University of the Philippines

Diliman, Quezon City

Department of Linguistics



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CHINESE AND BAHASA INDONESIA/MALAY




Linguistics 120

Submitted by:
Lianne Kristel P. Belamide
Hanna Pamela S. Cantalejo
Jonel Nicole A. Jao
Christine Marie C. Sabarez

Submitted to:
Farah Cunanan

First Semester
Academic Year 2009-2010
October 24, 2009


INTRODUCTION
This is an annotated bibliography of the Chinese and Bahasa Indonesia/Malay linguistics journal articles
found in the University of the Philippines-Diliman Main Library as of October 2009. The Foreign Serials and Philippine
Serials in the library contain a vast collection of international and local journals, however there is no database
available of the journals contents making it hard for reseachers to find the articles they need. The group has
scanned the following available journals in the libary: Journal of Linguistics (1965-2005), Language: Journal of the
Linguistic Society of America (1925-2007), Lingua: An International Review of General Linguistics (1949-2009),
Linguistic Inquiry (1970-2007), Linguistics: An Interdisciplinary Journal of the Language Sciences (1986-2008),
Linguistics: An International Review (1963-1978), Philippine Journal of Linguistics (1970-2002), Studies in Language
(1999-2003) and Word (1945-2005). We found more than a hundred articles but only took those that are related to
grammar. Applied linguistics, such as language acquistion, second language learning, neurolinguistics and such are
not included in this bibliography.
This bibliography has been divided according to language, the first part contains the Chinese journal articles,
further divided into the subsections Mandarin and Hokkien. The second part contains Bahasa Malay and Bahasa
Indonesia journal articles. For each language, we have also divided the journals according to their grammar topic for
easy reference.

















TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHINESE
MANDARIN
PHONOLOGY
Mandarin phonological structure1
The zero initial and the zero syllabic.1
A note on Mandarin phonology..........1
Outline of the Mandarin phonemic system...2
Addenda et Corrigend a to Outline of the Mandarin phonemic system 2
MORPHOLOGY
Chinese terms of address..................3
Noun incorporation: A Chinese case? ..3
Resultative verb compounds in Mandarin Chinese: A case for lexical rules..3
The productive affixes in Mandarin Chinese morphology..3
SYNTAX
Chinese reflexivization: a movement to INFL approach.4
Remarks on the reflexive in Chinese.4
Sentences with be, exist & have in Chinese4
An outline of Mandarin syntax4
Verb gapping in Chinese: A case of verb raising.5
A complementation approach to Chinese passives and its consequences5
Double nominatives in Chinese..6
Two aspect markers in Mandarin...6
Scrambled objects and case marking in Mandarin Chinese..6



ASPECT
Is there a finite vs. nonfinite distance in Chinese? .7
Selectional restrictions of tenses and temporal references of Chinese bare sentences...................................7
Event types in Mandarin..7
Aspects of the Chinese verb...7
DEFINITENESS
Indefinite determiner introducing definite referent: a special use of yi one + classifier in Chinese..................8
Identifiability & definiteness in Chinese.8
FOCUS
The Chinese negation marker bu and its association with focus..9
Yes-No question in Mandarin and the Theory of Focus.9
GRAMMATICAL FUNCTION
Argument-function mismatches in Mandarin resultatives: A lexical mapping account..9
The grammatical functions of verb complements in Mandarin Chinese..9
TOPIC.
Functional categories, topic prominence, and complex sentences in Mandarin Chinese..10
Topic as a grammatical function in Chinese..10
Topic and topic-comment constructions in Mandarin Chinese10
First person anaphor as a cognitive unit in Chinese.11
Topic structure in Chinese11
WORD ORDER
Prosodically constrained postverbal PPs in Mandarin Chinese..11
X-internal word order in Mandarin Chinese and universal grammar.12
Variation of VO construction in Chinese: a Synchronic account.12
Wo pao de kui and Chinese phrase structure.12


Adjectival modification in Mandarin Chinese.12
On the so-called SOV word order in Mandarin Chinese..13
A note on the DP analysis of Chinese noun phrase.13
MORPHOSYNTAX
Yes/no questions and a-not-a questions in Chinese revisited14
Justifying part-of-speech assignments for Mandarin gei..14
The verbal suffix guo in Mandarin Chinese and the notion of recurrence..14
Modern standard Chinese.15
SEMANTICS
The place concept in Chinese..15
Some Chinese interrogatives16
SYNTAX/SEMANTICS
Rejected expectations: The scalar particles cai and jiu in Mandarin Chinese..16
Temporal interpretation in Mandarin Chinese16
HOKKIEN
PHONOLOGY
Sound changes in Tagalog words of Chinese origin17
Tone sandhi in Taiwanese17
Metrical and tonal phonology of compounds in two Chinese dialects18
DIALECTOLOGY
A comparison of Taiwanese, Taiwan Mandarin, and Peking Mandarin.18
SYNTAX
The syntactic structure of Amoy as used in the Philippines19
SEMANTICS
The semantics of Tagalog kinship terms of Hokkien Chinese origin.19


Chinese Summary..19
BAHASA INDONESIA/MALAY
MORPHOLOGY
The men-, men-kan, and man-i verbs in Indonesian21
What's happened to us? Some developments in the Malay pronoun system.21
Ke- -an construction in Indonesian..22
The passive-active per-/ber- per-/memper- correspondence in Malay..22
MORPHOPHONEMICS
Homorganicity in Malay/Indonesian in expressives and quasi23
MORPHOSYNTAX
Some problems in the study of word-classes in Bahasa Indonesia...23
SYNTAX
An object-creating rule in Bahasa Indonesia.24
The typology of Malay reflexives .24
Wh-fronting in Malay as a non-structure preserving rule.25
Predicate complements as direct objects in Malay...25
SEMANTICS
Dynamic ter-in Malay (Bahasa Malaysia): A study in grammatical polysemy..26
HISTORICAL/SOCIOLONGUISTICS
Loanwords in Malay...26
Bahasa Indonesia/Malay Summary.27
BIBLIOGRAPHY...........................................................................................................................................................28





1
CHINESE
MANDARIN
Phonology
Cheng, R. L. (1966). Mandarin phonological structure. J ournal of Linguistics, 2, 135-158.
In this paper, the Mandarin phonological structure is presented in a generative fashion divided into two parts:
a syllable grammar and morphophonemics. The syllable grammar assigns the structure of the basic syllables
independent of the syntax of the grammar. Though syllable grammar allows some non-occurent combination, this
paper restricts those forbidden combinations while allowing accidental gaps. A set of P-rules is used to generate
strings of phonemes for the basic syllables. The morphophonemics on the other hand, works on sequences of these
syllables with intrasyllabic information assigned by the syllabic grammar. By studying it according to the syntax, it can
give the category and intersyllabic information. A set of T-rules is used to give a phonetic representation of the
sentences.
Li, F. K. (1966). The zero initial and the zero syllabic. Language: J ournal of the Linguistic Society of America,
42, 300-302.
This paper lists examples showing that the voiced velar fricative of Mandarin is an initial as suggested by
Chao in 1948. The velar fricative occurs before the low vowel /a/ and before the mid vowel /c/ in stress and
unstressed syllables. There are also two types of weak velar fricative: voiced and voiceless // before /e/ and /a/
respectively.
In disyllables, semivocalic constriction stops the second syllable from joining smoothly to the final letter of
the first making the preceding final nasal completely closed (e.g. for both stresses, ping an peaceful [phi an] or
[phing ngan], for second syllable unstressed, e e just fast [ ]). The unstressed type is distinguished from the
final particle which has no initial, (e.g pan a move away [paa] and ma [manga]).
It was assumed that /j w jw r/ are semivowels or nonsyllabics, making the syllabic /i i u z r/ completely
dependent on the next semivowel or consonant. /i i u z r/ are called zero syllabic for their features are predictable
based on the preceding segment. Through examining the phonemicizing systems, the author concludes that there is
no distinction between vowels and semivowels in Mandarin.
Teeter, K., & Kuang, M. (1966). A note on Mandarin phonology. Language: J ournal of the Linguistic Society of
America, 42, 67-68.
This note is a critique and a clarification towards C.F. Hocketts general analysis in Mandarin phonology
written in 1947 & 1950. The authors of this note shows a contrast between the a of the finals, ai, and an; and that
of finals ending in or with only a on the other. The case where the vowel in pronunciation is centralized is
represented here as A. As the common suffix of the form r is added to words, i and n that precedes it are deleted.
These a-sounds then come into contrast.


