b) [ttill(a) gg adm] m(a) at-aa
each son.of Adam lack.food 3sFUT-harm3s
Everybody will suffer for lack of food.
c) [ttill(a)] ayykti-kat ay...
each 3sremember-VEN 1s
Each time (=whenever) he remembers me...
Different from Mainstream Songhay, where /kul/ has the above
functions as well as some others, Tadaksahak has different
quantifiers, which all tend to have their specific function but
sometimes overlap. kull is mainly used with singular entities to
evoke each of X underlining the single unity of a set, where as
kamil mostly modifies countable plural nouns and then denotes all
Xs. This can be very generic as in bor-en kamil all people =
everybody where it is equivalent with ttilla bora everybody.
Syntax 165
An expression for a non-specified every one of a group is kaka.
This form may be related to the postposition ka LOC that can in some
contexts be read as from among. A possible analysis is then
X k(a) aka from among X he/she/it in (it) = whoever/whatever.
However, the term is invariable even when used with plural nouns
(example d) below).
(51) a) mn [t-a-bor-t kaka] nidd
but F-SG-fortune-F.SG whatever 2smake
gnda ka ()ns-mmay...
land LOC 2sNEG.IMPERF-have
But whatever fortune you make in a country that is not
yours...
b) wala [he kak(a)] add...
or thing whatever 3sdo
or whatever he did...
c) [bora kak(a)] af-keni
person whatever 3sIMPERF-sleep
ayn -dagar d at-keni.
3s-GEN SG-share INT 3sFUT-sleep
Whoever is sleeping, his share is laying (down), too.
d) [ary-en kaka] ni-b-nn
water-PL whatever 2s-IMPERF-drink
whatever water you drink
Many or much is expressed with the verbal root be much/many
bab derived as adjective and then following the noun, e.g. ayn
almn bab-(a)n (3sGEN herd be.numerous-ADJZR) his big/
numerous herd or id-almna bab-(a)nn (PL-meaning be.nume-
rous-ADJZR.PL) many meanings.
A genitive construction with ccet quantity expresses a lot of, with
pejorative connotations. ccet n t-a-bnaw-t (quantity GEN F-SG-
old.donkey-F.SG) (what) quantity of old donkey is said about a
person that works slowly or moves inelegantly.
Few or little (bit) of is expressed in a genitive construction. The
reported way to say a little bit of X is X n h (X GEN thing) or rat n
X (thing GEN X). The latter is imported from Tamasheq together with
the syntax with a reversal of head and dependant from the
Tadaksahak point of view. In our texts a conglomerate of both is used
in all but one case, e.g., rat n yl n h (thing GEN green.grass GEN
166

thing) a little bit of green grass. The double expression may be a
way to insist on the really very small amount.
not much of an action or an otherwise more abstract entity is
expressed with a clause. The clause can be repeated to convey an
intensified small amount as it is done to answer Do you know
French? h(e) cceen, h(e) cceen (thing 3sbe.small) very little.
In the second example given below, however, the repetition with the
preceding nda with is distributive to convey a little bit here and a
little bit there.
(52) a) at-dwwnn-t aka h(e) acceen
1sFUT-speak 3sLOC thing 3sbe.small
I will speak a little bit about it.
b) alxr af-tn
peace 3sIMPERF-arrive
nda h(e) cceen h(e) cceen
with thing 3sbe.small thing 3sbe.small
Peace arrives little by little...
4.1.7 4.1.7 4.1.7 4.1.7 NPs with adject NPs with adject NPs with adject NPs with adjectives ives ives ives
In a simple NP of the type a beautiful girl the pattern is the same as
with the other modifiers. The adjective follows the modified noun and
agrees in number with the noun. Simple NPs with an adjective occur
most frequently in the introductory clause of a new participant, e.g.,
they had a black goat. A demonstrative and/or the determiner may
intervene and then precedes the adjective.
(53) a) t--gud gi-gimn
F-SG-girl DUP-be.good
(a) beautiful girl
b) aar bum-bun-n
man DUP-be.dead-ADJZR
(a) dead man
Syntax 167
c) bi-yn gi-gimn-n
shade-PL DUP-be.good-ADJZR.PL
pleasant shades
d) i-wtay yibrr-ann
PL-year be.bad-ADJZR.PL
bad years
e) ay-n mya s-smd-n
3s-GEN beak CAUS-be.pointed-ADJZR
its pointed beak (of a bird)
f) izac(e) asnda gin-gimn
youngster DEM.FAR DUP-be.good
that handsome young man
g) din baar ao n-frn-n...
take horse DET RECI-be.chosen-ADJZR
take the best horse... (Lit: horse that is chosen...)
h) h (a)o duuw(a)-n ...
thing DET be.better-ADJZR
it is better... (Lit: the better thing is...)
i) aaru n ao ceen()-an
man OPP DET be.small-ADJZR
that other young man
There are no occurrences of a noun modified by two adjectives.
Numerals can occur together with adjectives. The following example
is elicited.
(54) aaggun surg-(e)n kaad gi-giman-n
1ssee woman-PL three DUP-be.good-ADJZR.PL
I saw three beautiful women.
Adjectives preceded by ao as the head can serve as NPs. An
indefinite referent formed by an adjective is preceded by a-ff one.
(55) a) ao yaynay-an an-gman.
DET be.new-ADJZR 3sNEG-PERF-be.good
the new (one) is not good.
b) a-ff yaynay-an adduw
SG-one be.new-ADJZR 3Sbe.better
a new (one) is better.
168

4.1.8 4.1.8 4.1.8 4.1.8 Postpositional Phrases Postpositional Phrases Postpositional Phrases Postpositional Phrases
Postpositional phrases contain a postposition and a NP. The
postposition follows the head of the NP and some modifying phrases
or elements, but precedes other modifiers. This behavior is shown
below.
The postposition follows the modifying element when the head is
followed by a possessive phrase with wni/wn-en and when the
head is followed by a demonstrative, e.g.
(56) a) [zar() ltann wni] ka
day Monday of LOC
on a Monday
b) [-rm-an oda] ka
PL-town-PL DEM.NEAR LOC
in these towns
c) [Tass rst oda] be
loc.name DEM.NEAR LOC
in this T.
d) [[ho snda] be] za...
thing.DEBR DEM.FAR LOC LC
so because of that... (Lit: so on that...)
e) [i-zg(a) ad] daw
PL-enemy ANA LOC
(arrived) at the enemys (place)
f) [surgy kaka] daw
woman whatever LOC
at whatever woman(s place)
g) [izac(e) ao snda] se
youngster DET DEM.FAR DAT
to that young man
Syntax 169
Other modifiers follow the postposition. This is the case of adjectives
and quantifying modifiers. The verb to look for in the following
example has an obligatory DAT argument. The dative postposition se
is placed before the adjective.
(57) aabb-mma an almn se i-iy-n
1sIMPERF-search 1sGEN herd DAT DUP-not.be-ADJZR
I am looking for my lost herd.
Likewise in the following PP the postposition immediately follows the
noun:
(58) tuw-yn ka zadg-nn
bowl-PL LOC be.clean-ADJZR.PL
in clean bowls
This is different from KCH and KS where the postposition is always
the last element of a NP even when an adjective is present (Heath
1999a:83 and Heath 1999b:114).
Numerals modifying nouns behave the same way as adjectives. The
same is true of kamil all.
Examples:
(59) a) s-dbl-an miliyn-tan [zar-n be kaa]
CAUS-heap-ADJZR million-PL day-PL LOC three
heaping up millions (of money) in three days
b) yn saffar ayyba-kat [id-ddwl ka kamil]
3sGEN medicine 3slack-VEN PL-country LOC all
there is no medicine (against it) in any country.
4.1.9 4.1.9 4.1.9 4.1.9 NP Coordination NP Coordination NP Coordination NP Coordination
4.1.9.1 4.1.9.1 4.1.9.1 4.1.9.1 Conjoining Conjoining Conjoining Conjoining nda nda nda nda with, and with, and with, and with, and
nda with, and has several functions and meanings, as discussed in
3.2.7.8 (instrument preposition), and 4.8.3.1 (conditional). Between
NPs, nda is used as a coordinative element.
(60) a) mmay haw-yn nd(a) i-mas.
3sown cow-PL with PL-camels
he owns cattle and camels.
170

b) surg-(e)n nd(a) arw-n nda brr-en ittn
woman- PL with man-PL with child-PL 3parrive
women, men and children arrived.
In enumerations, the verb may break up the series, and one item
appears before the verb. In anticipation of the further items,
pronominal reference on the verb is plural.
(61) mamman ibara nda fatlla n nd-en
perfume 3pexist with torch GEN stone-PL
nd(a) id-aabu-tan nda takla-tan.
with PL-soap-PL with bread-PL
there are perfume, and torch batteries, and (pieces of)
soap and (loaves of) bread.
4.1.9.2 4.1.9.2 4.1.9.2 4.1.9.2 Disjunctive Disjunctive Disjunctive Disjunctive me me me me, mda , mda , mda , mda and and and and wala wala wala wala or or or or
There are a number of disjunctive particles, the most common being
me or (from Tamasheq), which does not seem to have lexical
stress. This particle is part of the following NP and is unaccented as
long as there are less than two unaccented syllables following.
In the second example below the noun is not repeated and so me
comes to stand between two numerals. Even without the noun, the
numerals do not need additional morphology to occur in this kind of
phrase.
(62) a) j k dlwil me almn wni?
butter QST oil or herd of
butter, is it (vegetable) oil or of the animals?
b) nif-kun [katbi-tan amm] me maa
2sIMPERF-find coin-PL five or ten
you earn five or ten coins.
In addition some speakers use mda, another disjunctive particle
taken over from Tamasheq.
Syntax 171
(63) azz-zrg ayn t--gud
3sCAUS-go.water 3sGEN F-SG-girl
a-zar mda bag
SG-pond or well
She sends her daughter to the pond or to the well for
water.
Yet another particle, wala, is sometimes used as a disjunctive device.
This particle is originally from Arabic. In Tadaksahak texts, wala is
relatively infrequent as a disjunctive particle for noun phrases. It is
more commonly used in phrases translatable as (not) even or
without.
(64) as-huru t--kuka na aonda no
3sNEG.IMPERF-enter F-PL-shame OPP DET.PL there
i-bbad wn-en wal(a) in i-sstn-an
PL-plastic.bag of-PL or 3pGEN PL-question-PL
wal(a) in almuqa-tan
or 3pGEN matter-PL
he shouldnt begin with these shameful things of the
condoms, or their questions, or their matters.
In Songhay of Gao and Timbuktu this is the only disjunctive particle
available and it exists also in Tamasheq.
4.2 4.2 4.2 4.2 Uses of MAN morphemes Uses of MAN morphemes Uses of MAN morphemes Uses of MAN morphemes
The following sections describe the uses of the Mood-Aspect-
Negation (MAN) morphemes. The shapes and basic meanings are
given in 3.1.4.2. All MAN morphemes are mutually exclusive, i.e. they
cannot be combined. They are prefixed to the verb stem and are
themselves preceded by a subject clitic.
Different from Mainstream Songhay languages where the subjunctive
has a unique form for negation, Tadaksahak has only two forms in the
negative. The negative perfective is opposed to the negative
imperfective, that is also used in the negation of subjunctive and
future clauses. An opposition of terminated and not (yet) terminated
seems to be the distinction. Only from the context can it be decided
whether the positive correlate would have a subjunctive, an
imperfective or future MAN morpheme.
172

4.2.1 4.2.1 4.2.1 4.2.1 Aspect: Perfective vs. Imperfective Aspect: Perfective vs. Imperfective Aspect: Perfective vs. Imperfective Aspect: Perfective vs. Imperfective
The basic aspectual opposition is between perfective (unmarked) and
imperfective IMPERF (b- / f- / b-).
The imperfective aspect is used to convey habitual events (65),
statements about general knowledge (66), and simultaneity of an
event with a temporal reference point. When the reference point is the
moment of utterance, the imperfective is used to indicate present time
(67). In past tense narratives, the imperfective is used to express
simultaneity to the (past) time reference set by the main event (e.g.
he was reading when she entered) (68).
(65) aabb-gmm.
1sIMPERF-chew
I (habitually) chew (tobacco).
(66) a-rgn ab- bor-n.
SG-camel 3sIMPERF-eat person-PL
an/any adult male camel bites people.
(67) bora fod(a) ab-gug() i-mas akkz.
person one 3sIMPERF-lead PL-camels four
(only) one person leads four camels (while we talk).
(68) a-rar ajjw bor-n
SG-bare.plain 3shelp person-PL
s(a) ib-w eqad.
when 3pIMPERF-kill bush.fire
the barren plain helped the people when they were putting
out the bush fire.
The imperfective is obligatory with a subgroup of adjectival verbs that
indicate durable quality. This group includes all color verbs and
qualities of fur.
(69) a) aan hincin af-koory.
1sGEN goat 3sIMPERF-be.white
my goat is white.
Syntax 173
b) a-zola ab-ar.
SG-male.goat 3sIMPERF-have.small.white.spots
(the) male goat has small white spots.
Some perception verbs (hear see) can take a complement in the
IMPERF (4.3.10.2).
The perfective is used with foregrounded, simple sequential events in
narratives (70). In the speech situation it indicates that the event is
closed (71).
(70) U. affur-a
pro.name 3sthrow-3s
ayn kmbr an-yad aka
3sGEN spear 3sNEG.PERF-go.straight 3Sloc
add() ak(a) -tri ceen-n
3smake 3sLOC SG-wound be.small-ADJZR
U. threw it, his spear did not reach it (lion) straight, it
made it a small wound.
(71) nizzy bitgi ka.
2ssteal shop LOC
you have stolen from the shop.
4.2.2 4.2.2 4.2.2 4.2.2 Mood: Indicative vs. Subjunctive Mood: Indicative vs. Subjunctive Mood: Indicative vs. Subjunctive Mood: Indicative vs. Subjunctive m mm m- -- -
Subjunctive mood is semantically connected with intention, desire,
planned events, i.e. with events which are not yet realized. It is not
firmly attached to a time frame. It is often found in (subordinate)
purpose clauses (see 4.8.2.1) and hypothetical acts as described in
instructions (72). The subjunctive is used in orders in reported speech
(73) and in order sequences (4.2.5).
(72) nim-din t--bzaz nim-d()
2sSUBJ-take F-PL-seed.kind 2sSUBJ-put
ika ary-n nim--lliiti
3pLOC water-PL 2sSUBJ-CAUS-clean3p
nim-kw-kat ika tond-n.
2sSUBJ-take.out-VEN 3pLOC pebble-PL
you take the seeds, put them in water, clean them (by
stirring the water) (and) take the pebbles out (from them).
The following sequence shows first a subjunctive encoding an order
(bring) and then a purpose clause (may do).
174

(73) wiji h faur-an
is.not thing be.important-ADJZR
man nim-zw ay t-a-har-t n
but 2sSUBJ-bring 1s F-SG-lion-F.SG GEN
huuw aam-d()-an ak(a) alqurn
milk 1sSUBJ-do-ALL 3sLOC Koran
nn aaru s.
2sGEN man DAT
(Marabout said:) this is not difficult but bring me the milk
of a lioness so that I may do a spell for your husband in it.
The following instance has two possible readings: a second order or a
purpose clause.
(74) skllf nnn aar nimm-km aka!
caress 2sGEN man 2sSUBJ-reign 3sLOC
caress your husband (and you will/may) reign over him!
Blessings and good wishes for the future are also expressed with the
subjunctive.
(75) a) Mssina amm-rz ana
God 3sSUBJ-reward 2s.DAT
may God reward you.
b) am-s-kkabar ndi se.
3sSUBJ-CAUS-succeed 2p DAT
may He make you(pl) succeed (in your project).
Some story tellers mark the peak in a narrative with subjunctive. This
can be observed in the Text 1 (lines 80-83) in Appendix I.
4.2.3 4.2.3 4.2.3 4.2.3 Future Future Future Future t tt t - -- -
The future is used with events that follow the reference time. This is
often the moment of speaking, but sometimes displaced into the past
as in English expressed as would, was going to. An instance of this
is found in narratives, where habitual behavior is marked with FUT.
Syntax 175
In answers to questions about events not yet realized, in a short or
long time span, the future is normal.
(76) a) at-k t ffak
1sFUT-leave tomorrow
I will leave tomorrow.
b) at-ye-kat arat ka.
3FUT-return-VEN season.kind LOC
he will return in harvest season.
Habitual is marked with future in narratives, but the imperfective is
used in habituals otherwise.
(77) ttill(a) alfjir at-skkdi
each morning 3sFUT-gather.food
Every morning she (mother Hyena) would gather food.
at-skkdi har h (a)o at-kun-kat
3sFUT-gather.food until thing DET 3sFUT-find-VEN
She gathered food and what she found
at-zw-kaata
3sFUT-bring-VEN3s
she brought it
am-fr-an ise n i
3sSUBJ-throw-ALL 3pDAT SEP 3p
(in order) to throw it to them (in the hole).
The future marker is very frequent in subordinate clauses after verbs
that can take the complementizer sa COMP, indicating that the
intended action is not yet terminated. Songhay of Gao uses SUBJ for
this kind of construction (Heath 1999b:325ff).
(78) aabbaa s(a) at-did.
1swant COMP 1sFUT-walk
I want to go.
The following example shows the subordinate clause after the COMP
sa with the FUT marker. As the whole sequence is part of a series of
instructions the following clauses are in SUBJ mood.
176

(79) h (a)dduwa sa
thing 3sbe.better COMP
()nt-hmay nn kamb
2sFUT-wash 2sGEN hand
nim-rrm nin mya,
2sSUBJ-rinse 2sGEN mouth
t-izzr-t nim-snt() a-mnsu.
before 2sSUBJ-begin SG-meal
it is better that you wash your hand (and) rinse your
mouth before you begin to eat
The apodosis of many conditional clauses is marked with FUT.
(80) a) s-kbahar rat-an iyyli alfjir
maybe-when herd-PL 3pleave morning
at-t-lm.
3sFUT-PASS-open
when the herds left in the morning, it (gate) was opened.
b) s-khar nibb-fd -ib-an -aatir
maybe-when 2s-IMPERF-broom PL-grain.kind-PL SG-riverbed
ka t--blaq-q at-yrti-kat nd(a).
LOC F-SG-dust-F.SG 3s-FUT-mix-VEN with3p
when you sweep grains together in a riverbed, dust gets
mixed with them.
4.2.4 4.2.4 4.2.4 4.2.4 Negation: perfective Negation: perfective Negation: perfective Negation: perfective n nn n - -- - and elsewhere and elsewhere and elsewhere and elsewhere s ss s - -- -
Positive perfective events are negated with the negative perfective.
(81) a) an-kun() ayn -f.
3sNEG.PERF-find 3sGEN SG-silver
he didnt find his money.
b) haw abbn an-ykf
cow 3sbe.soft 3sNEG.PERF-be.wild
cows are docile, they are not wild.
Syntax 177
All other negated events are marked with s- NEG.IMPERF.
(82) a) as-baya
1sNEG.IMPERF-know3s
I dont know it.
b) alfjir as-kas zar n a-mnokal.
morning 3sNEG.IMPERF-be day GEN SG-king
morning is not a days ruler.
c) ars-dy-kat a-mnana bar(a) ary-n.
1pNEG.IMPERF-deal-VEN SG-fish be.in water-PL
we dont buy a pig in a poke (Lit: a fish that is in the
water).
d) a-rar as-ss-gm.
SG-dry.plain 3sNEG.IMPERF-CAUS-sprout
a dry plain does not sprout (greenery).
The following negation is found in a purpose clause.
(83) yrzm a-gdod sallnda
attach SG-old.water.bag carefully
ayn r-an is-ks.
3sGEN rope-PL 3pNEG.IMPERF-cut
attach the old water bag carefully so as not to cut its
ropes.
Prohibitives show a remarkable mix of s- with the imperative
markers (see below 4.2.5.3).
A number of particles are used together with negation on the verb
and when a negating verb occurs. Find the discussion and examples
under 4.6.
4.2.5 4.2.5 4.2.5 4.2.5 Imperatives Imperatives Imperatives Imperatives
Orders are normally marked by using the imperative form. One may
note that similar functions can be covered by the subjunctive; in
reported speech, imperatives are systematically substituted by SUBJ.
The positive imperative for a single addressee is the verb stem
without any additional morpheme. In other cases, the imperative
marker ba ~ wa IMP is used. This is the case in plural imperatives,
where ba ~ wa IMP takes the place of the 2p clitic and-. It is also the
case in prohibitives and in third person injunctions, where the order
178

may be addressed to one or more persons. Note that it is impossible
to use the marker ba ~ wa in positive singular imperatives.
ba and wa may be dialectal variants. ba is more frequent in texts from
Talatayt, the most northern part of the area, and wa is found in texts
from around Menaka in the southern part of the region. Examples:
(84) a) tun!
get.up
get up! (singular addressee)
b) ba tun
IMP get.up
get up! (plural addressee)
c) n(a) ay sa n a
give 1s DAT SEP 3s
give it to me!
d) wa n() is(e) in kary
IMP give 3pDAT 3pGEN ball
give them their ball! (plural addressee)
Imperatives following each other are not grammatical with the
exception of a few movement verbs (see below). Any second
imperative in a following clause is marked with a second person
subjunctive. A subjunctive will also allow a reading as purpose
clause, i.e. in order to. Consider the following two examples where
this reading would result in the following translations: Give them to
me (in order) to marry me. and Go to that other (one) to make him
rest. For the first example (a) an interpretation as a purpose clause is
not possible considering the course of the narrative before this
exchange. For the second example no absolute indications are given
to exclude a reading as a purpose clause.
(85) a) n() ay se n i nim-zaw ay.
give 1s DAT SEP 3p 2sSUBJ-marry 1s
give them to me and marry me!
Syntax 179
b) ky n ao nim-s-nf(u) ase
leave OPP DET 2sSUBJ-CAUS-be.at.rest 3sDAT
go to that other (one) and make him rest (or: in order to
make him rest)
Following a few movement verbs like ky leave, tun get up, yw
come and zur run, a second imperative form is allowed when no
other than imperative marking constituents intervene.
(86) a) zur yb(t)-kaata
run snatch-VEN3s
run and snatch it (to here)!
b) ba tun ba nm-a(a) nda bkw-yan
IMP get.up IMP RECI-kill with jinn-PL
get up (pl) and fight (pl) with the jinns!
Some verb roots only occur as imperatives:
(87) Suppletive imperatives
imperative gloss inflected root
yw! come! ky-kat
ahn! hold (it)! yddr
nd! pass (it)! yci
ndn! pass (it)! yci
The first imperative is from Tamasheq. The next form is connected to
Songhay of Gao /h!/ here, take! nd / ndn could be related
with nda in the direction of. nd is used in situations where the
giver and taker are in close reach and need not move themselves to
pass on the object in question. ndn expects the addressee to get
up to get the item.
4.2.5.1 4.2.5.1 4.2.5.1 4.2.5.1 Injunction Injunction Injunction Injunction
Third person injunctions are given in the following examples. With a
simple pronoun clitic present, the subjunctive mood is understood as
an injunction (a). When a subject is present as a noun, the imperative
particle precedes the noun that is followed by a verb inflected in the
perfective (b). In this construction, ba ~ wa IMP may be followed by an
NP in the singular or in the plural.
180

(88) a) am-ko ayn -aal
3sSUBJ-leave 3sGEN SG-work
that he leave for his work.
b) wa barar ahuru hgu.
IMP child 3senter house
that the child enter the house!
4.2.5.2 4.2.5.2 4.2.5.2 4.2.5.2 Hortative Hortative Hortative Hortative
It is possible to utter an order addressed to a number of people
including the speaker, similar to lets go! in English. In his grammar
of Tamasheq, Heath describes a special morpheme for hortative and
an alternative 1Pl hortative construction (Heath 2005:323).
Tadaksahak has no particular hortative morpheme but it has a
hortative construction that shows similar components as the
alternative form in Tamasheq. An uninflected verb is followed by the
1p dative pronoun (DAT se is omitted when no pronominalized
constituent follows). The IMP particle preceding the verb indicates the
number of addressees without counting the speaker. With IMP, the
addressees are more than one person, without it, a single person is
addressed.
(89) a) wa k-(a)n ari (se n a)
IMP leave-ALL 1p (DAT SEP 3s)
lets go (to it)! (several persons + speaker)
b) ikl ari!
travel 1p
lets travel! (one person + speaker)
4.2.5.3 4.2.5.3 4.2.5.3 4.2.5.3 Prohibitive Prohibitive Prohibitive Prohibitive
The prohibitive (negative imperative) is normally expressed with the
ba ~ wa IMP particle followed by an inflected verb with NEG.IMPERF s-
. This construction is used for all kinds of orders, including hortatives.
Syntax 181
The particle ba ~ wa is used with singular and plural person marking
on the inflected verb.
Prohibitives
(90) a) ba ()ns-hurr sa...
IMP 2SNEG.IMPERF-look.for COMP
dont try to...
b) b(a) as-ggid sa...
IMP 3sNEG.IMPERF-wait COMP
s/he may/should not wait that....
c) ...w(a) ars-d(a) zaroda
IMP 1pNEG.IMPERF-do(3s) today
(the kind of returning we did yesterday), dont let us do it
today!
d) w(a) ands-gor andf-c(i) ay
IMP 2pNEG.IMPERF-must 2pIMPERF-say 1s
mn a(o) oda.
name DET DEM.NEAR
you should not say this name to me!
When a subject is present as a noun / NP, the imperative particle
precedes.
(91) a) b(a) aan t-a-gud as-yli hgu ka
IMP 1SGEN F-SG-girl 3sNEG.IMPERF-leave house LOC
that my girl not leave the house!
b) w(a) gg adm as-dosi
IMP son.of Adam 3sNEG.IMPERF-touch3p
that nobody touches them!
c) ba brr-en is-huru-kat
IMP child-PL 3pNEG.IMPERF-enter-VEN
that the children not enter.
4.3 4.3 4.3 4.3 Argument structure Argument structure Argument structure Argument structure
In the following sections verb types will be presented. We distinguish
between unmarked complement without any postposition, dative
complement with the dative marker se DAT, and adpositional
complement with the postpositions ka, be, daw, all with a locational
meaning.
182

4.3.1 4.3.1 4.3.1 4.3.1 Intransitives Intransitives Intransitives Intransitives
Underived intransitive verbs include a subgroup of motion verbs
(examples under (92)), verbs of position (93) used as active verbs or
in a descriptive way as stative verbs. Some experienced states like I
am hungry are expressed with stative verbs (94) while others are not,
and need to be expressed as in thirst found me (95). Many functions
of the body are expressed with intransitive verbs (96).
(92) a) ab-did [trra ka].
3sIMPERF-walk bush LOC
he walks in the bush/deserted location
b) ammkwi [neda ka].
3smove.on here LOC
he moved on from here
c) ayyif [a-zar ka].
3sswim SG-pond LOC
he swam in the pond
(93) a) ab-gor [gnda ka].
3sIMPERF-sit ground LOC
he sits on the ground
b) ayynitaga [gnda ka].
3slie.on.side ground LOC
he lay on his side on the ground
c) arw-n ib-za.
man-PL 3pIMPERF-lay.on.back
(the) men are lying on their backs
(94) a) aabb-glk.
1sIMPERF-be.hungry
I am hungry
b) aayyid.
1sbe.tired
I am tired
Syntax 183
(95) a) fd akkun(a) ay.
thirst 3sfind 1s
I am thirsty
b) t--ysas ikkun(a) ay.
F-PL-shiver 3pfind 1s
I am shivering
(96) a) af-tit.
3sIMPERF-cough
he coughs
b) barar af-tnit.
child 3sIMPERF-sneeze
the/a child sneezes
c) awwnir.
3sbleed.nose
she bled from the nose
4.3.2 4.3.2 4.3.2 4.3.2 Labile verbs Labile verbs Labile verbs Labile verbs
There are quite a number of verbs that can describe a state, but can
also be used in an active sense of achieving the state described.
These will be called labile verbs. There are about 150 verbs of this
type in our corpus. The majority is of Songhay origin (listed under
(99)) but there are also some verbs which have Tamasheq cognates
(see (100)).
Labile verb of Songhay origin
(97) a) ayn t-a-rsway-t ab-bibi.
3sGEN F-SG-dress-F.SG 3sIMPERF-be.black
his/her dress is black.
b) wayn ab-bibi bor-n.
sun 3sIMPERF-blacken person-PL
the sun makes people black. (=gives people a dark tan)
Labile verb of Tamasheq origin
(98) a) farc-n ibb-ssa
donkey-PL 3pIMPERF-tie.two
the donkeys are tied together.
b) abb-ssa yn farc-n.
3sIMPERF-tie.two 3sGEN donkey-PL
she ties her donkeys together.
184

This double valency of basic verbs seems to be quite different from
Mainstream Songhay. Many of the verbs that need a causative
morpheme in Mainstream Songhay have both an intransitive and a
transitive use in Tadaksahak actually most descriptive verbs of
Songhay origin have this behavior (see 3.1.3.1 and list in
Appendix II).
(99) Songhay cognates
verb intransitive gloss transitive gloss
kuk to be long to make long
bab to be many to increase
n to be old to make old
ceen to be small to make small
bn to be soft to soften
fr to be opened to open
dud to flow to pour
hnjin to be repaired to repair
kunkn to be rolled up (mat) to roll up (mat)
(100) Tamasheq cognates
verb intransitive gloss transitive gloss
ydra to be decorated with
metal
to decorate with
metal
yid to be out of use /
destroyed
to destroy
yfl to be locked to lock
ylm to be open to open
ylk to be braided to braid
Syntax 185
yssa to be tied two together to tie two together
yb to be spread out (to dry) to spread out (to dry)
dydi to be level to level sth.
ay to be filled to fill (narrow
opening)
yisk to be combed to comb
yim to be colored (leather) to color (leather)
yiz to be shaved to shave
yink to be circumcised to circumcise
jeej to hang on side to attach (to side)
4.3.3 4.3.3 4.3.3 4.3.3 Transitive only (underived) Transitive only (underived) Transitive only (underived) Transitive only (underived)
The group of transitive only verbs includes verbs of production
(make, but not repair or arrange), and verbs of physical impact
(hit, but not cut or break). The following list gives examples of
transitive verbs that have no intransitive use. The etymology is given
using Timbuktu Songhay (S) and Tuareg tawllmmt (T) examples.
(101) Transitive only verbs
verb gloss etymology
din to take sth. S: din
kr to hit sb/sth. S: kar
gn to swallow sth. S: goon
arr to need sth. T: drr
deraw to have sth. in common T: drw
lm to treat sb. wrongly /
accuse unjustly
T: lm
fls to believe sth. T: fls
horat to follow sb. (by his footprints)
darjd to chase after sth./sb.
186

A number of movement and location verbs take a direct object to
express the location, i.e., a semantically locational element that is not
marked with the appropriate postposition ka to, in, from. Examples:
(102) a) ahuru hugu.
3senter house
s/he entered the house.
b) aaawa
3sreach3s
s/he reached it (town).
The direct object of such verbs need not be a location like market or
town. Other semantically less locative complements, can be found,
e.g. cows, name-giving ceremony, work and spirit.
(103) Movement verbs with direct object complement.
syntax gloss Etymology
ky X go to X S
huru X enter X S
hun X depart from X S
t X jump over X S
aw X reach X S
hag X pass by/over X S
yd X return to X S
ymmr X pass by X T
yfn X climb X T
ykn X stretch up in X T
X go along X T
hll-t X climb X T
Syntax 187
The verbs listed below are not movement verbs, yet all have location
as part of their semantics, they all designate to be somewhere.
(104) Locational verbs with a direct object complement
syntax gloss Etymology
bara X be in X S
keed X be up on X S
ygr X be behind X T
ygdl X be under X T
yzda X live in X T
With other verbs, movement and location are expressed by an
adpositional complement, e.g. X zur [Y ka] X ran in Y and X keen
[Y ka] X lie on Y.
In Mainstream Songhay movement verbs always have a post-
positional complement marked with the locative postposition /la ra/.
In his grammar of Tamasheq, Heath mentions a number of movement
and location verbs (go to, leave, go from, be on sth., be in, exist,
lose) that take direct objects. Some of them correspond with verbs
also found with this feature in Tadaksahak. Apparently, for this
syntactical characteristic, Tadaksahak copies Tamasheq.
4.3.3.1 4.3.3.1 4.3.3.1 4.3.3.1 Verbs taking a verbal noun complement Verbs taking a verbal noun complement Verbs taking a verbal noun complement Verbs taking a verbal noun complement
A large number of verbs take a verbal noun as their complement.
Verbs of duration as well as verbs of cognition, manipulation and
ability are found in this group. An additional oblique complement can
be present. Verbal nouns easily take possessors to refer to the
referent on which the action is to be performed. Consider the
examples.
begin s-nt
(105) s-khar ass-nt() aka nn...
maybe-when 3sCAUS-begin.BND 3sLOC drink.VN
when he (lion) began to drink from it...
enter into huur is interpreted as begin when followed by an
abstract noun.
188

(106) ahur(u) -aal.
3sgo.into SG-work
he began to work.
be at the point of yabk
(107) s-kr ayyabk arn kr...
maybe-when 3sbe.at.point.of 1pGEN hit.VN
when he is at the point of hitting us....
So far only yabk be at the point of (doing) has been found with a
verbal noun complement marked with dative. Compare the examples
below with (107) above, where the same matrix verb has a verbal
noun complement from an action verb and then does not mark it with
dative se.
(108) a) iyyabk bun s.
3pbe.at.point.of die.VN DAT
they were at the point of dying.
b) ayyabk hay s.
3sbe.at.point.of give.birth.VN DAT
she (female camel) was at the point of giving birth.
be close to mn
(109) haw ammn hy
cow 3sbe.close give.birth.VN
the cow is close to giving birth.
learnylmd
(110) ayylmd did.
3slearn walk.VN
he learned to walk.
be able to dbt
Syntax 189
(111) addbt ayn gn
3sbe.able 3sGEN swallow.VN
he is able to swallow it.
know by
(112) a) barar as-by -bba cedd.
child 3sNEG.IMPERF-know SG-chew yet
the child cannot yet chew.
b) abby t-o-ruf-t n z-zl.
3sknow F-SG-car-F.SG GEN CAUS-run.BND.VN
she knows how to drive a car / she can drive a car.
want, love baa
The verb want baa has a different stem in the negation, kl. It is
only attested with NEG.IMPERF. The verbal noun can be fronted for
focus just as any other nominal complement of a verb.
(113) a) did aabbaa.
walk.VN 1swant
leaving [focus] is what I want.
b) as-kl ayn m-aq-at
1sNEG.IMPERF-want 3sGEN RECI-disturb.VN
I dont want to disturb him.
look for, seek, want hurr
(114) ay dabs aab-hurr
1s.EMP raise.VN 1sIMPERF-look.for
as for me, its an increase (in price) that I seek.
regret m-grz
(115) aamm-grz did.
1sRECI-regret walk.VN
I regret leaving.
intend yl
The verb have the intention to (do) yl is always used when the
action didnt materialize. An explanatory second clause is expected
beginning with but.
190

