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~ HANKUK UNIVERSITY

' 1 1 ' 1 OF FOREIGN STUDIES


The Academic Seminar
GSIAS HUFS 2012
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Date &Time: Nov.22, 1:00~6:00 pm
Venue: Aekyung Hall, Int'l Bldg.
Organizer: GSIAS Student Council
Graduate School of International and Area Studies


CONTENTS

1. China's M&A strategy in steel industry for sustainable development - Focus on the key
steel enterprises M&A cases after 200S, Hyun-wook Cheng (Chinese Studies)

2. The Sustainability of Labor Migration to South Korea, Margaret CH McElhenny
(International Relations)

3. EU-Moldova relations in the context of the Republic of Moldova Government Activity
Program "European Integration: Freedom, Democracy, Welfare" 2009-2013, Ina
Virtosu (European Union Studies)

4. 'When and How to Privatize' the Public Bank in a Strategic Manner, - Focusing on the
privatization of the Korea Development Bank (KDB), Gene Hong (Latin American
Studies)

5. "Analysis of the role and the importance of the Green Great Wall (GGW) to fight
against the turning into a desert and poverty in the Sahelo-Saharian States Community:
case of Senegal", Mane Lamine (KOICA)

6. Impacts of Bioenergy Industry on the economy of developing countries: Tanzania Case
Study, Jongmin Nam (International Development)

7. Regional Strategies for Sustainable Encrgy Development - The Eastern Africa Power
Pool (EAPP), Bethel Ghebru (Middle-East and African Studies)











Hankuk University of Foreign Studies
Graduate School of International and Area Studies
The Department of European Union Studies
Seoul, 2012









EU-Moldova relations
in the context of the Republic of Moldova
Government Activity Program European
Integration: Freedom, Democracy, Welfare
2009-2013


Ina Virtosu



Abstract
The European integration is an irreversible strategic objective of the foreign and
domestic policy of the Republic of Moldova. All program documents - foreign policy
conception, governing programs etc. that have been adopted from the declaration of
independence until now contain appeals to the European Union to accept Moldova as a future
member-state.
The Republic of Moldova signed the Moldova-European Union Action Plan on 22
February 2005 in Brussels within the frameworks of the European Neighborhood Policy
(ENP). This document includes the strategic objectives and specific actions for achieving
these objectives. The implementation of the Action Plan will enhance considerably the
process of legislative approximation and adjusting to the EU standards and will create proper
conditions to advance the level in relations with the EU.
The past and present of EU-Moldova relations can be framed between two main
periods: February 2005, when the joint ENP Action Plan was launched to trigger the first
stage of cooperation; and January 2010, when the EU and Moldova started negotiations on an
Association Agreement. In this timeline the European Union has continually increased the
volume of assistance provided to Moldova.
The peaceful and democratic transfer of power that took place in Moldova in 2009, as
well as the determination of the new government to give new impetus to the course of
European integration by accelerating the reform process, opened up new opportunities and
prospects for Moldovas cooperation with its partners, particularly the EU. Since then,
relations with the EU have improved significantly. However, which concrete measures were
adopted by the Republic of Moldova Government to achieve of the objectives of the European
Integration?
Contents

I. The general background of EU-Moldova relations...1
1. The European Integration fundamental priority in a Republic of Moldova
Government Program..1
2. The authorities responsible for implementation of the European integration
agenda....3

II. What role should the EU play in Moldova EU integration?.....................................4
1. Current status of EU-Moldova relation4
2. The Republic of Moldova Government implication in achieving EU integration.6


Recommendation..7
Bibliography


List of Tables
Table 1. The authorities of the Republics of Moldova responsible for European
integration agenda.3
Table 2. Member States` position versus Moldova5