2
For example:
phai + r phar signboard
phan + r phar pan
pha + r phAr rake
There are rules that can be also applied before the rule deleting I and n, and these are easily described by
rules relating phonological to phonetic representation.
1. (a) ai ai
(b) an an
2. a A
This rule was also included in Hocketts paper, however he did not point out that there was a distinction of
vowel quality. The author of this note concluded that the generality of process wasnt recognized in Hocketts analysis
which shows that his method of accounting individual facts in different detail leaves out the explicitness in its
underlying forms.
Wang, H. (1953). Outline of the Mandarin phonemic system. Word: J ournal of the International Linguistic
Association, 9(3), 268-276.
This paper attempts to analyse the phonemes and tones of spoken Mandarin in terms of distinctive features.
IPA transcriptions are used to describe the phonemes. The author states that there are twenty-seven phonemes in
Mandarin: twenty consonants, and seven vowels. The twenty consonants are said to have these distinctive features:
interrupted-continuant, strident-mellow, tense-lax, and nasal-non-nasal. Consonants also have three more features
that they share with vowels, compact-diffuse, grave-acute and flat-plain. A summary of the occurrences of the
consonants and vowels in Mandarin is presented in a table. Free variations among the vowels and vowel patterns are
also discussed in this paper.
Tones, on the other hand, are described as tone 1 high level, tone 2 high rising, tone 3 low dipping, tone
4 high falling and a neutral level tone whose pitch is dependent on its preceding tone. Distinctive features of the
Mandarin tones are level-glide, rising-falling, high-non-high, long-short, and uni-directional-bi-directional, a table and
samples are shown to further emphasize this.
Wang, H. (1954). Addenda et Corrigend a to Outline of the Mandarin phonemic system. Word: J ournal of
the International Linguistic Association, 10(1), 71-72.
After further studies have been made, the author has revised his article entitled Outline of the Mandarin
phonemic system published 1953 in the same journal. In his 1953 article, vowels have seven phonemes, however in
this revised article, seven are reduced to six, but the vowels still retain the three distinctive features namely compact-
diffuse, grave-acute and flat-plain. A revised table of the vowels with its distinctive features is shown here.


3
Morphology
Chao, Y. R. (1955). Chinese terms of address. Language: J ournal of the Linguistic Society of America, 32,
217-241.
This article is mainly about the terms of address in Mandarin which is categorized into two by the author: the
vocatives, terms of direct address to call persons by and the designative, which one uses as part of a linked
discourse in speaking about persons. Proper names, titles and kinship terms are also discussed in this article. All of
the terms were based on Colloquial Mandarin used in 1955.
Chi, H. (1992). Noun incorporation: A Chinese case? Word: J ournal of the International Linguistic
Association, 43 (2), 233-248.
This paper tests whether the concept of noun incorporation is functional in studying V + N compounds in
Chinese. Noun incorporation is a morphological process wherein a noun is compounded with or incorporated into a
verb which produces a larger, derived verb stem. V + N compounding in Modern Chinese is common, however the
difference between V + N compounds and verb plus object phrases is ambiguous, and there has been a lot of debate
about what constitutes a compound. The author explains that using the noun incorporation as proposed by Mithun is
problematic since some Chinese VNs are idiomaticized compounds, wherein Mithuns typology is not applicable.
Thompson, S. (1973). Resultative verb compounds in Mandarin Chinese: A case for lexical rules. Language:
J ournal of the Linguistic Society of America , 49, 361-379.
This paper presents an evidence to support the claim that the resultative verbs in Mandarin are more likely
to be derived from a small set of lexical rules rather than by syntactic transformations. A resultative verb compound is
made up of an action and the result of an action. In Mandarin Chinese, resultative verbs are morphologically complex
verbs that can go through a certain affixation rule.
This paper shows the form and function of the lexical rules in details. The author concludes that the class of
resultative verbs in Chinese consists of an open subset and a closed subset, the open subset as the freely productive
processes in the mind of the Chinese speaker (i.e. unconsciously processed), while the closed subset as the
individual words over which the speaker has control.
Tiee, H.H-T. (1979). The productive affixes in Mandarin Chinese morphology. Word: J ournal of the
International Linguistic Association, 30(3), 245-256.
Since Chinese is a monosyllabic tonal language, confusion and ambiguity in Chinese is prevalent, so in
Modern Chinese, formation of disyllabic or polysyllabic words has been an important characteristic of the languages
lexical expansion. It is stated in this paper that Chinese is becoming more polysyllabic and agglutinative because of
these three processes, (1) using existing monosyllables as a material for creating new compound or polysyllabic
words, (2) reduplicating the monosyllable itself and (3) attaching a lesser morpheme to a stem forming a type of
affixation. Both inflectional and derivational affixations in Chinese have become more productive the former in terms
of number, while the latter through the formation of nominals, verbals and adjectives.


4
Syntax
Batistella, E. (1989). Chinese reflexivization: a movement to INFL approach. Linguistics: An Interdisciplinary
J ournal of the Language Sciences, 27(6), 989-1012.
This paper tackles the binding of the Chinese reflexive pronoun ziji by using the movement-to-INFL
framework of Chomsky and Lebeaux. This paper argues that the use of the movement-to-INFL hypothesis of
Chomsky and Lebeaux works for analysing the different properties of Chinese reflexivization, namely the long
distance effect, subject orientation, the blocking effect, and the ability of an animate NP inside an inanimate one to
function as the antecedent of a reflexive.
Batistella, E. & Xu, Y. (1990). Remarks on the reflexive in Chinese. Linguistics: An Interdisciplinary J ournal of
the Language Sciences, 28(2), 205-240.
This paper explains the distribution of the reflexive in Mandarin Chinese. This paper considers the use of the
bare-reflexive ziji, the compound pronoun + reflexive as bound anaphors and the implications of their binding
properties based on Chomskys Government Binding Theory.
This paper aims to systematize the distribution of the reflexives and takes into account the theoretical
consequences of the reflexive in the current proposals within the Government and Binding Framework of Chomsky.
This paper concludes that Chinese has both long-distance and short-distance reflexive binding processes.
Li, Y.-C. (1972). Sentences with be, exist & have in Chinese. Language: J ournal of the Linguistic Society of
America , 48, 573-583.
This paper examines the existential sentences in Mandarin Chinese; these sentences may contain the main
verbs shi to be, zai to exist, be present and you to have. This discusses how they are related in syntax and
semantics by studying the noun phrase which occur in these sentences and by the co-occurrence conditions of the
three verbs. The characteristics of the NPs such as definiteness and anaphorness are also discussed. The author
points that the three verbs are closely related to the status and position of the noun phrases, and also proposes that
the three verbs are variant representations of a single Chinese verb in such sentences.
Liu, E. S. (1969). An outline of Mandarin syntax. Word: J ournal of the International Linguistic Association :
Linguistic Studies Presented to Andre Martinet part 3, 25(1-2-3), 190-199.
This paper is a partial description of colloquial Mandarin sentences and its general structure. It is not
intended as a unified account of Mandarin syntax so it has omitted many details. Nevertheless, it provides a system
which all the details may be integrated.
Mandarin sentences end with three intonations, falling, rising and high falling for conclusive, animated and
emotional sentences respectively. Every Mandarin sentence contains a predicate but rarely, there are those which do
not have predicates and are called semi-sentences.



5
Every predicate contains a verbal expression; the three types are stative, equative, and functive. Stative
verbs can be preceded by stative verb modifiers such as hn and dzwi. The marker de can also be used as modifier,
the preceding sequence modifies the single word which occurs after the marker. Equative verbs such as sh link two
nominal expressions. Equative verbs can also be preceded by an equative verb modifier, the negative bu and the
intensifier jiu. Functive verbs can be followed by a functive or a stative verb forming a verbal complex to indicate
either potentiality or result of a verbal expression. Predicate particles never occur predicate initially while predicate
attributes precede the predicate. An analysed sample is provided at the last part of the article to illustrate the model
outline of this paper.
Paul, W. (1999). Verb gapping in Chinese: A case of verb raising. Lingua: An International Review of General
Linguistics, 107, 207-226.
This paper provides evidence that verb gapping does exist in Chinese, unlike what is commonly said in
current literature, however this is only limited to the following, (1) non-generic VPs, (2) with and which in Chinese is
expressed without any explicit marking, and (3) spoken language. Aside from these, acceptability judgments differ
across dialects so others do not consider verb gapping as grammatical. Using Johnsons ATB across the board
movement, the author concludes that verb in Chinese may leave the VP and raise to a functional category (infl) in
overt syntax, but this only appears to particular constructions. Also, Chinese only allows ATB movement of individual
verbs and simple gaps whereas English is more complex.
Tang, S.W. (2001). A complementation approach to Chinese passives and its consequences. Linguistics: An
Interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences , 39(2), 257-296.
This paper aims to support the complementation approach to Chinese passives and present its
consequences. According to this paper, there are four issues related to Chinese passives: (1) the categorical status
of bei in Chinese passives, (2) the possibility of having no agent, (3) subcategorization of passive verbs and their
grammatical status, and (4) the function of gei in passive and nonpassive sentences.
The result of the study presents four findings: (1) In Chinese long passives, bei is not considered as a
preposition nor a passive morpheme in short passive sentences. (2) Based on the complementation approach, this
paper argues that Chinese long passives are ECM (Exceptional Case Marking) structures. The embedded agent
argument can neither be pro nor PRO. The agent argument cannot be a trace either, because movement will be
blocked by a null operator adjoined to the embedded clause. (3) This paper also includes the Cantonese language in
comparison with Mandarin and found out that only passive verbal elements which are less lexical and more functional
may enter short passives. (4) Lastly the paper asserts that gei, which is preverbal, is a marker that denotes
affectedness and that is unrelated to passivization. This paper concludes that passive morphemes do not exist in
Chinese passives.