(116) aayyl Mnka n k b
1sintend name.LOC GEN go.VN yesterday
mn cinj aggang() ay did.
but rain 3shinder 1s walk.VN
I intended to go to Menaka yesterday but rain kept me
from leaving.
hinder gang
This verb of manipulation takes a dative complement for the entity
that is manipulated. In example (116) above the first person pronoun
is not marked for the dative because a nominal complement is
present (3.2.7.11.2.1).
try yrm
In the example below the verbal noun walking did is modified by the
possessor construction of vanity to express show off with nice
clothes.
(117) kl an-yrm did() i-brag-an wni...
ever 3sNEG.PERF-try walk.VN PL-vanity-PL of
he had never tried to show off with his clothes...
refuse wnjin
This verb of manipulation marks the person manipulated with the
dative (c).
(118) a) awwnjin
3srefuse eat.VN
he refused to eat.
b) awwnjin ayn din.
3srefuse 3sGEN take.VN
she refused to take it.
c) awwnjin ase did
3srefuse 3sDAT walk.VN
he didnt allow him (= refused him) to leave.
Syntax 191
ought to my-nda
This verb is composed of have, my, and the fused preposition nda
with. A nominal complement as well as a sa clause are possible. It is
also found in the negative ought not to.
(119) a) nn n-my-nd(a) ayn t--ggas-t
2s.EMP FOC-have-with 3sGEN F-SG-take.care-F.SG
its you who ought to take care of it (land).
b) surgy as-may-nda
woman 3sNEG.IMPERF-have-with
s(a) at-d() ayn aru s h yibrr-an.
COMP 3sFUT-do 3sGEN man DAT thing be.bad-ADJZR
a woman ought not to do anything bad to her husband.
The verbal noun complements can be pronominalized for all verbs in
the examples above.
Two verbs that intensify or qualify an action are found with this
construction. The complement is the verbal noun of the action or of
the state qualified. These verbal noun complements cannot be
pronominalized.
do/be very much s-nnihil
The first examples (a-c) illustrate s-nnihil with stative verbs while the
next two (d-e) are with action verbs and (f) shows a construction that
is the intensified version of lham a-hur(u) ay (anger 3senter.into
1s) I am angry.
Examples with s-nnihil do/be very much
(120) a) t-a-zan-t s-nnihil kuk
F-SG-mast-F.SG CAUS-be.much be.long.VN
a very long mast (Lit: a mast that is very long)
b) ib-s-nnihil t-u-la-t.
3pIMPERF-CAUS-be.much F-SG-look.alike-F.SG
they look very much alike.
c) in-s-nnihil yy cedd
3pNEG.PERF-CAUS-do.much be.cool.VN yet
it (water) is not very cool yet.
d) aass-nnihil ase a-bbbugu
1sCAUS-do.much 3sDAT SG-burn.off
I burned it (sheep heads hair) off very well.
192

e) brr-en andm-s-nnihil t--nzi-t
child-PL 2pSUBJ-CAUS-do.much F-SG-leave.early-F.SG
t ffak -aal se
tomorrow SG-work DAT
children, you should leave very early tomorrow morning
for work.
f) lham ass-nnihil ay huru.
anger 3sCAUS-be.much 1s enter.VN
I was very angry.
do/be very much hnjin
Among the following examples, remark that (d) intensifies the idiom
h (a)kkun()a (thing 3sfind3s) he is ill. Example (f) exposes
some additional syntactic intricacies. The verb z-llzlz, shake, is
used in a nominal form complementing hnjin. The reflexive phrase
takes the slot of the indirect object that is marked with DAT.
(121) a) har intynawt ahnjin t-e-wan-t.
until jackal 3sbe.much F-SG-be.fed-F.SG
until Jackal had eaten very well.
b) har ahnjin ak(a) a-ga
until 3sbe.much 3sLOC SG-be.turbaned
until he was very well turbaned in it (kind of turban).
c) ayn a-msli ahnjin ase ga-at.
3s-GEN SG-voice 3sdo.much 3sDAT please.VN
his voice pleased her very much.
d) zam elaw h (a)hnjin ase kun...
after elephant thing 3sdo.much 3sDAT find.VN
after Elephant is very ill...
e) s(a) aahnjin baa.
COMP 1sdo.much want.VN
that I want very much.
Syntax 193
f) a-nyl at-hnjin ayn g se
SG-ostrich 3siFUT-do.much 3siGEN self DAT
a-z-lzlz t-a-yin-t be
SG-CAUS-shake F-SG-jujube.tree-F.SG LOC
Ostrich was shaking himself very much up in the jujube
tree.
An alternative to this intensification is the adverb hlln much that
can be added to the verbal word.
4.3.4 4.3.4 4.3.4 4.3.4 Verbs with obligatory adpositional complement Verbs with obligatory adpositional complement Verbs with obligatory adpositional complement Verbs with obligatory adpositional complement
A small number of verbs obligatorily take an adpositional complement
that expresses a location.
An example of a verb that always takes a complement with a locative
postposition is to look down on.
(122) ab-gu ayn a-ktab ka.
3sIMPERF-look.down 3sGEN SG-writing LOC
he looks down on his writing.
Some verbs take a different meaning with an adpositional
complement.
(123) Verbs with different interpretation
verb gloss verb + LOC gloss
ky to stop ky X ka to trample
ky X be to withhold
fl-t to reinforce
(well)
fl-t X be to support X
(person)
4.3.5 4.3.5 4.3.5 4.3.5 Verbs with dative complement Verbs with dative complement Verbs with dative complement Verbs with dative complement (se) (se) (se) (se)
Some verbs have an obligatory dative complement without an
unmarked complement. Some examples are:
(124) Verbs with dative complement
syntax gloss
yilkm X se follow sb.
ymma X se search for sth.
goday X se thank (God)
194

mo X se hear sth.
-im X se listen to sth.
-ggid X se wait for sb./sth.
Some verbs can be used with and without a dative complement. This
may considerably change their interpretation.
(125) Verb with different interpretation
yrz be let down yrz X se (God) bless X
Verb stems that contain a causative mark pronominalized human
causees as a dative complement.
(126) a) a-hiil ase hawru n bn
3sCAUS-oblige 3sDAT meal GEN finish.VN
she made him finish the meal.
b) ass-gmi as(e) a-mmel
3sCAUS-look.for.BND 3sDAT SG-burning.coal
he sent him for a burning coal.
Examples of non-human pronominalized complements and other
details on the causative construction are found under 4.3.7.
4.3.6 4.3.6 4.3.6 4.3.6 Verbs with instrumental Verbs with instrumental Verbs with instrumental Verbs with instrumental- -- -comitative complement comitative complement comitative complement comitative complement ( (( (nda) nda) nda) nda)
The instrumental-comitative preposition nda appears with two se-
mantically different kinds of verbs. There is one class of verbs that
has either an instrumental-comitative complement or is used without
a complement. In the latter case, these verbs are interpreted as
reciprocals.
(127) Reciprocal verbs
Syntax 195
hag pass hag() nda X accompany X
sawa look alike saw(a) nda X look like X
m-qqs meet m-qqs nda X meet X
s-gd be equal s-gd() nda X equal X
ly be different ly nda X be different
from X
As a complement of certain movement verbs, nda serves as a
directional preposition and can then be translated with in the direction
of. (See 3.2.7.8)
A special case is the verb d make with an nda-complement. The
direct object is maintained and the complement encodes the outcome
of the action: to make sb./sth. towards/into something else is
expressed as d X ()nda Y make X into Y. This may be
semantically connected to the directional meaning of nda.
4.3.7 4.3.7 4.3.7 4.3.7 Verbs with two complements Verbs with two complements Verbs with two complements Verbs with two complements
Some verbs can take both an unmarked and a dative complement.
The list below shows the syntax of such verbs. When both
complements are present, whether nominal or pronominal, one is
marked with se as the dative complement and one is unmarked. The
verbs are underived with the exception of show that has a causative
prefix. The two examples below show that the complement order is
not rigidly fixed when the complements are nominal.
(128) a) ann() ayn t--ssira alfqi se.
3sgive 3s-GEN F-PL-key teacher DAT
she gave its keys (of the crate) to the teacher.
b) i-ulin inn t--gud n nan se
PL-in.law 3pgive F-SG-girl GEN mother DAT
i-gitan.
PL-gift.kind
the in-law family gave skins to the mother of the bride.
(129) Verbs with two complements
n give na X [Y se] give X to Y
zw take zaw X [Y se] take X to Y
196

hr tell har X [Y se] tell X to Y
d do da X [Y se] do X to Y
c say ci [Y se] ... say to Y ...
gag keep from gag X [Y se] keep X from Y
s-kn show s-kn X [Y se] show X to Y
Verbs with a causative often have two complements, one of which is
marked by the dative, i.e., the human causee, the entity with an
assumed will, e.g., ab-s-mmllt Fti s(e) ayn barar. (3sIMPERF-
CAUS-kiss F. DAT 3sGEN child) He makes Fati kiss her baby..
In a sentence like She made the taxi bring the children to her aunt.
the taxi has no will and can therefore not be marked with the dative.
Animals fall in the same category. They are not considered to have a
will of their own. Above sentence is rendered as ass-gl barrn
tksi ka nd(a) yn nana cena. (3sCAUS-go.BND child-PL taxi LOC
with 3sGEN mother small) She sent the children in a taxi to her aunt.
Syntax 197
4.3.8 4.3.8 4.3.8 4.3.8 Verbs taking two unmarked complements Verbs taking two unmarked complements Verbs taking two unmarked complements Verbs taking two unmarked complements
This group of verbs consists of stems with a causative morpheme.
Semantically they are all movement related. They can have two
unmarked complements, one that expresses a location and one a
causee/item that is acted upon. In a typical causative construction this
role is marked as a dative complement, see (126) and examples
above. The complements are both unmarked as long as they are
present in nominal form. When one complement is pronominalized,
the appropriate postposition appears.
When no humans are involved, the pronominalized location gets
marked as the dative (benefactor) and the causee takes the place of
an unmarked patient.
(130) a) a-wr e-ar i-kd-en
3sCAUS-put.on.BND SG-pot PL-fireplace-PL
she put the pot on the fireplace.
b) a-wr is(e) e-ar
3sCAUS-put.on.BND 3pDAT SG-pot
she put the pot on it.
c) a-wra i-kd-en
3sCAUS-put.on.BND3s PL-fireplace-PL
she put it on the fireplace.
(131) a) ab-s-ll kuur-n gnda
3sIMPERF-CAUS-follow skin-PL earth
he puts a fine coat of earth on the skins. (Lit: he makes
the earth follow the skins.)
b) ab-s-ll ise gnda
3sIMPERF-CAUS-follow 3pDAT earth
he puts a fine coat of earth on them.
c) ab-s-lla kuur-n
3sIMPERF-CAUS-follow3s skin-PL
he puts it on the skins.
d) ab-s-ll ise n a
3sIMPERF-CAUS-follow 3pDAT SEP 3s
he puts it on them.
198

When humans are involved the location remains unmarked and the
pronominalized human causee is marked with the dative. (see
above).
(132) a) ass-w brr-en fark
3sCAUS-mount.BND child-PL donkey
she made the children mount the donkey.
b) ass-w ise fark
3sCAUS-mount.BND 3pDAT donkey
she made them mount the donkey.
c) ass-wa brr-en
3sCAUS-mount.BND child-PL
she made the children mount it.
d) ass-w ise n a
3sCAUS-mount.BND 3pDAT SEP 3S
she made them mount it.
(133) Verbs with two unmarked nominal complements
-wr to put on
s-ll to put finely on
s-w to make mount
-nk to make mount
s-ci to make go past
- to make ford
s-ss-gd to make jump over
s-gr to put behind
s-nnahal to make reach straight
In contrast, the verb make enter marks the location with the
appropriate adposition ka.
Syntax 199
(134) aazz-guz a-gnaw a-n-may n fn ka.
1sCAUS-enter.BND SG-thread SG-ACT-sew GEN hole LOC
I threaded the thread in the hole of the needle.
The verb to prefer yasf has no causative marker but behaves like
the verbs described above when it occurs with nominal complements.
Two nouns follow the verb to express preference of the one item over
the other. The item immediately following the verb is the preferred
one while the second unmarked noun encodes the less liked item.
(135) aa-yyasf fuf t-aa-ds-t
1s-prefer cold.VN F-SG-mosquito-F.SG
I prefer the cold (season) to mosquitoes (in hot season).
prefer can take a complement clause when preference of actions
needs to be expressed (see (158))
4.3.9 4.3.9 4.3.9 4.3.9 Reflexive constructions Reflexive constructions Reflexive constructions Reflexive constructions
There is no particular reflexive pronoun but overt reflexives are
expressed by a noun phrase with an expression for self.
4.3.9.1 4.3.9.1 4.3.9.1 4.3.9.1 Reflex Reflex Reflex Reflexive constructions ive constructions ive constructions ive constructions
Tadaksahak has a reflexive construction, using the noun ga (plural:
j-en), which is only used in this construction, determined by a pro-
nominal genitival construction.
(136) a) ahw [ayn g].
3s1attach 3s1GEN self
s/he attached her/himself.
b) ihw [in j-n].
3p1attach 3p1GEN self-PL
they attached themselves.
c) aahw [aan g] [()nda karf].
1sattach 1sGEN self with rope
I attached myself with a rope.
The reflexive noun phrase is attested with postpositions, particularly
with se DAT for
200

(137) a) amm-gz ayn g se
3siSUBJ-keep 3siGEN self DAT
wiji bor f se
is.not person IND DAT
may he look after (it [land]) for himself, not for someone
else.
b) ayn g se akkua
3siGEN self DAT 3sitend.flock3s
its for his own (benefit) he tends it (flock).
c) --kmt-in hik anddd andn j-n se
F-SG-harm-PL two 2pido 2piGEN self-PL DAT
its two bad things you(pl) did to yourselves.
The reflexive construction is also found in genitive constructions. This
is mainly used for underlining, rather than for an expression of
reflexiveness.
(138) a) idd in j-n n did
3pdo 3pGEN self-PL GEN walk.VN
they went about their own business.
(lit: they did walking of their own.)
b) ikkun() in j-n n alstalal
3pfind 3pGEN self-PL GEN freedom
they got their own independence.
When the noun phrase with ga is preceded by the preposition nd(a),
it emphasizes the noun it refers to.
Some examples.
(139) a) surgy nd(a) ayn g
woman with 3sGEN self
ahuru ssunduq ad
3senter crate ANA
the woman herself entered in the crate.
Syntax 201
b) an bab ()nd(a) ayn g
1sGEN father with 3sGEN self
as-yktia.
3sNEG.IMPERF-remember3s
my father himself does not remember it.
= not even my father remembers it.
c) ..s(a) ari ()nd(a) arn j-n
COMP 1p.EMP with 1pGEN self-PL
arm-ky....
1pSUBJ-stop
...that we ourselves, we stop...
d) ...t-rf-in n k-(e)n nd(a) in j-n
F-car-PL GEN owner-PL with 3pGEN self-PL
iyymn aka
3pguarantee 3sLOC
the car owners themselves guarantee it.
e) ...ay ()nd(a) aan g aayyahr
1s.EMP with 1sGEN self 1sbe.worth
t-a- gl-t.
F-SG-make.up-F.SG
...(but) really, I myself, I am worth (more than) makeup.
The word ga (glossed here as self) is a cognate of the KCH word for
(living) body, organism /gaa/ (Heath 1998c:96). The construction is
more akin to Tamasheq, where reflexives are formed with /iman/
soul, life and the corresponding possessive suffix (Heath 2006:708),
than to KCH, which has 3
rd
person reflexive pronouns (Heath
1999a:331ff.)
4.3.9.2 4.3.9.2 4.3.9.2 4.3.9.2 Reflexive verbs Reflexive verbs Reflexive verbs Reflexive verbs
Some verbs may denote a reflexive event when used without an overt
direct object. A typical case is wash.
(140) a) t--gud ahmay tuw-yn.
F-SG-girl 3swash eating.bowl-PL
a/the girl washed the bowls.
b) t-a-gud ahmay.
F-SG-girl 3swash
a/the girl washed herself.
Similar (but less commonly used in reflexive contexts) is burn.
202

(141) a) danj akkur-kuru ay.
charcoal 3sburn-DUP 1s
a/the charcoal burnt me.
b) aakkur-kuru.
3sburn-DUP
I burnt myself.
4.3.10 4.3.10 4.3.10 4.3.10 Verbs with a Clausal Complement Verbs with a Clausal Complement Verbs with a Clausal Complement Verbs with a Clausal Complement
There are four basic strategies observed that can be treated as verbal
complementation.
In this section the different strategies are summarized and
characterized in a simple formula. The details are given in the
subsequent sections.
Strategy I: Verbal noun complement
This is the most integrated way to complement a verb. There is no
complementizer present, and the finite verb (V) is followed by a verbal
noun. The verbal noun is identified by its shape. Syntactically this is a
simple clause with nominal complement. This strategy is observed
with a large number of verbs.
V + Verbal Noun
For details see 4.3.3.1 above.
Strategy II: subordinate clause in subjunctive mood
This strategy is only used by the verbs c say and ds let The
subject (S) of the complement taking verb (V) is co-referential with the
subject of the complement clause. The MAN marker of the verb in the
complement clause (Vcc) is typically restricted to SUBJUNCTIVE (m-).
S
V +
co-referential S
Vcc
The examples are in 4.3.10.1 below.
Syntax 203
Strategy III: (in)direct object reference in subordinate clause with
(im)perfective aspect
There is no complementizer but the direct object (DO) of the main
clause is always the subject of the complement clause. Only
IMPERFECTIVE and PERFECTIVE can be observed on the verb in the
complement clause.
V
DO
+
DO.referential-S
Vcc
A subtype of this strategy involves a 3
rd
person subject in the main
clause that is interpreted as impersonal. There may or may not be a
direct object. If one is present, the subject of the subordinate clause
refers to it.
S:impersonal
V
(DO)
+
(DO.referential-)S
Vcc
The examples are in 4.3.10.2 below.
Strategy IV: with complementizer sa
This strategy is widely used with many different types of verbs. It
involves the complementizer (COMP) sa between the finite verb and
the complement clause. The verb in the complement clause is
typically marked with FUTURE. The subjects of the verbs may be co-
referential or not. Most finite verbs that are observed with strategy IV
can also be found with strategy I.
S
V COMP
(co-referential)S
Vcc
A subtype of this strategy concerns verbs with a 3
rd
person subject in
the main clause that is interpreted as impersonal.
Find the examples in section 4.3.10.3
4.3.10.1 4.3.10.1 4.3.10.1 4.3.10.1 Complement clauses with subjunctive Complement clauses with subjunctive Complement clauses with subjunctive Complement clauses with subjunctive
There are two verbs that are regularly followed by a subjunctive
complement clause. The verb ds let (alone) allows for a direct object
followed by a subjunctive clausal complement. The subject of the
complement clause is coreferential with the direct object of the verb,
e.g.
(142) a) disa am-k
let3s1 3s1SUBJ-leave
let him leave!
204

b) andt-ds ay
2pFUT-let 1s
aam-d() ndi s(e) a-sstn foda
1sSUBJ-do 2p DAT SG-ask one
will you (pl) allow me to ask you (pl) one question?
Another verb which may be followed by a subjunctive complement
clause is the verb ci think, say. When used with a dative complement
this verb is translated as say and is followed by a complement
clause citing the speech act. Without a dative complement, it takes
the more vague meaning of thinking. In this construction it is often
followed by a subjunctive clause with a coreferent subject, which
expresses an intention. The verb then translates into English as
want, e.g.
(143) a) acc am-tn
3ssay 3sSUBJ-arrive
he wanted to come. (Lit: he1 said he1 would arrive)
b) acc am-hag t-a-bkar-t n m
3ssay 3sSUBJ-go.over F-SG-sheep-F.SG GEN face
amm-zzr ari.
3sSUBJ-be.ahead 1p
he wanted to go around in front of the sheep to be ahead
of us.
c) acc as-by t--mar ka.
3ssay 3sNEG.IMPERF-move F-PL-old.camp LOC
she didnt want to move from the old campsite.
or: she said she will not move...
When the subjects are not co-referential, other MAN markers are
allowed on the verb in the subordinate clause.
(144) acc ab-s-ss-r(a)i.
3s1think 3s2IMPERF-CAUS-CAUS-learn3p3
he1 thought he2 would teach them3.
Syntax 205
This sentence can also be interpreted as indirect speech and thus be
translated he said he was teaching them.
4.3.10.2 4.3.10.2 4.3.10.2 4.3.10.2 Complement clauses where Complement clauses where Complement clauses where Complement clauses where PERF PERF PERF PERF and and and and IMPERF IMPERF IMPERF IMPERF are allowed are allowed are allowed are allowed
There are a number of verbs that regularly take an imperfective or a
perfective complement without any overt complementizer. In these
constructions, complement clauses with an imperfective express
simultaneity with the action in the matrix clause and that in the com-
plement clause. The perfective appears in the complement clause
when the action in the complement clause is already closed by the
time the action of the matrix clause takes place.
hear sth. m (h se)
The pronominal complement of the verb hear is always marked with
a dative.
(145) a) aamm(o) is(e) if-tn.
1shear 3pDAT 3pIMPERF-arrive
I heard them arrive.
b) aab-m(o) is(e) if-tn.
1sIMPERF-hear 3pDAT 3pIMPERF-arrive
I hear them, they are arriving. (as we speak)
c) aab-m(o) is(e) ittn.
1sIMPERF-hear 3pDAT 3parrive
I hear them (they have) arrive(d).
see gun
(146) aaggun()i ib-did.
1ssee3p 3pIMPERF-walk
I saw them leave.
perceive yog
(147) aabb-g(a) iddid
1sIMPERF-perceive3p 3pwalk
I see that they have left.
The verbs see and hear are also used with the complementizer sa.
Find examples under (152) and (153).
The verb gr find; come upon is found with the same construction.
206

(148) a) aaggr almn af-keed bang.
1sfind herd 3pIMPERF-be.on well
I found the herd at the well.
b) aggri ikks gi kamil.
3sfind3p 3pcut 3p.EMP all
He found them (ears) all cut.
c) i-wn in tyni
3pCAUS-share 3pGEN date
iggra alib abara.
3pfind3s uneven.number 3sbe
They distributed their dates and found there was an
uneven number.
The verb gr must has an impersonal 3s subject clitic a, while the
subject is only specified in the complement clause. The NP in the
third example can be analysed as a preposed topic since it is not
allowed to have nominal constituents between the matrix and the
complement verb. In all cases the complement clause is in the
imperfective.
(149) a) agor ib- -- -k(a) ga har...
3smust 3pIMPERF-CAUS.eat 3s.EMP until
they had to feed her until...
b) agor nib- -- -dwnn-t nd(a) ay.
3smust 2sIMPERF-talk with 1s
you must talk with me.
c) aan t--gud as-gor ab-dt
1sGEN F-SG-girl 3sNEG.IMPERF-must 3sIMPERF-pound
ana niwni ab-gor.
2s.DAT 2sof 3sIMPERF-sit
as for my girl she does not have to pound for you (while)
yours is sitting.
Syntax 207
t gor begin is marked with the same referent as the verb of the
complement clause. The last example shows that a nominal
constituent can precede the verb of the complement clause. This verb
is always in the imperfective, e.g.
(150) a) bor-en cind-en ittgor ib-nn ika
person-PL some-PL 3pbegin 3pIMPERF-drink 3pLOC
some begin to drink from it.
b) nttgor nibb-eer
2sbegin 2pIMPERF-vomit
you begin to vomit.
c) igd att gor a-mnsu ab-dydi
because 3sbegin SG-food 3sIMPERF-get.into
bor-n n -an-an ka har...
person-PL GEN PL-tooth-PL LOC until
because the food begins to get into the teeth of the
people until...
The verb ko can (also leave) has the choice between personal and
impersonal syntax. This verb has different aspectual uses in positive
and negative sentences. In positive sentences, the verbs in the matrix
clause and in the complement clause are both in the perfective. In
negative sentences, the verbs in matrix and complement clause are
in the imperfective.
(151) a) nikk nidd()i
2scan 2smake3p
you can make them.
b) ayn nan akk ayyim() ase
3sGEN mother 3scan 3scolor 3sDAT
a-bktaw
SG-cushion
her mother can color a/the cushion for her (daughter).
c) as-k ab-fna.
3s1NEG.IMPERF-can 3s1IMPERF-pierce3s2
it1 (tool) cannot pierce it2 (stick).
d) gnd(a) as-k nib-lema
earth 3sNEG.IMPERF-can 2sIMPERF-twine3s
earth, it is not possible that you twine it (to a thread).
208

There are a number of verbs that always have a 3s pronoun clitic that
is used in an impersonal way. Structurally they always have a
complementizer sa and will be treated in the following section.
4.3.10.3 4.3.10.3 4.3.10.3 4.3.10.3 Verbs with complementizer Verbs with complementizer Verbs with complementizer Verbs with complementizer sa sa sa sa
Verbs of various semantic domains are found with a complement
clause that is linked by sa COMP. The same particle is used for non-
restrictive relative clauses (4.5.4) and to link the topic to non-verbal
clauses (4.7.1.1).
The following verbs may take the complementizer sa:
see gun
The complement clause may be a verbal or a non-verbal clause as
example (152) shows.
(152) iggun-kat s t--zdk-k
3psee-VEN COMP F-SG-be.clean-F.SG
ga saffar.
3s.EMP medicine
they saw that cleanliness is medicine.
hear sb.m (h se)
(153) a) arw-n ooda mms-kbahar imm sa
man-PL DEM.NEAT maybe-when 3Phear COMP
t-a-bllen-t nib-hurr it-w nn.
F-SG-fight-F.SG 2sIMPERF-look.for 3pFUT-kill 2s
these men, when they hear that it is a fighting match you
seek, they will kill you.
Syntax 209
b) nn izac(e) ooda ab-m (a)se
2s.EMP young.man DEM.NEAR 3sIMPERF-hear 3sDAT
s(a) add adr(a) ao n gm
COMP 3smake promise DET GEN instant
you need to know, this young man heard her make this
promise mentioned before.
The interpretation of the complement in the last example is
ambiguous. It could also be read as when she made with the
clause initial particle sa when.
See the use of see and hear with a verbal noun complement under
4.3.10.2.
want baa
(154) a) aabbaa sa at- -- -d() ana t-a-nfus-t.
1swant COMP 1sFUT-do 2s.DAT F-SG-story-F.SG
I want to tell you a story.
b) abbaa sa ()nt-n() as(e) a-anib.
3swant COMP 2sFUT-give 3sDAT SG-pencil
he wants you to give him a pencil.
c) aabbaa sa ()ns-k
3swant COMP 2sNEG.IMPERF-leave
I would like you not to leave.
d) as-kl sa ()nt-k
1s-NEG.IMPERF-want COMP 2s-FUT-leave
I dont want you to leave (very impolite formula).
be necessary yilzm is a verb of light obligation, that takes a direct
object. The direct object is co-referential with the subject of the
complement clause.
(155) aseat ayylzm bor t-oo-ls-t
health 3sbe.necessary person F-SG-do.again-F.SG
s(a) at-z-zdg ayn t-a-ssa
COMP 3sFUT-CAUS-be.clean 3sGEN F-SG-body
(to stay in good) health it is also necessary for somebody
that s/he cleans his/her body.
wish yask
(156) aayyask s(a) at-kas tangar-n
1swish COMP 3sFUT-be lie-PL
I wish that it would (turn out to) be lies.
210

The following example illustrates a parallel use of a complement
clause with sa and of a verbal noun complement.
(157) c(i) andyyask s(a) andt-dy ay
what 2pwish COMP 2pFUT-buy 1s
daw n a me bn?
LOC SEP 3s or die.VN
what do you wish, that you buy it with me or death?
prefer yasf
(158) barr-n iyyasf s(a) it-keen()
child-PL 3pprefer COMP 3pFUT-sleep
in nan-n n ai-tan ka.
3pGEN mother-PL GEN belly.side-PL LOC
children prefer to sleep against the belly of their mothers.
be sure kw aak (lit: to take out doubt)
(159) a) ndnga wiji sa ()nt-kw aak
if is.not COMP 2sFUT-take.out doubt
sa niss-rd nin t--kaw
COMP 2SCAUS-be.complete 2sGEN F-PL-letter
except when you are sure that you have assembled your
papers
b) kw aak s(a) attn
take.out doubt COMP 3Sarrive
be assured that he has arrived!
c) wa ()ns-kw aak sa niwni
IMP 2SNEG.IMPERF-take.out doubt COMP 2sof
dont be sure that it (money) is yours!
The last example has a non-verbal complement.
lose hope kaw ama
Syntax 211
(160) har ikkaw ama
until 3ptake.out hope
s(a) i-sftar it-tn idaw
COMP PL-put.on 3pFUT-arrive 3pLOC
until they lost hope that bedding would arrive at their
place.
begin s-nt
(161) a) ass-nt s(a) b-a
3sCAUS-begin COMP 3SIMPERF-eat
she began to eat (first time or again after e.g. sickness).
b) ass-nt s(a) a
3sCAUS-begin COMP 3Seat
she began to eat.
be at the point of yabk
(162) glk ayyabk s(a) at-wi
hunger 3sbe.at.point.of COMP 3SFUT-kill3p
hunger was at the point of killing them.
The verb hurr, look for, can be translated try when it is followed by
a complement clause.
(163) aab-hurr s(a) at-kr aka huur.
1sIMPERF-look.for COMP 1sFUT-hit 3sLOC fire
I try to make fire on it (wooden stick).
think ~ believe yord
(164) a) aywa aayyord s(a) aan
RESUME 1Sthink COMP 1SGEN
t-a-nfus-t nga n(e) yda
F-SG-story-F.SG 3S.EMP place DEM.PROX
well, I think that this was my story.
b) aayyord s(a) at-tn zrooda
1sthink COMP 3SFUT-arrive today
I believe/think he arrives today.
ought to may-nda
(165) a) mmay-nda s(a) at-wi
3s1have-with COMP 3s1FUT-kill3s2
s/he ought to kill it.
212

b) ars-may-nda s(a)
1pNEG.IMPERF-have-with COMP
art-din() ana a-safu.
1pFUT-take 2s.DAT SG-greet
we ought not to respond to your greeting.
have the means to kun-nda (lit: find with)
(166) a) aakkun-nda s(a) at-ky-kat nin.
1sfind-with COMP 1sFUT-go-VEN 2s
I have the means (time) to come to you.
b) arn-kun-nda
1pNEG.PERF-find-with
s(a) art--u bor.
COMP 1pFUT-CAUS-drink.BND person
we do not have the means to give a drink to somebody.
The following verbs all have a 3s subject clitic that needs to be read
as impersonal.
The intransitive verb yahr need to (do) is used in an impersonal
construction.
(167) a) s-khar nin karf akks
maybe-when 2sGEN rope 3scut
abb-ahr sa ()nt-s-mm-rksa
3sIMPERF-need COMP 2sFUT-CAUS-RECI-tie3s
when your rope is broken you need to retie it together.
b) abb-ahr sa bor kull am-by
3sIMPERF-need COMP person each 3sSUBJ-know
s(a) y-en...
COMP fly-PL
it is necessary that everybody knows that flies...
The verb yba lack is used in an impersonal construction. It is used
in sentences which translate into English as no more, no longer
Syntax 213
(168) a) ayyba s(a) aaddbt
3slack COMP 1sbe.able
I cant any more.
b) ayyrd ayyba s(a) af-c h
3sbe.silent 3slack COMP 3SIMPERF-say thing
he is silent, he no longer says anything.
The verb hil be obliged to is always used in an impersonal
construction. The person who is obliged is either a direct object of the
verb (a, b), or, implying an obligation which is less strong, an oblique
object (c).
(169) a) ahil ay s(a) at-k -rm.
3soblige 1s COMP 1sFUT-go SG-town
I must go to town.
b) ahila s(a) at-k -rm.
3soblige3s COMP 3sFUT-go SG-town
he must go to town.
c) ahil aka d s(a) nga d
3soblige 3sLOC INT COMP 3s.EMP INT
at-da h (a)o bor-n idd.
3sFUT-do thing DET person-PL 3pdo
it is expected of him that he, too, does what the people
do.
4.3.10.4 4.3.10.4 4.3.10.4 4.3.10.4 Complement clause with Complement clause with Complement clause with Complement clause with kd kd kd kd and and and and kud da kud da kud da kud da
Kd if introduces a subordinate clause after certain verbs of
intellectual activities, such as by to know, s-stn to ask and
s-mm-drn to reflect on. kud d if (at all) rarely occurs in the
same context.
(170) a) aab-s-mm-drn kd attn me
1sIMPERF-CAUS-RECI-turn.around if 3sarrive or
an-tn.
3sNEG.PERF-arrive
I am asking myself if he has arrived or not.
214

b) as-by edd kd af-k
3sNEG.IMPERF-know yet if 3sIMPERF-leave
wal(a) ab-gor-kat.
or 3sIMPERF-sit-VEN
he doesnt know yet if hell leave or stay.
The verb in the following example is a complex idiom, ayn i-m-dr-an
ikkun() ay (3sGEN PL-RECI-turn.around-PL 3pfind 1s.O) literally
its/his thoughts found me which can be read as I am worried about
and can take a kd-complement.
(171) i-m-dran-an ikkun()-a
PL-RECI-turn.around-PL 3pfind-3s
izac(e) oda wn-en
youth DEM of-PL
kud at-yiddr-kat wal(a) at-hang()
if 3sFUT-live-VEN ou 3sFUT-pass.over
nda he n kun() oda.
with thing GEN find.VN DEM
she was worried about this boy, if he would live or pass
away with this sickness.
The next example is an instance with the verb look and kd.
(172) bora mms-kbahar nim-hurr() aka
person perhaps-when 2sSUB-look.for 3sLOC
t-a-rsway-t hai kud (d)
F-SG-clothing-F.SG look if (INT)
g(a) nd(a) ayn g
3s.EMP with 3sGEN self
Syntax 215
ao bar(a) ayn jinji
DET be 3sGEN neck
kud mmay t-a-rsway-t wal(a)
if 3sown F-SG-clothing-F.SG or
as-mmay t-i-zzr-t nibb- si.
3sNEG.IMPERF-own F-SG-be.before-F.SG 2sIMPERF-beg
when you try to get a piece of clothing from somebody,
look if he himself, the one (shirt) on his body, if he has a
shirt (worth being called a shirt) or not before you beg (of
him).
This same particle is used in Tamasheq with the same function but
also for other uses. Find more about kud da even if under
conditionals in 4.8.3.4.