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I. The general background of EU-Moldova relations
1. The European Integration fundamental priority in a Republic of Moldova
Government Program
In 2009, Moldova went through two parliamentary elections. The Constitutional Court
of Moldova validated the results of the first elections, but the Parliament failed to elect a
president and new elections were held. As a result of the second parliamentary election, the
Party of Communists that had been in office for eight years was replaced by the Alliance for
European Integration, formed by four liberal democratic parties who now hold 53 out of 101
seats in Parliament. However, the new Parliament failed twice to elect a head of state and
according to the Moldovan Constitution, the failure to elect a president after two rounds
should lead to early parliamentary elections. Thus a third election was scheduled for
November 2010 and the Alliance for European Integration, obtained 61 mandates out of 101,
that fact lead to situation that president was elected. There was no coincidence in naming this
coalition the Alliance for European Integration: the new government started a diplomatic
offensive to charm EU capitals and created high expectations in Moldova, especially for the
educated, young electorate which tends to see the EU as an opportunity to bypass isolation
and poverty.
In the meantime the Government continues to hold full powers and exercise its
mandate. The Governments Activity Program European Integration: Freedom, Democracy,
Welfare lays out a framework for Moldovan governing policies for 2009-2013. The Program
has been drafted in a difficult time for the Republic of Moldova, which faces a deep
democracy crisis.
The Government of the Republic of Moldova regards European integration as a
fundamental priority of the domestic and foreign policies of the Republic of Moldova. The
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full achievement of this objective will enable the country to embark on a stability and
prosperity course, governed by democratic values and respect for fundamental human rights.
At the same time, the most efficient way to achieve political, economic and social
modernization of the country is to responsibly implement the commitments deriving from the
European Union. The coherent implementation of policies designed to Europeanize the
country socially, politically and economically and an association agreement with the
European Union will enable the Government to make the Republic of Moldova, in a
reasonable time, eligible for EU accession.
The Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) represents the legal framework for
the Republic of Moldova European Union relationship. The Agreement was signed on 28
November 1994 and entered into force on 1 July 1998 for the next 10 years. This arrangement
provides for a basis of cooperation with the EU in the political, commercial, economic, legal,
cultural and scientific areas.
The negotiations for the new association agreement started in January 2010. Both
parties agree that EU will offer Moldova assistance and financial support for promoting
structural, administrative and political reforms. The general framework of the discussions
follows the path of the EU Ukraine current talks, which started in March 2007. However,
both parties are convinced the discussions in Moldova`s case will advance faster, since the
Chisinau government is more open and willing to enter a fast track.
The Eastern Partnership (EaP) became a key priority for the new Moldovan
government established by the Alliance for European Integration and is considered a valuable
tool for promoting Moldovas bilateral agenda in relations with the EU. The main
expectations with regard to the EaP are: signing the Association Agreement; liberalizing the
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visa regime with the EU; and establishing a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area
(DCFTA) (Ghinea, 2012: 5).

2. The authorities responsible for implementation of the European integration
agenda
Currently, the institutional mechanism in charge of the implementation of the
European integration agenda is composed of many national institutions and each of them has
some specific duties (Table 1).
Table 1. The authorities of the Republics of Moldova responsible for European integration
agenda
Name of the institution Responsabilities
The Foreign Policy and
European I ntegration
Committee of the Moldovan
Parliament
the interface between the European Parliament and the
Moldovan Parliament
the Government
Commission for European
I ntegration
the main decision-making and monitoring body it includes
all ministries and is headed by the Prime Minister of
Moldova
the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and European
I ntegration (MFAEI )
coordinates the actions undertaken by ministries and
governmental agencies; the Department for European
Integration of the MFAEI undertakes the responsibilities of
the Secretariat of the Government Commission for European
Integration
European integration
offices
set up in each ministry, which are charged with
implementing and coordinating the actions/commitments of
those ministries
The relationship between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union are
institutionalized through three responsible structures in charge of enhancing the political
dialogue and monitoring of PCA implementation, and namely: Moldova-EU Cooperation
Council, MoldovaEU Cooperation Committee and MoldovaEU Cooperation Sub-
committees and MoldovaEU Parliamentary Cooperation Committee.
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Also, a consultative meeting of the donors in Brussels gathered international support
for an ambitious reforms project called `Rethink Moldova`. The EU was the leading partner in
this action, together with the US government, various Members States` international
development agencies, the World Bank and the IMF (Ghinea, 2012: 25).