6
Teng, S. H. (1974). Double nominatives in Chinese. Language: J ournal of the Linguistic Society of America ,
50, 455-473.
This paper presents that certain base rules given in the current syntactic theories cannot sufficiently handle
the double nominative and discontinuous possessive structures in Chinese. Predicates are said to be a sentence
already, for example VP can be written as S. However, problematic topic-comment sentences will be the result of the
proposed rule.
Wang, W. S.-Y. (1965). Two aspect markers in Mandarin. Language: J ournal of the Linguistic Society of
America , 41, 457-470.
This study provides a solution to several irregularities in the formation of negative sentences and of the a-
not-a questions in Mandarin. This solution is the identification of the morph you (as in meiyou) and the aspect
marker le as suppletive alternants.
This identification shows that declarative, negative and a-not-a sentences are both simple and regular. A
series of diagrams (P-marker) are provided to represent the structural description of a sentence according to the
theory of grammar.
Yang, N. & van Bergen, G. (2007). Scrambled objects and case marking in Mandarin Chinese. Lingua: An
International Review of General Linguistics, 117, 1617-1635.
This paper examines the differential marking of scrambled objects using the Optimality Theoretical (OT)
syntactic framework. Chinese is argued to have a three-dimensional direct-object marking (DOM) pattern which
conflicts with Aissens DOM where only two dimensions are tackled, animacy and definiteness. Aissens DOM states
that the higher the prominence an object is in terms of animacy and definiteness, it is more likely to be case marked,
that is, humans or animate objects and definite objects are more likely to be case marked than inanimate and
indefinite objects respectively. However in Chinese, although animacy and definiteness influences the object marking,
it is not the same in Aissens claim. In Chinese, objects with high animacy are obligatory case-marked but instead of
definite objects, non specific indefinite objects are case-marked. This happens because it is seen that the dimension
of definiteness in Chinese is not aligned with grammatical function but with the syntactic position. Hence the author
adds another dimension to the DOM, aside from animacy and definiteness, the syntactic position is included.








7
Aspect
Hu, J., Pan, H., & Xu, L. J. (2001). Is there a finite vs. nonfinite distance in Chinese? Linguistics: An
Interdisiciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences, 39(6), 1117-1148.
This paper opposes the distinction between finiteness and noninfiniteness in Mandarin Chinese and
concludes that there is no strong evidence to prove the distinction and even so, is nonexistent in the language. In
spite of this claim, the paper emphasizes that Chinese is a nontensed language. This study uses certain devices that
were specifically made for Chinese language in order to investigate its finiteness. The parameters for tensedness are
also discussed, wherein based on generative grammar, the difference of finite and nonfinite is determined by the
elements of inflection, tense and their agreement.
Lin, J. W. (2003). Selectional restrictions of tenses and temporal references of Chinese bare sentences.
Lingua: An International Review of General Linguistics, 113, 271-302.
Modern Chinese is known not to have a grammaticalized tense morphology since it does not have verbal
inflections. This paper argues that temporal reference of Chinese bare sentence without any time adverb or aspectual
marker can be resolved by proposing two empty tenses, covert present and covert past tense. The former must
select a homogeneous situation as its complement while the latter, a heterogeneous one. Modal verbs such as le,
guo, zai, hui and bixu indicate covert tense. Zai and zhe are pure markers, they progressive and durative markers
respectively. Le and guo are relative past tense markers, they give an aspectual meaning but only to the temporal
locations of events they modify. Though Chinese does not have morphological tenses, the authors says that it
doesnt lack tense since syntactically null sentences are semantically active and display some properties of those
grammaticalized morphemes.
Smith, C. (1990). Event types in Mandarin. Linguistics: An Interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences,
28(2), 309-336.
This paper discusses the differences among the three event types in Mandarin: atelic, telic, and change-of-
state events. Atelic events are opposite with telic in terms of duration, atelic has no associate outcome (e.g. push a
cart) while telic events have (e.g. build a house). The change-of-state, opposite of telics, are instantaneous in
principle and have no associated process. Using the event and viewpoint aspect, this paper finds that these three
events exist in Chinese. The resultative verb compounds of the language are also used in the semantic and syntactic
tests to analyse the three event types.
Thompson, J.C. (1968). Aspects of the Chinese verb. Linguistics: An International Review, 38, 70-76.
Since Chinese is a nontensed language, this paper attempts to clarify the concept of time or aspect in
Mandarin by discussing the particles le, ne, guoh, jy, and one use of de, as well as the sentence without a temporal
marker. In this study, time is viewed as a series of discontinuous units occurring in succession.
This paper further explains the usages of these particles starting with the unmarked sentence or zero
particle which is used when there is no chain of events denoted in the sentence. Examples of these are general


8
statements or habitual actions or statements which are thought of as isolated. The particle le is used when the
speaker has in mind the boundary between two events. It focuses attention on the boundary between the time unit in
which a person did a certain action and is still doing the action. It can also be used to describe the boundary at the
beginning of an event. When used at the end of a sentence, the focus is whether the person described keeps doing
that certain action or verb. The particle guoh on the other hand is a marker for the experiential aspect which is
equivalent to ever in the English language. Jy indicates that two events are occurring simultaneously while de is a
sentence particle that focuses on the accompanying fact rather than the mere occurrence of an event.
Definiteness
Chen, P. (2003). Indefinite determiner introducing definite referent: a special use of yi one + classifier in
Chinese. Lingua: An International Review of General Linguistics, 113, 1169-1184.
This paper discusses the several uses of the morph yi in Mandarin. Yi is actually the numeral one in
Mandarin however, it also serves the function of the indefinite article a in English. The indefinite marker yi + classifier
has five uses, (1) numeral, (2) presentative use, (3) nonidentifiable specific reference, (4) nonidentifiable nonspecific
reference and (5) nonreferential use. The Chinese yi increases its range and marks not only indefinite but also
definite expressions. They serve as backgrounding device of entities that are deemed as semantically nonreferential
or thematically unimportant, and are not likely to be mentioned again in the discourse.
Chen, P. (2004). Identifiability & definiteness in Chinese. Linguistics: An interdisciplinary J ournal of the
Language Sciences, 42(6), 1129-1180.
This paper discusses the pragmatic concept of identifiability and the semantic meaning of definiteness in
Chinese. This paper also attempts to answer the question of how Chinese is different with other languages like
English in terms of identifiability.
In this article, definiteness is referred to as the grammatical category of identifiable and nonidentifiable
referents determined in the language.
There are three major types of linguistic devices used to find out whether the nominal expressions are
interpreted as identifiable or nonidentifiable: (1) lexical, (2) morphological and (3) positional. The lexical part explains
the demonstratives, possessives, universal quantifiers, and indefinite determiners of the language that serve the
function of identifiability in Chinese. Moreover, the the-like definite article does not exist in Chinese. In the
morphological section of the paper, it mentions that reduplication in monosyllabic nouns occur to interpret the same
meaning of universal quantifiers.
The zhe and na demonstratives are the most important in the concept of definiteness in Chinese while the
marker yi + (classifier) is significant to Chineses indefiniteness. Since the marking of definite and indefinite in nominal
expressions is not obligatory in Chinese, the paper concludes that definiteness as a grammatical category in Chinese
has not been established.



9
Focus
Po-Lun, P.L., & Pan, H. (2001). The Chinese negation marker bu and its association with focus. Linguistics:
An Interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences, 39(4), 703-731.
This paper proves that the Chinese negation marker bu is not a clitic-like element but a focus-sensitive
operator. This paper gives three supporting evidences/analysis to justify this argument. The author proposes to use
an interpretation condition to interpret bu sentences, indicating that when bu has a focus to its right, it gives a tripartite
structure, otherwise, the adjacent word is negated. This paper also suggests that bu has a possibility of co-occurring
with manner phrases and the perfective le.
Schaffar, W., & Chen, L. (2001). Yes-No question in Mandarin and the Theory of Focus. Linguistics: An
Interdisciplinary J ournal of Language Sciences, 39(5), 837-870.
This paper discusses the three forms of questions in Mandarin, (1) the V-neg-V type wide, (2) the copula-
negative-copula-narrow focus, and (3) the particle question wide. Using the syntactic model of focus to study the
syntactic properties of these forms, this paper discusses the meaning and presents evidences of the distributions of
these three forms.
Grammatical Function
Her, O.-S. (2007). Argument-function mismatches in Mandarin resultatives: A lexical mapping account.
Lingua: An International Review of General Linguistics, 117, 221-246.
This paper explains that there are argument-function mismatches in Mandarin resultative compound verbs
because of the competition for syntactic assignment between the two composing roles in a composite role. This is
proven using a revised and simplified Lexical Mapping Theory (LMT) which encompasses a unified mapping principle.
By use of this mapping principle or the -Criterion, a composite role, created by two composing roles, receives
syntactic assignment by one composing role only; the second composing role is therefore suppressed. By assigning
causativity to argument roles rather to syntactic positions, the thematic hierarchy is maintained. This study also uses
the theory of markedness in linking, which explains the varying degrees of markedness between different argument-
function assignments.