4.4 4.4 4.4 4.4 Copular clauses Copular clauses Copular clauses Copular clauses
In this chapter clause types are discussed that show no inflected
verb. Such a construction is used to encode the identity of an entity
(4.4.1). Presentative expressions are also found in this chapter
(4.4.2). To posit the existence of something, the copula bara is used
and non-existence is encoded with i (4.4.3). In section 4.4.4
locational predication is discussed, and the last section (4.4.5)
presents possessive predication.
4.4.1 4.4.1 4.4.1 4.4.1 Equational clauses and be, become, not be Equational clauses and be, become, not be Equational clauses and be, become, not be Equational clauses and be, become, not be
Positive unfocused equational predication (X is a teacher) is
expressed without a verb or any other kind of grammatical
morpheme. A noun is followed by a noun or an NP. A pronominal
referent is expressed by an independent pronoun. A single noun can
form a predication, see (174). Any time reference is given by
situational or textual context.
Equational clause
(173) a) t-a-bun-t [feej en-en-n]
F-SG-old.sheep-F.SG sheep be.old-DUP-ADJZR
tabuant is an old sheep.
b) [aan br] moo
1sGEN older.sibling teacher
my older brother is a teacher.
216

c) ari amm
1p.EMP five
we are/were five (people).
d) gi i-bororji-tan
3p.EMP PL-ethnic.name-PL
they are/were Fulbe.
The equational clause can be used for identification. For negation of
identity the particle wiji is not is used, which only occurs in this
context, as a tag in tag questions (4.7.3.2), and in combination with
one of the if markers (4.8.3.1). The particle immediately precedes
the noun it negates.
(174) a) aan barar izace wiji t--gud
1sGEN child boy is.not F-SG-girl
my child is a boy, not a girl.
b) wiji t--gud izace
is.not F-SG-girl boy
its not a girl, (its) a boy.
The verb kas, be / become, is used when one of the elements is in
focus. It may or may not set the timeframe before the speech act. In
the following example the object slave is fronted before the verb for
focalization.
(175) a) ign aam aakks?
QST slave 1sbecome
am I a slave? / have I become a slave?
b) an a-sstan za h (a)kasa ...
1sGEN SG-ask LC thing 3sbecome3s
so my question, this is it: ...
The last example is almost presentative in character. This use is often
found with abstract entities like a story. Objects that are presented
(Here is X) use a different strategy (see below).
Syntax 217
kas be/become is a full verb and can occur with all MAN markers
(176) a) ...cedd(i) arf-ks barr-en ceen-nann.
still 1pIMPERF-be child-PL be.small-ADJZR.PL
... when we were still small children.
b) ga d an-ks arn -aal.
3s.EMP INT 3sNEG.PERF-be 3pGEN SG-work
As for that, it is not our work.
c) ...har h(e) oda am-ks ase
until thing DEM.NEAR 3sSUBJ-become 3sDAT
he n kun
thing GEN find.VN
...until this (may) becomes a sickness for him.
d) t-a-baraw-t a (a)yda at-kas
F-SG-left.over-F.SG DET DEM.PROX 3sFUT-become
t--gnaw-t....
F-SG-sickness.kind-F.SG
This same leftover will become sickness (kind)...
4.4.2 4.4.2 4.4.2 4.4.2 Presentative expressions Presentative expressions Presentative expressions Presentative expressions
Two kinds of presentative clauses are found. Both have a singular
and a plural form. One kind presents an item/items close to the
speaker and the other presents an item/items at a further distance. A
third, neutral shape is reported to encode availability and does not
stress location.
(177) Presentative surface shapes
single item several items
neutral n
proximal nani nina
distal no-se ni-se
All expressions contain a /n/ element that is possibly the part that
encodes location, compare the elements n here/there (where) that
encodes location in some way and no there used in some other
contexts to encode remoteness (see below). Both terms are also
present in Mainstream Songhay with similar semantics. Both ne and
no end in a vowel that can be deleted when another vowel follows.
218

These considerations should be kept in mind as we look at the details
of the presentative expressions.
4.4.2.1 4.4.2.1 4.4.2.1 4.4.2.1 n / nani / nina n / nani / nina n / nani / nina n / nani / nina is/are here is/are here is/are here is/are here
The following construction occurs only once in the corpus.
(178) -lkas n.
(tea)glass here
here is a glass (available).
This form is reported to carry very low stress on location. The term
could be read as available.
The other presentative marker seems to consist of three elements.
Assuming that the question where is? (maan) contains the same
elements as the answer here is, the first element na is a be-
copula followed by a clitic (singular or plural) and a third element
encoding here/place/location. Consider the examples:
(179) a) [nin fatlla] [n(a)a-ni]
2sGEN torch be3S-LOC
here (is) your torch.
b) [fatlla-tan] [n(a)i-na]
torch-PL be3p-LOC
here (are) the torches.
There is no good explanation for the difference in the last element
and informants consistently deny a possible connection with n here.
The expression as a whole is very much focusing on location, the
precise place where the item in question is.
The above examples could also be analyzed as containing the
demonstrative na OPP that precedes the noun it accompanies,
followed by a plural clitic -i. The final vowel is deleted and shows as
n(a)- that(pl). This analysis is less attractive, though, because na
Syntax 219
OPP is not attested followed by any other element than ao DET or a
full noun.
4.4.2.2 4.4.2.2 4.4.2.2 4.4.2.2 nose / nise nose / nise nose / nise nose / nise is/a is/a is/a is/are there re there re there re there
The location indicated with these expressions is not very precisely
identified. The location is still within sight but no longer within reach of
an arm.
The form has the following structure. First comes an element no (see
below). This is followed by a 3d person pronoun. According to regular
vowel assimilation rules, the vowel /a/ of the singular is deleted after
/o/ while the vowel /i/ of the plural is maintained. Last comes the
element se.
For the element /no/ there are several possible identifications. It
appears only in two other contexts in Tadaksahak.
In the first context it can be interpreted as a fusion of the elements
n + o (place + DEBR) location with a broad reference = there (non-
specific). Find examples under 4.5.1.
The other context points in the same direction. no is found after plural
determiners to point to the past or distant from here (ex. anda-no
ber-nn DET.PL-there be.big-ADJZ.PL those big ones there (see
4.1.4, also Ex (64)), and it appears following the noun gm instant
and indicates past in time (e.g. gm--no /instant-[]-there/
mentioned before). These meanings can be seen as temporal
interpretations of there, away in space.
A typical presentational expression for an item in the distance has the
following structure.
(180) a) aan hgu no-(a-)se
1sGEN house there-3S-there
my house is (over) there.
b) nin t--mgad-an gi n(o)-i-se,
2sGEN F-PL-girl-PL 3p.EMP there-3P-there
your girls, they are (over) there.
A relationship to the KCH Songhay term /nono/ it is (identificational
copula) and KS /no/ it is cannot entirely be excluded, even though
they are syntactically different. no could then be read as a be-copula
followed by a singular (not audible) or a plural (i) pronoun with the
adverbial there i.e. /be-3s-there/ and /be-3p-there/ respectively.
220

KS also has a particle /no/ which can at times be glossed as there
(Heath 1999b:86) with very low stress on a semantic location. This
particle joins our initial approach of a not very specific locational
expression that points in the distance.
4.4.3 4.4.3 4.4.3 4.4.3 Existential predications Existential predications Existential predications Existential predications
Existential predication is expressed with the intransitive verb bara
be/exist.
(181) a) assakr abara.
sugar 3sexist
there is sugar.
b) ary-n ibara.
water-PL 3pexist
there is water.
A special case is illustrated in the example below.
(182) ..sa ()ns-kw mmk ao b nibara
COMP 2s-NEG.IMPERF-take manner DET on 2sexist
...that you will not change the way you are (now)
In this example the stative quality of this verb is addressed. kas
be/become would not fit here since this verb has a semantic
component of change and here the state at the moment of the
speech is in focus.
In order to negate the existence of an item the verb not to be is
used. This verb may be related to the NEG.IMPERF prefix s-.
Mainstream Songhay has similar elements to express the negation of
exist, i.e., /sii/ in KCH (Heath 1999a:148), and /sii ii/ in KS (Heath
1999b:179ff).
(183) a) assakr a
sugar 3snot.be
there is no sugar.
Syntax 221
b) ary-n i
water-PL 3pnot.be
there is no water.
If the referent is known, the negative copula with a 3
rd
person clitic is
sufficient to express there is none, a.
Both bara and can be used without overt MAN marking in present
or future context.
Both expressions are also part of the locational predications
described in the paragraph below (4.4.4).
A different way to express the non-existence of something is the
particle wrtilla there is not. This particle has been taken over
unanalyzed from Tamasheq /wrt i-lla/ there is not (Heath
2006:588). The syntax of wrtilla is different from that of phrases with
i. The particle precedes the negated noun similar to the negation of
identity shown above (example (174)).
(184) idd mms-kbahar wrtilla alxr
because maybe-when there.is.not peace
wrtilla k, wrtilla hab
there.is.not pasture.VN there.is.not harvest.VN
wrtilla assq n ky
there.is.not market GEN leave.VN
because, if there is no peace, (as consequence) there is
no leading the animals to pasture, no harvesting, no going
to the market.
4.4.4 4.4.4 4.4.4 4.4.4 Locational predications Locational predications Locational predications Locational predications
Locational predicates are based on bara be in and keed be high
on. For both of them the location can be expressed by a nominal
direct object (unmarked complement), a locative adverbial or a
locative postpositional phrase with daw. The third locational verb is
keen lie which is used for items that do not stand. This same root
means sleep when the subject is a human referent. The verb keen
needs an adpositional complement with the postposition ka to
express the location.
222

Locational verbs
(185) a) abara snda
3sbe there
she is/was there.
b) abara neda
3sbe here
he is/was here.
c) abara [t--mar asnda]
3Sbe F-PL-old.camp DEM.FAR
she is/was in that old camp.
d) a-mslo af-keed()a
SG-sattle.blanket 3sIMPERF-be.on3s
the/a saddle blanket is on it (camel).
e) ceed() f-keeni [gnda ka]
spoon 3sIMPERF-lie earth LOC
the/a spoon lies on the ground.
bara is also used in sentences with the postposition daw at
(somebodys) abar(a) ay daw (3Sbe 1s LOC) She is at my
place.
bara can also be used to attribute a quality to an entity. The quality
in a nominal form is the subject and the referent having the quality is
the direct object.
(186) a) dig() bar(a) aay
forgetfulness 3sbe.in 1s
I am forgetful (Lit: forgetfulness is in me).
b) gorgor-n ibar(a) ga
laughter-PL 3pbe.in 3s.EMP
it is amusing. (Lit: laughters are in it, e.g. a story)
When the quality is attributed to a tall animal, like a camel, one can
also use the verb keed with the same meaning.
Syntax 223
(187) -ms a(o) oda a-xrrm af-keed()
SG-camel DET DEM.NEAR SG-disobedience 3sIMPERF-be.on3s
this camel, it is disobedient.
The absence of an item in a certain location is expressed with the
verb i not to be that takes an adverbial (a) or an unmarked
complement (b) to express the location. The fronted NP in ((188)b)
encodes the location where the presence of water is negated
(188) a) ai neda da snda.
3snot.be here INT there.
it is neither here nor there.
b) T-oruf-t ary-n ia
loc.name water-PL 3pnot.be3s
In T., there is no water.
The verb to lose is expressed with the verb not exist with an
adpositional complement. Syntactically the lost item is the subject
and the person who lost something is expressed by the complement.
A very literal reading could give Y does not exist in X.
(189) -f a() ay ka.
SG-silver 3snot.exist 1s LOC
I lost (some) money.
4.4.5 4.4.5 4.4.5 4.4.5 Possessive predication Possessive predication Possessive predication Possessive predication
The verb my have expresses ownership. The owned item is the
object of the clause.
(190) a) mmay haw-yn
3shave cow-PL
he owns cows.
b) a-nibo as-mmay baab.
SG-bastard 3sIMPERF.NEG-have father
an illegitimate child has no father.
In some instances it can also be translated as belong to, e.g. when
the identity of a person is questioned.
(191) a) c mmaya?
who have3s
who is he? (Lit: who owns him = to whom does he
belong?)
224

b) i-dogri-tan n-mmy ay
PL-clan.name-PL FOC-have 1sO
I belong to the Idogiritan. (Lit: Its the I. who own me)
In order to topicalize the possessum, a non-verbal identificational
construction is used.
(192) [huur() asnd(a)] [alfqi wni]
fire DEM.FAR teacher of
that fire is the teachers = belongs to the teacher.
This same construction is used to identify the owner.
(193) Q: c mmy feej() a(o) oda?
who have sheep DET DEM.NEAR
who owns this sheep?
A: awni
1sof
(its) mine.
The verb my is also found together with attributive nouns like
stubbornness and wisdom. It then expresses being of that quality.
The subject is the entity exposing the quality.
(194) mmay tyta
3shave wisdom
he is intelligent.
Summary
In the table below N stands for the entity about which further
information (existence) is given. L designates the place where a
location name is expected to express a location.
Syntax 225
positive negative
identity no marker wiji + N
existence N + bara be N + / wrtilla + N
location bara + L
keed + L
keen + L ka
be in
be (high) on
lie on
+ L
possessive my have NEG-may

226
4.5 4.5 4.5 4.5 Relative Clauses Relative Clauses Relative Clauses Relative Clauses
Tadaksahak has two different types of relative clauses (RC). The
formal difference is the presence or absence of the complementizer
sa, that typically introduces a non-restrictive relative clause that gives
additional information about the referent. Restrictive RCs, i.e., RCs
with identificational information about the referent, show a different
construction for subjects and when other parts (object, oblique
objects) are relativized. Only subject relatives (a man who eats) can
be marked by the presence of n-/n-, a demonstrative-like particle,
which occurs when the MAN marker (Mood-Aspect-Negation) on the
verb has the shape CV-.
The RC normally follows the noun it modifies immediately and so may
be placed in the middle of the main clause. The end of such a RC is
typically marked with a short pause that prevents vowel contraction.
Possessors (my mother whose house) can only be relativized by
means of the sa complementizer. This is discussed below (4.5.4.2).
When the head NP is an independent pronoun (you who) the
marker n(o-da) there must follow the pronoun. Find the discussion
in 4.5.3 below.
4.5.1 4.5.1 4.5.1 4.5.1 Restrictive relative clause Restrictive relative clause Restrictive relative clause Restrictive relative clause
Mainstream Songhay has a single strategy using the invariable
relative morpheme /kaa/ in Timbuktu (Heath 1999a: 186) or /ka
kan ka/ in Gao (Heath 1999b: 241). Under certain circumstances a
resumptive pronoun is found in relative clauses (Heath 1999b:244)
and adpositional RCs may remain in situ with a corresponding
pronoun. Heath analyzes Songhay RCs as consisting of a head NP
connected with the REL /kaa ~ ka/ to the embedded clause. In
contrast to Songhay languages, Tamasheq is considered to have
RCs with an internal head, a demonstrative, and differentiates
between definite and indefinite RCs, while a resumptive pronoun
does not normally occur (Heath 2005:624ff). In addition, subject
relativization is marked on the verb by means of special inflection.
Tadaksahak RCs show many features that can also be observed in
Tamasheq: a) subject RCs have a different inflection from other
relativized relations (object, oblique objects). b) there are no
resumptive pronouns. When the head has been extracted from a
Syntax 227
postpositional phrase, the bare (4.5.1.3, see below) postposition is
put at the left edge of the relative clause.
The analysis of the linking of the relative clause to the head is
somewhat complicated. Relative clauses with a definite head always
have the element ao DET. Outside relative syntax, this element may
accompany different kinds of NPs and gives them salience in their
context (4.1.4). It also functions as a pronominal head of relative
clauses which have no NP head. Its function is very much like that of
the demonstratives /w-a, w-i, t-a, t-i/ of Tamasheq, minus the gender
distinction. Dialectally different plural forms are attested. In a NP that
is relativized, ao can be accompanied by a demonstrative, e.g. it-
hur(u) a-mnsu a(o) oda ni (3sFUT-enter SG-food DET DEM
2seat) it (left over food) will enter into the food (that) you eat.
When the head noun is indefinite, ao DET does not appear.
Two analyses come to ones mind here. In the first analysis, ao DET
is simply a determiner of the head noun; the main difference with
normal determination is that the head noun, when definite, is
obligatorily marked by ao DET, while this is not the case in other
contexts. Definite-head and indefinite-head restrictive relative clauses
would then have the same structure, being marked by the use of n-
/n- in subject relatives and by the left-edge position of the pronoun-
less postposition in prepositional relatives.
As ao DET also may function as the sole pronominal head of a
relative clause (the one that), a different analysis is also possible. In
this analysis, definite-head relative clauses would have a clause-
internal pronominal head, while indefinite-head relative clauses would
have to do without. This analysis would be similar to that by Heath
(2005) for Tamasheq; however, one should note that the Tamashek
structure is not entirely identical to the Tadaksahak structure, as
Tamashek also allows for indefinite pronominal heads.
When adpositional complements are relativized, the PPs are fronted
to the clause and follow the (definite) NP with ao as the last element
or the head noun immediately when it is indefinite.
The two analyses can be schematicized as follows:
228
(196) Definite and indefinite RC: two analyses
analysis 1 definite head noun ao [RC]
indefinite head noun [RC]
analysis 2 definite head noun [ao RC]
indefinite head noun [RC]
The following scheme lists the different particles that can follow ao
when it is part of a relativized NP.
n-/n-
demonstratives
postpositions
DET
DET.PL
sa
The more economic analysis of the two possibilities presented above
seems to be the option where there is one kind of RC and a
relativized definite NP contains obligatorily ao.
4.5.1.1 Subject relatives
In subject relatives, the verb is preceded by the extraction marker n-
/n (glossed EXM) when se- NEG.IMPERF n- NEG.PERF or t- FUT
are the MAN markers (Mood-Aspect-Negation) on the verb and takes
the place of the subject clitic in the RC. It is indifferent to number.
Before the other MAN-markers (perfective b-/f- and unmarked
imperfective), EXM is dropped for some unknown reason, or possibly
fully assimilated to the following consonant. EXM has the same shape
and appears in the same place (when it is present) as the focus
marker for subject focus (see 4.7.2.1).
Examples under (197) show subject RCs where the MAN markers
allow no extraction marker EXM, while (198) gives examples with n-
/n-.
(197) a) bor() ao [w-kat neda]
person DET reach-VEN here
the person who arrived here
b) i-mas-kon aondo [zzumbu ali daw]
PL-camel-owner.PL DET.PL go.down prop.name LOC
the camel riders who dismounted at Rhalis (place)
Syntax 229
c) bor() ao [f-keed t--lam-t]
person DET IMPERF-be.up F-SG-riding.camel-F.SG
the person who is riding the camel
d) a-aib [d -ki]
SG-phantom put CAUS-fear.VN
a phantom that frightens
e) h [b-s-gd() nda nin
thing IMPERF-CAUS-be.equal with 2sGEN
-kar n ibi]
SG-nail GEN dirt
something that is the size of the dirt under your nail
(198) a) aar ao [n-n-hun hgu daw]
man DET EXM-NEG.PERF-leave house LOC
the man who did not leave from home.
b) aaru ao [n-s-huru ayn car-n]
man DET EXM-NEG.IMPERF-enter 3sGEN friend-PL
the man who is not together with his (boy)friends
(becomes a girl.)
c) he (a)o [n-t-nini]
thing DET EXM-FUT-drink3p
the thing (human/animal) that will drink it (water)
d) t [n-s-yhar]
bowl EXM-NEG.IMPERF-be.covered
(it sees) a bowl that is not covered
e) tuw-yn [n-s-yhar]
bowl-PL EXM-NEG.IMPERF-be.covered
pots that are not covered...
f) [a-bara nn eam]
SG-warthog GEN fat
[n-t-huur() yn t--nar] kor-korr-
EXM-FUT-enter 3sGEN F-PL-nostril DUP-be.hot-ADJZR
(except) hot warthog fat that enters his trunk
g) hawr [n-n-hina hlln]
meat EXM-NEG.PERF-cook much
(he eats) meat that is not well cooked.
h) Iyy [cidaw n h f] [n-n-fa]
yes bird GEN thing IND EXM-NEG.PERF-be.important
yes, a little bird that is not important.
230
4.5.1.2 Object relatives
The scheme below is valid for all non-subject RCs.
(199) Structure of restrictive non-subject RC
Direct object noun (DET) (DEM) [(NP) verb]
Adposition noun (DET) (DEM) [adposition (NP) verb]
Tadaksahak does not leave any pronominal trace in an object RC.
This is the same behavior as observed in CHK (Heath 1999a:191)
and Tamasheq, but different from KS where a resumptive 3
rd
person
pronoun is left in the place of the extracted noun (Heath 1999b:244).
In the examples below, the place where a direct object would appear
if the clause had been a main clause is marked with .
(200) a) aal ao [aammy nn ka ] abbn
work DET 1shave 2s LOC 3sbe.finished
the work I have for you is finished.
b) i-mnsuw-an aond
PL-meal-PL DET.PL
[aab-fr-an ndi se ]
1sIMPERF-throw-ALL 2p DAT
the food that I threw to you
c) almitl a(o) oda [at-har andi se ]
example DET DEM.NEAR 1sFUT-tell 2p DAT
this example that I will tell you
d) he (a)(o) od(a) [ab-da ]
thing DET DEM 3sIMPERF-do
what he did (lit: this thing that he did)
e) t-a-nfus-t [[an bab(a)
F-SG-deed-F.SG 1sGEN father
ao en-i] add ].
DET be.old-ADJZR 3sdo
a courageous deed that my grandfather did...
f) a-kray [akkun() aka ] a aaka
SG-cloth 3sfind 3sLOC 3snot.be 3sLOC
a scarf she got from her is lost.
Syntax 231
4.5.1.3 Postpositional relatives
In postpositional relatives the postposition is put to the left edge of the
RC.
(201) a) nin hincin ao [se nif-ksi]
2sGEN goat DET DAT 2sIMPERF-cut3p
your goat for which you cut them (branches)
b) ayyd in gu ao
3sreturn 3pGEN place DET
[k(a) iyyzda].
LOC 3plive
he returned to the(ir) place in which they live.
c) zri ao [k niss-bddi an mo ka]
day DET LOC 2sCAUS-stop.BND3p 1sGEN face LOC
the day (on which) you bring them before me...
d) agd a(o) oda [ka abbaa s(a)
moment DET DEM.NEAR LOC 3swant COMP
at-mkwi]
3sFUT-move.on
the (precise) moment (when) he wanted to move on
e) bdaw ao snda [k(a)
canister DET DEM.FAR LOC
ary-n if-t-wi-yan ise]
water-PL 3pIMPERF-PASS-bring.BND-ALL 3pDAT
(he brought) that canister in which water had been
brought to them
f) yn bag ao [b(e) azzumb]
3sGEN head DET LOC 3sdescend
her head on which it (bird) landed
g) a-zar ao
SG-pond DET
[daw yn ary-n it-ky]
LOC 3SGEN water-PL 3pFUT-stop
the pond at which (rain wash) water stops
h) e-dag [ka t-a-har-t ahy]
SG-place LOC F-SG-lion-F.SG 3sgive.birth
(until she saw) a place where a lioness had given birth.
232
i) h [b(e) id-dduwul ib-z]
thing LOC PL-country 3pIMPERF-fight
a thing about which countries fight
j) t--gud [s(e) add h]
F-SG-girl DAT 3sdo thing
a girl for which he did something
4.5.1.4 Prepositional relatives
The instrumental marker is a preposition when it accompanies nouns.
In relative clauses, the preposition is put to the left edge of the RC,
exactly like the postpositions. In RC with the nda, ao is always
present.
(202) a) mmk a [()nda at-da].
manner DET with 1sFUT-do3s
how I am going to do it. (Lit: manner with which...)
b) --u a [()nda nikkosa]
F-SG-ax DET with 1scut3s
the ax with which you cut it.
For possessor relativization see 4.5.4.2 below.
4.5.2 4.5.2 4.5.2 4.5.2 Relativization of generic terms Relativization of generic terms Relativization of generic terms Relativization of generic terms
This type of RC is formally not different from the restrictive type. One
such generic term is h thing that can designate humans as well as
animals in certain contexts. This is shown in the example below.
(203) ttilla h [nn aaka] yeer-n nd(a)
each thing drink 3sLOC vomiting-PL and
a-buku at-kun(a)a.
SG-diarrhea 3sFUT-find3s
whoever (humans/animals) drinks from it, will get vomiting
and diarrhea.
4.5.2.1 Existential expressions with relativization
The RC of an existential expression uses the same construction as
shown in the previous sections. Expressions like nothing and
nobody are based on the existential verb not be. Relativization of
such terms typically has the RC separate from the head noun by the
existential verb:
Syntax 233
(204) [bor(a) a] [my i-mas]
person 3sbe.not own PL-camels
ndga wij(i) I-dksahak.
if not.be PL-ethn.name
there is nobody who has camels except the Idaksahak.
(Lit: a person does not exist who owns camels).
Likewise, with the noun he thing the construction is the same.
(205) [h(e) a] [yhal s(a) at-mn-kaata]...
thing 3sbe.not dare COMP 3SFUT-appoach-VEN3s
nobody dared to approach it.... (Lit: a thing is not that
dared...)
The Tamasheq negative existential wrtilla there is not behaves
differently. The term behaves like an unanalyzable particle in
Tadaksahak. It precedes the noun whose non-existence it posits
(4.4.3). In relative clauses with wrtilla, the determiner ao is present,
even though the referent is indefinite. Note that EXM is present under
the same conditions as discussed above.
(206) a) aabby sa wrtill(a) -ms ao
1sknow COMP there.is.not SG-camel DET
[bb-azurag t--sea-an ka].
IMPERF-be.free F-PL-season.kind-PL LOC
I know that there is no camel that is left free during hot
season.
b) wrtilla bor() ao [()n-sbun]
there.is.not person DET EXM-NEG.IMPERFdie
Nobody is immortal.
c) wrtill(a) ao [bbaa s(a) ayn
there.is.not DET want COMP 3sGEN
t-a-mek-k at-n() a-ff se.]
F-SG-milking.animal-F.SG 3sFUT-give SG-one DAT
there is no one who wants to give his livelihood to
someone else.
The last example shows no head noun.
4.5.2.2 Relativization with ho this thing and n here
The noun ho this thing consists of the neutral noun he thing and the
determiner o, so it is a definite entity (4.1.3.5). However, ao never
234
occurs following h, any RC follows h immediately unless a
demonstrative (s) is present. Likewise, n is never followed by ao.
(207) a) ndr abby h [bar(a) ase
if 3sknow thing.DEBR be.in 3sDAT
alxar] as-d() ase he yibrr-an.
next.world 3sNEG.IMPERF-do 3sDAT thing be.bad-ADJZR
if she had known what was in the next world for her, she
would not have done anything bad to him (her husband).
b) Ci na h [nibbaa]?
QST be thing.DEBR 2swant
what do you want? (lit. What is the thing you want?)
c) an-d h (s) [acc].
3sNEG.PERF-do thing.DEBR (DEM.FAR) 3ssay
he did not do what (lit. the thing that) he said.
Example (c) above was not accepted by all informants without the
presence of s DEM.FAR.
The locative adverb n here can also be relativized.
(208) a) ayn biid-n ne [k(a) iddumb() ga].
3sGEN bone-PL here LOC 3pcut 3s.EMP
its bones were there where they had killed it.
b) ...har n [k(a) ihoay].
until here LOC 3pspend.day
...until there where they spent the day.
c) n [k(a) ary-n ikky] wa-n ibara
here LOC water-PL 3pstop dirt-PL 3pbe
there where the water stops (running) is dirt.
For other uses of n here see (4.4.2.1).
4.5.3 4.5.3 4.5.3 4.5.3 Pronomina Pronomina Pronomina Pronominal human referents l human referents l human referents l human referents
In the relativization of pronominal human referents (including speech-
act participants) a linking marker is used. In this case, the particle
n(o-da) there(-INT) is used. Constructions with ao are considered
ungrammatical, i.e., *nin ao dral nimm (a)-se (2s.EMP DET
be.blind 2shear 3s-DAT) you who are blind, heard him. is not a
possible sentence.
The following table lists the attested forms with n(o-da)
Syntax 235
(209) Human referent markers
singular plural
1
st
aay no-da ari no-da
2
nd
nn n(o-da) ndi n(o-da)
3
rd
ga n(o-da) gi n
According to our informants, the presence of the optional parts would
insist either on the presence on the scene of the person (3
rd
person)
or insistence (2
nd
persons). The RC following this marker has the
same structure as other restrictive RC types.
Examples
(210) a) ay no-da [jw ana]
1s.EMP there-INT help 2s.DAT
aabbaa nn jw t-oo-las-t.
1swant 2sGEN help.VN F-SG-do.again-F.SG
I who helped you, I want your help in return.
b) nn n [kr ay] nt-k kssaw
2s.EMP there hit 1s.O 2sFUT-go prison
you who hit me will go to prison.
c) ga n [b-zy]
3s.EMP there IMPERF-steal
ga zy akkeed.
3s.EMP steal.VN 3sbe.on
he who steals, he is accused of stealing.
d) ari no-da [bb-l] ars-.
1p.EMP there-INT IMPERF-work 1pNEG.IMPERF-eat
we who are working dont eat.
e) ndi n [b-] ands-yl.
2p.EMP there IMPERF-eat 2pNEG.IMPERF-work
(and) you who eat are not working.
f) gi n [kun() -aal]
3p.EMP there find SG-work
gi n-ddww-t
3p.EMP FOC-be.glad
they who found work, its them who are happy.
236
In the corpus another use (topicalization) of independent pronouns
referring to human referents with no-da is found (see 4.7.1.2 ex
(240)).
Songhay of Gao has an optional /no/ particle followed by /ka/ for
subject focus (or /no ma/), while /no/ is obligatory for non-subject
fronted constituents followed by a clause (Heath 1999b:132). This
focus marker may be at the origin of this particular form when
pronominal human referents are relativized.
4.5.4 4.5.4 4.5.4 4.5.4 Non Non Non Non- -- -restrictive relativization with restrictive relativization with restrictive relativization with restrictive relativization with sa sa sa sa
A non-restrictive relative clause typically adds new information to the
head noun. The RC itself is structurally a complete clause that is
preceded by sa COMP (complementizer). sa is also used in
complement clauses of verbs (4.3.10.3) and as topic marker in
equational clauses (4.7.1.1). The RC follows the noun it modifies
immediately unless there is a postposition following it or a restrictive
RC modifying the same head noun. This construction is the only
possible way to relativize possessors.
4.5.4.1 Subject and object
In the first example, the subject of a transitive clause is relativized.
The function of the relative clause is not to identify which woman he
married, but to give additional information about her:
(211) azzw surgy fo
3stake woman IND
sa [ttilla zri at- i-mas i].
COMP each day 3sFUT-eat PL-camel seven
he married a certain woman, who (once they were
married) used to eat seven camels a day.
The following example also shows the subject of a transitive clause
that is relativized. The relative clause gives additional information
about the specific place called Indeliman:
(212) Ielman d ka s(a)
loc.name too LOC COMP
[ayyagr t--m-zda].
3pbe.bigger F-PL-RECI-dwell
(they live) also in Indeliman, which is bigger than the
(named) dwelling places.
Syntax 237
In the following example, the relative clause introduced with sa has
embedded another relative clause that modifies the quantifier one
from which it is separated by the negative existential -i (see more
examples in4.5.2.1).
(213) ammy ayn izacn-an kaa
3own 3sGEN young.man-PL three
sa [a-ff ai
COMP SG-one 3sbe.not3p
[b-deraw a-ff ()nda nan]].
IMPERF-have.in.common SG-one with mother
he had three sons, of whom there was not one who had
the same mother. (Lit: one was not that had in common
the mother with another)
The next examples illustrate the regular structure when the non-
restrictive RC contains a focalized subject. Generally it is the object of
the main clause that is relativized on but a shift of focus happens
inside the RC. The object of the main clause is always marked with
ao DET that is followed by sa. This resembles the regular restrictive
RC construction where a demonstrative-like marker follows the head.
However, this type of sa RC always adds new information to the NP.
The pragmatic effect of this kind of RC is to direct the hearers
attention from the subject of the main clause to the subject of the
relative clause, i.e. young man or people in the examples below.
(214) a) ahai-an izac(e) ao
3slook-ALL young.man DET
s(a) [ga nmmy t-a-bkar-t]...
COMP 3s.EMPH FOCown F-SG-ewe-F.SG
he looked towards the young man, that who owned the
ewe...
b) at-ydhl bor-n ndao
3sFUT-help person-PL DET.PL
s(a) [gi n-b-hrr(u) alxr]
COMP 3p.EMP FOC-IMPERF-take peace
he will help the people, those that seek peace.
The relativized constituent in the following example is an unmarked
indirect object (see 4.3.8). The relative clause introduced with sa
gives additional information about the woman who has already been
identified earlier in the story. (For the irregular behavior of n OPP see
4.1.3.6):
238
(215) wy n ao
woman OPP DET
sa [t-a-cdaw-t ab-s-kn() ami]
COMP F-SG-bird-F.SG 3sIMPERF-CAUS-show suffering
acc...
3ssay
the other woman, to whom the small bird was showing
suffering, said...
4.5.4.2 Possessor relativization
Possessors cannot be relativized by means of the regular restrictive
strategy described above. Instead, relativization with sa COMP is
used. Although most examples of this type in the corpus contain non
restrictive clauses, it may also appear with restrictive clauses. It thus
constitutes an exception to the generally non restrictive semantics of
RC constructions with sa.
In the first example, the RC consists of an equational clause. The
possessive pronoun ayn her is correlative with the head noun that is
an indirect object of the main clause.
(216) ab--kn-an yn nana se
3sIMPERF-CAUS-greet-ALL 3sGEN mother DAT
s(a) [ayn mn Amnata].
COMP 3sGEN name prop.name
he greets his mother, whose name is Aminata.
In the following example, the sa strategy is found with an indefinite
but established referent to which the possessor refers. In this case,
sa introduces a restrictive RC.
(217) bag [s(a) ayn my(a) ayyibrr]
well COMP 3SGEN mouth 3sbe.bad
wa-n ibb-d aka
dirt.kind-PL 3pIMPERF-return 3sLOC
a well that has a bad opening (without wall), dirt falls in it.
In the following example, the subject of the non restrictive RC (her
house) contains the possessive pronoun that correlates with the
head noun. A restrictive RC follows the same head noun immediately.
Syntax 239
(218) maan() mmk a ()nda art-gun
where manner DET with 1pFUT-see
[wy bar(a) i-nn-an],
woman be.in PL-sky-PL
s(a) [ayn hgu af-keed t-a-zan-t n
COMP 3sGEN house 3sIMPERF-be.up F-SG-mast-F.SG GEN
mya kuk()-an]?
end be.long-ADJZR
how are we going to see the woman in the sky, whose
house is up at the end of a long mast?
The constituent that contains the possessive pronoun that correlates
with the head noun may be fronted. When this happens, a resumptive
pronoun appears in the relative clause in the normal position of the
constituent. In the following example, his eyes is fronted and
immediately follows sa. The resumptive pronoun clitic ii occurs in its
normal place, immediately preceding the postposition ka.
(219) aaggun(a) a-aib s(a)
1ssee SG-phantom COMP
[ayn m-(e)n hur(u) ab-d() ika]
3sGEN eye-PL fire 3sIMPERF-do 3pLOC
I saw a phantom, in whose eyes fire was burning.
Contrast the following examples, in which the constituent that
contains the co-indexed possessive pronoun occurs in its normal
position in the relative clause:
(220) aaggun(a) [a-aib d -ki] sa
1ssee SG-phantom do CAUS-fear.VN COMP
[huur() b-d() yn m-(e)n ka]
fire 3sIMPERF-do 3sGEN eye-PL LOC
I saw a phantom that causes fear, which had fire in his
eyes...
In the following example the object of you want, present as a verbal
noun, is relativized. The idiom da tanfust bora se to tell somebody a
story (do story person DAT) can only be relativized on this way. The
verb (to do) is nominalized and with the possessor refers to the story.
240
(221) aywa, d(a) ay t--nfus-t ao
well do 1s.IO F-SG-story-F.SG DET
sa [nibba(a) ayn d]]!
COMP 2swant 3sGEN do.VN]
so, tell me the story [on tape], that which you wanted to
tell (me)!
4.6 4.6 4.6 4.6 Negation particles Negation particles Negation particles Negation particles
In the chapter on the MAN (Mood-Aspect-Negation) markers the
basic negations on the verb were presented (4.2.4). This section is
dedicated to complex negations that are formed with a MAN marker
negation on the verb and an additional particle in the clause. There
are no structural similarities that link them all to one particular class, it
is more the semantic feature of negation + X that groups them
together. never not at all and except are concepts found with this
construction. Nobody and nothing can be traced to negative
clauses that are now used in the nominal slot of the clause. Some of
the particles need some other kind of negated form in the clause to
be interpreted correctly.
4.6.1 4.6.1 4.6.1 4.6.1 k kk kl ... n l ... n l ... n l ... n- -- - never never never never
The particle kl once together with the negation on the verb, results
in the reading not once with the free translation never.
The examples in the corpus are all combined with the NEG.PERF n-.
(222) a) ...kl an-m
once 1sNEG.IMPERF-hear
t-a-swl-t n atab se.
F-SG-whet-F.SG GEN sew.NV DAT
(since I live) ... I have never heard that one sews with a
stone.
b) kl() an-hun() ayn hgu daw
once 3sNEG.PERF-leave.from 3sGEN tent LOC
he has never left (the area) around his tent.
Without the negation it is frequently used in the introductory sentence
to a folktale with a free translation There was once...
Syntax 241
(223) icc kl wy f n(e) ad
3psay once woman IND place ANA
there was once this woman... (lit: it is said once a certain
woman there ...
The particle may be repeated in this position.
4.6.2 4.6.2 4.6.2 4.6.2 n nn n - -- - ... fow ... fow ... fow ... fow not at all not at all not at all not at all
The particle fow is always at the end of a negated clause and set off
with a short pause from the rest of the utterance. It intensifies the
negated fact of the utterance. It is also found with other negations on
the verb (e.g. never) and can intensify them. In context, even by
itself, the particle can intensify a negated fact. This use is illustrated
further down in example (227).
(224) a) an-flsa fw!
1sNEG.PERF-believe3s at.all
I dont believe it at all!
b) kl bor-n in-gun() yn ci fw!
once person-PL 3pNEG.PERF-see 3sGEN likeness at.all
never ever have people seen its (Hares intelligence)
likeness.
4.6.3 4.6.3 4.6.3 4.6.3 NEG NEG NEG NEG + har + har + har + har exc exc exc except ept ept ept
A semantically weak exception is encoded with je only discussed
below (4.7.4.4). The preposition har until, together with a negation
on the verb or a verb with a negative meaning, conveys the exception
that could also be translated as not but. The first example below is
with the plain negation on the verb (for the inversion of PRNnda
followed by a nominal constituent see 3.2.7.11.2.2). The second
example shows the use with yba lack. This verb can be read as a
negation for the subordinate finite verb. yba is interpreted with an
impersonal 3s clitic. The last example shows har until between
clauses and har except preceding a noun.
(225) a) an-ykkl-kat ()nda j har
3sNEG.PERF-lift-VEN 3pwith only until
i-mur-an.
PL-horse.dropping-PL
he served them nothing but droppings.
242
b) ayyba s(a) aab-gun har
3slack COMP 1SIMPERF-see until
n hanj-n nd(a) in t--lank-an
3pGEN ear-PL and 3pGEN F-PL-tail-PL
I cannot see but their ears and their tails = I can only see
their...
c) ab-(a) har bbeeni
3sIMPERF-eat3p until 3sfinish3p
har a-fdda d(a) asnda.
until SG-one.only INT DEM.FAR
he (Jackal) was eating them (young warthogs) until he
had finished them except for only that one.
Also consider the examples (231)c and (234)b below.
When the exception is an action the complement clause particle sa
has to be present after har.
(226) a) hmay n igt as-mmay alib k
wash.VN GEN excess 3sNEG.IMPERF-have fault LOC
har sa ()nt-hmay hw k.
until COMP 2sFUT-wash wind LOC
there is no danger in washing a lot except that you wash
(yourself) in the wind.
b) acc w rtilla j hr s(a)
3ssay there.is.not only until COMP
at-ykm yn aru k.
3sFUT-reign 3sGEN man LOC
she wanted absolutely nothing but reign over her
husband.
The following dialogue illustrates several of the negations discussed
above in a short exchange.
(227) Q: k kl niggun Bamakoy?
QST once 2ssee loc.name
Have you ever seen Bamako?
A: klakla!
no
No!
Q: nda Gawgaw?
and loc.name
And Gao?
Syntax 243
A: klakla kl an-gun hr Mnka.
no once 1sNEG.PERF-see until loc.name
No, I never saw (anything else) but Menaka.
Q: Yamay?
loc.name
Niamey?
A: fw fw M nka j
at.all at.all loc.name only
Not at all, not at all, only Menaka
4.6.4 4.6.4 4.6.4 4.6.4 NEG NEG NEG NEG + wala + wala + wala + wala not even not even not even not even
The preposition wala together with a negation on the verb can be
translated as not even. The negation is crucial for this reading.
(228) a) an-gun wal(a) -ffooda
3sNEG.IMPERF-see without SG-one
he didnt even see one.
b) as-bay t-a-wl-an ka wala
3sNEG.IMPERF-know F-SG-language-PL LOC without
h(e) accena
thing 3sbe.small
he doesnt even know a little bit of (other) languages.
4.6.5 4.6.5 4.6.5 4.6.5 NEG NEG NEG NEG- -- - .... .... .... .... edd edd edd edd ~ ~~ ~ cedd cedd cedd cedd not yet not yet not yet not yet
The particle edd ~ cedd has several functions, all of them related to
time. Examples for preverbal yet are found in 4.8.4.7. When
following a negated verb, the construction NEG-verb edd is translated
into English by not yet, e.g.
(229) a) an-tn edd
3sNEG.PERF-arrive yet
he hasnt arrived yet.
b) an a-lmad an-yimd edd.
1sGEN SG-learn 3sNEG.PERF-be.complete yet
I have not yet finished learning.
c) barar as-by -bba cedd.
child 3sNEG.IMPERF-know SG-chew yet
the child cannot yet chew.
244
4.6.6 4.6.6 4.6.6 4.6.6 Negative constructions with Negative constructions with Negative constructions with Negative constructions with and and and and w ww w rtilla rtilla rtilla rtilla
Both particles were introduced in the section about existential
expressions (4.4.3). In this section we will discuss how they are used
on clause level to negate items or actions.
4.6.6.1 h(e) a / bor(a) a nothing/nobody
To understand the functioning of the negation we need to understand
the positive statement first. A non-specified entity is often represented
by the word h thing. This may refer to a human, animate or
inanimate entity. In the following example the positive and negative
statement are given.
(230) a) acc h
3ssay thing
he said something.
b) an-c h
3sNEG.PERF-say thing
he said nothing
However, when the part nothing is emphasized a different
construction is used. The negative existential copula together with
h thing is fronted as a unit.
(231) a) h(e) a
thing 3snot.be
there is no thing = nothing
b) [h(e) a] acc(i) ase
thing 3snot.be 3ssay 3sDAT
she said nothing to him.
c) [h(e) a] b- li-kat ika har
thing 3snot.be IMPERF-go.out-VEN 3pLOC until
nothing sticks out of them except [Lit: nothing there is
that sticks out of them except
The whole clause behaves like a noun that can be preposed to a
clause (b) when functioning as a direct object, or be followed by a
relative clause (c).
Parallel to the construction with h thing the noun bor person can
express somebody or nobody.
Syntax 245
(232) a) aaggun bor
3ssee person
I saw somebody.
b) an-gun bor
1sNEG.PERF-see person
I didnt see anybody. = I saw nobody.
When nobody is the topic, it must be expressed with the existential
copula . Any comment following nobody is a relative clause
modifying person.
(233) a) bor() ai
person 3sbe.not
there is no person = nobody
b) [bor() a] my i-mas
person 3sbe.not own PL-camel
nd-ga wij(i) I-dksahak.
with-3s.EMP is.not PL-ethnic.name
nobody owns camels except the Idaksahak.
(Lit: a person does not exist who owns camels if it is not
the Idaksahak).
c) [bor() a] lelaw nd(a).
person 3sbe.not talk with3s
nobody talks with him.
4.6.6.2 wrtilla there is not
This particle was introduced in 4.4.3. Here some special uses are
examined. Together with h thing and bor person, the particle
wrtilla conveys nothing and nobody, respectively. As with the
copula, these are pragmatically strongly marked entities.
(234) a) wrtilla he b-mazal...
there.is.not thing IMPERF-be.sent
there is nothing that happens...
b) wrtilla bor nmmaya har
there.is.not person FOCown3s until
ndi n bara(a?) yzda aka
2pO there exist(3s?) live 3sLOC
there is nobody [focus] who owns it (land) except you
there who are (in it?), live in it.
wrtilla sometimes takes a complement clause.
246
(235) wrtilla s(a) alakmat akk
there.is.not COMP government 3sgo
()nd(a) a-hndag kamil
with SG-place all
nd-ga wij() nd(a) yn k-(e)n
with-3s.EMP is.not with 3sGEN owner-PL
it does not happen (exist) that the government goes to
every place except with its owners.
The logical parallel to this construction with the negative copula , a
sa it is not that, does not seem to exist.