II. What role should the EU play in Moldova EU integration?
1. Current status of EU-Moldova relation
When Moldova signed up to the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) in 2004, this did
not change the legal framework of relations between Moldova and the EU. Consequently, the
PCA remained the basic agreement governing Moldovan-European partnership, but this main
document was accompanied by a political document in the form of an individual Action Plan,
officially received from EU's Internal Affairs Commissioner, drawn up between the EU and
the Republic of Moldova and intended to accelerate political, economic, and social reforms in
the country in exchange for deepening its relations with the EU. The ENP generated high
expectations regarding Moldovas chances of integrating rapidly in the EU family. However,
the implementation of the ENP has not always been coherent, continuous, and consistent
(Rodkiewicz, 2009: 36). For this policy to be a success the EU must have the possibility to
influence its relationship with the Republic of Moldova, and this is a difficult thing to achieve
within the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. One solution would be for the member
states of the EU, and not the European Commission, to be more active in promoting the
relationships with the Republic of Moldova.
According to Jerzy Buzek, former President of the European Parliament, the EU is
committed to Moldova, and EU salute the enormous progress achieved on the path to a
European future. Over the last 12 months, EU-Moldova relations have been carried forward to
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an unprecedented level of dialogue. Moldova has proved its reliability as a partner. There is a
strong and unanimous interest in the EU in maintaining the current momentum in our
relations, to the benefit of Moldova's citizens.
Generally, the EU tries to promote the policy of conditionality offering some
concessions in exchange for the promotion of democratic reforms. The recent experience
shows that this policy is not very efficient, and this is probably because the offer of EU is not
consistent. Commission officials insist they dont have a mandate to offer Moldova more than
substantial assistance and financial support and point to the Council where there is no
majority in favor of Moldova. We approximated the positions of Member States towards
granting Moldova a political perspective from national governments` public declarations and
interviews with Moldovan and EU officials (Table 2).
Table 2. Member States` position versus Moldova
Category Member state Description
Unconditional and
active supporter
Romania Romania traditionally supported a membership perspective,
even when Bucharest had cold relations with the former
Moldovan government. The change of power in 2009
relaunched bilateral cooperation. A convention on small border
traffic was signed and the political decision was made for an
EU integration partnership. Bilateral cooperation agreements
were signed for agriculture, environment, education, in which
Romania will offer assistance and financial support for
fulfilling EU criteria.
Supporters

Poland, Sweden,
Hungary, Baltic
states, Bulgaria
Countries that offer support for Moldova`s EU ambitions,
although fully aware this is not a short-term option
Reluctant supporters Czech Republic,
UK
Open for discussing EU membership if some other MSs would
put the issue on the table. Both reluctant on visas.
Good willing skeptics

Germany

High level contacts between Chisinau and Berlin brought
encouragements, assistance support and openness on visas
issue, but Germany expects substantial reforms before any
discussion on membership
Indifferent skeptics

France, Spain,
Italy, Netherlands
No clear position on Moldova, it seems not to be on their
agenda. Italy is positive on visas. Netherlands focuses on
human rights and minorities treatment.
Indifferent but Visas
skeptics
Belgium,
Denmark,
Luxembourg
No position on membership, opposing visa liberalization
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It is a sad reality that EU enlargements followed a bloc typology, with the Union
subsequently expanding towards South and East in several waves. Within its Eastern
Partnership, the EU already engages Moldova in a way that is strikingly similar with EU
Western Balkans relation: offering assistance and money, putting conditions and asking for
reforms which in fact prepare the country for accession. With the current association
agreements negotiated with Ukraine and Moldova, the EU`s relation with these countries
actually means candidacy in practice but not in name.
Moldova is already a member of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). As all EU policies, the
relation with Moldova is highly path-dependent and the country`s advocates will have to
accept this reality. Instead of trying to play geopolitics, they should focus on asking the EU to
apply its own principles, to strictly apply the individuality principle stated in the EaPs
launching documents and to judge Moldova purely on its own merits (Popescu, 2009: 35).