Yong, S. (1997). The grammatical functions of verb complements in Mandarin Chinese. Linguistics: An
Interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences, 35 (1), 1-24.
This paper discusses the functions and categorization of verb complements in Mandarin Chinese. The
functions of verb complements were summarized into two, they (1) expand the meaning of the head verb of the V-V
compound and (2) changes the Aktionsart (lexical aspect) of the VP from activity to simple change and complex
change. The different stresses on markednesswith the simple verb emphasizing the process of the action and the
V-V compound emphasizing the result of the actionreflect the fundamental ways of viewing situations.



10
This paper concludes that there are three classifications that can be observed in Mandarins verb
complements: (1) the resultative verb complements, (2) directional verb complements, and (3) phrase verb
complements. All these types share the same feature, that the meaning of the verb head is expanded and therefore
changes the Aktionsart of the VP from an activity to either a simple or complex change.
Topic
Gasde, H.D., & Paul, W. (1996). Functional categories, topic prominence, and complex sentences in Mandarin
Chinese. Linguistics: An Interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences, 34(2), 263-294.
This paper attempts to present that subordinating conjunctions in causal and conditional clauses like yinwei
because, ruguo when, yaoshi if, etc. are elements of the Phrase Functional Category Conjunction C-selecting an
IP-complement. There are two types of complex sentences: (1) those with causal or conditional adjunct clause, and
(2) those with clause-containing temporal adjuncts. However, this paper proposes a new functional category called
Topic in relation to Chineses topic prominence. It also emphasizes the difference between the lexical and functional
projections in the language. This argument is supported by evidence from the extraction phenomena. This paper also
clarifies the concept of topic prominence in Chinese. The paper concludes that they found two new categories: topic
and conjunction.
Her, O.-S. (1991). Topic as a grammatical function in Chinese. Lingua: An International Review of General
Linguistics, 84, 1-23.
The use of topic in Chinese linguistics has always been inconsistent since it both refers to the syntactic as
well as semantic notion of topic which leads to inaccurate generalizations about topic. To combat this irregularity, the
author proposes topic to serve as describing a grammatical function, a syntactic notion similar to subject or object
as used in Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG). The term frame on the other hand is proposed to be used for
semantic or discoursal function set by the syntactic topic. The author also refutes the proposal made by Huang (1989)
who observed a small number of verbs requiring topics and with evidence argues that TOPIC, being a grammatical
function in LFG, should not be regarded as subcategorizable in Mandarin Chinese. The author also uses the theories
of lexical diffusion and linguistic interaction (Hsieh 1990) and gives a tentative explanation of the linguistic factors
facilitating the peculiar behavior of these verbs.
Shi, D. (2000). Topic and topic-comment constructions in Mandarin Chinese. Language: J ournal of the
Linguistic Society of America, 76, 383-408.
This paper attempts to give a precise definition for topic and to derive most of the properties of topic from the
definition. There has been much research about the topic-comment constructions in Chinese since a certain author,
Chao, suggested that the grammatical meaning of subject and predicate in a Chinese sentence is topic and
comment, rather than actor and action. Linguists believe that both topic and subject exist in Chinese as separate
grammatical notions and they can both exist in a sentence.
This paper concludes that the topic has no independent thematic role and always depends on an element
inside the comment for its thematic role.


11
Xiong, X. (1998). First person anaphor as a cognitive unit in Chinese. Word: J ournal of the International
Linguistic Association, 49(3), 383-401.
The Chinese ideology of self-denigration, respect for others, their way of being modest and shy appears in
their sentence construction, called the Chinese first person zero anaphora, where a zero (a phonologically null
argument form) appears in the subject position. This paper argues that using the anaphoric binding topical continuity
and processing effort economy cannot explain such a universal discourse phenomenon. Since zero anaphora is said
to be a grammaticizable phenomenon, the author proposes to use a cognitive grammatical framework in studying
zero anaphora.
Xu, L., & Langendoen, D. T. (1985). Topic structure in Chinese. Language: J ournal of the Linguistic Society of
America, 61, 1-27.
In this paper, the full range of topic structures in Chinese is systematically taken into consideration. Topic
structures consist of any grammatical configuration which invariably occurs first. A clause follows the topic and says
something about it.
In this rule schema S X{S,S}, X is the topic and is in any major category, while S and S is the comment
and is another topic structure or a sentence. The comment has something to do with the topic.
A variable is not bound by the topic if the related constituent is an empty category. It is a pro-form where it
precedes a topic. The examples provided in the paper were put into test by the teachers and graduate students of the
Departments of Chinese and of Foreign Languages in Fudan University.
This paper also presents examples regarding the binding of empty categories in Chinese and concludes that
there is no subject-object asymmetry in it. Also, there are some topic structures in Chinese that are generated without
movement. An empty category of a comment or a slot for the topic is co-referential with the topic and is not bound by
the topic variably.
Word order
Feng, S. (2003). Prosodically constrained postverbal PPs in Mandarin Chinese. Linguistics: An
Interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences, 41(6), 1086-1122.
This paper focuses on the discussion of postverbal PPs in Mandarin Chinese in relation to its prosodic
constraints. It argues that the constraints in postverbal PPs are not syntactic but rather prosodic. Prosody is the
intonation rhythm and lexical stress in speech. The author stresses that there is a great need for a prosodic syntax
theory. This paper uses the Nuclear Stress Rule (NSR) to show the grammaticality of postverbal PPs in Chinese.
There are three distributions of PPs: (1) only complement PPs are allowed to appear after verbs, (2) a preposition
should be attached to the verb when there is no object, and (3) both the V-NP-PP and V-PP-NP constructions are
allowed in Chinese.



12
Goodall, G. (1990). X-internal word order in Mandarin Chinese and universal grammar. Linguistics: An
Interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences, 28(2), 241-261.
This paper proposes a new word order in the X-internal movement theory which states that only natural
classes of elements defined in terms of roles and case are able to appear on one side of the head or the other. The
first part of the paper deals with three arguments against the directionality parameters for case and marking. The
next part is the presentation of the restrictive theory of X-internal word order followed by the evidences of a direct
object NP placed at the right of the verb.
As a conclusion, the paper not only proposed a new word order but posed some questions, formed from the
papers findings, for future research on the topic.
Her, O.-S. (1996). Variation of VO construction in Chinese: a Synchronic account. Linguistics: An
Interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences, 34(4), 733-752.
This is a study of the variation of VO sequences in Chinese using a synchronic account. This paper
classifies these VO sequences into three types: (1) those used only as words, (2) those used only as phrases (e.g.
idioms), and (3) those of dual status: both lexical and phrasal.
This paper presents the possible solutions for the variations mentioned above, which includes a thorough
discussion of the ionization solution. One solution discussed is lexicalization, a process which turns VO phrases into
VO compounds. Another is ionization which reverses a word into a VO phrase and thus helps in creating VO idiom
phrases. This paper concludes that VO compounds and VO idiom phrases are basically listed in the lexicon as well
as in VO sequences that both functions as words and phrases.
Huang, C.-T. J. (1988). Wo pao de kui and Chinese phrase structure. Language: J ournal of the Linguistic
Society of America , 64, 274-311.
This paper compares the two hypothesis about the descriptive and resultative phrase structure, the primary
predication hypothesis and the secondary predication hypothesis. The former states that the second verb
in V1V2 sequence is the main verb of the sentence while the latter states that the second verb is a
complement to the first verb. This paper agrees with the secondary predication hypothesis, wherein the V1 is taken
as the main verb. An alternative analysis is proposed in studying the distribution of A-not-A questions, negation,
aspect marking and certain complex causative construction.
Paul, W. (2005). Adjectival modification in Mandarin Chinese. Linguistics: An Interdisciplinary J ournal of the
Language Sciences, 43(4), 754-794.
In this paper, the issue of adjectival modification in Mandarin is explored. It focuses on the two types of
modification available in the language: one where the subordinator de intervenes between the adjective and the head
noun (A de N), the other being the case of simple juxtaposition of the adjective and the noun (A N).