4.7 4.7 4.7 4.7 Information Structure Information Structure Information Structure Information Structure
In this chapter the strategies for topicalization, focalization and
interrogatives are described. In addition some particles are presented
that have emphasizing or other discourse functions.
4.7.1 4.7.1 4.7.1 4.7.1 Topicalization Topicalization Topicalization Topicalization
There are two different strategies for topicalization on clause level.
One is used for non-verbal constructions and the other for clauses
with verbs.
4.7.1.1 Equational constructions
The constituent that is topicalized in an equational construction is
marked with the COMP sa when it is an independent (EMP) pronoun.
When it is a noun it is followed by the corresponding (sg or pl)
independent pronoun and the sa COMP marker.
The following examples show different contexts: a) plain equational
clause, b) with a question particle, c) with additive, d) with additional
information to the complement and e) with a plural referent. The bar /
indicates that a pause in the flow of the utterance happens at that
point.
(236) a) ga s(a) a-mnokal.
3S.EMP COMP SG-ruler
it was him who was the chief.
b) a-har / k ga sa trra nn zzay
SG-lion QST 3S.EMP COMP bush GEN son
the lion [topic], is it him who is the son of the bush?
Syntax 247
c) ga d / ga s(a) izace
3s.EMP too 3s.EMP COMP youth
he too, he was also a young man (of good qualities).
d) ga s(a) aywni t-a-bor-t
3S.EMP COMP 3sof F-SG-wealth-F.SG
h yll-an
thing be.eternal-ADJZR
(earth) its this its very own wealth, (it is) a thing that lasts.
e) Ielman / gi s(a) ayn gnda
loc.name 3p.EMP COMP 3SGEN land
(other place names...) I., its them that are his land.
4.7.1.2 Nominal constituents
Constituents that are topicalized in clauses containing a verb have no
special marker. They are preposed to the clause and set off with a
short pause (marked as / ) before the clause itself is uttered.
When topicalized subjects are pronouns, they are preposed to the
clause in the independent form.
(237) nn / niddin-kat r-n aam.
2s.EMP 2stake-VEN 1p-GEN slave
ari / arss-nn-frn-kat arw-n.
1p.EMP 1pCAUS-RECI-be.chosen-VEN man-PL
(as for) you, you took our slave, (but) we, we have chosen
(real) men.
When objects are fronted an in situ resumptive pronoun appears.
(238) a) barar / bukari n sgni af-keed(i)
childi turban.kind GEN indigo 3sIMPERF-be.on3si
the child, there is indigo of the turban on it.
b) an cay / t-aa-s-t akkaar
1sGEN legi F-SG-tire-F.SG 3shit3si
my leg, it went to sleep. (Lit: fatigue hit it)
c) bor-n yda / ns-k
person-PLi DEM.PROX 2sNEG.IMPERF-can
nib--mmi(i)i
2sIMPERF-CAUS-be.separated3pi
these people, you cannot separate them.
248
The topicalized constituent may be reinforced by an emphatic
pronoun followed by the intensifier d precisely, exactly (239), no-
da there-precisely (240)a-c) or the shorter form n there (240)d)
mostly with plural referents.
(239) a) i-s-udar / gi d / h(e) a
PL-INST-livei 3p.EMPi INT thing 2snot.be
()n-t-s-s(a)i har t--zdk-k.
EXM-FUT-CAUS-be.strong3pi until F-SG-be.clean-F.SG
food, as for it, there is nothing that makes it strong except
cleanliness.
b) alkaf / ga d / abar(a) addwl f.
horse.saddlei 3s.EMPi INT 3sibe country one
As for the saddle, it was in another country.
c) t- -mgad-an / gi d / gi kaad
F-PL-girl-PLi 3p.EMPi INT 3p.EMPi three
As for the girls, they were three.
(240) a) ay no-da aabb-og huur...
1s.EMP there-INT 1SIMPERF-perceive fire
I here, I see a fire (in the distance)...
b) an nana nin no-da nin m
1sGEN mother 2s.EMP there-INT 2sGEN face
my mother, you there, your face
c) s(a) ga no-da addig()-an
COMP 3s.EMP there-INT 3sforget-ALL
yn krtba bagu b
3sGEN trousers well LOC
(he remembered) that, he there, he (had) forgot(ten) his
trousers at the well.
d) i-kufa gi n idd h s
PL-European 3p.EMP there 3pmake thing.DEBR DAT
anyat
attention
Europeans, they there (as for them), they pay attention to
this.
Syntax 249
4.7.1.3 Verbal nouns
Verbs can be topicalized by preposing the corresponding verbal noun
to the beginning of the clause and substituting the main verb with the
light verb, ks to be or d to do.
(241) a) a-gad /
SG-put.turban
akks Idksahak n t--ggas-t.
3sbe name GEN F-SG-guard-F.SG
putting on a turban is a custom of the Idaksahak.
b) a-k arn i-bya idd
SG-be.dried.up 1pGEN PL-water.skin 3pdo
zrooda ass-rma ari.
today 3sCAUS-have.fear 1p.O
our water skins are so empty today that this makes us
afraid. (Lit: the drying up our water skins do ...)
c) -hoora add(a) ise har aawi
SG-pursue 3sdo 3pDAT until 3sreach3p
bagu b.
well LOC
he pursued them (by following their footprints) until he
reached them at the well.
In comparative constructions the quality is given as a verbal noun and
so constitutes the topic of the clause. Structurally this is the same as
the above clauses except for the use of be more instead of the be
and do verbs.
(242) ayn a-flcqu ayyagr n ao wni
3sGEN SG-be.flat 3sbe.more OPP DET of
this (receptacle) is flatter than that one (Lit: its flatness is
more than...)
4.7.2 4.7.2 4.7.2 4.7.2 Focalization Focalization Focalization Focalization
Under focalization we understand that one constituent of a clause is
highlighted and marked by syntactic means as the important
information in this clause.
Syntactic focalization in Tadaksahak is attested for NPs (including
adverbials), PPs and verbs.
250
The focalized constituent is fronted to the position immediately before
the verbal word. There is no special marker for this constituent except
for the subject. In addition to the left movement the constituent is
uttered with a higher pitch than an undisplaced constituent.
(243) as-hurr tam-n
1sNEG.IMPERF-look.for sandal-PL
-slsa aab-hurr
PL-clothe 1sIMPERF-look.for
I am not looking for sandals, its clothes I am looking for.
4.7.2.1 Subject focalization
When a subject is focalized a particle n- FOC (focus) (n- before CV-
shaped MAN markers) replaces the regular subject clitic. While
similar to the extraction marker in relative clauses (see 4.5.1), its
syntactic behavior is not identical. The extraction marker only occurs
in subject relative clauses that contain a verb form with a MAN
marker of the shape CV-. The focus marker, on the other hand, also
appears with unmarked perfectives (e.g. (244)b).
Subject pronouns that are focalized take the independent form of the
pronoun. As with focalized nouns, in such cases the FOC particle is
inserted before the verb. Examples of pronouns in focus are given in
(244) and examples of nouns in focus are given in (245)
(244) a) ay nb-d()a ayn t--nar ka.
1s.EMP FOCIMPERF-do3s 3sGEN F-PL-nostril LOC
its me who puts it in his nostrils.
b) nn nyymna.
2s.EMP FOCpromise3s
its you who promised it.
c) ga nhun() adnit jinjin
3s.EMP FOCleave.from world first
its him who died first.
d) ga nf-kw haam biid-n be
3s.EMP FOCIMPERF-take.from meat bone-PL LOC
its him (dog) who takes meat from (on) the bones.
e) ga ndduw.
3s.EMP FOCbe.better
its this (action) that is good/better.
Syntax 251
f) ari nzzw-kaata.
1p.EMP FOCtake-VEN3s
its us who brought it.
g) ndi ndd() ase h(e) ad
2p.EMP FOCdo 3sDAT thing ANA
its you (pl) who did this to him.
h) gi nssra mn ao od(a) ffud wni.
3p.EMP FOCput.on3s name DET DEM.NEAR loc.name of
its them who gave it this name of Affud.
i) ga ()nt-soor cgooda.
3s.EMP FOCFUT-milk tonight
its her who will milk tonight.
(245) a) baar n -kar-an n-k-kat
horse GEN PL-nail-PL FOCCAUS-get.up-VEN
()nda n ...
3pwith SEP 3s
it was the horses hooves that made it (storm) come up
towards them.
b) har a-ffo-da nggor-kat ika t-a-wddi-t
until SG-one-INT FOCsit-VEN 3pLOC F-SG-foal-F.SG
except one that was left of them, a foal.
c) h(e) yda nyyzl(a)i
thing DEM.PROX FOC occupy3p
it was this (an action) that occupied them
d) wij(i) i-mnsuw-an nzzw-kat ay
is.not PL-food-PL FOCtake-VEN 1s
it is not (the existence of [good]) food that took me here
The particle may be cognate with the Songhay focus marker /na/
(Timbuktu). In Mainstream Songhay, this particle is found marking
non-subject elements (Timbuktu), or is optional with subjects (Gao).
4.7.2.2 Object focalization
When an object is focalized, it is extracted from its original place and
put before the verbal word. There is no focus marker following the
constituent and after the inflected verb no resumptive object clitic
marks the place of the extracted NP.
252
(246) a) ga aakkr.
3s.EMP 1shit
its him I hit.
b) nn aaggun
2s.EMP 1ssee
its you I saw.
c) tam-n aabbaa
sandal-PL 1swant
its sandals I want.
4.7.2.3 Focalization of adpositional complements
Adpositional phrases are fronted as a whole. The independent series
of pronouns is used in these constructions.
Focus of dative complements
(247) a) ay / nn s(e) aakky-kat.
1s.EMP 2s.EMP DAT 1sleave-VEN
as for me [topic], its for you [focus] that I came here.
b) wiji nn se aaf-c
is.not 2s.EMP DAT 1sIMPERF-say
bor-n aonda-n yu wn-en se
person-PL DET.PL-there old.VN of-PL DAT
it is not to you [focus] I speak, (but) to those people of old
times.
Note the syntax of the last example and compare it with (245)d)
above where the particle wiji is posing the non-existence of the
focalized constituent.
Focus of locative postpositions
(248) a) hgu k(a) a-in()a
house LOC 3sCAUS-put.down3s
its in the house [focus] that s/he put it down.
b) ga k(a) ass-kkll har...
3s.EMP LOC 3sCAUS-cry until
in it (moment) [focus] it (bird) cried until...
c) nin a-hcet b(e) azzumb
2sGEN SG-tent LOC 3sdescend
its on your tent [focus] that it (bird) landed.
Syntax 253
d) ga be komn-tan idd
3s.EMP LOC commune-PL 3pmake
because of that [focus] communes are made.
f) ndi daw a-t-zumb
2p LOC 1s-FUT-go.down
its at your place [focus] that I will stay.
Instrument focalization follows a different path. The expected fronting
of a bare noun with preposition *nda bund with a stick is
ungrammatical. Instead, a strategy similar to relative clause formation
is used: the focused element is followed by the DET marker ao and
the preposition switches place and follows the noun and the DET
marker. This is found both with focused definite and with focused
indefinite nouns. When the focused item is an independent pronoun,
DET is absent and nda follows the pronoun.
Focus of instrumental nda
(249) a) a-n--may a ()nda bor-n if-aab
SG-ACT-CAUS-sew DET with person-PL 3pIMPERF-sew
its with a needle [focus] that people sew.
b) he (a)o snd(a) nda
thing DET DEM.FAR with
bor-n ib-w a-har
person-PL 3pIMPERF-kill SG-lion
its with that thing (a spear) [focus] people used to kill a
lion.
c) ndal / g(a) nda
pricker 3s.EMP with
bor-n ibb-wl almn.
person-PL 3pIMPERF-brand.mark herd
a pricker [topic], its with it [focus] that people brand the
animals (of the herd).
4.7.2.4 Verb focalization
Verbs can be focalized when the need arises to insist that a different
action than the one uttered is at the center of attention, e.g. A: has
she left? B: (No), she sleeps. When stative verbs are focalized, this
expresses an intensification of the state.
Syntactically the bare verb stem is preposed to the inflected verb.
Since verbs with Songhay cognates take no morphology when
254
nominalized they do not indicate if the verbal noun or the verb stem is
fronted. However, stems of Tamasheq origin clearly show that the
verb stem itself, and not a nominal form, is pre-posed to the inflected
verb. The verbal noun of the first example is -aal work < yil to
work. From (c) onwards the examples are from texts. The translation
line shows the verb in capitals in order to indicate the focused
element in the translation.
(250) a) yl aabb-l
work 1sIMPERF-work
I am WORKING.
b) t--ngud n ao dt ab-dt
F-SG-girl OPP DET pound 3sIMPERF-pound
that girl is POUNDING.
c) gun() iggun izac(e) asnda n
see 3psee youth DEM.FAR GEN
a-mgol...
SG-beauty
they SAW that young mans beauty... (and stayed)
d) h(e) a kun() ari ars-
thing 3snot.be find 1p eat 1pNEG.IMPERF-eat
we are not ill, (but) we do not EAT.
e) ak nn dral nddaral?
QST 2s.EMP be.blind 2sbe.blind
as for you, are you totally blind?
f) t- -mgad-n asnda
F-PL-girl-PL DEM.FAR
kk is-kk.
have.shame 3pNEG.IMPERF-have.shame
those girls, they have no shame at all.
g) by am a-s-by mmk a ()nda
know EXCL 1s-NEG.IMPERF-know manner DET with
I really dont know how
The verb by know is also used with this structure to express the
opposite of the expected really know/know very well. This particular
expression must be an idiomatic use: by aabby! How can I
know!
Syntax 255
4.7.2.5 Focalization of adverbial NPs
Like all the other constituents, adverbials are preposed to the verbal
word when focalized. See examples below.
(251) a) tffak art-m qqs neda.
tomorrow 1pFUT-meet here
its tomorrow (that) we will meet here.
b) lmz attn
dusk 3s arrive
its at dusk (that) he arrived.
4.7.3 4.7.3 4.7.3 4.7.3 Interrogatives Interrogatives Interrogatives Interrogatives
Polar interrogatives (yes/no questions) are either declarative clauses
with interrogative intonation or an optional yes/no question particle is
present.
For another type of yes/no question, a tag question particle is used,
that implies that the polar interrogative is answered by a confirmation.
WH interrogatives (content questions) are formed on the basis of two
question words that are combined with other elements to form the
whole array of needed question words.
4.7.3.1 Yes/no interrogatives
A polar interrogative may simply be an indicative clause with
interrogative intonation, i.e. a raising tone contour towards the end of
the utterance.
(252) a) nn bkw m aglos?
2s jinn or angel
are you a jinn or an angel?
b) i-bra-an ikkn nda nn?
PL-wild.date-PL 3pbe.sweet towards 2s
do you like (to eat) wild dates?
Otherwise, one can use an interrogative particle that precedes the
clause. Two forms are attested, both have cognates in Tamasheq. k
is used around Menaka and in the east while ign is found in texts
from Talatayt.
256
(253) a) k i-bya ittn
QST PL-water.skin 3parrive
have the (donkeys with the) water skins arrived?
b) k t-e-laq-q n nn
QST F-SG-knife-F.SG FOCeat 2s
is it a knife that cut you?
c) ign aam aakks
QST slave 1sbe
am I a slave?
4.7.3.2 Tag questions
This type of yes/no question presupposes that the statement with the
added tag is true and will be confirmed. The tag element is wiji
it is not, which is added at the end of a statement with rising question
intonation.
(254) Muss(a) attn wiji?
M. 3sarrive is.not
M. has arrived, isnt it?
A very strong tag is sometimes used to indicate the wish of the
speaker to evaluate the truth of a statement.
(255) ciim wala tangar-n?
truth or lie-PL
is it true or false?
4.7.3.3 WH questions
There are only three basic question words that are used in
combination with different nouns and be connectors to express the
usual expected array of information questions.
(256) WH-question words
ci who/what
man (+ n) where (< Songhay)
man + N which + noun (< Tamasheq)
ci is found with a be-connector or a full verb as well as a temporal
noun. The locative question is formed with elements from Songhay,
while the second man is a loan from Tamasheq and is always
followed by a noun.
Syntax 257
4.7.3.3.1. ci who?/what?
This question word is the first element of the sentence unless it is
preceded by a topicalized constituent. It can replace the subject clitic
on a verb or must be followed by the be-connector na. Na is always
followed by a (pro-)nominal element that may be a clitiziced 3s
pronoun a (or rarely aga, the independent pronoun), or the DET
marker ao to refer to a human referent or ho (thing.DEBR) to a non-
human referent. Subject and object positions can be questioned
depending on the validity of the verb in the cleft sentence. When
other complements are questioned, the corresponding PP is fronted.
Examples and discussion to the different types are below.
When ci replaces the subject clitic it asks for the identity of a person
(257) and is a subject question.
(257) a) c mmaya
what own3s
to whom does he belong? (Lit: who owns him?)
= who is he?
b) c bb-ddra
what IMPERF-hold3s
who is married to her?
c) c ()b-zur
what IMPERF-run
who is running (close by)? [addressed to the person
running who is not visible but heard]
The following examples show uses with the be-connector na. This
particle is not used elsewhere in the language. It is homophonous
with the demonstrative that marks opposition (4.1.3.6). In this cleft
construction, still asking for the subject position, a topic can be
preposed to the question formula (258)b-c), and other discourse
particles can intervene (259)(b). In the last examples (259)(e) a
relative clause modifying the nominal element did walking, changes
the subject question to a manner question.
(258) a) c n()a
what be3s
whats wrong? (lit: what is it?)
b) aseat c n()(a?)
health what be(3s?)
health, what is it?
258
c) aaru ao s ... c n()a
man DET DEM.FAR what be3s
that man ... who is he?
(259) a) c n ayn mn
what be 3sGEN name
what is his name?
b) t-e-far-t
F-SG-reward-F.SG
c n z nn t-e-far-t
what be LC 2sGEN F-SG-reward-F.SG
reward, so what is your reward?
c) c n ayn saffar
what be 3sGEN medicine
what is the remedy against it? (Lit: what is its medicine)
d) c n h (a)(o) oda?
what be thing DET DEM.NEAR
what is this (thing)?
e) c n did ao addbt?
what be walk.VN DET 3scan
what (kind of) walking can it (tick) (do)?
c n with ao as the pronominal element always asks for a human
referent. This conglomerate n ao (OPP DET) that one is widely used
in other contexts (4.1.3.6) and is understood as having a human
referent. Different grammatical roles are found with this construction:
a) subject, b) direct object, and with the fronted nda COMV a
comitative complement in c).
(260) a) c n ao ss-gmi-kat ana
what be/OPP DET CAUS-send.BND-VEN 2s.DAT
cidaw a(o) oda?
bird DET DEM.NEAR
who sent you to get this bird?
b) ci n ao niggun snda ka
what be/OPP DET 2ssee DEM.FAR LOC
whom did you see there?
c) c n ao ()nd(a) ib-hag
what be/OPP DET COMV 3sIMPERF-accompany
who are they accompanying? (= with whom are they
walking)
Syntax 259
Another object question is built by adding h to the question formula
followed by a cleft sentence. This question form assumes a non-
human referent.
(261) a) c n h nib-hurr
what be thing.DEBR 2sIMPERF-look.for
what are you looking for (lit: what is the thing you are
looking for)?
b) c n h d(a) aka
what be thing.DEBR do 3sLOC
what is wrong with him? (lit: what is the thing that was put
in him?)
Another question type adds a PP directly after the question formula to
express from among. Direct (a) and indirect object (b) can be
questions this way. Again, h refers to a non-human entity while ao
stands for a human referent.
(262) a) c n(a) ika h nibbaa
what be 3pLOC thing.DEBR 2swant
which one of them do you want (lit: what is among them
that you want)
b) c n(a) ik(a) ao se ninn() -f
what be 3pLOC DET DAT 2sgive SG-silver
to which one of them did you give money?
There is one occurrence in the corpus where ci precedes the inflected
verb immediately. This seems to be an abbreviated version of c n
h what.
(263) c(i) ndyyask bag m sa...
what 2pwish head or COMP
what do you wish, the head or that...
4.7.3.3.2. c (n h) be why?
The why? question is expressed as a subtype of the what?
question. In a literal sense it means on what, (that thing on) which
may imply a more abstract meaning on what grounds and then
conveys why?. The first example below illustrates the physical
meaning (on what place) and the next examples are why?
questions. A long form (b, c) and an abridged form (d) are used.
260
(264) a) c n h be art--in...
what be thing.DEBR LOC 1pFUT-CAUS-lay.down.BND...
on what will we lay down ... (our child)
b) c n h be nib-z
what be thing.DEBR LOC 2SIMPERF-fight
nda nn baba
with 2SGEN father
why are you arguing with your father?
c) c n h be
what be thing.DEBR LOC
h s add?
thing.DEBR DEM.FAR 3SPERF-do
why is that done?
d) c b
what LOC
why?
A different construction is also found to express a similar meaning.
(265) c n yn addall
what be 3sGEN reason
for what reason? (= why?)
4.7.3.3.3. c() agd when?
When? is made up of two elements, c what and agd time. agd
time is also used by itself in the language in temporal adverbial
clauses, e.g. agd ao k(a) ayyhu... (time DET LOC 3sbe.born)
when/at the time when he was born....). Note that both nominal and
verbal constituents can follow the expression.
(266) a) c(i) agd ayn mn n d
what time 3sGEN name GEN do.NV
when is his/her name giving ceremony?
b) c(i) agd addid
what time 3swalk
when did he leave?
4.7.3.3.4. maana where (close by)?
Interrogative maana where is used when asking for an item in the
close vicinity of the speaker, in contrast to the second where?
question word (see below 4.7.3.3.5) which implies that the speaker
Syntax 261
has no idea about the whereabouts of the item s/he is asking for. This
question word is probably a fusion of the two parts man where and
na, the be-connector. This analysis is corroborated by the fact that
only nouns and pronouns can follow it. When an object of a di-
transitive verb is questioned, ho this thing follows the frozen be-
connector (see (267)c). The examples d) to f) show uses of this
question word that go beyond the spatial meaning.

(267) a) maan nin hgu
where.close 2sGEN tent
where (around here) is your tent?
b) maan nn
where.close 2s
where are you?
c) maan h aab-zw-kat ndi se
where.close thing.DEBR 1s-IMPERF-take-VEN 2p DAT
where is what I bring you (regularly)?
d) maan nin -aal n --nfa
where.close 2sGEN SG-work GEN F-SG-use
what is the usefulness of your work?
e) a(o) oda za t-a-nfus-t
DET DEM.NEAR LC F-SG-story-F.SG
maan() yn almna
where.close 3sGEN meaning
so this story, what is its meaning?
f) maan() ddabaara
where.close decision
what shall we do? (= where is the decision?)
4.7.3.3.5. man ne where?
This construction asks for a location unknown to the person and at a
further distance than the question word described above. The formula
is directly followed by an (NP with) inflected verb. This is valid for
verbs with a semantically locational complement (see 4.3.3). Example
(c) with the verb bara be in shows an additional oblique
complement that is marked with PP ka. man ne can be followed by a
fronted LOC postposition to express a starting point (from where), an
aim (to where) or other oblique locations that must be marked with
262
the postposition ka LOC. This particular use is illustrated in example
(e) and (f). Also the preposition nda in the direction of is found in
this place with another type of movement verbs (g).
(268) a) mn n(e) if-k
where place 3pIMPERF-leave
where are they going?
b) mn ne nin bor-n ibb-zda
where place 2sGEN person-PL 3sIMPERF-settle
where do your parents live?
c) mn n(e) baara gnda ka
where place 3pbe land LOC
where are they in the country?
d) mn ne k(a) ikkeen (Bmakoy ka)
where place LOC 3psleep loc.name LOC
where (in B.) did they sleep?
e) mn ne k(a) aattga-kat
where place LOC 1spush-VEN3p
from where did I push them (camels) to here?
f) mn ne k(a) andb-d
where place LOC 2pIMPERF-put
andn m-(e)n
2pGEN eye-PL
where do you(pl) put your(pl) eyes? (in what)
g) mn ne ()nda ni-b-boy
where place LOC 2s-IMPERF-move
to(wards) where are you moving (camp)?
4.7.3.3.6. man cet how much/many?
The entire phrase man cet has been imported from Tamasheq. The
term cet quantity, measure not only occurs in questions, but is also
found in an augmentative type construction with pejorative
connotation (e.g. cet n t-a-bnaw-t /measure GEN F-SG-old.donkey-
SG.F/ what a clumsy person). man cet is either used as a modifyer
to a noun (b), or independently (a, c). When used in a market
situation, man cet how much? is used to ask for the price and not
for the quantity of the items on sale. This use is illustrated in a).
Syntax 263
(269) a) man cet (tamati)
which quantity (tomato)
how much does it (tomato) cost?
b) man cet feej-n addy-an
which quantity sheep-PL 3sdeal-ALL
how many sheep did he sell?
c) man cet ayn i-wtay
which quantity 3sGEN PL-year
how old is s/he? (Lit: how many (are) his/her years)
4.7.3.3.7. man mmk ao ()nda how?
The first two elements of this construction are from Tamasheq. In
Tadaksahak man mmk is obligatorily followed by the definite
marker and nda with. This is syntactically a relative clause with
mmk as the modified head. Literally this means where is the
manner with which... followed by a fully inflected verb.
(270) a) man mmk a ()nda
which manner DET with
art-n-m-aa nda bkw-yan?
1pFUT-RECI-RECI-kill.BND with jinn-PL
how are we going to fight the jinns?
b) man mmk a ()nda
which manner DET with
at-d h(e) yda
1sFUT-do thing DEM.PROX
how will I do this?
4.7.4 4.7.4 4.7.4 4.7.4 Other particles Other particles Other particles Other particles
There are a number of particles that are used for emphasis and other
discourse functions.
4.7.4.1 ya exclamation / surprise
The particle ya expresses surprise or general emphasis. The particle
is normally set off with a pause from the following material and does
not need to be at the very beginning of a clause.
264
(271) a) ...ya ayyd yn nan
EXCL 3sreturn 3sGEN mother
(Jackal killed Hyena and) ...indeed, he returned to his
mother (from where he came).
b) ya maan(a) yn surgy
EXCL where.close 3sGEN woman
really, where was his wife?
c) Ao ya h gnda n cidy ka?
DET EXCL thing earth GEN under.N LOC
this, (astonishment: does it really exist), is something
under the earth?
d) ya gnda n cary gnda n cary!
EXCL ground GEN friend ground GEN friend
watch out! a snake! a snake!
e) addisa ()nd(a) a-har
3slet3s with SG-lion
mn ya a-har abbn.
but EXCL SG-lion 3sbe.dead
he left him (alone) with the lion, but, fact is, the lion was
dead.
4.7.4.2 za so logical consequence
Another clause level particle is za labeled LC for logical
consequence, often translatable as so. It occurs frequently in the
nominal clause h(e) ad za (thing ANA LC) so or shortened to
[(h)adz].
(272) a) Aan t-a-nfus-t za / s-khar
1sGEN F-SG-story-F.SG LC maybe-when
aadd() ana...
1sdo3s 2s.DAT
So my story, if I tell it to you...
b) dffr za h s
after LC thing.DEBR DEM.FAR
So after that...
Syntax 265
c) ...attn nda t-a-ka-t oda
3sarrive with F-SG-letter-F.SG DEM.NEAR
h(e) ad za ann() ase n i.
thing ANA LC 3Sgive 3sDAT SEP 3p
...he arrived with this letter, so this, he gave them to him.
4.7.4.3 da really, exactely intensification
In order to emphasize in a positive way, da INT can be cliticized to
NPs, independent pronouns, verbs, the conjunction mn but and
the intensifier hlln much. It is frequent in topicalisation
constructions (4.7.1.2.). Below are some examples.
(273) a) he [(a)o-f-twar(a) nda Talatayt] da
thing DET-IMPERF-PAS-call.BND with loc.name DIC
kamil...
all
really all that is called T. ...
b) ig kamil d(a) kn-an
3p.EMP all DIC twin-PL
izcen-an asnd(a) i
youth-PL DEM.FAR seven
they were really all born at the same time (Lit: twins),
these seven young men.
c) hlln d(a) at-d() ana.
much DIC 1SFUT-do3s 2s.DAT
I very much (like to) tell it (story) to you.
d) mn d aalib akks alwal
but DIC student 3sbecome seer
dffr h(e) ad.
after thing ANA
but really, the student became a seer after this.
Songhay of Timbuktu has a phrase final particle /daa/ exactly,
precisely, exclusively, right (here) (Heath1999a:64) that conveys the
same intensifying semantics as this particle does in Tadaksahak.
Also Tamasheq has a particle /da/ to indicate here, there, at the
place in question (Prasse et al. 2003:69, also Sudlow 2001:333).
266
4.7.4.4 je ~ jen only
This particle is often found after the verbal word to emphasize the
action described. It is less frequently found after NPs or the
conjunction har until.
(274) a) izace ahaia j
youth 3slook3s only
the young man simply looked at her.
b) arkssaway n h f j
mishap GEN thing IND only
tn a-rzeg od(a) gm no daw
arrive SG-herd DEM.NEAR instant there LOC
only a small mishap that arrives at the herd mentioned
before
c) ...ho sn har j am-z ray
thing.DEBR DEM.FAR until only 3sSUBJ-pass.after
nda sa...
with COMP
... that (action) until it simply follows that...
d) ...agr did jn ab-d.
bad walk.N only 3sIMPERF-do
(know that) his behavior was only bad.
(lit: he only did bad walking)
In a subordinate clause je only can be preceded by a temporal
element har until or sa when and then encodes immediateness, as
soon as.
(275) a) har j a-zan ass-ot...
until only SG-ray 3sCAUS-upright.BND
as soon as it was dawn...
b) sa j intynawt aggun-kat ga...
when only jackal 3ssee-VEN 3s.EMP
as soon as Jackal saw him coming...
4.7.4.5 da, harkd in addition, too
The particle da too can follow a verbal word or a noun. It should not
be confused with da INT, which has a different function and also a
different origin. /da/ (Prasse et al. 2003:89) is found in Tamasheq
with the same meaning as it has in Tadaksahak. Below is an example
Syntax 267
where it appears next to a verb. The second example below is a
special use (also found in Tamasheq), which seems to be idiolectal,
to introduce either the next argument in the reasoning or give a
conclusion to previous material.
(276) a) abara da t-rf-in n k-(e)n
3sbe too FE-car-PL GEN owner-PL
there are also the car owners.
b) da ad ndi ayn t--ggas-t
too ANA 2p.EMP 3sGEN F-SG-gard-F.SG
af-keen.
3SIMPERF-be.on
also this, its on you that its (land) protection is. (= you are
responsible for its protection)
Another particle that adds to already present material is harkd also.
It is only found adding NPs to an already known entity. It precedes
the noun that is added. Syntactically it is often at the end of a clause
but it can also precede the verb as shown in example (c) below.
(277) a) ayyrk nd(a) yn kamb-n
3ssweep with 3sGEN arm-PL
harkd ayn c-en.
also 3sGEN leg-PL
he made sweeping movements with his arms and also his
legs.
b) ayyd aka ga harkd yn baar.
3sreturn 3sLOC 3S.EMP also 3sGEN horse
he fell into it (well), he and his horse.
c) ndi ayn t- -kma harkd ayn
2p.EMP 3sGEN F-PL-evil also 3sGEN
t- fa af-w.
F-useful 3sIMPERF-reach
its you (pl) that its (of the land) disaster and its usefulness
reaches.
4.7.4.6 inn like
This particle can stand between two NPs or an NP and a verbal
phrase.
268
(278) a) feeji a(o) oda inn awni...
sheep DET DEM.NEAR like 2sof
this sheep is like mine...
b) add gman a(o) oda k(a) inn h f.
3sdo good.VN DET DEM.NEAR LOC like thing IND
she was absolutely beautiful.
(Lit: she was (put) in that beauty like something.)
c) e-dag ao snda inn niyykkla
SG-place DET DEM.FAR like 2slift.up3s
nidd()a suub ka.
2sput3s hay LOC
this matter is like (as if) you take it (fire) up and put it to
the hay.
Example (b) shows an idiomatic use for an absolute superlative. It
has the same construction as the first example with something. (c)
also illustrates that clauses can follow inn which is then better
translated with as if.
Syntax 269
4.8 4.8 4.8 4.8 Complex Sentences Complex Sentences Complex Sentences Complex Sentences
4.8.1 4.8.1 4.8.1 4.8.1 Cl Cl Cl Clause coordination ause coordination ause coordination ause coordination
4.8.1.1 Clausal and
There is no clausal and conjunction. Main clauses are conjoined
without explicit marker.
4.8.1.2 Clausal or me, mda, and wala
The same markers that are used for disjunction of noun phrases
(4.1.9.2) are also found between clauses. me and mda only
encode or and are therefore unambiguous. They are often found
between larger text blocks including several clauses.
(279) n(e) yda k(a) add() yn maamla
place DEM.PROX LOC 3sdo 3sGEN commerce
me n(e) yda k(a) akk yn almn
or place DEM.PROX LOC 3sherd 3sGEN herd
har dda t-a-bor-t.
until 3sdo F-SG-wealth-F.SG
its here he was a merchant, or its here he kept his herd
until he was wealthy.
(280) a-buk(u) akkun()a mda lmmut akkun()a
SG-diarrhea 3sfind3s or measles 3sfind3s
he has diarrhea or measles...
wala is also found between clauses.
(281) mms-kbahar nibbaa nn cary
maybe-when 2slove 2sGEN friend
wala nibbaa nin cena
or 2slove 2sGEN younger.sibling
wala nn a-qa...
or 2sGEN SG-brother
if you care about your friend or you care about your
younger relative or your brother....
All the examples above show parallel clauses. There are examples of
larger chunks of text material between the or particles in our corpus.
270