2. The Republic of Moldova Government implication in achieving EU integration
In order to achieve EU integration, the Republic Moldova Government has underlined
some essential requirements that nowadays are in the processes of implementation or
implemented already: actively involve the whole society, all the political forces and relevant
foreign actors in the process in order to turn the Republic of Moldova into an European state
with real prospects of joining the EU; acquire and promote European values and standards in
all the areas political, economic, social and legal by implementing the Copenhagen criteria
and commitments made at the Council of Europe; bring the national legislation in line with
the EU acquis; improve the legal and institutional framework needed to promote European
integration at the level of Government in general and each ministry in particular, so that the
European integration process becomes a major priority for each governmental entity; develop
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bilateral relations with the EU member states; sign the Association Agreement with the EU;
promote real economic integration with the EU, particularly by signing the Deep and
Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement; launch the dialogue with the EU, for the purpose of
signing a new Roadmap on visa liberalization, so as to obtain the liberalization of visa regime
for the citizens of the Republic of Moldova; implement actions consistent with the Mobility
Partnership between the EU and the Republic of Moldova; ensure the energy security of the
country by means of the EU tools and join the European energy market etc.
The current Government in Moldova seems to be an exception from the rule that only a
membership perspective provides real incentives for reforms. The support for the EU will
likely remain high among the Moldovan public but this public mood cannot assure the
continuity of reforms. Without support and real carrots from EU, the current reformist
coalition could fell apart and Chisinau could go back to the former faade Europeanization
that constituted the norm between 2005 and 2009.
The EU has the opportunity to make a difference in a region where its ambitions are not
matched by its strategies. This opportunity should not be lost. The EU seems to be attractive
in Moldova not because its policies there, but sometimes despite them. To be sure, the EU
was surprised by the dramatic changes 2009 brought in Moldova and acted in its usual
overcautious manner. But as Moldova is on the agenda, the EU should define clearer
messages for Chisinau. The reluctance to make membership promises to Moldova should
leave space for a flexible approach in which the EU would be ready to encourage and support
Moldova`s political aspirations if the internal reforms will be carried out. Although this may
seem ambitious in the enlargement fatigue context, in fact it would not constitute a major
departure from what the EU already officially promised to Moldova.