13
The first part of the paper disproves the analysis that A de N adjectives are relative clauses. It presents that
the adjectives function as a predicate to the head noun as its subject. The next part includes the comparison of
between de-less modification structure and the modification structure with de and shows that in the de-less
modification structure, the adjective is interpreted as a defining property. Section 4 of the paper discusses the
semantic and syntactic constraints on the de-less modification structure and examines the function of de in light of the
distinction it operates between defining and accessory properties. Only heads are allowed in the de-less modification
structure whereas maximal projections occur exclusively in the modification structure with de.
This paper concludes that Chinese, similar to other languages behaves with two modification patterns, pre-
and postnominal modifiers. The modifiers in the position associated with special semantics, that is, in the pronominal
position, are equally constrained in size. Adjectives cannot be conflated with intransitive stative verbs, but have to be
recognized as a separate grammatical category in Mandarin Chinese.
Sun, C. F., & Givon, T. (1985). On the so-called SOV word order in Mandarin Chinese. Language: J ournal of
the Linguistic Society of America, 61, 329-351.
In this paper, two theses about word order in Mandarin Chinese have been examined through a study of
written and spoken contemporary Mandarin. These two theses were of Li and Thompson published in 1974 and 1975.
According to them, Mandarin has been undergoing a change from SVO order to SOV. Contrary to this, the current
quantified text-based data and a recent study of learning of Mandarin by the native children shows that Mandarin is
not drifting in any way toward a SOV order. The author discusses that Mandarin is a typical SVO language and that
functional distribution of OV construction in Mandarin is a marked and contrastive construction.
Tang, C.J. (1990). A note on the DP analysis of Chinese noun phrase. Linguistics: An Interdisciplinary
J ournal of the Language Sciences, 28(2), 337-354.
This paper attempts to disprove the claim of Abney (1987) that a determiner phrase is obligatory to be able
to understand the similarities between sentences and noun phrases. A functional category klassifier (K) is used to
explain and cover the relationships of the CP-IV-VP in sentence-level and DP-KP-NP at noun phrase level.
This paper argues that demonstratives and numerals cannot modify a head noun by themselves. They must
co-occur with a classifier. This discussion is followed by presenting the functional-klassifier-category hypothesis of
the paper. Included also is the relation of the possessive phrase in line with the framework of Chomskys subjacency.
This paper concludes that possessive-raising in the language is grammatical.







14
Morphosyntax
Gasde, H.-D. (2004). Yes/no questions and a-not-a questions in Chinese revisited. Linguistics: An
interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences, 42(2), 293-326.
This paper discusses the yes/no and A-not-A questions in Chinese in its morphological and syntactic
distinction. It presents the difference of yes/no questions from A-not-A questions in Chinese. Yes/no questions are
answerable by shi or dui correct or bu shi or bu dui incorrect. Its question form always goes with the particle ma. A-
not-A questions on the other hand, are answerable by A or not A only.
Aside from discussing these types of questions in Chinese, this paper also proves whether ne is a typed
particle. It concludes that ne cannot function as a question operator and thus is considered as a predicate-final modal
particle.
Her, O.-S. (2006). Justifying part-of-speech assignments for Mandarin gei. Lingua: An International Review of
General Linguistics, 116, 1274-1302.
The basic part-of-speech assignment of the most common occurring lexical items in Chinese has long been
a controversial issue in Chinese syntax. This paper explains the different part-of-speech assignments for the
Mandarin multifunctional gei in five of its uses, (1) verbal, (2) preverbal, (3) postverbal, (4) postobject and (5)
purposive. Before, the unified verbal analysis of gei is only divided into three: preverbal, postobject and purposive.
The analysis of postverbal gei as an affix is disproved, as gei is claimed by the author to be the verb head in V-gei
compounding. Gei as a complementizer in purposive clauses is supported by the author. Only the common
generative syntactic theories are used and no syntactic framework is used to make the arguments and accounts
written in this paper applicable to the fullest.
Iljic, R. (1990). The verbal suffix guo in Mandarin Chinese and the notion of recurrence. Lingua: An
International Review of General Linguistics, 81, 301-326.
This paper talks about the verbal suffix guo in Mandarin Chinese. It has been widely accepted that guo
only occurs with verbs which allow the possibility of recurrence, but some adjectival verbs such as nianqing young, a
non-recurrent state is permissible with guo.
This paper shows that the verbal suffix -guo has aoristic properties, that is, in the relative past, there is at
least one occurrence of such a fact, the one presented by the predicate. But for a non-recurrent state to appear with -
guo, it must be regressive in time, wherein the intensity of the property decreases as time passes. It thus satisfies the
restrictions of -guo, the absence of action or state at the reference point. Nian qing young and lao old although of
both relating to age cannot both appear with -guo. Nian qing is regressive so it can appear with -guo while lao is
progressive so it is not permissible. Irreversible or permanent states such as si die are also restrictions of -guo since
once established will never disappear. However the appearance of si with -guo is not impossible when it is in the
negative form since the irreversible event has never been established.



15
Kratochvl, P. (1967). Modern standard Chinese. Lingua: An International Review of General Linguistics, 17,
129-152.
This paper does not attempt to outline the word classes of Modern Standard Chinese but rather discuss the
features that can be used to classify words, these features are (1) phonemic (2) morphological and (3) syntactic
features. This paper also points out the problems in Modern Standard Chinese grammar and linguistics. Not much
attention has been given to the phonemic features in Modern Standard Chinese because only the erhua or
retroflectization of the final vowel of the last syllables have been largely used, the author states that phonemes are
not promising potential indicators of word classes. Using morphological features on the other hand is problematic
because word forming affixes are hard to distinguish and grammatical affixes are not an overall feature, thus it cannot
be used as a main measure for word classification. The author proposes that the use of syntactic features as a
criterion for the classification of word classes is most applicable since form class membership is an overall feature of
Modern Standard Chinese. However, there are not enough criteria for recognizing the borderline of words so there is
a need to develop a more systematic way of distinguishing word classes.
Semantics
Ecker, L. (1940). The place concept in Chinese. Language: J ournal of the Linguistics Society in America, 61,
17-28.
This paper shows that the idea of unspecified place is an artificial abstraction unknown to many languages
outside modern Europe.
The author uses the word so which could be translated as place in Chinese dictionaries. He compares the
word place used in different languages such as German, Arabic, Hebrew, Otomi- pame family and other Semitic
languages and shows that the concept of place and where are closely associated in many languages all over the
world. For instance, in Aztec or Nahuatl, the interrogative adverb where is similar to their place and time suffix kan.
The author argues that the idea of place was the original meaning of so and from which where and which
developed. This fact that the Chinese dictionaries usually give the word place as the first meaning of so, strengthens
this view.
The author indicates that there are languages which have affixes that form past participles and place and
time markers at the same time. In Chinese, if so is followed by a verb, it translates to that which.
This article states that a place unassociated with some specific action or position of some particular being or
object is a mere mental picture, an idea in the platonic sense. The author concludes that there is still no one single
word in Chinese which signifies place in the abstract.





16
Ware, J.R. (1949). Some Chinese interrogatives. Language: J ournal of the Linguistic Society of America, 25,
416-419.
The certain specific uses of the characters nan difficult and hao good that are used to write vernacular
expressions, recognize interrogatives in a variety of ways. The nan tao is an expression which means hard to say
literally and hao which belongs to the phrase hao jung-i , means very difficult, which is ironic because jung-i means
easy.
The idiomatic phrase hao jung-i was noted as restricted to sarcasm based on Won Yun-wu and Ishiyamas
dictionary, however the author doesnt agree with it. The author states that if the phrase hao pu jung-i is the
condensation of the phrase hao jung-i, he concludes that they are troubled by the idiom and that they see the
superlative common use of hao: hao ta very big, hao to quite numerous, etc. The use of hao has become confused
with its use as a superlative, and it is possible for the pu to disappear.
One interrogative particle, chi, always expects a negative reply (e.g. chi yu tzuli that line of reasoning is no
good, its literal meaning is Is it that there is such reasoning?). The author doubts anyone would call chi as
something else than a particle of interrogation, it could be an adverb but is has no pronominal associations.
The Mandarin interrogatives are chi, ho, hu, wu, an, yen, ning hao, nan, no, chi, and na.
Syntax/Semantics
Lai, H.-L. (1999). Rejected expectations: The scalar particles cai and jiu in Mandarin Chinese. Linguistics: An
Interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences, 37 (4), 625-661.
This paper discusses the particles cai and jiu and its four uses. These uses are temporal, restrictive,
conditional and emphatic. This paper argues that the uses of these particles can all be attributed to its abstract
semantic structure. This paper does not only study the uses of the two particles but also its meaning differences and
the co-occurence with the particle le.
In the discussion of the particles meaning differences, using cai in a sentence means that an action or idea
is not true until the reference time while jiu means the action or idea becomes true even before the reference time.
The particle cai and le do not co-occur in a sentence wheares jiu and le do. The le particle is needed in jiu
constructions in order to describe a past event.
Smith, C.S. & Erbaugh, M.S. (2005). Temporal interpretation in Mandarin Chinese. Linguistics: An
Interdisciplinary J ournal of the Language Sciences, 43(4), 713-756.
This paper discusses how temporal information is interpreted in Mandarin Chinese. Aside from examining
the default temporal pattern which is the deictic pattern, this paper also attempts to explain two other temporal
patterns: narrative dynamism and anaphora.
The first part of the paper explains the default pattern of interpretation which is the deictic pattern. Adverbial,
lexical and aspectual forms contribute to express the temporal location in Mandarin.