The following example with me includes a large piece of text about
harming oneself by bad behavior. After a concluding clause the
speaker takes off again:
(282) me nib-frrad huur se ahur(u)a....
or 2sIMPERF-neglect fire DAT 3senter3s
or you neglect the fire and it enters it (hay)....
4.8.2 4.8.2 4.8.2 4.8.2 Purpose and causal clauses Purpose and causal clauses Purpose and causal clauses Purpose and causal clauses
4.8.2.1 Purpose in order to marked with subjunctive mood
A purpose clause is often only marked by the subjunctive mood
without any other overt morpheme.
(283) a) at-dy-an aan t-oruf-t
1sFUT-deal-ALL 1sGEN F-car-F.SG
aam-dy-kat ak(a) almn.
1sSUBJ-deal-VEN 3SLOC herd
I will sell my car in order to buy a herd (of animals).
b) it-d-kat daa imm-fi.
3pFUT-make-VEN broom .kind 3pSUBJ-broom3p
(when the seeds have fallen) they make a broom in order
to sweep them (seeds) together.
At times the subjunctive mood is preceded by the conjunction har
until that can have a purpose component in its semantics. (cf. 4.8.4.5
example (305))
(284) a) yddr aay a-har har aam-wa
hold 1s.IO SG-lion until 1sSUBJ-kill3s
hold the lion for me in order that I kill it.
b) aakkr nn har nin e-mat am-dud.
1shit 2s until 2sGEN SG-small.tear 3sSUBJ-flow
I hit you to make you cry a bit.
4.8.2.2 Causal clauses
There are several ways to indicate cause. One possibility is the
clause initial particle idd because with variants, and there are two
postpositional constructions that mark cause and reason.
The clause-initial particle has two dialectal variants which are igd
because in the Talatayt area and idd or short d in the rest of the
Syntax 271
area. Sudlow (2001:331) lists the shape /id/ for a Tuareg dialect in
northern Burkina Faso with the meaning since, if, when and Heath
(2005:674) gives examples with /ed/ meaning because.
idd is followed and preceded by a full clause and there may also be
complex sentences like conditionals (see an example in story 1
line 43). Find other examples below.
(285) a) igd attgor a-munsu ab-dydi
because 3sbegin SG-meal 3sIMPERF-penetrate
bor-n n -an-an k
person-PL GEN PL-tooth-PL LOC
(not rinsing your mouth after the meal destroys them
(teeth)), because the food begins to penetrate in peoples
teeth.
b) aru abbaa s(a) at-ydr n ao
man 3swant COMP 3sFUT-betray OPP DET
idd() bben ayn brr-en
because 3sfinish 3sGEN child-PL
a()
3seat3p
he wanted to betray the other one because he had
finished his children and eaten them.
c) iss-nn-ba idd n ao n
3pCAUS-RECI-be.added3s because OPP DET GEN
kud-n idd n ao ka
blood-PL 3pdo OPP DET LOC
they (health agents) contaminated him (patient) because
the blood of one (patient) was put in another one.
The prepositional phrase h b on (some)thing can be used to
introduce a reason clause. This construction is similar to the
interrogative why? (4.7.3.3.2)
(286) a) tanfust a(o) oda ga neda
F-SG-story-F.SG DET DEM.NEAR 3S.EMP here
h b (a)ttn sa
thing LOC 3s-arrive COMP
surgy ass-may-nda s(a) at-d...
woman 3sNEG.IMPERF-have-with COMP 3SFUT-do
this story, here is why it is such that a woman ought not to
do...
272

b) wiji h b (a)dd(a)
is.not thing LOC 3sdo3p
har almtal a(o) oda at-hr ndi se
until example DET DEM.NEAR 1SFUT-tell 2p DAT
it (decentralization) is done for no [other] reason than the
example I am going to tell you... (lit: it is not on anything it
(government) makes them (decentralized places) until for
the example...)
Cause and reason can also be expressed by means of a
postpositional phrase with the postposition ka from. The nominal
entity is normally he thing but may be semantically more specific, as
in example (c) below.
(287) a) nim-jeej() tugdu ka h k
2sSUBJ-hang3s tree LOC thing LOC
hni (a)s-awa
dog 3sNEG.IMPERF-reach3s
you should hang it (eating bowl) in a tree, because a dog
cannot reach it.
b) nt-mitr h k nidd
2sFUT-lack.money thing LOC 2sput
t lla ka nin aggar
good LOC 2sGEN destiny
you will have (money) problems, because its in goods
you put your destiny/trust.
c) add hamu tugdu n b k
3sput meat tree GEN shadow LOC
hambar n n k sa
fear GEN give.VN LOC COMP
korr() t-yida.
heat.N 3sFUT-destroy3s.
she put the meat in the shade of a tree because she was
afraid that the heat might ruin it.
4.8.3 4.8.3 4.8.3 4.8.3 Conditionals Conditionals Conditionals Conditionals
There exist a vast number of conditional markers in Tadaksahak.
Some can be traced to cognates in Songhay, while others have
cognates in Tamasheq. Some of them are dialectal variants of each
other, e.g. nda with (in the meaning when/if) is not used in the
south, where kar when/if is used. The clause with the conditional
Syntax 273
marker can be marked with any Mood-Aspect-Negation marker
except the SUBJ. There is no element that separates the condition
(the if-clause) from the consequent (then...). The main clause may
be a question (289) or an imperative.
4.8.3.1 nda with and similar forms
Clauses with nda normally state a general condition that causes the
event (or state) described in the main clause to happen (or be true).
The MAN marker of the main clause depends on the wider context,
e.g. in an instructional text SUBJ is used ((288)c), for a condition to be
considered general knowledge IMPERF can be found (a). The sub-
ordinate nda-clause is always in perfective aspect.
(288) a) nd(a) an cy addgdig
with 1sGEN leg 3sbe.broken
abb-ar ay.
3sIMPERF-hurt 1s
when my leg is broken, it hurts (me).
b) ttilla nd(a) amma
each with 3sbe.without.grass
ndi h(e) ad() at-d
2p thing ANA 3sFUT-suffer
nda suub() add(a) aka
with straw 3sput 3sLOC
ndi h(e) ad() at-yinf
2p chose ANA 3sFUT-be.useful
each time when it (land) is without grazing, it is you whom
this makes suffer (and) when there is straw, its you to
whom this is useful.
c) icc t-oo-ls-t nd(a) tri ahuru
3psay F-SG-do.again-F.SG with wound 3senter
bor am-mn abe gnda.
person 3sSUBJ-pour 3sLOC earth
it is also said when somebody has a wound he may pour
earth on it.
Most occurrences of nda-clauses are preposed but it is possible to
have the conditional follow the main clause.
274

(289) c n h b art-in()
what be thing.DEBR LOC 1pFUT-CAUS.lay.down
arn barar nd(a) yyuhu?
1pGEN child when 3sbe.born
on what will we lay our child when it is born?
Semantically, the temporal aspect of nda when/if seems to be more
important than the conditional component.
Songhay of Gao and Timbuktu use the particle nda if for several
kinds of conditional clauses, such as hypothetical and counterfactual
(Heath 1999:303ff; 1998:263ff). In Tadaksahak it is only found with
generally known and accepted states.
In Tadaksahak, there exists a similar marker, which occurs in two
forms, ndga and nga. According to our informants, the first is
used in slow speech, while the second belongs to fast speech. Our
corpus shows that the short form is considerably more frequent in
sentence initial position than the other variant.
ndga is composed of the morphemes nda ga, i.e. /with +
3s.EMP/ with it. Similar to the nda clauses treated above, the
ndga clause states a condition, now not very general but more
specific, that allows the event described in the main clause to
happen. The subordinate clause with nda ga is not attested in the
perfective aspect but imperfect and future are found.
(290) aan haw() oda
1sGEN cow DEM.NEAR
ndga aar at-hy at-dumb()a
if man 3sFUT-give.birth 1sFUT-cut3s
ndga wy at-disa.
if woman 1sFUT-let3s
my cow here, if it gives birth to a male (calf), I will kill it, if
(it is a) female, I will let it (live).
ndga is often used together with the particle wiji (it) is not and
then introduces the exceptional condition that could bring about the
desired effect. Typically the verb of the main clause is put in the
negation to underline the exception. In most cases this can be
translated into English as nothing but. When the exception is
expressed by a noun, the noun follows wiji immediately. If it is a
Syntax 275
clause, the complementizer sa is used before this clause. Example
(b) below has the shortened form naga with wiji.
(291) a) ...h (a)s-kawi ayn kmba ka
thing 3sNEG.IMPERF-take3p 3sGEN hand LOC
ndga wiji t-a-ka-t.
if is.not F-SG-letter-F.SG
(He told him that) nothing (could) take them from him
except (Lit: if it is not) a letter (of authorization written by a
marabout).
b) (If you leave it (land) to your children, it is not possible
that it dies or gets lost [like animals])...
...nga wiji s(a) it-dy-an.
if is.not COMP 3p-FUT-deal-ALL
...except that they sell [and so get the money].
In the next example a pair of conditional markers shows two opposite
possibilities.
(292) (hey, young man, you (should) know that I suggest a price
for an animal only once!)
nga nib-din nin -f d
if 2sIMPERF-take 2sGEN SG-money DIC
din() nga ns-din()a d
take3s if 2sNEG.IMPERF-take3s DIC
sa nim-hr ay aamm-ci
COMP 2sSUBJ-say 1s 1sSUBJ-move.on
if you take the money, take it! If you dont take it, (at least)
tell me (so) that I may move on
This condition marker was only found in spontaneous speech and not
used when conditional clauses were translated. This seems to
indicate that it needs to be embedded in a larger context while the
marker (mm)s-k(ba)(ha)r (see below) is used when no context is
given.
4.8.3.2 (mm)s-k(ba)(ha)r
This conditional marker contains two morphemes. (mm)s which,
according to our informants, is an abbreviated form of hmnz ~
hmmz maybe. The form mms is rare in the corpus and may be
a dialectal variant. The short form s is widely used around Menaka
and in the south. The second morpheme, kbahar when, seems to
be linked etymologically with /har/ until, when. It appears in its full
276

form or as kahar or kar. Different MAN markers are found in the
subordinate clause with s-kbahar.
(293) a) s-kbahar -aatir aqqq
maybe-when SG-clay.ground 3sbe.dry
att gor ab-s-ssrr-t.
3sbegin 3sIMPERF-CAUS-tear.apart
when ground with clay (on it) is dry, it gets torn apart.
b) s-khar Madi ab-s-gd i-nn-an
maybe-when Milky.way 3sIMPERF-CAUS-be.equal PL-sky-PL
arf-kug huw ka.
1pIMPERF-be.full milk LOC
when the Milky Way is in the zenith, we can drink our fill
of milk.
c) s-kr cinj-n is-kr
maybe-when rain-PL 3pNEG.IMPERF-hit
ttill(a) agg adm h(e) ad() at-d.
each son.of Adam thing ANA 3sFUT-suffer
when it does not rain, everybody will suffer.
d) s-khar aadd t ao yizzr-an
maybe-when 1sdo jump.VN DET be.ahead-ADJZR
nimm-lbi nin t--kooba
2sSUBJ-pull.out 2sGEN F-SG-sword
when I make the first jump, you pull out your sword
e) s-khar nibbn nd(a) a-mnsu
maybe-when 2sfinish with SG-meal
nim-hmay nin kmb-en.
2sSUBJ-wash 2sGEN hand-PL
when you finish the meal, you wash your hands.
c) s-khar nin--rrm nin mya,
maybe-when 2sNEG.PERF-CAUS-rinse 2sGEN mouth
a-mnsu ao ()yda at-gor(a)-an nin
SG-meal DET DEM.PROX 3sFUT-sit-ALL 2sGEN
-an-an ka
PL-tooth-PL LOC
when you dont rinse your mouth, this same meal will stay
in your teeth
Syntax 277
d) arw-n oda mms-kbahar imm sa
man-PL DEM.NEAR maybe-when 3phear COMP
t-a-bllen-t nib-hurr it-w nn.
F-SG-fight-F.SG 2sIMPERF-look.for 3pFUT-kill 2s
these men, when they hear that it is a fighting match you
seek, they will kill you.
The first element, mms or s, can be omitted when thematically
related material precedes and already contains a full condition
marker.
(294) a) s-kbahar rat-an iyyli alfjir
maybe-when herd-PL 3pleave morning
at-t-lm.
3sFUT-PASS-open
khar ihuru-kat lmz it-yhar-kaata
when 3senter-VEN evening 3pFUT-cover-VEN3s
im-hllt-kat t-a-sshar-t...
3pSUBJ-mount-VEN F-SG-cover-F.SG
When the herds left in the morning, it was opened. When
they entered in the evening, they covered it (cistern) so
that they could mount over the lid.
b) s-kr an-ye-kat niwni.
maybe-when 1sNEG.PERF-return-VEN 2sof
kr aayye-kat awni.
when 1sreturn-VEN 1sof
if I dont return, it (horse) is yours, if I return it is mine.
4.8.3.3 ndr
This marker posits a hypothetical condition. The subordinate clause is
in perfective with this marker.
(295) a) ndr aabby sa Ta a n(e) yda
if 1sknow COMP T. 3snot.be place DEM.PROX
as-ky-kat.
1sNEG.IMPERF-leave-VEN
if I had known that T. is not here, I wouldnt have come.
278

b) igd / ndr abby h bara
because if 3sknow thing.DEBR be.in
ase alxar
3sDAT other.world
as-d() ase h yibrr-an.
3sNEG.IMPERF-do 3sBEN thing be.bad-ADJZR
because if she knew what was for her in the other world
she would not do anything bad to him.
c) ciim ao ()nda hink (acc(i) ase)
truth DET with two 3ssay 3sDAT
sa t-a-dqqa-t oda ndr aabby
COMP F-SG-road-F.SG DEM.NEAR if 1sknow
sa ()nt-zw-kata as-d-kata.
COMP 2sFUT-take-VEN3s 1sNEG.IMPERF-make-VEN3s
the second truth (she said to him) is that if I had known
that it is this road you were going to take, I would not have
taken it.
In Tamasheq, the same particle /ndr/nnr/ marks a counterfactual
condition (Heath 2006:698).
4.8.3.4 kud da even if
kud d literally means if too. It can be read as even if.
(296) ttill(a) gg adm m(a) at-
each son.of Adam without.grazing.VN 3sFUT-harm
kud d as-mmay almn nda ayn g.
if also 3sNEG.IMPERF-own herd with 3sGEN self
each person suffers from lack of grazing even if he does
not own animals himself.
This same conjunction /kud-d/ even if (mme si) is used in
Tamasheq with the same function but also for a variety of other uses.
Find further discussion of kud under 4.3.10.4.
4.8.4 4.8.4 4.8.4 4.8.4 Temporal subordinati Temporal subordinati Temporal subordinati Temporal subordination on on on
4.8.4.1 sa when...
The simplest clause of temporal subordination is marked by the
element sa which translates as when. The subordinate clause is
Syntax 279
always in the perfective. sa translated as when could very well be
the same element as the complementizer sa and the relativizer sa.
(297) a) sa Mss(a) attn
when M. 3sarrive
arbbn nd(a) a-mnsu.
1pfinish with SG-meal
when Mussa arrived we had finished the meal.
b) s(a) a-in tsa
when 3sCAUS.put.down.BND animal
t--har-t add h(e) oda...
F-SG-lion-F.SG 3Sdo thing DEM.NEAR
when she put the sheep/goat down the lioness did this...
c) s(a) arw-n aondo snda ittn
when man-PL DET.PL DEM.FAR 3parrive
inn() aru s(e) a-lkat
3pgive man DAT SG-twig
when those men arrived, they gave the twig to the man.
d) s(a) iggun() -ms [da takdukut] n
when 3p-PERF-see SG-camel do cut.tail GEN
a-drz ao n br acc...
SG-trace DET GEN older.sibling 3ssay
when they saw the trace of a camel with cut tail, the
oldest said...
e) s(a) aggr-an t-a-har-t wrtilla
when 3sfind-ALL F-SG-lion-F.SG there.is.not
when she found (it), the lioness was not there.
sa followed by je only encodes immediateness, as soon as.
(298) sa j intynawt aggun-kat ga...
as soon as Jackal saw him coming...
4.8.4.2 Temporal use of d intensifier
Another way to express a temporal subordination is by means of the
intensifier d INT in conjunction with an anaphoric NP.
(299) d h (a)yd(a) add....
INT thing DEM.PROX 3sdo
when this was done....
280

4.8.4.3 Temporal clauses based on temporal nouns
Other strategies to achieve temporal subordination include temporal
nouns that are set in a complete postpositional relative clause. The
term agd (point in) time is regularly found in such constructions.
(300) agd ao k(a) arkked(i) ayn bena
time DET LOC 1pbe.up 3sGEN top
aab-gun() ayn i-m-an ib-z-lnzl-t.
1sIMPERF-see 3sGEN PL-tear-PL 3pIMPERF-CAUS-roll
when we were up on the top, I saw (that) his tears were
rolling down.
Other time expressions can be found like assat time.
(301) assat ao ka nin a-mnsu akkeen
time DET LOC 2sGEN SG-meal 3slay.down
he (a)dduwa sa...
thing 3sbe.better COMP
when your meal is put down, it is better that...
4.8.4.4 t-izzr-t before...
t-izzr-t before is a cognate of a similar element in Tamasheq
derived from the verb yizzr precede. t-izzr-t is usually followed by
a verb in SUBJ mood.
(302) a) ...bor() ab-hmay yn kamba
person 3sIMPERF-wash 3sGEN hand
t-izzr-t am-huur() a-mnsu
F-precede-F.SG 3sSUBJ-enter SG-meal
(it is better that) somebody washes his hand before he
begins to eat.
b) ...at-d(a) aka h
1sFUT-do 3sLOC thing
t-izzr-t aam-w-an a-hndag ao
F-precede-F.SG 1sSUBJ-reach-ALL SG-place DET
t--skn-in wn-i.
F-PL-greeting-PL of-PL
(its about them I want) to talk a bit before I reach the
moment of the greetings.
The following example has the verb of the adverbial clause in the
IMPERF aspect.
Syntax 281
(303) ...kud mmay t-a-rsway-t wal(a) as-mmay
if 3shave F-SG-clothe-F.SG or 3sNEG.IMPERF-have
t-izzr-t nibb-i.
F-precede-F.SG 2sIMPERF-beg
(when you try to get a piece of clothing from somebody,
look if the one (shirt) that is on his body) if he has (proper)
clothes or not before you beg (of him).
4.8.4.5 har until...
until... clauses are expressed with the adverbial conjunction har
until/when.
(304) ab-hrru yn yddr n(e) yda
3sIMPERF-look.for 3sGEN hold.VN place DEM.PROX
ka har ayyiz
LOC until 3sbe.tired
he (Jackal) was trying to hold him (Hyena) there until he
was tired (= gave up).
Some occurrences indicate purpose for the subordinate clause.
(305) iikl har iddy-kat hayn
3ptravel until 3pdeal-VEN millet
they traveled until (=in order to) they bought millet.
har until is identical with the particle translatable as except (see
4.6.3).
4.8.4.6 zam after...
The conjunction zam after precedes a clause, while deffr after is
followed by a non-verbal element.
(306) a) Zam() arddwnn-t andi s(e) alxr k(a)
after 1pspeak 2p DAT peace LOC
ao gnda wani ar-t-ye-kat alxr ao
DET earth of 1p-FUT-return-VEN peace DET
after we spoke to you(pl) about the wellbeing of the earth
we will return to the wellbeing of (the body)
282

b) dffr za h s zam() aass-lia
after LC thing.DEBR DEM.FAR after 1sCAUS-leave3s
acc mard-da am-() ay
3ssay now-INT 3sSUBJ-eat 1s
so after that, after I (Monkey) had made him (Hyena)
leave it (the well), he now wanted to eat me.
zam is found together with the conjunction until in the following
example.
(307) an-yd-kat har zam() aattn adaw.
3sNEG.PERF-return-VEN until after 1sarrive 3sLOC
he didnt return until after I arrived at his (place).
The conjunction zam after originally comes from Arabic. It is also
known in Tamasheq and no doubt has found its way to Tadaksahak
through that language.
4.8.4.7 Simple juxtaposition of a temporal clause
There are a number of temporal expressions that are syntactically
complete clauses. However, they do not stand alone but accompany
a main clause for which they set the temporal frame.
(308) a) zr(i) add t--mar-t at-kat.
day 3sdo F-SG-old.person-F.SG 3sjump-VEN
(when) it was day, the old woman jumped.
b) t-a-dwi-t add ahur(u)
F-SG-afternoon-F.SG 3sdo 3senter
-alla
SG-wall
in the afternoon he entered the yard.
The particle edd ~ cedd yet can be found preceding a verb in the
IMPERF aspect and is then read as while. The edd clause is usually
the second clause in this juxtaposition.
(309) a) nim-hmaya edd() f-ay
2sSUBJ-wash3s yet 3sIMPERF-be.wet
you wash it (pot) while it is (yet) moist.
Syntax 283
b) if-t-g(a) ari
3pIMPERF-PASS-do.BND 1p.IO
cedd() arf-ks barr-n ceen-nnn
yet 1pIMPERF-be child-PL be.small-ADJZR.PL
they (stories) were told us while we were (yet) small
children.
The following example has edd yet preceding a verb in the
NEG.PERF to express before.
(310) nt-yhara nd(a) ayn t-a-ss-har-t
2sFUT-cover3s with 3sGEN F-SG-INST-cover-F.SG
edd gnd(a) an-huur()-
yet earth 3sNEG.PERF-enter-3s
cover it with its lid before earth has entered it.
(Lit: (when) earth has not yet entered it)
In the region around Menaka the form edd yet is mostly used while
cedd is used in Talatayt area.
4.8.5 4.8.5 4.8.5 4.8.5 Spatial adverbial clauses Spatial adverbial clauses Spatial adverbial clauses Spatial adverbial clauses
The spatial adverbial clause (where...) is by its syntactic shape a
relative clause modifying n here/location.
(311) n k(a) yn t--buar iyye-kat
here LOC 3sGEN F-PL-camel 3preturn-VEN
gnda ka
earth LOC
there where his camels go round in the area...
A similar construction is found with other locational nouns. The two
examples below illustrate an indefinite (a) and definite (b) noun
modified.
(312) a) art-hurr() ase ag k(a) ayyn
1pFUT-look.for 3sDAT place LOC 3sgraze
we look for a place for it (herd) where it (can) graze.
b) ayyd in gu ao
3sreturn 3pGEN place DET
k(a) iyyzda
LOC 3plive
he returned to the (their) place where they live.
284

With the word n here the interpretation of the clauses is strictly
spatial. However ag place, e-dag place and a-hndag place
can also be found with temporal meanings (see example (302)b)).
4.8.6 4.8.6 4.8.6 4.8.6 Manner adverbial clauses Manner adverbial clauses Manner adverbial clauses Manner adverbial clauses
A relative clause with instrumental preposition and the noun mmk
manner, method serves as an adverbial clause.
(313) a) mmk a ()nda at-d()-a
manner DET with 1sFUT-do-3s
the manner (with which) I will do it.
b) mmk a ()nda nissoor t-a-har-t
manner DET with 3smilk F-SG-lion-F.SG
(tell me) how you milked the lioness.

285
References References References References
This section aims to give authors with work done on Northern
Songhay languages. I am indebted to Maarten Kossmann who
completed my sketchy list. In addition there are some references to
other Songhay languages and Tamasheq.

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Ben Ben Ben Ben tez tez tez tez- -- -Torres, Torres, Torres, Torres, Carlos M. 2008. Inflectional and Derivational
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Annual
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Bernard Bernard Bernard Bernard, Yves & Mary White White White White- -- -Kaba Kaba Kaba Kaba. 1994. Dictionnaire zarma-franais
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Champault Champault Champault Champault, Francine Dominique. 1969. Une oasis du Sahara Nord-
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ms. Lexique franais Tebelbali (A-G). Manuscript deposited at
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Christiansen Christiansen Christiansen Christiansen, Niels and Regula Christiansen Christiansen Christiansen Christiansen. 2007. Tadaksahak verb
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th

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286
Christiansen Christiansen Christiansen Christiansen, Regula and Stephen H. Levinsohn. Levinsohn. Levinsohn. Levinsohn. 2003. Relative
Clauses in Tadaksahak. Electronic Working Papers. Dallas,
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tadaksahak, langue songhay septendrional (Mali). In: tudes
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Stoomer, Kln: Rdiger Kppe, pp. 55-64.
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dtermination en touareg. In: Bulletin de Socit de
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World, Fifteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online
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Hadara, Hadara, Hadara, Hadara, Youssouf, Youssouf Maga Maga Maga Maga, Mahamed Maga Maga Maga Maga, and John
Hutchinson Hutchinson Hutchinson Hutchinson. 1992. Lexique Soay Franais. Bamako:
DNAFLA
Heath, Heath, Heath, Heath, Jeffrey. 1998a. Dictionnaire Songhay Anglais Franais,
Tome I Koyra Chiini. Paris: LHarmattan.
1998b. Dictionnaire Songhay Anglais Franais, Tome III
Koroboro Senni. Paris: LHarmattan.
1999a. A Grammar of Koyra Chiini, The Songhay of Timbuktu.
Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
1999b. A Grammar of Koyraboro (Koroboro) Senni, The Songhay
of Gao, Mali. Cologne: Rdiger Kppe Verlag.
2005. A Grammar of Tamasheq (Tuareg of Mali). Berlin/New York:
Mouton de Gruyter.
2006. Tamasheq Dictionary (Tuareg of Mali). Paris: Karthala
Kossmann, Kossmann, Kossmann, Kossmann, Maarten. 2004: Is there a Songhay substratum in
Gourara Berber? In: Nouvelles tudes berbres. Le verbe et
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Rdiger Kppe, pp. 51-66.

287
2006. Mood/Aspect/Negation Morphemes in Tabelbala Songhay.
(Algeria). Afrika und bersee 87, pp. 131-154.
2007. Grammatical Borrowing in Tasawaq. In: Grammatical
Borrowing in Cross-Linguistic Perspective, ed. by Yaron Matras
and Jeanette Sakel. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter),
pp. 75-90.
2008. The borrowing of aspect as lexical tone: y-initial Tuareg
verbs in Tasawaq (Northern Songhay). Studies in African
Linguistics 36/2 (2007), 16 p.
2009. On genitive linking in Songhay. Afrikanistik Online.
http://www.afrikanistik-online.de/archiv/fedorahierarchie.2009-
01-21.4395264406/1740/
fc. Adjectives in Northern Songhay, Afrika und bersee, 23 p.
fc. On relative clauses in Northern Songhay: Tuareg and Songhay
components. To be published in the Proceedings of the
Colloquium Dynamics of Linguistic Change - Typology of Co-
and Subordination (Gumpoldskirchen, 2008), 15 p.
Lacroix, Lacroix, Lacroix, Lacroix, Pierre-Franois. 1968. Lensemble songhay-jerma:
problmes et thmes de travail. In: Actes du 8me Congrs de
la SLAO (Socit Linguistique de lAfrique Occidentale).
Abidjan: Annales de lUniversit dAbidjan.
1972. Traditions relatives lorigine de Tegidda-n-tessemt. In:
Edmond and Suzanne Bernus: Du sel et des dattes.
Introduction ltude de la communaut dIn Gall et de
Tegidda-n-tesemt. Niamey: Centre de Recherches en Sciences
Humaines, pp. 107-114.
1980. Emghedesie Songhay Language of Agades travers les
documents de Barth. In: Itinrances en pays peul et ailleurs.
Mlanges runis la mmoire de Pierre Franois Lacroix, I.
Paris: Socit des Africanistes, pp. 11-19.
Nicola, Nicola, Nicola, Nicola, Robert. 1979a. Le songhay septentrional (tudes
phonmatiques) Premire partie: les parlers du groupe
nomade. Bulletin de lI.F.A.N. Tome 41 No 2, pp. 303-371.

288
1979b. Le songhay septentrional (tudes phonmatiques)
Deuxime partie: les parlers du groupe sdentaire. Bulletin de
l I.F.A.N. Tome 41 No 3, pp. 539-568.
1979c. Le songhay septentrional (tudes phonmatiques).
Troisime partie: les groupes consonantiques. In: Bulletin de
lI.F.A.N. Tome 41 No 4, pp. 829-866.
1980a. Le songhay septentrional (tudes prosodiques). In:
Itinerances... en pays peul et ailleurs : melanges reunis par les
chercheurs de l'ERA 246 du CNRS a la memoire de Pierre
Francis Lacroix. Paris: Socit des Africanistes, pp. 261-289.
1981. Les dialectes du Songhay. Contribution ltude des
changements linguistiques. Paris: SELAF (Bibliothque 85-86)
1983. Position, structure and classification of Songhay. In: Nilo-
Saharan Language Studies, ed. by M Lionel Bender. Michigan:
African Studies Center, Michigan State University, pp. 11-41.
1984. Prliminaire une tude sur lorigine du Songhay:
Matriaux, problmatique et hypothses. In: Marburger
Studien zur Afrika- und Asienkunde, Serie A: Afrika 37. Berlin:
Dietrich Reimer.
1989. Revernacularisation et dterminismes volutifs : les
exemples du songhay septentrional et du dendi. In: Current
Approaches to African Linguistics, 6 ed. by Isabelle Hak and
Laurice Tuller. Dordrecht: Foris
1990. Songhay septentrional et touareg: contacts de langue et
contacts de populations. In: Proceedings of the Fifth
International Hamito-Semitic Congress, ed. by Hans G.
Mukarovsky. Wien: Afro-Pub, pp. 147-162.
1990. Parents linguistiques ( propos du Songhay). Paris: Centre
National de la Recherche Scientifique.
Nicolas Nicolas Nicolas Nicolas, Francis. 1953. La langue berbre de Mauritanie. Dakar:
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Prasse Prasse Prasse Prasse, Karl-G., Ghoubed Alojaly Alojaly Alojaly Alojaly, Ghabdouane Mohamed Mohamed Mohamed Mohamed. 2003.
Dictionnaire Touareg Franais (Niger). 2 Tomes. Copen-
hagen: Museum Tusculanium Press.
Rueck Rueck Rueck Rueck, Michael, J., and Niels Christiansen Christiansen Christiansen Christiansen. 1999. Northern Songhay
languages in Mali and Niger, a sociolinguistic survey. MS
http://www.sil.org/silesr/1999/008/nsonghay.pdf
Sidib, Sidib, Sidib, Sidib, Alimata, 2002. Analyse critique de quelques opinions sur
lidiome des isawaghan : le tasawaq. In: Mu ara sani. Revue
de lInstitut de Recherches en Sciences Humaines. 10/1-2,
Niamey: Universit Abdou Moumouni, pp. 185-197.
Souag, Souag, Souag, Souag, Lameen. fc. The Western Berber Stratum in Kwarandzyey.
To be published in the Proceedings of the 5. Bayreuth-
Frankfurt-Leidener Kolloquium zur Berberologie, (Leiden 2008)
Sudlow Sudlow Sudlow Sudlow, David. .. . 2001. The Tamasheq of North-East Burkina Faso.
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2009 Dictionary of the Tamasheq of North-East Burkina Faso.
Cologne: Rdiger Kppe Verlag.
Tilmatine Tilmatine Tilmatine Tilmatine, Mohamed. 1991. Tabelbala: Eine Songhaysprachinsel in
der Algerischen Sahara. in: Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere,
Sondernummer: gypten im afro-asiatischen Kontext. Editors:
Mendel, Daniela; Claudi, Ulrike. Cologne: Universitt Kln.
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(Tabelbala) : lments dhistoire et de linguistique; tudes et
Documents Berbres 14, pp. 163-198.
Wolff Wolff Wolff Wolff, H. Ekkehard & Manou Ousseina Alidou Alidou Alidou Alidou, 2001. On the non-
linear ancestry of Tasawaq (Niger). Or: how mixed can a
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volume of Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika (Vol. 16/17), ed. by
Derek Nurse. Kln: Rdiger Kppe, pp. 523-574.