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Recommendations
In order to enhance the overall political and economic situation in the Republic of
Moldova, and to obtain more results regarding the security and stability matters at its future
border with the Republic of Moldova, the EU has to use a number of tools, among which the
most important would be the following:
1. Membership perspective. This is the main tool that catalyzed the reforms in the states
that have recently become EU members.
For the Republic of Moldova, the process can follow two steps. The first step would be:
that fact that in 2010 was launched negotiation on the Association Agreement and this is
already a chance for Moldova to become a member. Depending on the results of the Action
Plan implementation, Moldova could either remain with the status of neighbor or become an
associate member of the EU. The fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria, being the second
step, should end with Moldova becoming an EU member.
2. The liberalization of the visa policy. The EU could issue multiple Schengen visas for
a longer term for different categories of people. For example, the official people and
delegations (members of the government and of the parliament), business people, scientific
researchers should benefit from multiple Schengen visas on a 3-5 year term, the students,
pupils, and university lecturers on a 1-2 year term etc. Euro-consulates should become a
reality. The liberalization of the visa system would contribute to the intensification of the
people-to-people contacts, as the Action Plan stipulates, thus diminishing very much the
corruption in this area.
It is important to note here that the readiness of the EU to start a visa liberalization
dialogue with Moldova has motivated the Moldovan Government to focus more on what has
to be done in this area and less on getting a clear promise on the prospects of visa
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liberalisation with the EU (Secrieru, 2010: 64). The new practical approach of the Moldovan
authorities has been proven by their recent decision to undertake an independent check of the
realities in all four main chapters of the visa liberalisation dialogue, as they are formulated in
the Road Maps for Visa Liberalisation of Western Balkans countries: 1) Document Security;
2) Illegal migration, including readmission; 3) Public order and safety; 4) External relations
and fundamental rights.
Giving Moldova a Visa Road Map would not be a gift, on the contrary, the EU will
condition its deliverance upon fulfilling concrete pre-conditions. We know that recently the
European Commission has proposed to the EU member states to offer Ukraine a set of pre-
conditions for granting a Visa Liberalization Road Map, such as: 1) issuing biometric
passports; 2) creating a national authority in the field of migration; 3) adoption of legislation
in the area of protection of personal data; and 4) presenting the questionnaire on the identity
and travel documents personalization system.
Paradoxically or not, Moldova has already fulfilled those conditions without been asked
to. In this context it is stated that the citizens of the Republic of Moldova will be able to travel
to the EU without a visa starting from the end of 2012.
3. The management of the migration process, by legalizing the illegal immigrants that
did not break the law in any other way, and establishing certain shares, initially for the
seasonal workers, and later for other categories of workers.
4. The asymmetrical and real opening of an EU market for the producers from the
Republic of Moldova. It is extremely important for this market to also include the products
from Transnistria, thus the business people from this region would become interested to
register as economical agents of the Republic of Moldova.
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5. The support of the civil society and the independent press in the Republic of
Moldova.
6. The supervision of elections by the EU, not only by the OSCE.
7. The real involvement of the EU in solving the Transnistrian conflict. Here the EU
could use different methods. For example, the member states could participate in actions
within a multi-national military force that have as a goal the disarming of the paramilitary
units in Transnistria and then the maintenance of peace in the region. The EU could use as a
method of positive discrimination the liberalization of the visa system for the citizens on the
right side of the Nistru River, and the opening of the market for the Moldovan economical
agents that have official relationships with the state budget. At the same time the EU could
use repressive means against Transnistrian leaders (refusals on issuing visas, blocking the
European bank accounts etc.).
But for this to achieve the EU has to define its official policy regarding the solving of
the Transnistrian conflict, and to promote this policy consistently, orienting itself not only
towards Russias interests but also towards the regional security and stability.
The collaboration with Russia, Ukraine, the US and the OSCE should be promoted
constantly, not from case to case. An ad-hoc monitoring group, which would have as
members the EU and Moldovan representatives, would be a real help in this matter.
The experience of the previous years shows that EU can strongly influence the situation
of the outside countries, and none of the goals described above are impossible to reach, but
the most important condition for the EU to realy influence the situation in Moldova is to take
the political decision and to open the membership perspective for the Republic of Moldova. If
the door that is not closed it simply means that it is open, and this thing should be officially
acknowledged.
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Bibliography:
Activity Program of the Government of the Republic of Moldova European Integration:
Freedom, Democracy, Welfare 2009-2013
Bucaneanu, S. (2008) Moldova i UE n Contextul Politicii Europene de Vecintate
Realizarea Planului de Aciuni UE Moldova; februarie 2005 ianuarie 2008.
Chiinu: Asociaia Adept and Expert-Grup.
Chiril, V. (2008) Republica Moldova i Politica European de Vecintate. Chiinu:
Asociaia pentru Politic Extern.
Ghinea, C. and Panainte, S. (2009) Moldova`s relations with the European Union and the role
played by Romania, Moldova. At the crossroads. Bucuresti: Soros Foundation Romania.
Ghinea, C. (2012) EU-Moldova negotiation. What is to be discussed, what could be achieved?
Bucuresti: Soros Foundation Romania.
Litra, L. (2010) Some reflections on the timing of Moldovas negotiations of the EU
Association Agreement. Chisinau: IDIS Viitorul.
Popescu, N. and Wilson, A. (2009) The limits of Enlargement: European and Russian Power
in the Troubled Neighbourhood. European Council on Foreign Relations.
Popescu, N. (2009) The Options of the Republic of Moldova in its relationships with the EU.
Chisinau: Editura Cartier.
Rodkiewicz, W. (2009) From `virtual` to European Democracy. The origins and
consequences of the political breakthrough in Moldova, Warsaw: Centre for Eastern
Studies.
Secrieru, S. (2010) Integration reloaded - Streamlining Moldovas European course. The
Finnish Institute of International Affairs.

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