17
There are three principles that explain the deictic pattern: (1) the bounded event constraint, (2) the simplicity
principle of interpretation, and (3) the temporal schema principle. In Section 1 of the paper, the aspectual information
and pragmatic constraints of the deictic pattern is discussed. In this part, the paper clarifies that bounded situations
could happen in the future and on the other hand, unbounded events could be in the past or future.
The second part deals with temporal information in Mandarin in terms of aspect, adverbs and other lexical
temporal forms in Mandarin to show how the deictic pattern is realized. The paper uses the syntactic surface
structure and illustrates the rules of the theory. In relation to the discussion of reference time in Mandarin, the
aspectual morphemes le and, guo are discussed together with adverbs like yijing and cai. Le denotes the meaning of
situation time together with the reference time, while guo indicates that the situation time happens before the
reference time in a different interval.
HOKKIEN
Phonology
Chan-Yap, G. (1973-1974). Sound changes in Tagalog words of Chinese origin. Philippine J ournal of
Linguistics, 4-5(1-2), 48-54.
This paper discusses the sound changes in Tagalog words of Chinese origin. The author has written that the
drastic sound changes are the following, (1) loss of tone distinctions, (2) loss of phonemic distinctions between
aspirated and unaspirated tones, (3) loss of dipthongs and (4) loss of nasal vowels. Since Hokkien is a tonal
language and Tagalog is not, tone loss is evident in the borrowed words. Also, while aspiration is phonemic in
Hokkien, it is not so in Tagalog, so phonemic distinction in aspiration is lost too. The most common phonological
processes involved in these sound changes are, (1) merging, (2) split, (3) monophthongization and (4) vowel
replacement.
Cheng, R. (1968). Tone sandhi in Taiwanese. Linguistics: An International Review, 41, 19-42.
This paper discusses the tone changes in Taiwanese wherein each monosyllabic morpheme can be an
isolated and/or a combined form. In this language, an isolated form has a tone in its own and when joined by another
morphemethe combined form, the tone of the former morpheme changes. This paper calls the former an inherent
tone and the latter the derived tone. The rule here is that a syllable before the open juncture keeps its inherent tone,
otherwise, the tone changes according to the languages morphophonemic rules.
Taiwanese has six tones: high level, high falling, low falling, rising, mid, and neutral . This paper mainly
discusses the languages tonal morphophonemics and the description of these processes. It also deals with the
occurrence of the neutral tone and presents the tonal groups in relation to syntax and phonological rules. Aside from
these, this paper uses the spectrogram to find non-phonemic factors of tonal change in the language. Another part of
the paper discusses the relationship of the inherent and the derived tone and how each tone affects the other.



18
This paper concludes that tone sandhi or changes in Taiwanese occurs more frequently compared with
Mandarin. This paper not only discussed the tonal aspects of Taiwanese but also the behaviour of the language as
well. The author indicates that there is a need for further research on Taiwanese tonal changes in relation to its
syntax.
San, D. (1995). Metrical and tonal phonology of compounds in two Chinese dialects. Language: J ournal of
the Linguistic Society of America , 71, 225-259.
This study argues that two of the Chinese dialects, Taiwanese and Shanghai have a metrical system. The
stress at word and compound levels is left-headed in Shanghai and right-headed in Taiwanese. Many metric systems
can be found in many other languages and compound stress varies from language to language in contrary to what
Cinque (1993) had proposed (a universal one).

As compared to the previous studies, this paper predicts tonal domains better. It also supports the view that
even with the lack of data on phonetic stress, metric structure can still be determined in languages. Lastly, this study
weakens the Strict Layer Hypothesis because of the fact that a tonal domain is sensitive to metrical structure at
several levels.

Dialectology
Cheng, R. L. (1985). A comparison of Taiwanese, Taiwan Mandarin, and Peking Mandarin. Language: J ournal
of the Linguistic Society of America , 61, 352-377.
This paper shows the various differences and similarities between the dialects of Mandarin: Taiwanese (Tw),
Taiwan Mandarin (TM), and Peking Mandarin (PM). Taking Peking Mandarin as the designated standard, the paper
indicated those Peking Mandarin features which are not common in Taiwan Mandarin. Some of these are the zero
markers for future action and lack of contrast between simple past and perfect. Another feature of Peking Mandarin
that is not common in Taiwan Mandarin but is the same with Taiwanese is the use of inclusive first person plural
pronoun. In Peking Mandarin and Taiwanese, they have zamen and lan respectively and is distinguished from the
exclusive women/goan. This feature cannot be seen in Taiwan Mandarin. In Peking Mandarin and Taiwanese,
negated auxiliary verbs like meiyou/bo 'not have' , buhui/be 'not likely, cannot' , bukeyi/ besai ' may not', occur at the
end of the main verb while in Taiwan Mandarin it appears before the main verb.
There is a third significant difference between TM and PM. TM shows a drift away from the features of the
Altaic, object-verb languages and towards those features which are common to the southern Chinese dialects, the
verb-object languages.
The transference and adapting of the features from a first language (Taiwanese) to a second language
(Taiwan Mandarin) are simple and regular. There is an important correlation between sociolinguistic conditions and
the way TM changed based on the changes seen in TM and Tw. Overall, some PM features are shared with Tw but
are not found in TM, and some TM features are not found in Tw.


19
Syntax
Dy, C. J. (1972). The syntactic structure of Amoy as used in the Philippines. Philippine J ournal of Linguistics,
3(2), 75-94.
This paper uses phrase structure rules to discuss the syntactic structure of Hokkien as used in the
Philippines. Hokkien is one of the five major Chinese languages and in 1964, it is said to have more than 50 million
speakers, most are in the mainland China and Taiwan, while the rest in Southeast Asia, namely Indonesia, Malaysia,
Singapore and the Philippines. The first part contains the phonology of the language, wherein there are twenty
consonants, eleven vowels and five phonemic tones. The second part discusses the basic structures of Hokkien, the
rules for basic sentence formation, the structure of a noun phrase, verb phrase, and adverb phrase.
Semantics
Chan-Yap, G. (1976). The semantics of Tagalog kinship terms of Hokkien Chinese origin. Philippine J ournal
of Linguistics, 7(1-2), 1-17.
This paper discusses the semantics of Tagalog kinship terms that are loanwords from Hokkien Chinese.
During the time this paper was written, there are one hundred sixty-three known Hokkien-Chinese loanwords.
Loanwords are known to change in meaning through semantic processes such as loss, restriction or extension of the
original meaning of the words. In linguistics, these are studied predominantly in their historical aspect. This paper
uses pure semantic analysis using componential analysis and deviates from the tradition of historical treatment. A
comparative study of the kinship system of Tagalog and Hokkien is also conducted to find out why only some
Hokkien loanwords appear in Tagalog. With this, the differences between the two cultures are explored.
SUMMARY
Mandarin Chinese is more widely studied in the international scene as compared to Hokkien Chinese. The
only journal articles weve seen that focuses on Hokkien is the one that is spoken in the Philippines. Also, these
journals are written way back in 1970s and no new studies have been made so far as compared to Mandarin Chinese
which are continually researched on.
In Mandarin phonology, the last study that has been made, according to the journal articles weve found,
was on 1966. The Mandarin phonemic system has been tackled through its tone and features. The phonological
structure is also discussed by using syllable grammar and morphophonemics. Tone sandhi in Taiwanese is studied
but not in Mandarin even though this phenomenon can also be seen in this language. As these are studies on
phonology, we think that a standard IPA should be developed because not doing so will only lead to inconsistencies
and confusion for the readers.
In Mandarin morphology, the difference between V + N compounds and verb plus object phrases is still
ambiguous, and there has been a lot of debate about what constitutes a noun-compound in Chinese. Tiee (1979)
also stated that Chinese is becoming more polysyllabic and agglutinative as compared to the common belief of
Chinese being isolating and monosyllabic. No studies have been made on Hokkien morphology.


20
Syntax is the most studied domain in Mandarin; some of these are concentrated on aspect, definiteness,
grammatical function, topic and word order. There is an article which outlined the general Mandarin syntax. Modern
Chinese is known not to have a grammaticalized tense morphology since it does not have verbal inflections, so
particles are used to denote aspect. The usages of these particles are discussed thoroughly and are distinguished
from each other. As for the definiteness in Mandarin, zhe and na are the definite articles while yi is the marker for
indefiniteness, however, yis range can also be extended to a definite sense. The grammatical function of Mandarin
verb complements is to expand the meaning of the head verb of the V-V compound and to change the Aktionsart
(lexical aspect) of the VP from activity to simple change and complex change. In Chinese, they interpret subjects and
predicates as topic and comment instead of actor and action as Chao suggested, however, there is confusion
between the syntactic and semantic notion of the word topic. Her (1991) suggested to make use of frame when
dealing with its semantic notion, and to retain the use of the word topic when it concerns its syntactic notion. Two
articles are about focus, the negative marker bu is said to be associated with the Theory of Focus. Majority of the
papers argue that Chinese has the typical SVO order in its sentences. The phrase structure of nouns, verbs,
adjectives and prepositions are tackled in the articles. As for the syntax of Hokkien, only one article is available, and it
is Hokkien as used in the Philippines.
In the morphosyntax of Mandarin Chinese, the basic part-of-speech assignment of the most common
occurring lexical items in Chinese has long been a controversial issue. One article explains the different part -of-
speech assignments for the Mandarin multifunctional gei. Another article discusses the verbal suffix guo and the
environments it can co-occur with.
The semantics of some Mandarin words such as so place and interrogative words are studied. We think
that studying the semantics of Chinese idioms will be helpful in clarifying some of the problematic topics in syntax and
morphology (e.g. V + N compounding). The semantics of kinship terms in Tagalog of Hokkien origin are discussed.
On the semantics of Hokkien itself, no article has been found.
In the syntax/semantics part, the scalar particles cai and jiu in their temporal, restrictive, conditional and
emphatic interpretation are discussed. The general temporal interpretation in Mandarin Chinese is also studied. So
far, the studies in this domain have been consistent.
Mandarin has been studied more compared to Hokkien, however, we think that researching in Hokkien is
equally important as Mandarin. An intensive comparative study between these two Chinese languages may also be
helpful in the historical linguistics domain. When did these languages split? How come they have the same
orthographies yet they are read differently? Were these orthographies already invented before they split? Or did
these languages split first before the orthography was developed?