Appendix I

291
Appendix I Appendix I Appendix I Appendix I
Text Text Text Text 1: A folk tale 1: A folk tale 1: A folk tale 1: A folk tale
The following story was told by Aafaa from Talatayt in the speech
variety of that region. The tape was transcribed with the help of
Mahamad ag Almaki from Infukaraytan.
The main character of the story is Jackal. He is one of the most
clever animals in the folk tales of the Idaksahak. Note that the story
teller is using two different terms for jackal. In the beginning it is
intynawt. This term is normally used to designate the animal known
to kill kids. At the end of the story the other term abiji is used, more
normal for tales of this kind.
(1) ywa kl() a-bara ammy brr-en
well once SG-warthog 3shave child-PL
So, Warthog once had children.
(2) ahrru h ss-ss-r(a) ase n i
3slook.for thing CAUS-CAUS-study.BND 3sDAT SEP 3p
He was looking for somebody who would teach them for him.
(3) ho snda har ggun(a) intynawt.
thing.DEBR DEM.FAR until 3ssee jackal
(He did) that until he saw Jackal.
(4) intynawt acc(i) as(e)
jackal 3ssay 3sDAT
Jackal said to him:
(5) yw aam-s-ss-ra nin brr-en
come! 1sSUBJ-CAUS-CAUS-study.BND 2sGEN child-PL
Come, (that) I will teach your children.
(6) ay s(a) alfqi
1s.EMP COMP teacher
Its me who is (Koran-)teacher!
(7) addin(i) yn brr-en
3stake 3sGEN child-PL
He took his children.
(8) ayn brr-en gi aa()
3sGEN child-PL 3p.EMP nine
His children, they were nine,
Texts

292
(9) ann(a) intynawt se
3sgive3p jackal DAT
he gave them to Jackal
(10) har b-s-ss-r(a) ase n i
until 3sIMPERF-CAUS-CAUS-study.BND 3sDAT SEP 3p
that he would teach them (for him).
(11) acc(i) ab-s-ss-r(a)i.
3ssay 3sIMPERF-CAUS-CAUS-study.BND3p
He1 thought he2 would teach them.
(12) da h(e) yd(a) add
INT thing DEM.PROX 3sdo
a-bar(a) abara n(e) yda
SG-warthog 3sbe place DEM.PROX
When this was done, Warthog was there
(13) har dd(a) i-wtay
until 3sdo PL-year
until he had spent (some) years.
(14) jinjin akky-kat
first 3sleave-VEN
(When) he first came
(15) acc ab-ggu-kat ayn brr-en ka
3ssay 3sIMPERF-look.down-VEN 3sGEN child-PL LOC
and wanted to see his children.
(16) s j intynawt aggun-kat ga
As soon as Jackal saw him coming,
(17) intaynawt ammqus-an nd(a) ga
jackal 3smeet-ALL with 3s.EMP
Jackal went to meet him.
(18) acc(i) as(e) yeed-n brr-en b
3ssay 3sDAT return-ALL child-PL LOC
khar iggun nn it-yixrm
when 3psee 2s.O 3pFUT-disobey
im-wnjin ay qaarn
3pSUBJ-refuse 1s.IO study.VN
He said to him: Turn away from the children. When they see
you, they will disobey, they will refuse to study (for me).
(19) aggug()-n ase barar fo-da
3sguide-ALL 3sDAT child one-INT
He guided one child to him.
Appendix I

293
(20) aggar brr-en da a-ffoda n-goor() ika
3sfind child-PL INT SG-one FOC-sit 3pLOC
It was found that (regarding) the children, one was left of them.
(21) aggug()-n ase n a
3sguide-ALL 3sDAT SEP 3s
He guided it to him,
(22) ass-kn(a) ase n a
3sCAUS-see 3sDAT SEP 3s
showed it to him,
(23) ayye-kat nd(a)
3sreturn-VEN with3s
he came with it,
(24) ayyed-an nd(a)
3sreturn-ALL with3s
he returned with it
(25) har dd(a) ase n ase s-kn-n aa
until 3sdo 3sDAT SEP 3sDAT CAUS-show-PL nine
until he had shown it to him nine times.
(26) intynawt ga d brr-en ab-dumb()i
jackal 3s.EMP DIC child-PL 3sIMPERF-cut3p
je ()nd(a) a-ff a-ffo-da ab-()i
only with SG-one SG-one-INT 3sIMPERF-eat3p
har bbeen har a-ff dd d(a) a-sn(da)
until 3sbe.finished3s until SG-one.only DIC SG-DEM.FAR
As for Jackal, he had simply killed the children one by one and
eaten them until they were finished, except for that only one.
(27) a-bara ayyd
SG-warthog 3sreturn
Warthog returned
(28) acc(i) as(e) nim-d(a)-n a-wtay
3ssay 3sDAT 2s-SUBJ-do-ALL SG-year
(and) he (Jackal) said to him: Wait a year.
(29) har dd(a)-an a-wtay
until 3sdo-ALL SG-year
When he had spent a year (away),
(30) ayyls ayye-kat ga
3srepeat 3sreturn-VEN 3s.EMP
he came again to him (Jackal).
Texts

294
(31) attn acc(i) as(e)
3sarrive 3ssay 3sDAT
He (Jackal) arrived and said:
(32) brr-en iyytm mn aabbaa s(a)
child-PL 3pfinish but 1swant COMP
at-w aar fo bara ngo se
1sFUT-reach man IND be that.place DEM.FAR
har nim-d(a) ase a-safu
until 2sSUBJ-do 3sDAT SG-greeting
The children have finished their studies (of the Koran) but
I want to go to a man who is over there so that you may greet
him.
(33) aru ao s acc(i) ase ci na?
man DET DEM.FAR 3ssay 3sDAT who be3S
That man, he said to him, who is it?
(34) acc(i) as(e) elaw sa h (a)hnjin kun
3ssay 3sDAT elephant COMP thing 3sbe.much find.VN
He said to him: Its Elephant who is very ill.
(35) barar a nn a-ffod(a) goor zri ao sn(da) nd(a)
child DET GEN SG-one sit day DET DEM.FAR with
ayn g intynawt addumb(u) ga
3sGEN self jackal 3stake 3s.EMP
a()a
3seat3s
The only child that was left, that very day Jackal had killed and
eaten him.
(36) ahag() nd(a) ga n(e) yda
3saccompany with 3s.EMP place DEM.PROX
He (Warthog) accompanied him from there
(37) ho snda har tten elaw daw
thing.DEBR DEM.FAR until 3sarrive elephent LOC
until he arrived at Elephants (place).
(38) s(a) aggaar he (a)(o)oda Mssina
when 3sfind3s thing DET DEM God
a- xlk-kat ayn i-mdar-an ka
3sCAUS.be.created-VEN 3sGEN PL-animal.PL LOC
kamil ibb-km adaw.
all 3sIMPERF-rest 3sLOC
When he found him, all what God created among his animals
was resting at his place.
Appendix I

295
(39) nnazag-en ibb-km s(nda)
hyena.PL 3sIMPERF-rest DEM.FAR
Hyenas were resting there,
(40) t--ws-in kamulullahi ibb-km sn(da).
F-PL-game-PL absolutly.all 3sIMPERF-rest DEM.FAR
all kinds of game was resting there.
(41) yw(a) akky-kaati j
well 3sleave-VEN3p simply
Well, he simply approached them.
(42) acc(i) abara se ky-an n(e) yda har
3ssay warthog DAT stand-ALL place DEM.PROX until
am-aaw aam-d(a) ise asafu jinjin.
1sSUBJ-reach 1sSUBJ-do 3pDAT greeting first
He said to Warthog: Stay here until I reach them and greet
them first.
(43) id(da) kr nittn idaw
because when 2sarrive 3pLOC
zam() elaw h (a)hnjin as(e) kun
after elephant thing 3sbe.much 3sDAT find.VN
niss-kryis
2sCAUS-open.teeth
iggun nin t-a-kryas-t
3psee 2sGEN F-SG-open.teeth-F.SG
it-ci grgor nib-grgor in a-mian k(a)
3pFUT-say laugh 2sIMPERF-laugh 3pGEN SG-sick.person LOC
im-w nn
3pSUBJ-kill 2s.O
Because, when you arrive there, after Elephant is very ill and
you show your teeth, they see your grimace and will think that
you are laughing at their sick person. They will kill you.
(44) yw(a) akky har aawi.
well 3sleave until 3sreach3s.O
Well, he left until he reached them.
(45) aggun() elaw
3ssee elephant
aggara h (a)hnjin as(e) kun.
3sfind3s.O thing 3sbe.much 3sDAT find.VN
He saw Elephant and found (that) he was very ill.
Texts

296
(46) acc(i)is(e) elaw ad za acc(i) is(e)
3ssay 3pDAT elephant ANA LC 3ssay 3pDAT
yn saffar aabbaya
3sGEN medicine 1sknow3s.O
He said to them: So Elephant, he said to them, his medicine,
I know it.
(47) icc(i) as(e) ci n(a) yn saffar?
3psay 3sDAT who be 3sGEN medicine
They said to him: What is his medicine?
(48) acc(i) is(e) as-mmay saffari ()nd-ga wiji
3ssay 3pDAT 3sNEG.IMPERF-have medicine with-3s.EMP is.not
acc(i) is(e) a-bara n eam n-t-hur(u)
3ssay 3pDAT SG-warthog GEN grease EXM-FUT-enter
ayn t--nar kor-korr-
3sGEN F-PL-nostril DUP-be.hot-ADJZR
He said to them: There is no medicine except, he said, hot
grease of a warthog that enters his trunk.
(49) icc(i) as(e) a-bara za mn n k(a)
3psay 3sDAT SG-warthog LC where place LOC
art-kun()a?
1pFUT-find3s.O
They said to him: So a warthog, where will we find it?
(50) acc(i)is(e) a-bara m aayymmr-kat
3ssay 3pDAT SG-warthog EXCL 1sbring-VEN
a-ff f-ky ngo ka marad-oda
SG-one IMPERF-stand place.that LOC now-DEM
He said to them: A warthog, thanks to God, I brought one that
stands over there now.
(51) aar abbaa s(a) at-ydr n ao
man 3swant COMP 3sFUT-betray OPP DET
idd() bben ayn brr-en a()i
because 3sfinish 3sGEN child-PL 3seat3p.O
He wanted to betray the other one because he had finished his
children and eaten them.
(52) ywa icc(i) ase kun(a) ari se n ga!
well 3psay 3sDAT find 1p DAT SEP 3s.EMP
Well, they said to him, get it for us!
(53) ayyizzr-an is(e)
3sgo.ahead 3pDAT
He went ahead of them.
Appendix I

297
(54) a-bara ab-gun-kaat(a) abb-zzr
SG-warthog 3sIMPERF-see-VEN3s.O 3sIMPERF-go.ahead
bor-n s(e)
person-PL DAT
Warthog saw him coming ahead of the people,
(55) akky-kat i-mdar-an
3sleave-VEN PL-animal-PL
he came (with the) animals.
(56) har j() -mdar-an ikky-kat nd(a) a-bara
until only PL-animal.PL 3pstand-VEN towards SG-warthog
As soon as the animals stopped next Warthog,
(57) iddin() g(a) kky nd(a) har aw
3ptake 3s.EMP 3pleave COMP3s until 3preach
they took him, left with him until they reached (Elephants
place),
(58) iddumb()a
3pcut3s
they killed him.
(59) iddin() yn maan()
3ptake 3sGEN grease
They took his grease,
(60) ikkos-kos(a)
3pDUP-cut3s
cut it into pieces
(61) idd(a) ga kussu k
3pdo 3s.EMP cooking.pot LOC
and put it into a cooking pot.
(62) ho snda har ahnjin w.
thing.DEBR DEM.FAR until 3sbe.much boil.VN
(They did) this until it was boiling very much.
(63) ywa acc(i) ise wa nn(a) ay sa n a
well 3ssay 3pDAT IMP.PL give 1s DAT SEP 3s.O
ay n-b-d()a ayn t--nar ka
1s.EMP FOC-IMPERF-do3s.O 3sGEN F-PL-nostril LOC
Well, he said to them, give (pl) it to me! Its me who will put it
into his trunk.
(64) inn(a) ase n
3pgive 3sDAT SEP 3s.O
They gave it to him.
Texts

298
(65) ayyfn tugdu
3sclimb tree
He climbed a tree,
(66) akkeed tugdu n been
3sbe.up tree GEN top
he was up in the tree.
(67) aywa acc(i) ise wa ggdm ab(e) ndi kamil
well 3ssay 3pDAT IMP.PL lay 3sLOC 2p all
andmm-dbul abe n(e) yda j har
2pSUBJ-heap.up 3sLOC place DEM.PROX only until
ndm-ugu aka
2pSUBJ-look.down 3sLOC
ba fr ay ayn t--nar
IMP.PL open 1s.IO 3sGEN F-PL-nostrils
Well, he said to them, lay(pl) on him, you(pl) all! Heap simply
up on him here so that you look down on him. Open(pl) his
trunk for me!
(68) addin maan hnjin korr()
3stake fat be.much hot.VN
He took the very hot fat,
(69) add h(e) oda
3sdo thing DEM
he did this,
(70) ass-og()a elaw n t--nar se
3sCAUS-be.near3s elephant GEN F-PL-nostrils DAT
he approached it to the nostrils of Elephant,
(71) ammn aka n a j
3spour 3sLOC SEP 3s only
he poured it simply into them.
(72) elaw korr() azzur() yn bag ka
elephant heat 3srun 3sGEN head LOC
mard-d(a) nd(a) yn jinj
now-DIC with 3sGEN neck
As for Elephant, heat was immediately racing through his head
and his throat.
(73) elaw add h(e) oda
elephant 3sdo thing DEM
Elephant did this:
Appendix I

299
(74) ayyrk nd(a) yn kamb-n harkd yn c-en
3sshake with 3sGEN arm-PL too 3sGEN leg-PL
he shook his arms and also his legs.
(75) he (a)(o) oda b-ly-lia i-mdar-an ka
thing DET DEM IMPERF-circle-DUP3s.O PL-animal.PL LOC
This (made) him turn around among the animals.
(76) kamulullh(i) i-m-an ihun()i
absolutely.all PL-soul-PL 3pleave3p
Everybody died,
(77) ikks t--lgaz-an sn(da) ka
3pbe F-PL-melon-PL DEM.FAR LOC
they died there. (Lit: they became melons there.)
(78) a-bji ass-wl c-n attrgg(t)-kat
SG-jackal 3sCAUS-be.sharp leg-PL 3sjump.down-VEN
Jackal stretched his legs and jumped down.
(79) elaw nd(a) yn g(a) abbn
elephant with 3sGEN self 3sbe.dead
Elephant himself was dead.
(80) a-bji amm-ntz n ao k(a)
SG-jackal 3sSUBJ-pull OPP DET LOC
Jackal pulled on this one
(81) am-ci y() akkuna hamu zroda!
3sSUBJ-say EXCL 1sfind meat today
and said: Hey, I found meat today!
(82) am-grgor amm-ntz n ao k(a)
3sSUBJ-laugh 3sSUBJ-pull OPP DET LOC
He laughed, pulled on another one
(83) am-ci y() akkuna hamu zroda!
3sSUBJ-say EXCL 1sfind meat today
and said: Hey, I found meat today!
(84) aab-grgor
1sIMPERF-laugh
I am laughing,
(85) A(a) as-s-ss-ra nin brr-en
Allah 3sNEG.IMPERF-CAUS-CAUS-study.BND 2sGEN child-PL
a-bara
SG-warthog
because God is not teaching your children, Warthog!
Texts

300
(86) ho snda har j i-mdar-an oda kamil
thing.DEBR DEM.FAR until only PL-animal-PL DEM all
ihun(u)-n snda k(a).
3pleave-ALL DEM.FAR LOC
It was (like) that as soon as all these animals had died there.
(87) add() aamn g(a) abb-e(d)-kat j snda
3sdo period 3s.EMP 3sIMPERF-return-VEN only DEM.FAR
ab- j(e) n haam-n
3sIMPERF-eat only 3pGEN meat-PL
ab-grgor ika.
3sIMPERF-laugh 3pLOC
For quite some time, he simply returned there and ate their
meat and laughed about them.

Text 2: Part of Text 2: Part of Text 2: Part of Text 2: Part of a Radio emmision a Radio emmision a Radio emmision a Radio emmision
The following communication was given at the Radio rurale de
Menaka on 10th November 2001. The speaker is Hadmahamed ag
Mohamed from Inkiringiya, a location some kilometers south-east of
Menaka.
It is part three of a speech lasting about one hour interspersed with
music. The topic is mostly about Decentralization, a new organisa-
tional policy of the government.

(1) Igmattaak ho senda
doubt.taken thing.DEBR DEM.FAR
You can be sure
(2) ayn t-a-damil-t be komin-tan
3sGEN F-SG-profit-F.SG LOC community-PL
ndao ooda andb-gun(a)-a Maali add(a)i
DET.PL DEM 2pIMPERF-see-3s M. 3smake3p
it is for its (Mali) benefit (that) the communities you(pl) see are
made. (lit: Mali makes them.)
(3) wiji bananda adda desatralisasio
is.not in.vain 3sdo decentralization
It is not for nothing that it installed the decentralization.
(4) wiji he be add(a)i
is.not thing LOC 3sdo3p
It is done for no other reason
Appendix I

301
har almital a(o) ooda at-har andi se
until example DET DEM 1sFUT-tell 2p DAT
than this example I am telling you(pl):
(5) s bora at-may ayn alman babo-(a)n
COMP person 3sFUT-own 3sGEN herd be.much-ADJZR
(Suppose) somebody has his numerous herd,
(6) am-i-mmii marad-ood(a) ayn barr-en se
3sSUBJ-CAUS.separate now-DEM 3sGEN child-PL DAT
he divides (it) between his children,
(7) am-d(a) nda t--sgar t--sgar
3sSUBJ-do with F-PL-part F-PL-part
he makes several small herds out of them,
(8) bora kullu am-n(a) aase ayn a-dagar
person each 3sSUBJ-give 3sDAT 3sGEN SG-part
ao f-ku
DET IMPERF-keep
he gives to each person his part to keep.
(9) bora kaaka s(a) af-ku ayn alman
person whatever COMP 3sIMPERF-keep 3sGEN herd
Anybody who keeps his herd
(10) ass-sl-kaata
3sCAUS-win-VEN3s
makes it win (be more numerous)
(11) am-d(a) aase ku gi-giman
3sSUBJ-do 3sDAT tend.flock.VN DUP-be.good.ADJZR
and keeps it well.
(12) ayn ga s(e) akkuua
3sGEN self DAT 3stend.flock3s
Its for himself he tends it.
(13) ayyirs aase ayyirs aase
3senlarge 3sDAT 3senlarge 3sDAT
It gets bigger and bigger for him.
(14) bora da aywani agar ku
person INT 3sof bad tend.flock.VN
(But) the person who is tending it badly,
(15) ahun(u)-an
3sleave-all
it (herd) will disappear.
Texts

302
(16) aga se adda ho se
3s.EMP DAT 3sdo thing.DEF DEM.FAR
Its to him(self) he did that.
(17) He (a)o senda ayn almital
thing DET DEM.FAR 3sGEN example
That is the parable.
(18) aga ne (a)yda:
3s.EMP place DEM.PROX
Here it is:
(19) Maali ayn ga se addwl.
M 3sGEN self DAT country
Mali is a country for its on right.
(20) He (a)kkas addwl b-beer-i
thing 3sbe country dup-be.big-ADJZR
It is a large country.
(21) wrtilla s(a) alakumat akko ()nda a-handag
there.is.not COMP government 3sgo with place
kaamil nd-aga wiji nda ayn ko-(e)n.
all with-3S.EMP is.not with 3sGEN owner-PL
It does not happen that the government goes to every place
except with its owners.
(22) Ho senda be adda komin-tan
thing.DET DEM.FAR LOC 3smake commune-PL
Because of that, it made communities.
(23) ganda kullu aga nwwaqa gand(a) ao
land each 3s.EMP FOC-sign land DET
s(a) ammay
COMP 3sown
Every region has signed (=received responsibility) for the land
that it owns.
(24) bora kullu awwakal ganda ao
person each 3sbe.entrusted land DET
s(a) ag(a) abaara
COMP 3S.EMP 3sbe
(To) each person was entrusted the land on which he is.
(25) he (a)o senda be
thing DEF DEM.FAR LOC
aga be komin-tan idda
3s.EMP LOC commune-PL 3pmake
Because of that matter, because of this, communities are made,
Appendix I

303
(26) aga be desntralisasyon adda
3s.EMP LOC decentralization 3smake
(and) because of this, decentralization is made,
(27) aga be sekter-tan idda.
3s.EMP LOC sector-PL 3pmake
(and) because of this, sectors are made.
(28) Ittill(a) a-handag ammay bor(a) ao
every SG-place 3sown person DEF
yyikd-an nd(a)a
originate-ALL with-3s
s(a) aga ayn t-a-ggas-t af-keedi
COMP 3S.EMP 3sGEN F-SG-keep-F.SG 3s-IMPERF-be.on
Every place has somebody who originates from it, on whom its
(land) protection lies.
(29) aga ayn i-aad-an iyyed
3s.EMP 3sGEN PL-ruin-PL 3preturn
It is to him that its disaster returns,
(30) aga in t--fa iyyed
3s.EMP 3pGEN F-SG-be.usefull 3sreturn
It is to him that its profit returns.
(31) Bora da ao sa ayn ganda
person INT DEF COMP 3SGEN land
ab-d(a) agar ku
3sIMPERF-make bad tend.flock.VN
(Now) the person that takes bad care of his land,
(32) ao (a)di ayn ga s(e) add(a) a-aad.
DEF ANA 3SGEN self DAT 3sdo SG-ruin
that one, it is to himself he did a ruinous thing.
(33) Da adi ittill(a) agg aadm a-gu kaak(a)
too ANA every son.of Adam SG-place whatever
abaara
3sbe
ammay a-dagar ganda n t-a-ggas-t ka
3sown SG-share land GEN F-SG-keep-F.SG LOC
Also this: every human being, wherever he is, has a share in
the protection of the land.
Texts

304
(34) ittill(a) agg aadm kud da sa ()nt-yigz
each son.of Adam if too COMP 2sFUT-guard
akd ao ka ninn alman abb-n-kat
measure DEF LOC 2SGEN herd 3sIMPERF-graze-VEN
har amm-ee-kat
until 3sSUBJ-return-VEN
ayn t-a-ggas-t af-keedi nin.
3sGEN F-SG-guard-F.SG 3sIMPERF-be.on 2s
Every man, even if you only guard in the measure (=area)
where your herd grazes and returns, its protection is your
responsibility.
(35) I-manokal-an igi da a-handag ao iwani
PL-rule-PL 3p.EMP INT SP-place DEF 3pof
ka in dini akkay-kat ganda ka
LOC 3pGEN take.VN 3sstop-VEN land LOC
ayn t-a-ggas-t af-keedii
3sGEN F-SG-guard-F.SG 3sIMPERF-be.on3p
As for the chiefs (=authorities), the area that is theirs from
where they stop taking from the land, its protection is their
responsibility.
(36) a-iiwan n koy aga da
SG-camp GEN owner 3s.EMP INT
ne k(a) ayn t--buuar iyyee-kat
here LOC 3SGEN F-PL-female.camel 3preturn-VEN
ganda ka aga da
land LOC 3s.EMP INT
ayn t-a-ggas-t af-keed(i)a.
3SGEN F-SG-guard-F.SG 3SIMPERF-de.on3s
As for the head of the camp, there where his female camels (go
out to graze and) return on the land, he too, its protection is his
responsibility.
(37) da adi ittill(a) agg aadm b-dida
too ANA each son.of Adam IMPERF-walk
abaara gand(a) ao Maali wani
3sbe land DEF M. of
ammay aaka t-a-dagar-t t-a-ggas-t wani.
3shave 3sLOC F-SG-part-F.SG F-SG-guard-F.SG of
So, every human being walking, being in the country of Mali has
in it a little share of its protection.
Appendix I

305
(38) nib-d(a) aniyat bora s(e) ao n-t-ar
2sIMPERF-do mind person DAT DEF EXM-FUT-harm
ganda
land
You pay attention to a person that may harm the land.
(39) nib-d(a) aniyat a-na-z-gaafa se
2sIMPERF-do mind SG-ACT-CAUS-evil DAT
nt-huuru-kat ganda
EXMFUT-harm-VEN land
You pay attention to an evildoer that may enter the country.
(40) nib-da aniyat a-baydog se -b-dida tarra ka
2sIMPERF-do mind SG-thief DAT IMPERF-walk bush LOC
You pay attention to a thief who walks in the bush.
(41) nib-da aniyat eeqad se
2sIMPERF-do mind SG-bush.fire DAT
You pay attention to a bush fire.
(42) nib-da aniyat bora se nt-kos tugud-en
2sIMPERF-do mind person DAT EXMFUT-cut tree-PL
You pay attention to a person that may cut trees.
(43) in tugud-en kaamil andwan-en
3pGEN tree-PL all 2pof-PL
Its (land) trees are all yours,
(44) immay t--fa b-beer-i
3phave F-SG-be.useful DUP-be.big-ADJZR
they have great use.
(45) da adi bor(a) ao gguna bora
too ANA person DET see person
b-d(a) eeqad
IMPERF-make bush.fire
wala f-kos tugud-en
or IMPERF-cut tree-PL
an-c(i) aase he
3sNEG.PERF-say 3sDAT thing
So, the person who sees somebody putting a fire or cutting
trees (and) does not say anything to him,
Texts

306
(46) am-bay ganda se
3sSUBJ-know land DEM.FAR
inn alman jen h(e) ayda k(a) akka
3pGEN herd only thing DEM.PROX LOC 3sfall
har addumbui an-yirm aase.
until 3scut3p 3sNEG.PERF-warn 3sDET
he should know that (this is like) somebody who fell on their
herd and slaughtered them and he did not warn him.
(47) Da adi ee-dag ao senda ittilla agg aadm
too ANA SG-place DET DEN.FAR each son.of Adam
ao f-keedi Maali n ganda kaamil
DEF IMPERF-be.on M. GEN land all
ammay drwa, ammay alaq
3shave right 3shave right
at-yigz ee-dag ao abaara ganda ka
3sFUT-guard SG-place DET 3sbe land LOC
ittill(a) akd ao ()nda niddbt ayn
each measure DET with 2scan 3sGEN
t-a-ggas-t
F-SG-guard-F.SG
So, at this occasion, each human being anywhere in the
country of Mali has the right, has the responsibility to look after
the place where he is in the land with every measure you can
protect it.
(48) nd-aga niddbt sa
with-3S.EMP 2scan COMP
()nt-maazal nda nin kamba n maazal
2sFUT-send with 2sGEN hand GEN send.VN
If you can, you act with the act of your hand
(49) naga t-a-raqim-t nin iils wani
if F-SG-warn-F.SG 2sGEN tongue of
nimm-rm
2sSUBJ-warn
or you warn (with) a warning of your tongue.
(50) naga he nikkssan nim-koy-kat
if thing 2srefuse 2sSUBJ-leave-VEN
nim-har alakumat se
2sSUBJ-tell government DAT
If he (the warned person) refuses, you come and tell the
authorities.
Appendix I

307
(51) aga nddbt s(a)
3s.EMP FOCcan COMP
at-yirm bora ao (a)yda se.
3sFUT-warn person DET DEM.PROX DAT
It is this (government) that can warn that same person.
(52) da adi ganda bora fooda
too ANA land person one
an-yixlk-kat ao ddbt s(a)
3sNEG.PERF-creat-VEN DEF can COMP
at-yigz andi se andn gand-en.
3sFUT-guard 2p DAT 2pGEN land-PL
Also this, the land, one person does not exist that can look after
your (pl) countryside for you (pl).
(53) nin ganda ittill(a) agg aadm ao nigguna
2sGEN land each son.of Adam DET 2ssee
akkmtt nda he kaamil
3s-harm with thing all
(As for) your land, every human being you see (on it), who
harms with whatever,
(54) nim-bay ganda se
2sSUBJ-know land DEM.FAR
you really need to know
(55) atten nd(a) a-aad
3sarrive with SG-ruin
nin nda nin ga at-yizzar-kat
2s.EMP with 2sGEN self 3sFUT-be.ahead-VEN
it arrives with ruin, it is you yourself it will reach first.
(56) idda ganda s-kabahar ab-maa
because land maybe-when 3sIMPERF-be.without.grazing
wiji bora fooda nd(a) ayn ma(a)
is.not person one with 3sGEN lack.food.VN
at-da
3sFUT-harm
Because the land, when it is without grazing, it is not (only) one
person the lack of food will harm.
(57) ittill(a) agg aadm maa at-da
each son.of Adam lack.food.VN 3sFUT-harm
kud da as-mmay alman nd(a) ayn ga
if too 3sNEG.IMPERF-own herd with 3sGEN self
Everybody will suffer by lack of food, even if he owns no herd
himself.
Texts

308
(58) maa ao (a)yda at-aw nin.
lack.food.VN DET DEM.PROX 3sFUT-reach 2s
This same lack of food will reach you.
(59) s-kar cinj-en is-kar ittilla agg aadm
maybe-when rain-PL 3pNEG.IMPERF-hit each son.of Adam
h(e) ad(i) at-da.
thing ANA 3sFUT-harm
If the rains do not fall, everybody will eventually suffer.
(60) da adi ee-dag ao senda aga be
too ANA SG-place DET DEM.FAR 3s-EMP LOC
ittill(a) agg aadm
each son.of Adam
am-nahad a-handag ao abaara ganda ka.
3sSUBJ-guard SG-location DET 3sbe land LOC
Also this, at that occasion, because of this, may everybody take
care of the land where in the region he is.
(61) amm-gz ayn ga se
3sSUBJ-guard 3sGEN self DAT
wiji bora fo se
is.not person IND DAT
May he look after (it) for himself, not for someone else.
Appendix II 309
Appendix II Appendix II Appendix II Appendix II
2. Verbs with their causative and passive forms 2. Verbs with their causative and passive forms 2. Verbs with their causative and passive forms 2. Verbs with their causative and passive forms
The following lists give a number of verbs that are Songhay cognates
that take a root from Tamasheq when they are causativized or
passivized.
A presentation of causative and passive morphemes is found in 3.1.3.2
and 3.1.3.4 respectively. Double causatives are discussed in 3.1.3.2.3
2.1. One Argument Verbs 2.1. One Argument Verbs 2.1. One Argument Verbs 2.1. One Argument Verbs
One argument verbs are discussed in 4.3.1
gloss gloss gloss gloss root root root root causative causative causative causative
to cry hw s-lh
to eat enough kug s-ywn
to fall k -r
to fly t s -ss-gd
to get up tun s-k
to go down zumb z-zb-t
to inter in huru z-guz
to leave ky s-gla
to depart hun s-fl
to be placed keen -in
to run zur z-zl
to sit gor -am
to spend the day hoay s-kl
to stop ky s-bdd
Causative forms 310
gloss gloss gloss gloss root root root root causative causative causative causative
to suckle kkam s-k
to be upright ky s-ot
to walk did i-wk-t
2.2 Two Argument Verbs 2.2 Two Argument Verbs 2.2 Two Argument Verbs 2.2 Two Argument Verbs
Verbs with two arguments are discussed in 4.3.3.
The form of the Songhay root corresponds to the singular imperative.
gloss gloss gloss gloss IMP IMP IMP IMP causative causative causative causative passive passive passive passive gloss gloss gloss gloss (passive) (passive) (passive) (passive)
to bring zw --iwi t- wi
to call somebody cw s-rt tuw-ara
to climb/ride keed -w t-w
to cut/slaughter dumb z-gzm t-gzm
to do d -ga t- ga
to drink nn -u t-u
to eat -ka t- ka
to fight
(also verbally)
z s-k()ns t-kns be shunned
to gather (food) hab s-fd t- fd
to give n t- kfa
to hear m s-sl tw-sla
to hit kr - wwt t- wwt lead (animals)
to jump over t s -ss-gd tw-gd
to kill/hit w s-ssw-ana tw-ana
to know by -in tw-san
to lead pulling gug s-ss-lwi
Appendix II 311
gloss gloss gloss gloss IMP IMP IMP IMP causative causative causative causative passive passive passive passive gloss gloss gloss gloss (passive) (passive) (passive) (passive)
to leave alone ds tw-iya
to look at hai s-swu t-swu
to look for hurr s-gmi t-gmi
to love/want baa -ea tw-a
to read/study qaarn s-ss-ra tw-ara
to say c s -ssuw-an ~
-uw-an
tw-a
to see gun s-kn wni ~
wna

to steal zy --k t-k
to swallow gn z-lmz t-lmz
to take din -b t-b be arrested
to take out kw -ku t-ku
to taste sth. tab s-ndk t-ndk
to tell hr t- ml
to throw fr s -ss-gr
to hinder gag s-gdl
to buy dy-kat z-nza-kat
to sell dy-an z-nz-n
to guard gr -g t-g
to accompany hag --idu twa---idu
to wash hmay --r twa---r
to guide pushing tag -wwt t-wwt

Causative forms 312
2.3 Labile Verbs 2.3 Labile Verbs 2.3 Labile Verbs 2.3 Labile Verbs
Labile verbs are discussed in 3.1.3.1 and 4.3.2.
The form of the Songhay root corresponds to the singular imperative,
which implies that the translation of the transitive use is given.
gloss gloss gloss gloss IMP IMP IMP IMP causative causative causative causative passive passive passive passive gloss (passive) gloss (passive) gloss (passive) gloss (passive)
to break (leg) dgdig -r
to break (thing) bq -r t-r
to approach mn -h(-kat)
to construct cn -k t- k
to cook hin s-ss-a
to cut ks - d t- d
to dig fs z- z t- z
to distance from mr -gg
to dress db s-ls
to fill n s-tkr t- tkr
to give birth hy --u
to pour dud s-ss-nl
to pound dt -idi t- di
to untie fer i-w-a
to reach w --w t-w have caught up with
to sow atab -mi t- mi
to moisten y s- bdg caus: make wet
to throw out mn s-ss-l tw-al
to tie up hw
s-sw-aqan
~ i-w-aqan
tw-aqan
to enlarge br
s-mr ~
-mar
t- mr be honoured
Appendix II 313
-mar
to dry qq s-r
to hide tk z- gz t-gz
2.4 Verbs of Songhay origin taking a derivational prefix 2.4 Verbs of Songhay origin taking a derivational prefix 2.4 Verbs of Songhay origin taking a derivational prefix 2.4 Verbs of Songhay origin taking a derivational prefix
This list contains all verbs of this type that were found in texts and
confirmed with informants. Some more came up by elicitation, which are
not listed here because the informants did not always agree on the
correctness of the form.
to be dirty ibit -ibit
to vomit yeer s-eri
to return yd s-eed
to be red cidy s-ciday

to be long kuk s-kuku

to sow/dig fk s -ffik twa-fik
to trow out mn twa-mun
to prick tm s -ttim twa-tim to be/get injected

Appendix III

313
313
Appendix III
Wordlist: English Wordlist: English Wordlist: English Wordlist: English - -- - Tadaksahak Tadaksahak Tadaksahak Tadaksahak
In appendix III, an English-Tadaksahak wordlist is given based on
the Swadesh 200 item list. Some of the words on the list do not exist
in the language (e.g. flower, snow). Other words appear twice
because of double meanings or idiomatic uses in connection with
other words.
The following abbreviations are used:
adj. adjective
adv. adverb
conj. conjunction
ind. independent (pronoun)
n. noun
npl noun only found in plural
num. number
pl. plural
postp. postposition
prep. preposition
pron. pronoun
vi. intransitive verb
vt. transitive verb
A A A A - -- - a a a a
able, to be vt. by by by by
alive, to be vi. yiddr yiddr yiddr yiddr
all quantifier kamil kamil kamil kamil
among postp. ka ka ka ka
amuse oneself, to vi. hr hr hr hr
ancestor (paternal) n. baab baab baab baab
and (between noun phrases)
prep. nda nda nda nda
animal n. a aa a- -- -mud mud mud mudr r r r
approach, to vt. mn mn mn mn
arm / hand n. kamb kamb kamb kamb
ashes n. boo boo boo boo
Wordlist: English - Tadaksahak

314
314
at (somebodys) postp. daw daw daw daw
B B B B - -- - b b b b
back (bodypart) n. a aa a- -- -ruru ruru ruru ruru
bad adj. agar agar agar agar
bad, to be vi. yibrr yibrr yibrr yibrr
bark n. barj barj barj barj
battery n. ndi ndi ndi ndi
because conj. igd ~ idd igd ~ idd igd ~ idd igd ~ idd ~ d ~ d ~ d ~ d
before s.b. noun phrase. mo ka. mo ka. mo ka. mo ka.
beginning n. bag bag bag bag
belly n. gug gug gug gug
big, to be vi. br br br br
big, to make vt. br br br br
bird (general) n. cidaw cidaw cidaw cidaw
bite (animal), to vt.
bite, to vt. m m m m
black adj. bibi bibi bibi bibi
black (color) n. bibi bibi bibi bibi
black, to be vi. bibi bibi bibi bibi
blacken, to vt. bibi bibi bibi bibi
blood npl. kud kud kud kud- -- -n n n n
blow (wind), to vi. fr fr fr fr
bone (general) n. biid biid biid biid
breathe, to vi. - -- - nf nf nf nf
burn, to vt. kur kur kur kur- -- -kuru kuru kuru kuru
burned, to be vi. kur kur kur kur- -- -kuru kuru kuru kuru
C C C C - -- - c c c c
carve (wooden spoon), to
vt. kr kr kr kr
child n. barar barar barar barar
cloud npl. nuun nuun nuun nuun- -- -n n n n
cold (weather) n. fuf fuf fuf fuf
come, to vi. ky ky ky ky- -- -kat kat kat kat
count, to vt. - -- -i ii in n n n
counting n. - -- -i ii in n n n
country n. gnda gnda gnda gnda
cut, to vt. dumb dumb dumb dumb
vt. ks ks ks ks
cut, to be vi. ks ks ks ks
cutting n. ks ks ks ks
D D D D - -- - d d d d
day n. za za za zar r r r
dead, to be vi. bn bn bn bn
death n. bn bn bn bn
deep, to be vi. kuk kuk kuk kuk
deepen, to vt. kuk kuk kuk kuk
die, to vi. bn bn bn bn
dig, to vt. fs fs fs fs
digging n. fs fs fs fs
dirt (excrement) n. ls ls ls ls
dirty, to be vi. ls ls ls ls
vi. ibit ibit ibit ibit
dirty, to make vt. ls ls ls ls
distance from, to vt. mr mr mr mr
dive, to vi. y y y yf f f f
dog (general) n. hn hn hn hni i i i
dream n. keen keen keen keen gun gun gun gun
drink, to vt. nn nn nn nn
dry, to be vi. qq qq qq qq
Appendix III