21
BAHASA
Morphology
Dardjowidjojo, S. (1971). The men-, men-kan, and man-i verbs in Indonesian. Philippine J ournal of
Linguistics , 2(2), 71-84.
This paper focuses on one set of verbal affixation in Indonesian: the prefix meN- and maN- in combination
with the suffixes kan and i. This paper presents a preliminary analysis of how these affixes behave, what their
interrelations are, the transitivity status each has, and whether or not there is a way of knowing what kind of affixes
the bases are allowed to take.
In the first part of the paper, the interrelation of meN-, -kan, and i are discussed. It is defined that a verb is
monotransitive if it can take the prefix meN- in its active form and can be transformed into passive. However, it can be
followed by only one object, as compared to a bitransitive verb where it can be followed by two objects.
According to this paper, there are seven different subsets that are combinatorial possibilities of the affixes
meN-, -kan, and i. Any of these verbs can take the prefix meN- in a particular syntactic construction. The first subset
must not take affixes, the second must obligatorily take the suffix kan. The third subset must obligatorily take i
while the fourth subset can optionally take kan. On the other hand, the fifth subset can optionally take i . The sixth
subset must obligatorily take either the suffixes i or -kan and the last subset can optionally take either i or kan.
Although we can see a regularity of interrelation of the verbs with respect to transitivity properties, the author
stresses that no generalizations can be made without adding a list of exceptions, this is because the co-occurrence of
the base and the affixes is morphemically conditioned. Therefore, it is reasonable to say that the acceptance or
rejection of a particular affixation should be based on the lexical items, which have distinctive features themselves.
Donohue, M. & Smith, J. C. (1998). What's happened to us? Some developments in the Malay pronoun
system. Oceanic Linguisctics, 37(1), 65- 84.
This paper examines the development of the Austronesian first-person pronouns in irregular varieties of
Malay/Indonesian. In the inclusive and exclusive pronouns, only the form of the inclusive kita is ever retained in the
nonsingular forms. Some had their inclusive-exclusive feature lost while some have been extended to a singular
meaning. By examining both the classical and modern Indonesian, this paper presents an evidence for the existence
of the markedness relationship between the two pronominal forms. Using Blust's treatment of the politeness shifts in
earlier varieties of Austronesian, a functional explanation of the shifts in the meaning and the pronominal paradigm is
provided. This argument is further emphasized with the additional data from other local languages of southeast
Sulawesi, in which both forms are preserved; although their function is now plural/paucal.





22
Junus, U. (1971). Ke- -an construction in Indonesian. Linguistics: An International Review, 76, 24-44.
This paper focuses on the ke+stem+an construction in Indonesian language. Using the structural approach,
the author evaluates the classification grammarians use in this word construction, namely, the nominal derivation and
verbal derivation.
This paper concludes that ke- -an constructions may be classified under several classes, (1) the two kinds of
ke- -an construction, one belonging to the structural phenomenon, while the other to the vocabulary phenomenon and
(2) the three kinds of ke- -an constructions according to their position in the sentence, where they can belong to a
noun class, verb class, and to a noun-like class. This paper thus invalidates the theories and analysis of the
grammarians who dealt with the ke- -an construction in Indonesian using formalism, semanticism or psychologism, as
this paper used the structural analysis as its approach.
Roolvink, R. (1965). The passive-active per-/ber- per-/memper- correspondence in Malay. Lingua: An
International Review of General Linguistics, 15, 310-337.
During the last hundred years, there have been numerous changes in the vocabulary as well as in the
syntax of Bahasa Malay and Bahasa Indonesia. This paper focuses on the new developments such as the compound
prefix memper- and per-.
The per-/ber- category was involved in a process of transition, and this explains why so many of these forms
are outside the normal pattern. In classical Malay, a great number of per- forms are in direct contrast to their
equivalent ber- forms. This paper also states that in the classical period, the Malay prefix ber- had an ambivalent
character. Ber- derivatives could occur depending on the meaning of the word base and the context of the sentence,
it can be in an active, but also in a middle and in a passive sense. As active verbs, ber- derivates could be intransitive
as well as transitive if the word base was suited to the purpose. In such case, the ber- form often took the suffix kan,
but not necessarily. When active and transitive, it had at least a potentially passive opposite in per. In this function of
forming active and transitive verbs, ber- was in competition with me- category which, except in the middle voice,
served the same purpose. In this course of time, ber- gradually lost its capacity of forming active/transitive verbs to
the me- category and became predominantly a prefix with the function of forming intransitive verbs with a middle or
adjectival meaning. The active/transitive ber- forms fell into disuse, although some of more frequently occurring
transitive ber- could maintain their forms and are still found today. The passive per- forms became isolated and were
left without a corresponding active form. The ber- derivates having become intransitive, could no longer function as
active counter-parts, and so, no doubt to a certain extent by analogy with the me- category, the per- found a new
counterpart in memper and it is this correspondence, per/memper-, which we can find in modern Bahasa Malaysia
and Indonesia today. Per- is likely to have assumed a casual function. In most cases, per-/berkan forms had a
causative meaning where the suffix kan made the verb causative. But after the berkan form had fallen into disuse
and perkan had become isolated, the casual function became gradually felt as belonging more to per than to kan,
and eventually shifted to per- completely.
This paper concludes that the change in character of ber- together with the related transition of per-/ber- to
per-/memper- took a considerable time to become complete.


23
Morphophonemics
Carr, D. (1966). Homorganicity in Malay/Indonesian in expressives and quasi. Language: J ournal of the
Linguistic Society of America , 42, 370-377.
In this paper, expressives (interjections) are discussed and is defined as not onomatopoeic (sound-imitative)
but as sound symbolisms. The author refers the quasi expressive in Malay/Indonesian as a word influenced by the
sound of several other words belonging to a particular semantic grouping or category. However, not all sound
resemblances are considered as quasi expressive in Malay/Indonesian or in European languages since these
traditional words have meanings associated with sacrament or sex.
One of the main methods for expanding the expressivity effects of the language is through consonantal
homorganicity. The author mentioned that Uhlenbeck (1949) has classified the Javanese disyllable root morpheme
into three categories: borrowings, expressive-affective morphemes, and dialectal or archaic morphemes. Uhlenbeck
found out that 80% of the expressive-affective morphemes begin with one or two consonants and end with a
consonant. The expressive-affective morphemes in Javanese have a pepet (). The plasticity of these morphemes is
said to be its significant characteristic.
In Javanese expressives and quasi (semi) expressives, the alternation of orthographic m, -mb(-), -mp, -bb-,
-ff-, -pp-, and p, and all labials which includes labiodentals, nasals and homorganic clusters of nasal plus stops
occur normally. These also occur in Bahasa as well. The homorganic consonants in Malay/Indonesian are mb, -mp,
-nd, -nt, -c, -nj,and g.
One main problem regarding these expressives is the misleading translations of a translator or lexicographer.
They tend to use too sophisticated or too common words due to their lack of background about the language. The
real and exact meaning then is not provided.
Morphosyntax
Teeuw, A. (1962). Some problems in the study of word-classes in Bahasa Indonesia. Lingua: An International
Review of General Linguistics, 11, 409-421.
There are three existing large word classes in Bahasa Indonesia, (1) nouns, (2) verbs and (3) adjectives,
this paper focuses on the adjectives. By looking into their paradigm and valence, these adjectives are distinguishable
from other kinds of Malay words morphologically as well as syntactically.
Under paradigm, one will know it is an adjective by seeing these duplications, ter~, maha~, se~, se~~nja,
ke~~an, ~nja, ber~, ber~ ~an or ber~an, me~, me~kan, and pe~. Under the valence, the environments unto which
adjectives occur are discussed.
The adjectives are further classified into three classes. This paper concludes that there is insufficient
evidence to justify a distinction among these three classes as different word-classes. A closer examination of the
work by contemporary authors would have to show whether the differences which has been mentioned have faded


24
out even further or whether the groups now tend to be distinguished more sharply. The other word-classes would
have to be taken under examination. It is not altogether unbelievable that the significant changes which are taking
place in the morphological paradigm of the verb would increase the power of attraction of this class in the second
group. On the other hand, the nominal characteristics of the third group could theoretically be expected to increase in
definition and number.
Syntax
Chung, S. (1976). An object-creating rule in Bahasa Indonesia. Linguistic Inquiry, 7, 41-88.
This article provides evidence from Bahasa Indonesia, against the assumption that all syntactic operations
can be expressed in terms of category labels (e.g. NP, V). The evidence involves a productive rule of Dative. Dative
permutes a direct object with an indirect object or benefactive, and deprives the indirect object or benefactive of its
preposition.
The relationship of Dative with other syntactic rules are examined, wherein these two basic effects are
established: (1) it is an object-creating rule, in the sense that it turns the indirect object/benefactive into a direct object,
and (2) it displaces the underlying direct object so that it is inaccessible to later syntactic rules. These effects of
Dative can only be explained if the rule is stated in terms of grammatical relations. The article also discusses some
syntactic processes that can be used to identify direct object in Bahasa Indonesia. The next part examines the
interaction of these processes with Dative and concludes that Dative is an object-creating rule. In the third part,
several alternatives are presented for describing the behavior of Dative within the framework of transformational
grammar. It is shown that none of these alternatives is adequate, and that only a solution that makes reference to
grammatical relations will account for all the facts. On the last part, it proposes a relational analysis for Dative and
shows that this analysis is supported by an independent set of facts in Indonesian.
This article states that in order to account for Dative, an adequate theory of grammar must allow syntactic
rules to have access to grammatical relations such as subject, direct object, and indirect object. Also, the theory must
provide some way of characterizing the similarity between underlying direct objects of Dative sentences and
underlying subjects of passive sentences, so that it may identify those NPs whose original grammatical relations have
been removed. This paper argues that grammatical relations are relevant for the operation of syntactic rules.
Cole, P. & Hermon, G. (2005). The typology of Malay reflexives. Lingua: An International Review of General
Linguistics, 115, 627-644.
The paper argues that the apparent exceptionality of diri+pronoun is based on a misanalysis that
diri+pronoun is a long distance reflexive or merely a pronoun. Instead, this form is not specified in the lexicon as
either a pronoun or a reflexive.
The Indeterminacy of Feature Content Hypothesis and the VP (verb phrase) ellipsis tests are used in
determining which are reflexives and which are pronouns. Many alternative analyses are done, such as the ambiguity
analysis, the properties of diri+pronoun versus those of true long distance reflexives, and of diri+pronoun as a
possessive deep phrase.


25
This paper concludes that diri+pronoun is an anaphoric form that is unspecified with respect to the features
[ pronominal]/ [ anaphor].
Kader, M. (1979). Wh-fronting in Malay as a non-structure preserving rule. Philippine J ournal of Linguistics ,
10(1-2), 74-83.
This paper claims that in Malay, Wh-fronting is not a structure-preserving rule. This paper demonstrates that
the configurations of the fronted Wh-form in Bresnans (1970, 1972, 1974), Emonds (1976), and DeArmonds (1976)
proposal are not acceptable in Malay, all of which states that wh-fronting is a structure preserving rule. Instead, a
fronted Wh-form is sister-adjoined to the root S as in the configuration of Akanjian and Henys (1975) proposal.
The substituting for a Wh or Comp dominated by S is illustrated followed by the discussion of the Wh-word
filling an empty node. The filling of a lexically unspecified position under an S and the sister adjoining in Malay are
also discussed in this paper.
The paper concludes that in Malay, a fronted Wh-word + kah does not replace a Wh, neither does it fill an
empty node dominated by COMP, nor does it occupy a position generable in the phrase structure rules. Instead, it is
argued in this paper that a fronted wh word + kah is simply sister-adjoined to the root S, stating that in Malay simplex
Wh-questions, WH-fronting is not a structure preserving rule.
Wong, I. (1976). Predicate complements as direct objects in Malay. Philippine J ournal of Linguistics , 7(1-2),
18-37.
This paper studies the structures of the sentences which have embedded sentences in their predicate in a
non-modifier function. These embedded sentences are called predicate complements.
This paper shows that predicate complements all function as direct object NPs of their matrix sentences and
in the phrase-structure rules of grammar, these predicate complements are dominated by NP.
The treatment of complementation in this paper is based on the predicate complements of Malay itself, thus
it differs from the usual treatment of complements in English. English has two types of complements called Noun
Phrase complements and Verb Phrase complements. The difference between them is affected transformationally, by
the deletion of the subject of the complement when the structural description of the Identity Erasure Transformation is
met. In order to account for why certain complements can function as the derived subject of passive sentences and
why others cannot, the conversion of tree-pruning and a simple condition on the structural description of the passive
transformation are utilized. This paper gives a simpler and more general treatment of the complementation processes
of language, based on their function in Malay.





26
Semantics
Goddard, C. (2003). Dynamic ter-in Malay (Bahasa Malaysia): A study in grammatical polysemy. Studies in
Language, 27, 287-322.
This paper examines some of the multiple uses and meanings of the polyfunctional verbal prefix ter in
Malay using the natural semantic metalanguage framework designed by Anna Wierzbicka (1972, 1976).
Grammars and language textbooks generally recognize that ter- has multiple functions, usually adopting this
three-way division: (1) accidental, (2) stative and (3) abilitative.
This paper describes accurately the range of meaning conveyed by the dynamic use of ter, to decide to
what extent the differences are contextually induced as opposed to being semantically encoded.
This paper distinguishes three main clusters: one schema involving unintendedness, another involving
momentariness, which is restricted to verbs such as, see, hear and think, and lastly, one involving a set of more
specialized and idiosyntactic schemas.
This paper states that it seems that the semantic structures underlying grammatical polysemy are similar to
the untidy & asymmetrical molecular structures of the organic world (rather than to the more orderly structures of
inorganic chemistry). Therefore, it is still possible to separate the confusing mass of usage and to analyze them in a
restricted number of interconnected lexico-semantic schemas.
Historical/Sociolinguistics
Hassan, A. (1975). Loanwords in Malay. Philippine J ournal of Linguistics, 6(2), 31-46.
This paper focuses on the borrowed words of the Malay language. This is mainly concerned with the lexical
changes and their effects on Malay. Various influences interacting with Malay in the history of the language is
discussed. The reasons that necessitated borrowing in Malay are also looked into. The various types of loanwords
that can be found in Malay and the impact of loanwords in the language are discussed as well.

The historical background of Malay words includes the Hindu, Islamic, the Western, and other influences.
Prestige motive, need-filling motive, and borrowing for convenience compelled the borrowing of words. The types of
loan words are identified in this paper such as the simple, loan translations, mestizo loanwords, loan shifts,
descriptive words, dialectal borrowing, archaism and other borrowed forms. The impact of the loanwords on the
phonological changes, morphological changes and syntactic changes are discussed as well.

According to this paper, there are three major cultural waves that affected the Malay Peninsula during the
last two millennia, which have brought a lot of influences to Malay. These are the Hindu, Islamic and the Western
waves. The number of words from the Indo-European languages as well as from Arabic indicates the comparative
intensity of the cultural contact between Malays and the speakers of those languages.



27

Sanskrit left a lot of loanwords for terms of mankind, bodyparts, and animals. The political influence of the
Hindu kings made a lot of influence on the terminologies in government, administration and social titles. The Arabs
left a lot of words about religion since Malays are also Muslims. This also affected the kinship terms since religion
involves kinship, family, marriage, ownership and property. Most of the skills, education, and occupation words have
an English influence. Even in government terminologies, the Malays adopted some from the English, but most of the
terms that they had borrowed from an earlier language are maintained unless the English terms are easier to use.

SUMMARY
There are only a few articles that discussed Bahasa Malay and Bahasa Indonesia unlike the other
languages. Most of them are about the Bahasa of Malaysia and only a few regarding the Bahasa of Indonesia. These
articles are published about four decades ago or even earlier showing that no more articles are issued recently about
these languages.
There are not much articles issued regarding the phonological system of Bahasa Malay and Bahasa
Indonesia. Only the article about expressives wherein homorganicity is discussed showed the phonological system of
Bahasa Indonesia/Malaysia, however, this focused more on morphophonemics. Articles about morphophonological
processes that may occur in these languages are also not found. Most of the articles are about the word-formations
and affixations in the languages. Only affixation is discussed in these articles among the many morphological
processes that occur in a language. In Bahasa, the different affixes are used in order to derive words from other
syntactic categories. Sentence formations and word patterning are also discussed more compared to the other topics.
There are not much articles concerning the word classes in Bahasa.
If not descriptive, the writers of the articles re-evaluated the articles published earlier. There are not enough
papers concerning the difficult and problematic topics regarding Bahasa. The articles distinguished Bahasa Indonesia
from Bahasa Malay because there are only a few articles that study the two languages at the same time. Since these
two languages are mutually intelligible, articles that generalize topics regarding both languages must be done.
Bahasa Malay and Bahasa Indonesia were influenced by foreign languages which make them rich but more
problematic, lack of information regarding these languages may lead to misconceptions and misunderstandings
which is why more research articles must be published concerning these two languages.








28
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32
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