315
315
dug, to be vi. fs fs fs fs
dull (knife), to be vi. bn bn bn bn
dust n. a aa a- -- -baleq baleq baleq baleq
E E E E - -- - e e e e
ear n. hag hag hag hag
earth n. gnda gnda gnda gnda
eat, to vt.
eating n.
egg n. t tt t- -- -a a a a- -- -fult fult fult fult

end n. bn bn bn bn
n. mya mya mya mya
exhausted (battery), to be
vi. bn bn bn bn
extinguish (fire, light), to vt. w w w w
eye n. m m m m
F F F F - -- - f f f f
face n. m m m m
fall (rain), to vi. kr kr kr kr
fall, to vi. k k k k
familiar with, to be vt. by by by by
far away, to be vi. mr mr mr mr
fat (on meat) n. maan maan maan maan
fat, to make vt. s s s s
father n. baab baab baab baab
fear n. hambar hambar hambar hambar
fear, to vt. ha ha ha hambar mbar mbar mbar
feather n. fraw fraw fraw fraw
fiber (plant) n. barj barj barj barj
fight, to vi. z z z z
fire n. huur huur huur huur
(fire)wood n. tugdu tugdu tugdu tugdu
fish n. a aa a- -- -mnana mnana mnana mnana
five num. amm amm amm amm
flow, to vi. dud dud dud dud
fly, to vi. t t t t
foot / leg n. cy cy cy cy
four num. akkz akkz akkz akkz
from postp. ka ka ka ka
fruit n. zzay zzay zzay zzay
fur npl. haa haa haa haab bb b- -- -n n n n
G G G G - -- - g g g g
game (play) n. hr hr hr hr
give, to vt. n n n n
giving n. n n n n
good adj. gi gi gi gi- -- -gimn gimn gimn gimn
grandmother n. nana beri nana beri nana beri nana beri
grandfather n. baba beri baba beri baba beri baba beri
grass (green) n. yl yl yl yl
green (grass), to be vi. ay ay ay ay
green solution n. garura garura garura garura
ground n. gnda gnda gnda gnda
guts npl. ad ad ad adan an an an- -- -an an an an
H H H H - -- - h h h h

316
316
hair npl. haab haab haab haab- -- -n n n n
hand / arm n. kamb kamb kamb kamb
head n. bag bag bag bag
hear (news), to vt. m m m m
hear (noise), to vi. m m m m
heart n. w ww w l ll l
heat n. korr korr korr korr
heavy, to be (T) vi. t t t t
heavy, to be vi. yiltg yiltg yiltg yiltg
here n. neda neda neda neda
he/she/it ind. pron. ga ga ga ga
hit, to vt. kr kr kr kr
hold, to vt. ydd ydd ydd yddr r r r
hot, to be (warm) vi. korr korr korr korr
hot, to make vt. korr korr korr korr
how? question phrase.
man man man man mmk a mmk a mmk a mmk a nda nda nda nda
hunt (game), to vi. gimr gimr gimr gimr
husband n. aar aar aar aar
I I I I - -- - i i i i
I ind. pron. a aa aay ay ay ay
if/when clause initial particle
nda nda nda nda
if (hypothetical) conj. ndr ndr ndr ndr
if/when conj. s s s s- -- -kbahar kbahar kbahar kbahar
important, to be vi. br br br br
impure (religiously), to be
vi. ls ls ls ls
in postp. ka ka ka ka
J J J J - -- - j j j j
jackal n. a aa a- -- -bji bji bji bji
n. intynawt intynawt intynawt intynawt
n. m cena m cena m cena m cena
jump (n) n. t t t t
jump over, to vt. t t t t
K K K K - -- - k k k k
kill (animal), to vt. dumb dumb dumb dumb
kill, to vt. w w w w
killing n. w w w w
know, to vt. by by by by
L L L L - -- - l l l l
laid down, to be vi. keen keen keen keen
lake n. a aa a- -- -zar zar zar zar
land n. gnda gnda gnda gnda
laugh, to vi. grgor grgor grgor grgor
laughter n. grgor grgor grgor grgor
leaf n. a a a a- -- -la la la la
lean, to be vi. yilbk yilbk yilbk yilbk
leather n. kuur kuur kuur kuur
leave a rest, to vi. cind cind cind cind
leave for, to vt. ky ky ky ky
left (side) n. zlgat zlgat zlgat zlgat
leg / foot n. cy cy cy cy
Appendix III

317
317
length n. kuk kuk kuk kuk
lie on side, to vi. yni yni yni ynitaga taga taga taga
lion n. trra nn zzay trra nn zzay trra nn zzay trra nn zzay
n a a a a- -- -har har har har
live, to vi. yiddr yiddr yiddr yiddr
liver n. taa taa taa taa
long, to be vi. kuk kuk kuk kuk
louse (head) n. geen geen geen geen
M M M M - -- - m m m m
male n. aar aar aar aar
man n. aar aar aar aar
measure n. mya mya mya mya
meat n. hamu hamu hamu hamu
month n. a aa a- -- -yyr yyr yyr yyr
moon n. a aa a- -- -yyr yyr yyr yyr
mosquito n. mya kuk mya kuk mya kuk mya kuk
n t tt t- -- -aa aa aa aa- -- -ds ds ds ds- -- -t tt t
mother n. naan naan naan naan
mouth n. mya mya mya mya
N N N N - -- - n n n n
name n. mn mn mn mn
narrow, to be vi. karrs karrs karrs karrs
near to, to be vi. mn mn mn mn
neck n. jinj jinj jinj jinj
new, to be vi. yayny yayny yayny yayny
nice adj. gi gi gi gi- -- -gimn gimn gimn gimn
night n. cij cij cij cij
nose npl. t tt t- -- - - -- -n nn nar ar ar ar
nostrils npl. t tt t- -- - - -- -n nn nar ar ar ar
numerous, to be vi. bab bab bab bab
numerous, to make vt. bab bab bab bab
O O O O - -- - o o o o
odor n. mamman mamman mamman mamman
old, to be vi. n n n n
old, to make vt. n n n n
older sibling n. br br br br
one n. a aa a- -- -ffoda ffoda ffoda ffoda
one num. foda foda foda foda
opening n. mya mya mya mya
P P P P - -- - p p p p
peak (bird) n. mya mya mya mya
person n. bor bor bor bor
play (football), to vt. kr kr kr kr
play (instrument), to vt. kr kr kr kr
play, to vi. hr hr hr hr
pond (temporary) n. a aa a- -- -zar zar zar zar
pour, to vt. dud dud dud dud
pull sth. heavy, to vt. hbut hbut hbut hbut
pull, to vt. yrk yrk yrk yrkb b b b
push sth./sb., to
vt. ynt ynt ynt yntg ~ ynta g ~ ynta g ~ ynta g ~ ynta

318
318
R R R R - -- - r r r r
red adj. cidy cidy cidy cidy
red, to be vi. cidy cidy cidy cidy
rest n. cind cind cind cind
right (side) n. a a a ail il il il
rise (sun), to vi. fr fr fr fr
river (Niger) n. a aa a- -- -j jj jrw rw rw rw
road n. t tt t- -- -a aa a- -- -dqat dqat dqat dqat- -- -t tt t
root (plant) n. e e e e- -- -caw caw caw caw
rope (general) n. karf karf karf karf
rot, to make vt. fumb fumb fumb fumb
rotten, to be vi. fumb fumb fumb fumb
S S S S - -- - s s s s
salt n. ciid ciid ciid ciid
sand n. t tt t- -- -a aa a- -- -zazul zazul zazul zazul- -- -t tt t
say, to vt. c c c c
scratch, to vt. z zz z- -- - kmz kmz kmz kmz
scratch, to vi. kkku kkku kkku kkku - -- -it it it it
see, to vt. gun gun gun gun
seed n. a a a am m m m
sew, to vt. aatab aatab aatab aatab
sewing n. aatab aatab aatab aatab
sharp (knife), to be vi. yiwl yiwl yiwl yiwl
short, to be vi. gazl gazl gazl gazl
sight n. gun gun gun gun
sing, to idiom d(a) d(a) d(a) d(a) - -- -ak ak ak ak
sit, to vi. goor goor goor goor
sitting n. goor goor goor goor
skin n. kuur kuur kuur kuur
sky npl. i ii i- -- -nn nn nn nn- -- -an an an an
sleep n. keen keen keen keen
sleep, to vi. keen keen keen keen
small size n. ceen ceen ceen ceen
small, to be vi. ceen ceen ceen ceen
small, to make vt. ceen ceen ceen ceen
smell sth., to idiom
mamman kr bor mamman kr bor mamman kr bor mamman kr bor
smoke npl. nuun nuun nuun nuun- -- -n n n n
smooth, to be vi. s ss sll ll ll ll
snake (general) n. gn gn gn gni i i i
snake, sp n. gnda gnda gnda gnda karf karf karf karf
sneeze, to vi. tn tn tn tnit it it it
some n. cind cind cind cind
(some)thing n. h h h h
son n. zzay zzay zzay zzay
spit, to vi. s ss s- -- - f f f f
split (wood), to vt. yf yf yf yfk k k k
stand up, to idiom ky bena ky bena ky bena ky bena
stay, to vi. goor goor goor goor
stepfather n. bab fumb bab fumb bab fumb bab fumb
stepmother n. nan fumb nan fumb nan fumb nan fumb
stick sth. into, to vt. yr yr yr yri i i i
stick (wooden) n. bund bund bund bund
stone n. ndi ndi ndi ndi
stony elevation n. ndi ndi ndi ndi
stop, to vi. ky ky ky ky
straight, to be vi. y y y yad ad ad ad
suck, to vt. s ss s mm mm mm mm
sun n. wayn wayn wayn wayn
swim, to vi. y y y yf f f f
swollen, to be vi. h hh h di di di di
Appendix III

319
319
T T T T - -- - t t t t
tail n. t tt t- -- -a aa a- -- -lnkaw lnkaw lnkaw lnkaw- -- -t tt t
tall, to be idiom may kay may kay may kay may kay
vi. kuk kuk kuk kuk
tea (leaves) n. a a a a- -- -la la la la
tether, to vt. hw hw hw hw
tethered, to be vi. hw hw hw hw
that (one) dem. ( (( (a)snda a)snda a)snda a)snda
them pron. gi gi gi gi
there adv. snda snda snda snda
they ind. pron. gi gi gi gi
thin (person/livestock), to be
vi. yilbk yilbk yilbk yilbk
thin, to be vi. add add add add
think (that) vi. yord yord yord yord
this dem. oda oda oda oda
this dem. yda yda yda yda
three num. kaar kaar kaar kaar
throw, to vt. fr fr fr fr
tie, to vt. hw hw hw hw
to postp. ka ka ka ka
tongue n. il il il ils s s s
tooth n. e e e e- -- -an an an an
towards locative prep. nda nda nda nda
postp. kmba kmba kmba kmba
trample on sth., to
idiom ky he ka ky he ka ky he ka ky he ka
tree (general) n. tugdu tugdu tugdu tugdu
true, to be vi. d dd d ttt ttt ttt ttt
turn off (radio, TV), to vt. w w w w
turn, to vt. ysta ysta ysta ysta
twine (rope), to vt. kr kr kr kr
two num. hik hik hik hik
tying n. hw hw hw hw
U U U U - -- - u u u u
ugly, to be vi. yibrr yibrr yibrr yibrr
upright, to be vi. ky ky ky ky
upright, being n. ky ky ky ky
use (money) fraudulently, to
vt.
V V V V - -- - v v v v
vomit, to vi. yeri yeri yeri yeri vomiting n. yeri yeri yeri yeri
W W W W - -- - w w w w
walk n. did did did did
walk, to vi. did did did did
want, to v. c c c c
warn (from danger), to vt. kr kr kr kr
wash, to vt. hmay hmay hmay hmay
washed, to be vi. hmay hmay hmay hmay
washing n. hmay hmay hmay hmay
water npl. aryn aryn aryn aryn
we ind. pron. ari ari ari ari
well fed, to be vi. s s s s

320
320
wet, to be vi. ay ay ay ay
wet, to make vt. ay ay ay ay
wetness n. ay ay ay ay
what is it? interrogative phrase.
ci n ci n ci n ci n- -- -a aa a
when? interrogative phrase.
c(i) agd c(i) agd c(i) agd c(i) agd
where? (+action) interrogative
phrase. mn n(e) mn n(e) mn n(e) mn n(e)
where? (+noun) interrogative
adv. maan maan maan maan
white adj. koray koray koray koray
white (color) n. koray koray koray koray
white, to be vi. koray koray koray koray
who?/what? interrogative pron.
ci ci ci ci
why? interrogative phrase.
ci n h be ci n h be ci n h be ci n h be
wide, to be vi. yilw yilw yilw yilw
wife n. surgy surgy surgy surgy
wind n. hw hw hw hw
wing n. fraw fraw fraw fraw
wipe out, to vt. ts ts ts ts
wiped out, to be vi. ts ts ts ts
wiping out n. ts ts ts ts
with (company) comitative prep.
nda nda nda nda
with (instrument) (instrumental)
prep. nda nda nda nda
withhold sth., to
idiom ky he be ky he be ky he be ky he be
woman n. surgy surgy surgy surgy

Y Y Y Y - -- - y y y y
year n. a aa a- -- -wtay wtay wtay wtay
yellow, to be vi. yar yar yar yar
you (pl) ind. pron. ndi ndi ndi ndi
you (sg) ind. pron. nn nn nn nn
young one n. zzay zzay zzay zzay

Wordlist: Tadaksahak English 321
Appendix IV
Wordlist: Songhay cognates in Tadaksahak
The following word list gives Tadaksahak words which have cognates
in Songhay. The list contains 290 items. The words are alphabetically
ordered. Pharyngealized consonants follow the non-pharyngealized
ones. Signs not used in English follow a similar sign, e.g. // follows
/e/, // follows /s/. After the sign the cognate is listed with the
reference referring to the dictionaries by Heath, KCH for Koyra Chiini
(Heath 1998a), KS for Koroboro Senni (Heath 1998b) and DN92 the
Lexique Soay Franais by Youssouf Mohamed Hadara et al.,
DNAFLA 1992. When the closest cognate is from another than these
central speech varieties, the name of the location is given, e.g.
Bamba, Labbazanga. A few words are only found in the other
Northern Songhay languages. They are listed phonetically with the
corresponding language, e.g. Tagdal []. Tagdal and Tabarog
cognates are taken from Rueck & Christiansen (1999); Tasawaq
cognates were provided by Maarten Kossmann (Leiden).
The abbreviations are the same as those in the previous list
A AA A

a a a a pron. him, her, it; 3s direct object clitic a he, she, it KCH:19
a aa a pron. he, she, it; 3s subject clitic a he, she, it KCH:19
aar aar aar aar n. man, husband; male ar; har KCH:118; aru man; male KS:30
pl. arw arw arw arw- -- -n n n n
add add add add n. long blade, machete adda machete-like blade KCH:19; KS:15
pl. add add add add- -- -tin tin tin tin
a aa a- -- -ff ff ff ff n. one (and the other) a-foo one KCH:20
a aa a- -- -ffo ffo ffo ffo- -- -da da da da n. one; one by one, in distributive phrase a-foo one
KCH:20
a aa aay ay ay ay pron. I, me; independent 1s pronoun agey I, full 1s pronoun
KS:17; Bamba: aey
ahn ahn ahn ahn v take it! only used in imperative huu! here! take! KS:168
ga ga ga ga pron. he, she, it; him, her, it; independent 3s pronoun ga - a
Appendix IV 322
he, him, she, her, it KCH:96
ari ari ari ari pron. we, us; independent 1p pronoun ir - iri we, us KS:171
ary ary ary ary- -- -n n n n npl. water hari water KCH:119; KS:148
B BB B
baab baab baab baab n. father; brother of the father; ancestor baaba father; fathers
brother KCH:35; KS:34 pl. baab baab baab baab- -- -n n n n
baba beri baba beri baba beri baba beri n. grand-father baaba-beer fathers elder brother
KCH:36; baaba-beeri fathers elder brother KS:34.
pl. bab beer bab beer bab beer bab beer- -- -n n n n
bab fumb bab fumb bab fumb bab fumb n. stepfather baba-fumb-o stepfather KCH:36; KS:34
pl. bab fumb bab fumb bab fumb bab fumb- -- -n n n n
baan baan baan baan n. pod of Acacia nilotica containing tannic acid used to tan
skins; by extension also tannic acid baani pod of acacia tree
KCH:39
baar baar baar baar n. horse (general) bari horse KCH:41; KS:41 pl. baar baar baar baar- -- -n n n n
baa baa baa baa n. water bag baas(u)-ije (lit: well-child) recipient and cord for
drawing water from well KCH:42; baasu (water) well KCH:42.
pl. baa baa baa baa - -- -n n n n
bab bab bab bab vi. to be many, to be numerous bobo much, many adj KCH:49
vt. make numerous
ba ba ba baa a a a vt. to love; to want baa want KCH:35; KS:33
n. love pl. ba ba ba ba - -- -en en en en
bn bn bn bn vi. to be soft; to be fragile; to be docile baan be soft KCH:38;
ban be soft, tender KS:37
vt. make soft; make tender
bna bna bna bna n. salary bana wages, fee KCH:28; pay KS:37 pl. bna bna bna bna- -- -tan tan tan tan
bag bag bag bagw w w w n. hippopotamus baa hippopotamus KCH:38
bag bag bag bag n. head; beginning; front bomo head; top, front KCH: 49; bo
(boa) head, top part KS:52 pl. banj banj banj banj- -- -n n n n
ba ba ba bag g g g n. well; waterhole bagu seasonally flooded ground, seasonal
swamp KCH:39; KS:39 pl. banj banj banj banj- -- -n n n n
bara bara bara bara vi. to exist; to be available bara exist KCH:40 KS:40
vt. to be in
barj barj barj barj n. bark; fiber (plant) abirjan fibre des arbres DN92; Cf. Tagdal
[bar'gi]; Tabarog [bar'gi]; Zarma brj lien en corce darbre pl. barj barj barj barj- -- -n n n n
barmy barmy barmy barmy n. change money for payment barmey change for payment
KCH:41
by by by by vt. to know; to be able to bey know, be familiar with (sth, sb)
KCH:45; KS:45
be be be be postp. on; above; about beene sky; upper area, upstairs postp
above, on top KCH:43
bn bn bn bn vi. to be finished
vt. to finish ben (intr) finish, end, be used up KCH:43; KS:44
been been been been n. top; upper part beene sky; upper area KCH: 43; beena top,
topmost part of area; sky KS:44
br br br br vi. to be big, important; to be grown up beer be big in size; be
grown up, old KCH:44; beeri KS:44
vt. to make big, to enlarge
n. older sibling beere older sibling (esp. of same sex) KCH:44
pl. ber ber ber ber- -- -an an an an
b bb bbb bb bb bb vt. to carry (baby) on back wrapped in a piece of cloth babba
carry baby in a bundle on ones back KCH:36; KS:40
bi bi bi bi n. yesterday; also adverbial use bii yesterday KCH:46; KS:46
bi bi bi bi n. shadow, visual representation of sth./sb., photo bii shadow;
image KCH:46; KS:46 pl. biy biy biy biy- -- -n n n n
bibi bibi bibi bibi vi. to be black bibi be black, dark KCH:46
vt. to make black, to blacken
n. blackness
adj. black
biid biid biid biid n. bone (general) biiri bone KCH:48; biri KS:48 pl. biid biid biid biid- -- -n n n n
b b b bgi gi gi gi n. male donkey binji ne mle DN92 pl. b b b bgi gi gi gi- -- -tan tan tan tan
bit ~ biit bit ~ biit bit ~ biit bit ~ biit n. kind of cereal meal bita milet porridge KCH:49; KS:49
boo boo boo boo n. white ashes; left after cooking fire boosi ashes KCH:51
pl. boo boo boo boo - -- -n n n n
bor bor bor bor n. person boro person KCH:51; KS:55 pl. bor bor bor bor- -- -n n n n
by by by by vi. to move (camp) boy drag; herd, drive (animals ahead of
oneself) KCH:52; KS:56
bn bn bn bn vi. to be dead, to die; (fire, light) go out; (battery) be exhausted
bun die KCH:54
n. death; end (of month) pl. bun bun bun bun- -- -n n n n
bund bund bund bund n. (wooden) stick bundu stick (of wood); walking stick, cane
KCH:55; KS:59 pl. bund bund bund bund- -- -n n n n
Appendix IV 324
C CC C
cary cary cary cary n. friend, comrade; another of the same kind cere friend,
peer, agemate KCH:58; KS:66 pl. car car car car- -- -n n n n
cw cw cw cw vt. to call sb cow call sb, summon, send for sb KCH:63
n. call pl. caw caw caw caw- -- -n n n n
cy cy cy cy n. leg, foot; (car) wheel cee foot, leg KCH:56; KS:63 pl. c cc c- -- -en en en en
caycy caycy caycy caycy vt. to weave (mat) key weave KCH:163
cn cn cn cn vi. to be pitched (tent), to be constructed (house)
vt. to pitch (tent), to construct (house) cen build, erect (housing)
KCH:57; cin build (house) KS:69
ceen ceen ceen ceen vi. to be small, young ciina be small, young, infrequent, rare,
sparse KCH:60
vt. to make small
n. small size
m cena m cena m cena m cena n. jackal
ci ci ci ci interrogative pron. who/what? interrogative word asking for the
identity of a person/item cin what? KS:69; mey who? KCH:194
ci n ci n ci n ci n- -- -a aa a interrogative phrase. what is it?
ci n h be ci n h be ci n h be ci n h be interrogative phrase. why?
c c c c n. similar thing, kind sii kind, type KCH:219; cine adj semblable
KS:70
c c c c vt. to say sth. to sb.; also used before quotation cii speak KCH:59
vi. to want to
cidaw cidaw cidaw cidaw n. bird (general) cirow bird KCH:62 pl. cid cid cid cid- -- -an an an an
cday cday cday cday n. underneath cire postp. under KCH:62; KS:70
cidy cidy cidy cidy vi. to be red cirey be red KCH:62
adj. red
cid cid cid cid- -- -cidi cidi cidi cidi vi. to be very red cirey be read KCH:62
cigoda cigoda cigoda cigoda n. this (coming) night; tonight cigoo tonight KCH:59 Bamba:
cij-oo da tonight KS:69
ciid ciid ciid ciid n. salt ciiri salt KCH:62 pl. ciid ciid ciid ciid- -- -n n n n
ciim ciim ciim ciim n. truth ciimi truth KCH:60 pl. ciim ciim ciim ciim- -- -n n n n
cij cij cij cij n. night ciji night KCH:59 pl. cij cij cij cij- -- -n n n n
cijn cijn cijn cijn n. last night cijin night KS:69
cind cind cind cind vi. to leave a rest cindi remain KCH:60
n. rest, part cindi remainder, rest KCH:60 pl. cind cind cind cind- -- -n n n n
cin cin cin cin- -- - - -- -cina cina cina cina vi. to be very small ciina be small KCH:60
D DD D
da da da da phrase final particle. exactely, precisely daa exactely, precisely,
exclusively, right (here) KCH:64
d d d d vi. to be done; do be made (in material); to put (somewhere) dam
(da) be done; make, do; put (somewhere) KCH:65
vt. to make sth
n. making
daam daam daam daam n. improvement daame/a well being, happiness KS:77
daanay daanay daanay daanay n. seeds of cram-cram daaney burrgrass/cram-cram KCH:66
db db db db vi. to be covered; to be dressed (clothes)
vt. to cover (recipient); to put (clothes) daabu cover, enclose;
shut; look KCH:64
n. covering; dressing (clothes)
danf danf danf danf n. cooking pot for couscous with holes in the bottom; only
used in towns dofo couscous or rice steamer KCH:74 denfu KS:83
danj danj danj danj vi. to be silent, to shut up dangey shut up, be quiet; silence
KCH:67; KS:67
vt. to make quite, to silence
d dd danj anj anj anj- -- -n n n n npl. charcoal denji (hot or cold) charcoal, ember(s) KCH:69.
Sg: danj danj danj danj
dr dr dr dr vi. to be spread out daar prepare the bedding KCH:67
vt. to spread out daar spread out, lay out KCH:67
n. mat (cover) put on the ground to sit on pl. daar daar daar daar- -- - n nn n
daw daw daw daw postp. at (somebodys place); with /ten/ arrive in a noun phrase
doo at (the place of) KCH:72
dy dy dy dy vt. to deal; to cost dey buy KCH:70
dy dy dy dy- -- -kat kat kat kat vt. to buy
dy dy dy dy- -- -an an an an vt. to sell
dy dy dy dy- -- -day day day day n. groceries (spices, meat) for sauce dayday daily groceries
(spices, meat) for sauce KCH:70
deed deed deed deed n. gum arabica deeli gum arabic, tree resin KCH:68 pl. deed deed deed deed- -- -n n n n
did did did did vi. to walk dira walk, go for a walk, set off on foot KCH:72
n. walk, departure
dlwil dlwil dlwil dlwil n. vegetal oil dilwil cooking oil KCH:71 < French /de lhuile/
din din din din vt. to take, to catch din take, pick up, catch, arrest, get KCH:71
Appendix IV 326
n. taking
dig dig dig dig n. forgetfulness dinaa forget KCH:71
dig( dig( dig( dig() ) ) )- -- -an an an an vt. to forget dinaa forget KCH:71 dira KS:87
dis dis dis dis vt. to let go, to leave alone; to allow to (with subjunctive clause).
deesi fly, fly away, soar KCH:69
dud dud dud dud vi. to flow (water)
vt. to pour (liquide) door flow (out); pour (on) KCH:75 doori flow;
pour KS:91
dumb dumb dumb dumb vt. to cut, to kill an animal by cutting the jugular dumbu cut,
sever, cut down, cut off KCH:78
dt dt dt dt vi. to be pounded
vt. to pound (general) dur pound (grain, with mortar and pestle)
KCH:79

vi. (body part) to ache, to be painful door (body part) ache, be
painful KCH:75
vt. to harm, hurt, make sore door harm, hurt, make sore KCH:75
n. sickness, epidemic, suffering pl. a a a a- -- -en en en en

ndoror ndoror ndoror ndoror n. gutter for rain water along the roof ndorro roof gutter,
rain pipe KCH:76 pl. ndororo ndororo ndororo ndororo- -- -tan tan tan tan.
nda nda nda nda conjoining NPs. and; instrumental prep. with; comitative prep. in the
company of, with; directional prep. towards; clause initial particle if/
when nda with; and; if KCH:64
F FF F
fark fark fark fark n. donkey (general) farka donkey KCH:84 pl. farc farc farc farc- -- -n n n n
fs fs fs fs vi. to be dug
vt. to dig faani dig KCH:82 fani dig (hole, pit) KS:101
Labbezanga: fansi
n. digging
fy fy fy fy vi. to be separated fey diverge, be separate, be distinct, be of
more than one type KCH:87
vt. to separate fey separate, keep apart KCH:87
feej feej feej feej n. sheep (general) feeji sheep KCH:85 pl. feej feej feej feej- -- -n n n n
fend fend fend fend n. winnowing van fendu winnowing van KCH:86 pl. fend fend fend fend- -- -n n n n
fr fr fr fr vi. to be opened
vt. to open, to undo feeri/feri open, stretch out (limbs); uncover
(jar) KCH:86
fk fk fk fk vi. to be sown; to be buried
vt. to put sth. under the earth (corps, seeds) fiji bury KCH:88
n. burying
fo fo fo fo dem. a certain, indefinite particle; another of the same kind; some
(body); some (thing) a-foo one KCH:20
fo fo fo fo- -- -da da da da num. one (numeral accompanying noun) a-foo one KCH:20
fuf fuf fuf fuf n. cold weather fufu intense cold; bitter cold weather KCH:92.
pl. fuf fuf fuf fuf- -- -n n n n
fumb fumb fumb fumb vi. to be rotten fumbu rot, decay, decompose; smell rotten, foul
KCH:93
vt. to make rott
fn fn fn fn vi. to be pierced
vt. to pierce fun pierce, puncture KCH:93
n. hole; piercing pl. fun fun fun fun- -- -en en en en
fr fr fr fr vi. (wind) to blow; (sun) to rise
vt. to throw sth.; to throw (sth.) at sb fur abandon, avoid, get rid
off, release, dump KCH:94 throw, drop, let go off KS:116
fur fur fur fur- -- -n n n n vi. to be lost (item), to have dropped fur be abandoned,
released, dumped KCH:94
G GG G
g g g g n. self gaa (living) body, organism KCH:96 pl. j jj j- -- -n n n n
gnda gnda gnda gnda n. earth, ground; region, land, country ganda ground; land,
territory, country KCH:99 pl. gnd gnd gnd gnd- -- -en en en en
gag gag gag gag vt. to prevent from gaga prevent, block, hold up, delay
KCH:100
gr gr gr gr vt. to find, to come upon gar find, encounter KCH:102
gr gr gr gr vt. to look after gardi guard, stand watch over < Fr garder
KCH:102
garura garura garura garura n. green solution used to color leather items garura green
Appendix IV 328
(Hombori) pl. garura garura garura garura- -- -tan tan tan tan
geen geen geen geen n. head louse gani louse KCH:100 pl. geen geen geen geen- -- -n n n n
gman gman gman gman vi. to be good, nice, useful gomni good fortune (health,
prosperity) KCH:107
gi gi gi gi- -- -gimn gimn gimn gimn adj. nice, good
gism gism gism gism n. roselle used in sauce and for medicine jisima roselle (bitter
spice) KCH:148
gn gn gn gn vt. to swallow goon swallow KCH:107
n. swallowing pl. gn gn gn gn- -- -en en en en
gn gn gn gni i i i n. snake (general) gondi snake (general) KCH:107; specimen
KS:131 pl. gn gn gn gn - -- -en en en en
goor goor goor goor vi. to sit; to stay goro sit, stay, dwell KCH:108
n. sitting
gora gora gora gora n. cola nut; this nut is not chewed in the nomadic society.
gooro cola nut KCH108 pl. gora gora gora gora- -- -tan tan tan tan
gr gr gr gr- -- -gor gor gor gor vi. to laugh, to laugh about sb gogor smile, laugh KCH:106
n. laughter; laughing pl. gorgor gorgor gorgor gorgor- -- -n n n n
gun gun gun gun vt. to see guna see KCH:111
n. seeing; sight guna view, sight KCH:111 pl. gun gun gun gun- -- -n n n n
gug gug gug gug vt. to guide (animal) holding, lead sb. by holding gurgey
wrestle, struggle, get into showing match KS:138; gurje come to blows,
get into a fight KCH:112
gug gug gug gug n. belly gugu belly KCH:111 pl. gug gug gug gug- -- -n n n n
gr gr gr gr vt. to showel up (from ground) gur draw water from well
KCH:112
guss guss guss guss n. hole in the ground; borrow of animals guusu pit, hole
(concave excavation) KCH:113 pl. guss guss guss guss- -- -n n n n
guur guur guur guur n. metal guuru metal; metal object (bar, hoe. spear etc.)
KCH:112 pl. guur guur guur guur- -- -n n n n
H HH H
haab haab haab haab- -- -n n n n npl. hair; fur haabu cotton KCH:113. Sg: haab haab haab haab
hab hab hab hab vt. to harvest (wild grass seeds) by brooming them to heaps.
haabu gather up (object) KCH:113; haab-a to sweep (into a pile)
KS:140
hambar hambar hambar hambar vt. to fear hambur be afraid of, fear KCH:115
n. fear hamburey fear KCH:115
hambor hambor hambor hambor n. mortar; drum (made out of a mortar by spanning a skin
over the opening). humbur mortar KS:168; Cf. Tagdal [hambo'ri];
Tabarog [hambo'ri]; Tasawaq hmbr pl. hambor hambor hambor hambor- -- -n n n n
hamu hamu hamu hamu n. meat; animal raised for meat ham meat, flesh; fish
KCH:115 pl. ham ham ham ham- -- -en en en en
hand hand hand hand n. calf handey heifer KS::146 pl. hand hand hand hand- -- -n n n n
hn hn hn hni i i i n. dog hayi dog KCH:124 hai Goundam; hani KS:147 pl. hn hn hn hn - -- -en en en en
hag hag hag hag vi. to accompany haga run alongside, stick close to KCH:117;
follow KS:146
vt. to pass by
hag hag hag hag n. ear haa ear KCH:117; KS:145 pl. hanj hanj hanj hanj- -- -n n n n
hagar hagar hagar hagar- -- -n n n n npl. urine hanjeri dchet de vache DN92
hr hr hr hr vt. to tell har say, tell KCH:118
ha ha ha hai i i i vt. to look. Cf. Tagdal ['hai]; Tabarog ['ha:i]; Tasawaq hsy,
hsy
n. look
hw hw hw hw vi. to be tied up (animal) haw be tied KCH:121
vt. to tie up (animal); to tie (saddle) on (animal); to put (sandals)
haw tie (up), bind KCH:121
n. tying
hawr hawr hawr hawr n. prepared cereal meal hawru supper KCH:122 pl. hawr hawr hawr hawr- -- -n n n n
haw haw haw haw n. cow, cattle haw cow, cattle KCH:121 pl. haw haw haw haw- -- -yn yn yn yn
hy hy hy hy vi. to give birth
vt. to give birth to; to sire hay give birth to; (plant) produce (fruit,
grain) KCH:123
hayn hayn hayn hayn n. millet hayni millet KCH:123
h h h h n. thing; something; somebody haya thing, something KCH:123 pl.
h hh h- -- -n; h n; h n; h n; h- -- -tan tan tan tan
hw hw hw hw vi. to cry hee weep, whine KCH:124 Gundam: hew
hw hw hw hw n. wind hew wind, air current KCH:125 pl. heew heew heew heew- -- -n n n n
hijj hijj hijj hijj n. pestle hinje pestle hinje-yje small pestle KCH:127 pl. hijj hijj hijj hijj- -- -n n n n
hill hill hill hill n. horn hilli horn KCH:126 pl. hill hill hill hill- -- -n n n n
hmay hmay hmay hmay vi. to be washed
vt. to wash, to develop (photos) himey take a bath; wash (e.g.
hands) KCH:126
n. washing
hn hn hn hn vi. to excel in sth hin be competent, master, be able to do
KCH:126
Appendix IV 330
hin hin hin hin vi. to be cooked, grilled, prepared; to ripen (fruit)
vt. to cook, to prepare (meal) hina cook; be cooked KCH:126
n. cooking
hincin hincin hincin hincin n. goat (general) hancin goat KCH:117; Bamba: hincin.
pl. hincin hincin hincin hincin- -- -n n n n
hnjin hnjin hnjin hnjin vi. to be repaired; to be winnowed
vt. to winnow; to repair, to fix hanse fix, repare; fix up (food)
KS:147 Bamba: hinse
hik hik hik hik num. two hika two KCH:127
n. (the) two pl. hink hink hink hink- -- -n n n n
ho ho ho hoay ay ay ay vi. spend the midday hours hoy spend the midday hours
KCH:132
hr hr hr hr vi. to play; to amuse oneself hoorey have fun, play KCH:165
n. game (children) pl. hoor hoor hoor hoor- -- -n n n n
horr horr horr horr vi. to be bitter; to be hot (spice); to be hard (situation); to be
angry, nervous, coleric (person) hottu be hotly spiced KCH:132;
KS:166 Labbezanga: hortu
vt. to make bitter; to make spicy
n. bitterness (taste)
hbut hbut hbut hbut vt. to pull sth. heavy hibi move over (for), make room (for)
KS:157
hgu hgu hgu hgu n. tent, house, living quarters; household, family; home,
marriage huu house; household, family KCH:132; hiiji get maried;
wed KCH:125 pl. hj hj hj hj- -- -en en en en
hun hun hun hun vt. to leave, to depart from hun leave, depart (from) KCH:134
n. direction; place of departure
hun(u) adnit hun(u) adnit hun(u) adnit hun(u) adnit idiom euphemism for to die (Lit: leave the earth)
hurr hurr hurr hurr vt. to look for; to try wir seek, try to get KCH:253 huri seek, look
for Bourem/Ansongo KS:170
n. trial, looking for
huru huru huru huru vt. to enter in; to begin huru (hura) enter (place) KS:170
n. beginning; entering
huur huur huur huur n. fire. Cf. Tagdal [hu'ru]; Tabarog [hu'ru]; Tasawaq hr, pl.
huur huur huur huur- -- -n n n n
I II I
i i i i pron. them; 3p direct object clitic i they, them KCH:134
i ii i pron. they; 3p subject clitic i they, them KCH:134
ifi ifi ifi ifi n. place protected from wind iifi tree, sp. KCH:135 pl. ifi ifi ifi ifi- -- -tan tan tan tan
gi gi gi gi pron. they; them; independent 3p pronoun gi-yo they, them
KCH:96; gey ~ gi they, them KS:129
izace izace izace izace n. adolescent, son of noble descendance; courageous young
man [< /izzay/ son + /ceena/ small] ije-keyna small child
KCH:135; iza-keyna small child KS:172 pl. izcen izcen izcen izcen- -- -an an an an
zza zza zza zzay yy y n. son, child, young animal, fruit (of plant) ije young person,
child, offspring, young animal, fruit KCH:135 pl. zz zz zz zz- -- -en en en en
tarra nn zzay tarra nn zzay tarra nn zzay tarra nn zzay n. lion (Lit: son of the bush)
J JJ J
jw jw jw jw vi. to help sb gaa help KS:118
n. help pl. jaaw jaaw jaaw jaaw- -- -n n n n
jeej jeej jeej jeej vi. to be hanging (on side)
vt. to hang (on side) deeji hang, suspend KCH:68
j j j j n. butter jii butter, (milk) cream, grease KCH:144
jidoda jidoda jidoda jidoda n. this year [jido-da this very year] jiiro this year KCH:148
Bamba: jiir-oo woo this year KS:181
jido jido jido jido n. year before last year [jido-a this year-passed] /na/ is
of Tamasheq origin PAM:589 jiiro this year KCH:148
jdose jdose jdose jdose n. next year [jido-se this year-there] /se/ is of Tamasheq
origin jiiro this year KCH:148
jifa jifa jifa jifa vi. to die without rite
n. carcase, carrion jifa carrion, unslaughtered dead animal
KCH:144 < arabe pl. jifa jifa jifa jifa- -- -tan tan tan tan
jinj jinj jinj jinj n. neck jinde neck KCH:145 pl. jinj jinj jinj jinj- -- -n n n n
jinjin jinjin jinjin jinjin adv. before; first jina first (before anything else); at first KCH:145
jinjir jinjir jinjir jinjir vi. (person) to pray; to feast jingar (person) pray, perform (prayer)
KCH:146
n. prayer; religious holiday jigar prayer; religious (muslim)
holiday KCH:146 pl. jinjir jinjir jinjir jinjir- -- -n n n n
K KK K
ka ka ka ka postp. to, from, in; among kuna compound postp. inside X, in the
Appendix IV 332
interior of X KS:220
kamb kamb kamb kamb n. hand, arm kamba hand; arm KCH:155 pl. kamb kamb kamb kamb- -- -n n n n
postp. towards
kn kn kn kn vi. to be sweet, to be good kaan be sweet, delicious; be good,
pleasing KCH:157
vt. to sweeten
k k k k vi. to fall; (money) to be devaluated ka fall KS:191
k k k kkam kam kam kam vt. to suckle kakam suckle KCH:158
kr kr kr kr vi. (rain) to fall
vt. to hit, strike; to play (instrument); to play (football); to twine
(rope); to carve (wooden spoon); to warn (from a danger) kar hit,
strike, beat, tap, knock, thresh KCH:159
kr mam kr mam kr mam kr mamman man man man idiom to smell (odor) mani to smell KCH:190
karf karf karf karf n. rope (general) korfo rope, string; wire KCH:171 karfu rope;
bundle (of rice) KS:196 pl. karf karf karf karf- -- -n n n n
gnda gnda gnda gnda karf karf karf karf n. grass snake, sp
karj karj karj karj n. thorn karji thorn KCH:160 pl. karj karj karj karj- -- -n n n n
kw kw kw kw vi. to be taken out/away
vt. to take out/away kow remove, take out, take off; get rid off
KCH:173
ky ky ky ky vi. to be upright, to stop key stop, halt, cease; stand, stand up
KCH:163
n. being upright
my ky my ky my ky my ky idiom to be tall
ky he ka ky he ka ky he ka ky he ka idiom to trample on sth
ky he be ky he be ky he be ky he be idiom to withhold sth
ky bena ky bena ky bena ky bena idiom to stand up
ky ky ky ky- -- -kay kay kay kay vi. to stroll key stop, halt; stand KCH:163
keed keed keed keed vt. to be on sth kaar mount on (animal) KCH:159
n. riding
keen keen keen keen vi. to be laid down; to sleep kani lay down, go to sleep, spend
the night KCH:157
n. sleep
keen keen keen keen gun gun gun gun n. dream
koray koray koray koray vi. to be white korey be white KCH:170
n. white (color)
adj. white
kor kor kor kor- -- - - -- -koray koray koray koray vi. to be very white korey be white KCH:170
korr korr korr korr vi. to be hot koron be hot KCH:171
vt. to heat (up), to make hot
n. heat koron heat KCH:171
ks ks ks ks vi. to be cut
vt. to cut kosu trim (bush); pluck out feathers of KCH:173
n. cut, cutting
ky ky ky ky vt. to leave for; to go to koy go, go away KCH:173
ky ky ky ky- -- -kat kat kat kat vi. to come
k kk ky y y y n. master, owner koy owner, master KCH:173 pl. k k k k- -- -n nn n
kud kud kud kud- -- -n n n n npl. blood kuri blood KCH:179
k k k k vi. to be lead to pasture
vt. to lead (herd) to pasture; to tend (flock) kur (animals) go to
pasture; tend, herd (animals) KCH:179; KS:221
n. leading to pasture
kuk kuk kuk kuk vi. to be long (stick/rod), deep (well), tall (person) kuu be long
or tall KCH:174 Niafunk: kuku
vt. to make deep
n. length
kun kun kun kun vt. to find, to get; to have (thirst); kumna gather up, pick up (e.g.
firewood) KCH:177; kuuna KS:219
n. finding pl. kun kun kun kun- -- -n n n n
h h h h kuna kuna kuna kuna n. sickness
he (a)kuna bora he (a)kuna bora he (a)kuna bora he (a)kuna bora idiom to be sick (person)
kug kug kug kug vi. to have well eaten kugu be sated, be full (after meal)
KCH:178
kur kur kur kur- -- -kuru kuru kuru kuru vi. to be burned (meal)
vt. to burn sb kukur burn KCH:175
kuss kuss kuss kuss n. jar; pot kusu baking dish (earthenware or modern) KCH:180
pl. kuss kuss kuss kuss- -- -n n n n
kuur kuur kuur kuur n. skin; hide, leather kuuru skin; pelt, hide, leather KCH:179 pl.
kuur kuur kuur kuur- -- -n n n n
kwond kwond kwond kwond n. ant kondo large black ant KCH:169 pl. kwond kwond kwond kwond- -- -n n n n
L LL L
la la la latr tr tr tr n. medical doctor; health agent lokotor, agent de sant
< French pl. la la la lator tor tor tor- -- -n n n n
lag lag lag lagy y y y n. salt sown in a mat ?
ls ls ls ls vi. to be (religiously) impure; to be dirty (from excrements) leesi
Appendix IV 334
dung KCH:185
vt. to make dirty
n. dirt from excrements

aab aab aab aab n. loam, clay laabu earth, soil, dirt; mud-gravel mix for bricks
KCH:181 pl. aab aab aab aab- -- -en en en en
M MM M
maan maan maan maan interrogative adv. where; used for an item in close vicinity.
man where? KCH:189
maan maan maan maan n. fat on meat maani fat (in meat) KCH:190
mamman mamman mamman mamman n. smell, perfume mani to smell KCH:190
mn mn mn mn vi. to be near maan be or come near, approach KCH:190
vt. to approach
mn mn mn mn n. name maa name, designation; reputation, fame KCH:188 pl.
m mm m an an an an- -- -en en en en
maatga maatga maatga maatga n. peanuts maatige (common) peanut KCH:192 < bambara
m mm my y y y vt. to have, to own mey have, own KCH:195
mya mya mya mya n. mouth, peak, muzzle; opening; end, side; measurement of
something e.g. a glass mee mouth; entrance, edge KCH:193 pl.
my my my my- -- -en en en en
miy kuk miy kuk miy kuk miy kuk n. mosqito pl. miy kuk miy kuk miy kuk miy kuk- -- -n n n n
m m m m vi. to hear (noise) mom hear KCH:198
vt. to have news about s.th
m m m m n. eye; face moo eye, pair of eyes KCH:196 pl. m m m m- -- -n nn n
m ka m ka m ka m ka noun phrase. before sb.
d m d m d m d m idiom to be blind on one eye
mr mr mr mr vi. to be far away moor be or go far, go deep, be distant KCH:198
vt. to distance from
mn mn mn mn vi. to be thrown out
vt. to throw out mun spill, dump, pour KCH:200; KS:249
n. pouring pl. muun muun muun muun- -- -n n n n
musy musy musy musy vi. to be soft
vt. to soften sth. by hitting on it musey rub, massage; tan (hide)
KCH:201
N NN N
n n n n vt. to give noo give; gift KCH:205
n. giving
naan naan naan naan n. mother, sister of mother; maternal ancestor aa mother,
mothers sister KCH:206; KS:258 pl. naan naan naan naan- -- -n n n n
nana beri nana beri nana beri nana beri n. grand mother aa-beeri mothers younger sister
KCH:259
nan fumb nan fumb nan fumb nan fumb n. stepmother aa-fumb-o co-wife of ones mother;
stepmother KCH:207; KS:259
ne ne ne ne n. location; very low nominal property, in combination with
demonstratives and question what location; where, in
combination with a relative clause. nee here KCH:204
adv. here; rarely used form to indicate location
neda neda neda neda n. here; also used in postpositional phrase [< /ne/ place + /da/
exactly] nee daa right here KCH:204
ni ni ni ni ~ n ~ n ~ n ~ n pron. you; 2s subject clitic ni you KCH:204
nn nn nn nn vt. to drink in drink KCH:208
nn nn nn nn pron. you, independent 2s pronoun ni you KCH:204
nuun nuun nuun nuun- -- -n n n n npl. smoke; vapor, steam; cloud nuune fire; brand (on
animal) KCH:206; KS:258

m m m m vt. to bite; (insect) sting nam bite (teeth), (insect) sting, bite
KCH:202
s s s s vi. to be fat; opposite of skinny naasu (livestock) be plump, well
fed, fattened KCH: 204
vt. to make fat

vt. to eat; (animal) to bite; to use (money) fraudulently; to cost
aa eat; spend (money); KCH:202
n. eating
Appendix IV 336
O OO O
oda oda oda oda dem. this, cataphoric in texts woo this, that KCH:254 + da
exactely KCH:64
Q QQ Q
qq qq qq qq vi. to be dry koo (wet object) become dry; (water) dry up,
evaporate KCH:164; koog-o dry, brittle KCH:166
S SS S
sal sal sal salga ga ga ga n. toilet and shower place salaga toilet, septic tank KCH:213
pl. salanga salanga salanga salanga- -- -tan tan tan tan
sawa sawa sawa sawa vi. to resemble sawa be equal KCH:216 < Arabic
se se se se (dative) postp. for, to se for, to KCH:216
soro soro soro soro n. upper floor of a building sooro upper floor of house (roof
terasse) KCH:244 < perhaps Haussa soro pl. soro soro soro soro- -- -tan tan tan tan
surgy surgy surgy surgy n. woman soog-a young adult KS:281 pl. surg surg surg surg- -- -(e)n (e)n (e)n (e)n
zaw surgy zaw surgy zaw surgy zaw surgy idiom to get married
surgy may anyat surgy may anyat surgy may anyat surgy may anyat idiom pregnant woman
suub suub suub suub n. hay; grass dried on the root subu grass, straw, herb
KCH:226 pl. suub suub suub suub- -- -n n n n

t t t t vi. to fly (bird)
vt. to jump over sar jump, hop, dance KCH:214
n. jump

aak aak aak aak n. bag (for cereal) caaku large sack (for grain) KCH:55 perhaps
< French sac pl. aaku aaku aaku aaku- -- -tan tan tan tan
T TT T
taa taa taa taa n. liver tasa liver KCH:235 KS:298
tab tab tab tab vt. to taste sth taba taste KCH:229
n. taste taba taste KCH:229
ta ta ta tam m m m n. sandal taam pair of shoes KCH:232 Goundam, Niafounk:
taamu pl. ta ta ta tam m m m- -- -n n n n
tag tag tag tag vt. to make (animal) go forward ta push (Hombori)
trra trra trra trra n. bush; longing; loneliness. terey outside KCH:238; tarey area
outside KS:297; Cf. Tagdal [tarra]; Tasawaq tr
t t t t vi. to be heavy (most eastern dialect) tin be heavy KCH:240 ti be
heavy KS:304
tn tn tn tn vi. to arrive tenje go towards, head for KCH:237
n. arrival pl. ten ten ten ten- -- -en en en en
t t t t n. large (wooden) eating bowl tuu (wooden) eating bowl KCH:244
pl. tuw tuw tuw tuw- -- -yn yn yn yn
tud tud tud tud vi. to respond to a call by giving an audible noise tuuru answer,
give a reply, respond (to a summons) KCH:247
tugdu tugdu tugdu tugdu n tuuri tree, wood KCH:246 pl. tugd tugd tugd tugd- -- -en en en en
tk tk tk tk vt. to hide tugu hide; conceal KCH:245
n. hiding
tun tun tun tun vi. to get up tun get up, arise KCH:246
n. getting up
tug tug tug tug n. kind of turban tugu veil KCH:246 pl. tug tug tug tug- -- -n n n n
ts ts ts ts vi. to be erased, to be wiped out
vt. to wipe out, to erase tuusu erase, wipe KCH:247; KS:312
n. wiping out

a a a aba ba ba ba n. tobacco taaba ~ taabaa tobacco KCH:229 pl. ab ab ab ab- -- -en en en en
aaby aaby aaby aaby n. turban tabey turban KCH:230 pl. aab aab aab aab- -- -n n n n
aam aam aam aam n. (former) slave, male of sub-saharan origin with nomadic
culture tam slave, subject KCH:232 pl. aam aam aam aam- -- -n n n n
aatab aatab aatab aatab vt. sew taa (derbe) sew (clothing) KCH:229+69 daabu cover,
dress KCH:64
n. sewing
Appendix IV 338
ace ace ace ace n. (former) slave girl [taa(m) + cee(n)?] tam slave, subject
KCH:232 pl. acen acen acen acen- -- -n n n n
mce mce mce mce n. (former) slave boy [aamu + cee(n)?] tam slave, subject
KCH:232 pl. mcen mcen mcen mcen- -- -n n n n
w w w w vi. (time of day, date, season) to have arrived
vt. to arrive (at destination), to reach, to attain too arrive (at
destination), reach, attain; be equal to, be worth; (time of day, date,
season) arrive; be enough for KCH:241
wway wway wway wway n. (former) female slave [taa(m) + way?] tam slave, subject
KCH:232 pl. ww ww ww ww- -- -an an an an
ay ay ay ay vi. to be wet; to be green (grass) tey get wet KCH:238
vt. to make wet
n. wetness
n n n n vi. to be full ton be full; fill; fullness KCH:242
vt. to fill
n. filling pl. on on on on- -- -n n n n
ndi ndi ndi ndi n. stone, rock, stony elevation; battery tondi rock, stone
KCH:242 pl. tnd tnd tnd tnd- -- -en en en en
W WW W
w w w w vi. to be healed
vt. to heal wow (wound) heal KCH:254
wa ~ ba wa ~ ba wa ~ ba wa ~ ba particle. 2p imperative preceding verb; prohibitive preceding
all pronoun clitics wo 2p imperative, directly preceding verb
KCH:254
wni wni wni wni postp. of wane possessive postposition KS:316 pl. wn wn wn wn- -- -en en en en
wnjin wnjin wnjin wnjin vt. to refuse wagu refuse, say no KCH:250
ww ww ww ww vt. to insult wow insult KCH:254
n. insult pl. waw waw waw waw- -- -en en en en
wy wy wy wy n. woman, female woy woman, female KCH:254 pl. waay waay waay waay- -- -n n n n
wayn wayn wayn wayn n. sun woyne sun KCH:256
w w w w vt. to kill; to extinguish (fire, light), to turn off (radio/TV) wii kill;
extinguish (fire, light) KCH:253
n. killing
Y YY Y
yw yw yw yw n. female camel of all ages yoo camel KCH:262 pl. yaaw yaaw yaaw yaaw- -- -n n n n
yy yy yy yy vi. to be cool; to be calm yey be cold, cool; be calm KCH:261
vt. to make cool
n. coolness pl. yaay yaay yaay yaay- -- -n n n n.
yd yd yd yd vi. to return yee return, go back KCH:260
yn yn yn yn vi. to be rubbed in with butter/oil
vt. to rub in with butter/oil yoon rub (oinment) on or in, anoint;
anointment KCH:263
yeri yeri yeri yeri vi. to vomit yeer vomit KCH:261; yeeri KS:239
n. vomiting pl. yeer yeer yeer yeer- -- -n n n n
Z ZZ Z
za za za zar r r r n. day; daytime jaari day, daytime KCH:139; zaari KS:336.
pl. za za za zar r r r- -- -n n n n
zarod zarod zarod zaroda aa a n. today zaar-oo da (Bamba) today KS:336
zw zw zw zw vt. to take; to take (wife), to marry; jow take, take possession of;
take (a wife), marry KCH:150; zaa KS:332
zy zy zy zy vt. to steal jey steal, rob KCH:144
n. theft
zy zy zy zy vi. to swear jee swear, take an oath KCH:140
n. swearword pl. zay zay zay zay- -- -n n n n
zumb zumb zumb zumb vi. to go down; to land (bird); to stay with; to settle for a certain
time jumbu descend, go or come down; (bird) land, alight KCH:151
zumbu KS:343
zur zur zur zur vi. to run jur (juru) run, move fast, speed, race, flee; (liquid) flow
KCH:151 zuru KS:344
n. running

eem eem eem eem n. blacksmith, craftsman jam jeweler (gold- and silversmith);
blacksmith KCH:137 pl. eem eem eem eem- -- -n n n n
n n n n vi. to be old jeen be or get old, ancient KCH:141
vt. to make old
Appendix IV 340
vt. to kick jii push KCH:144 zii KS:338 DN92 donner un coup de
pied
n. kick
iib iib iib iib n. dirt jiibi filth, garbage KCH:144 pl. iib iib iib iib- -- -n; n; n; n; iibi iibi iibi iibi- -- -tan tan tan tan
ibit ibit ibit ibit vi. to be dirty jiibi filth, garbage KCH:144

Morpheme Index

341
Morpheme Index Morpheme Index Morpheme Index Morpheme Index
The following list gives affixes, other grammatical morphemes,
determiners and a few stems with their labels or meanings. In the
alphabetical order vowel length is ignored, the velar fricative follows
g, and schwa follows e. and follow the non-palatalized sibilant
respectively.

morpheme morpheme morpheme morpheme gloss/label with paragraph gloss/label with paragraph gloss/label with paragraph gloss/label with paragraph
a 3s subject clitic 3.1.4.1; 3.2.6.2
aa 3s indirect object clitic 3.2.6.3
a- number (singular) prefix 3.2.1
a 3s direct object clitic 3.1.4.3; 3.2.6.2
ad anaphoric demonstrative 4.1.3.4
agar bad in compound like expressions with nouns 3.2.5
a(a) 1s subject clitic 3.1.4.1; 3.2.6.2
ay 1s direct/indirect object pronoun 3.2.6.2; 3.2.6.3
independent 1s pronoun 3.2.6.2
ao /
aondo
determiner 4.1.4
ak question particle 4.7.3.1
-an plural suffix (Tamasheq cognates) 3.2.3.1.4
plural suffix (Songhay cognates) allomorph 3.2.3.1.1
-an adjectivizer suffix 3.2.8.2
-an towards there allative suffix on verb 3.1.3.6
ana 2s.DAT 3.2.7.11.2.1.1
and 2p subject clitic 3.1.4.1; 3.2.6.2
ndi 2p direct/indirect object pronoun 3.2.6.2
independent 2p pronoun 3.2.6.2
aga 3s independent pronoun 3.2.6.2
ar() 1p subject clitic 3.1.4.1; 3.2.6.2
ari 1p direct/indirect object pronoun 3.2.6.2

342
(a)senda there deictic distant 3.1.5.2
that demonstrative 4.1.3.1
ay allomorph of a 3.2.6.4
ayda this deictic close to addressee 4.1.3.3
this demonstrative 4.1.3.3; 4.1.4.1
b-/b-/f- imperfective prefix 3.1.4.2; 4.2.1
ba ~ wa 2p imperative particle 4.2.5
with 1p imperative 4.2.5.2
in negation of imperatives 4.2.5.3
bara is existence/availability 4.4.1
be somewhere 4.4.4
be on, about locative postposition 3.2.7.3
bor(a) a nobody 4.6.6.1; in relative clause 4.5.2.1
da right, exately intensifying discourse particle 4.7.4.3
daw at somebodys (place) locative postposition 3.2.7.4
-en plural suffix (Songhay cognates) 3.2.3.1.1
-en/-n plural suffix (Tamasheq cognates) allomorph 3.2.3.2.1
nda with instrumental preposition 3.2.7.8
with combined with pronouns 3.2.7.11.2.2
with comitative 4.3.6
in the direction of locative 3.2.7.8
and conjoining NPs 4.1.9.1
when conditional 4.8.3.1
nd-ao determiner (pl) dialectal variant 4.1.4
nd-aga when/if conditional marker 4.8.3.1
ndr if hypothetical condition 4.8.3.3
fo a certain indefinite marker 3.2.9.1
h(e) a nothing 4.6.6.1; in relative clause 4.5.2.1
hak each dialectal variant 4.1.6
har until before verb 4.8.4.5
except following negation 4.6.3
Morpheme Index

343
hnjin be/do very much intensifier verb 4.3.3.1
ho this (replacing actions) 4.1.3.5
what introducing relative clause 4.5.2.2
i- number (plural) prefix 3.2.3.2
-i/-u adjectivizer suffix 3.2.8.1
i 3p subject clitic 3.1.4.1; 3.2.6.2
3p indirect object clitic 3.2.6.3
i 3p direct object clitic 3.2.6.2
id- plural prefix 3.2.3.1.3
igan question particle 4.7.3.1
-in plural suffix (Tamasheq cognates) allomorph 3.2.3.3
nin like comparison 3.2.7.10; 4.7.4.6
gi 3p independent pronoun 3.2.6.2
ttilla each in NP syntax 4.1.6
ka to, in, from, among locative postposition 3.2.7.2
kaka whatever 4.1.6
kamil all in NP syntax 4.1.6
kar ~ kahar
~ kabahar
if part of conditional marker 4.8.3.2
-kat towards here ventive suffix on verbs 3.1.3.6
kl never with negation on verb 4.6.1.
once preverbal 4.6.1.
-koy owner minor compound suffix 3.2.5
kud if after verbs of cognition 4.3.10.4
kull each 4.1.6
m- subjunctive prefix 3.1.4.2; 4.2.2
m()-/n()- middle/reciprocal prefix 3.1.3.3.2
ma-/na- actor nominalizer prefix 3.2.4.2
man which 4.7.3.3; 4.7.3.3.5-7

344
maana where 4.7.3.3.4
n (N)s gentitive postposition 3.2.7.6
in possessive pronoun 3.2.6.4
n pronoun separator 3.2.7.11.2
na over there demonstrative 4.1.3.6
na be copula in interrogative 4.7.4.3.1
na- actor nominalizer prefix (allomorph) 3.2.4.2
naga when/if conditional marker 4.8.3.1
()n 2s subject clitic (allomorph) 3.1.4.1
n()- middle/reciprocal prefix (allomorph) 3.1.3.3.2
ne here availability 4.4.2
there (where) introducing relative clause 4.5.2.2
needa here deictic closeness 3.1.5.2
n- perfective negation prefix 3.1.4.2; 4.2.4
n-/n- subject focus prefix 4.7.2.1
n-/n- extraction marker in subject relative clauses 4.5.1.1
ni 2s subject clitic 3.1.4.1
nn 2s direct/indirect object pronoun 3.2.6.2
independent 2s pronoun 3.2.6.2
no there low stress demonstrative 4.4.2.2; 4.5.1
o this demonstrative with broad reference 4.1.3.5
ooda this demonstrative 4.1.3.2
s()- / ()-
z()- / ()-
causative prefixes 3.1.3.2
sa complementizer for complement clauses 4.3.10.3
that in relative clause 4.5.4
topic marker in non-verbal clauses 4.7.1.1
when simultaneity 4.8.4.1
se dative postposition 3.2.7.1
s- non-perfective negation prefix 3.1.4.2; 4.2.4
Morpheme Index

345
s()- instrument nominalizer prefix 3.2.4.3.1
s- ~
mms-
maybe part of conditional marker 4.8.3.2
snnihil be/do very much intensifier verb 4.3.3.2
()- causative prefix (allomorph) 3.1.3.2
edd ~
cedd
yet preverbal 4.8.4.7
not yet with negation on verb 4.6.5
- is not non-existence of item 4.4.1
t()- passive prefix 3.1.3.4
t--t assimilation rules 3.2.2.1
feminine (gender) affixes 3.2.2.2
diminutive affixes 3.2.3.3
nominalization affixes 3.2.4.3
-tan plural suffix 3.2.3.1.2; 3.2.3.2.2
t- future prefix 3.1.4.2; 4.2.3
tuw- / tuwa- passive prefix 3.1.3.4
-u nominalization suffix (verb class final /-t/) 3.2.4.1.2
-u/-i adjectivizer suffix 3.2.8.1
wa ~ ba 2p imperative particle 4.2.5
with 1p imperative 4.2.5.2
in negation of imperatives 4.2.5.3
wala without preposition 3.2.7.9
or disjoining NPs 4.1.9.2 and clauses 4.8.1.2
not even with negation on verb 4.6.4
-wan minor plural suffix (Tamasheq cognates) 3.2.3.2.5
wni
wn-en
of possessive postposition 3.2.6.4; 3.2.7.7
with ao 4.1.4.2
wrtilla there is not non-existence 4.4.1; 4.6.6.2
wiji is not negation of identification 4.4.1
tag in tag question 4.7.3.2
-yen/-yan minor plural suffix (Songhay cognates) 3.2.3.1.1

346
z()- causative prefix (allomorph) (3.1.3.2)
()- causative prefix (allomorph) (3.1.3.2)

Summary 347
11. 11. 11. 11. Summary Summary Summary Summary
A Grammar of Tadaksahak, a Northern Songhay Language of Mali
provides a description of the Tadaksahak language as it is spoken by
the Idaksahak, who number about 30,000 in the most eastern part of
Mali, around the administrative town of Menaka.
Northern Songhay is a branch of the Songhay language family that
shows many features also found in unrelated Berber languages, such
as Tamasheq. Traits of Tamasheq are found throughout the grammar
starting with sounds, syllable structures, word formation and
particularly in verb derivation. In many other aspects, Tadaksahak is
clearly like most Songhay languages.
Chapter one provides information about the location of the people,
details about the classification of the language, earlier studies done
by other authors, some dialectal variations and some social and
historical particularities of the community.
In chapter two the phonology is presented. It is shown that closed
syllables are common, as well as syllables with an initial vowel and a
closing consonant. Also open syllables are found. Striking are the
pharyngeal consonantal phonemes as well as the whole series of
pharyngealized alveolars. Basically any consonant is attested in
syllable-final position and therefore consonant clusters with different
consonants are common. The section on vowels presents evidence
Summary 348
for length contrast for five basic vowels. Only schwa occurs
exclusively in a short variant. It is shown that the realization of the
vowels is context dependent. In unstressed syllables they tend to be
uttered in a more central position. In the section about sound rules,
phenomena like assimilation of /n/, sibilant harmony, vowel
contractions and cases of resyllabification are presented. The last
section shows the different stress patterns for words.
The third chapter presents the morphology of the language. Several
aspects of verb morphology and nominalization strategies look like
straight out of a Berber grammar. It is shown that verbal derivation is
traceable to Tamasheq for causative, reciprocal and middle as well
as passive (which is distinctively marked). In addition, any verb root
that is of Songhay origin is suppleted when derived and a semantic
equivalent of Tamasheq origin takes its place. Another non-Songhay
feature concerns inflection where the subject pronoun cliticizes to the
verb and is always present even when there is a lexical subject.
Noun morphology is described in the second part of this chapter. It is
shown that the basic structure of nouns is of two kinds, one with a
number prefix, the other without. Even though some nouns are
marked for gender, there is no grammatical gender agreement.
Plurals are formed with various strategies, like adding a plural suffix,
or a plural prefix, or a combination thereof as well as a plural prefix in
combination with alternating plural vowel patterns within the noun.
Summary 349
Nouns with a number prefix are mostly traceable to Tamasheq as
far as they are not loans from Arabic. For nominalization it is also the
origin of the term that decides which strategy is used. In addition to
this, actor and instrument nominalization follow the Berber pattern,
prefixing the respective morphemes. While compounding is a very
productive feature in Songhay languages, it is not in Tadaksahak.
The pronouns are presented, as well as the postpositions and the few
prepositions. A larger section is dedicated to the description of the
way adjectives are formed from verbal roots. Again, there is a
Songhay and a Tamasheq strategy of doing it, depending on the
origin of the root. However, it is shown that the Tamasheq suffix is
gaining acceptance also for Songhay roots. The chapter is closed
with a presentation of the numerals.
Chapter four presents the syntax of the language. First noun phrases
(NP) are covered. As many as five different demonstratives can
follow a noun while one precedes it. An additional determiner can be
found in any noun phrase with a different function from that of the
demonstratives; numerals in NPs behave differently depending on
their value, the different paradigms are presented as well as the NP
syntax with other quantifying modifiers and adjectives.
The following section presents uses of the mood-aspect-negation
(MAN) morphemes which are mutually exclusive, somewhat different
from other Songhay languages where a negation morpheme can be
Summary 350
combined with a modal morpheme. Imperatives distinguish
singular from plural addressees and an imperative particle marks all
negative imperatives.
The next longer section shows the basic argument structure.
Tadaksahak is an SVO language, which exhibits quite a number of
labile verbs used in both intransitive and transitive constructions.
Verbal noun complements are very common while there is also a
class of verbs that takes two unmarked nominal complements. A
subsection presents different types of clausal complements, the most
widely used being one with a complementizer particle. A short section
presents copular clauses together with existential, locational and
possessive predications.
A larger section describes the two different strategies for relative
clauses (RC). There is the restrictive RC with the head followed by
the modifying clause without a resumptive pronoun for any
grammatical function. A noun can be extracted from a postpositional
phrase. The non-restrictive RC is formed with a sa linker after the
modified noun phrase. sa is followed by a complete clause.
Possessor relativization is only possible with sa.
In the next section the different syntactic structures for topicalization
and focalization in a simple clause are shown. Then interrogative
morphemes and structures are presented as well as a number of
other particles that function at clause level.
The last section deals with complex sentences such as clausal
Summary 351
coordination, purpose and causal clauses, conditionals and
temporal subordination.
The appendixes give two texts with glosses, lists of verbs of Songhay
origin with their causative and/or passive forms, an English
Tadaksahak wordlist and a wordlist containing Songhay cognates.

Curriculum Vitae 357
13. Curriculum vitae 13. Curriculum vitae 13. Curriculum vitae 13. Curriculum vitae

Regula Christiansen-Bolli was born in 1957 in Aarberg, Switzerland. After
attending school in Busswil and Lyss, she began teacher training in Biel
in 1974 and in 1977 obtained her diploma as a primary school teacher.
From 1977 to 1987, she held teaching posts in primary schools in the
Canton of Bern. In addition, from 1983 until 1985 she attended five
semesters of theological training at the Kolding International Apostolsk
Hjskole in Denmark. Between 1987 and 1993, she held a number of
positions in Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso and Mali as a member of SIL
International. Together with her husband, Niels Christiansen, she was
assigned by SIL to the Tadaksahak language programme, based in
Menaka, eastern Mali, from 1993 to 2003. During this period, two sons
joined their family. During the 1980s and 1990s she also
took numerous SIL training courses and eventually taught various
subjects at SIL training programmes in Germany and France. In 2003
she returned to Switzerland and is currently teaching at a primary school
in the Canton of Bern. Alongside her teaching, she has worked from
2006 to 2009 as a part-time assistant in the NWO-funded project,
Tuareg and the Central Sahelian Languages: A History of Language
Contact, at Leiden University.

Stellingen behorende bij het proefschrift
A Grammar of Tadaksahak, a Northern Songhay Language of Mali
van Regula Christiansen-Bolli

1. In Tadaksahak, verbal derivations of verbs whose basic roots have a Songhay origin always
show suppletion by means of a Tuareg derived form.

2. The fact that the inflected verb has obligatory person/number agreement with the subject, even
when a lexical subject is present, is an innovation of Tadaksahak based on Tuareg patterns.

3. In Tadaksahak a small part of the lexicon is of Songhay origin. What has been shown by
Robert Nicola for nouns is also the case for verbs: The Songhay cognates provide mainly general
terms for basic actions.

4. The culture-specific part of Tadaksahak vocabulary is mostly of Tuareg stock.

5. Government politics to sedentarize herding nomads fail to acknowledge that over-population in
areas with year-round access to water will also have over-grazing as its consequence.

6. The extremely high rate of analphabetism among the Idaksahak is not only because of lack of
opportunities of formal education in their area, but also stems from their reluctance to send their
children away from the family at a young age for non-religious teaching.

7. Only the thorough linguistic study of a language can give well-founded input for an accurate
and stylistically differentiated translation. Without knowledge of its syntactic system and the
general and specific semantics of its components, it is very hard to render a reality in another
language.

8. Elicitation alone cannot give the full array of possibilities to express a certain reality. Without
relating them to a larger linguistic and extra-linguistic context it may be impossible to detect
certain features or to analyze their function.

9. Non-government-sponsored development of minority languages often raises fears at a national
level about the political stability and coherence for the area concerned, while it instills confidence
and feelings of equality amongst the people who profit from such a program.

10. The use of the second person plural pronoun for the politeness form in the Swiss German
dialect spoken around Bern, instead of the third person plural found in other Swiss dialects, is due
to influence from French in this western part of the Swiss dialect continuum.

11. Ineffective communication in kindergartens and first grades at school in linguistically
homogeneous areas is one consequence of the new language policy in the Canton of Bern in
Switzerland. This policy makes Standard German the only language of education, starting in
kindergarten. The main purpose is to avoid unequal opportunities of education among children
with different linguistic backgrounds and to enforce regular oral use of this generally only read and
written language. Standard German deviates considerably (phonetically, lexically and
grammatically) from the local Swiss German dialect and thus is a foreign language for most young
children.

(Berber Studies Vol. 31) Regula Christiansen-Bolli, Harry Stroomer-A Grammar of Tadaksahak - A Berberised Songhay Language (Mali) - Rüdiger Köppe (2010)

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(Berber Studies Vol. 31) Regula Christiansen-Bolli, Harry Stroomer-A Grammar of Tadaksahak - A Berberised Songhay Language (Mali) - Rüdiger Köppe (2010)

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A Grammar of Tadaksahak

a Northern Songhay Language of Mali

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