Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
] This movement has been advanced by several key works. Van Maanen's
Tales of the Field (1988) explores the differences between extended fieldnote accounts
written in realist, confessional, and impressionist styles. Sanjek's edited volume
Fieldnotes: The Making of Anthropology (1990a) provides a collection of symposium
papers examining what anthropologists do with fieldnotes, how they live with them,
and how attitudes toward the construction and use of fieldnotes may change through
individual professional careers (1990b: xii). In The Ethnographic Imagination (1990),
Atkinson provides close analyses of various rhetorical and textual devices common
to ethnographies, giving special attention to several extended fieldnote extracts (pp.
5763). The latest edition of the Loflands Analyzing Social Settings (1995) includes
a lengthy chapter on Logging Data, which examines both observing and writing
fieldnotes as well as conducting and writing up interviews. And finally, in Writing
Ethnographic Fieldnotes (1995), Emerson, Fretz and Shaw offer an extended treatment
of the processes of writing fieldnotes from first contacts in the field to producing final
ethnographies.
In the following pages we review these and other recent treatments of the actual
processes of writing fieldnotes as a core activity in ethnography and participant
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Page 5 of 42 Handbook of Ethnography: Participant Observation
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observation. We do not consider analyses of fieldnotes included in finished
ethnographies; the latter are not only polished and highly selected, but they also are tied
into specific themes or arguments used to construct and organize the ethnography as a
whole. Rather we are concerned with fieldnotes as original texts (Mulkay, 1985: 237
8), with raw fieldnotes written (for the most part) more or less contemporaneously with
the events depicted.
The following section first identifies some distinctive features of fieldnotes, then
considers variations among ethnographers in their understandings and uses of
fieldnotes. The subsequent section examines fieldnotes as a distinctive form of
ethnographic writing, first considering the intrusion of writing concerns into the core
ways an ethnographer participates in and orients to events in the field, then reviewing
the actual processes of writing sustained, evocative and reexaminable accounts of
what one has seen, heard and experienced while so observing/ participating. The final
section addresses some issues that arise in incorporating, using and transforming
fieldnotes into finished ethnographic texts.
The Meanings and Uses of Fieldnotes in
Ethnography
Ethnography is created through what Atkinson (1992: 5) characterizes as a double
process of textual production and reproduction. Although culminating in an integrated,
coherent ethnographic account, this process begins with the day-by-day writing up
of fieldnotes observations and reflections concerning the field (1992: 5). Indeed,
at their core, fieldnotes are writings produced in or in close proximity to the field.
Proximity means that field-notes are written more or less contemporaneously with the
events, experiences and interactions they describe and recount. As one ethnographer
comments: Anthropologists are those who write things down at the end of the
day (Jackson, 1990: 15).
2
Fieldnotes are a form of representation, that is, a way of reducing just-observed events,
persons and places to written accounts. And in reducing the welter and confusion of
the social world to written words, fieldnotes (re)constitute that world in preserved forms
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that can be reviewed, studied and thought about time and time again. As Geertz (1973:
19) has emphasized, in writing down social discourse, the ethnographer turns it from
a passing event, which exists only in its own moment of occurrence, into an account,
which exists in its inscription and can be reconsulted.
As representations, fieldnote texts are inevitably selective. The ethnographer writes
about certain things that seem significant, ignoring and hence leaving out other
matters that do not seem significant. In this sense, fieldnotes never provide a complete
record (Atkinson, 1992: 17). But fieldnotes are also selective in what they do include,
since they inevitably present or frame the events and objects written about in particular
ways, hence missing other ways that events might have been presented or framed.
Furthermore, fieldnotes are intended to provide descriptive accounts of people, scenes
and dialogue, as well as personal experiences and reactions, that is, accounts that
minimize explicit theorizing and interpretation. Description, however, it not a simple
matter of recording facts, of producing written accounts that mirror reality (Atkinson,
1992: 17; Emerson et al., 1995: 810). Rather descriptive writing embodies and
reflects particular purposes and commitments, and it also involves active processes of
interpretation and sense-making.
Finally, fieldnotes accumulate set-by-set over time into a larger corpus. That is,
fieldnotes are produced incrementally on a day-by-day basis, without any sustained
logic or underlying principle and on the assumption that not every observation will
ultimately be useful for a larger/finished project. As a result, a fieldnote corpus need
have little or no overall coherence or consistency; it typically contains bits and pieces
of incidents, beginnings and ends of narratives, accounts of chance meetings and
rare occurrences, and details of a wide range of unconnected matters. Ethnographers,
moreover, treat their corpus of fieldnotes as a loose collection of possibly usable
materials, much of which will never be incorporated into a finished text.
[p. 354
] jottings on what they are doing or see as important, even when these matters
appear sensitive or controversial.
Yet even when most of those studied tacitly or explicitly accept open writing in their
presence, some may become upset when the researcher pulls out his pad and begins
to write down their words and actions. Fieldworkers try to become sensitive to, and
avoid jotting down, those matters which participants regard as secret, embarrassing,
overly revealing, or potentially harmful. And, many ethnographers try to avoid
challenges and to facilitate open, extensive note-taking by positioning themselves on
the margins of interaction (cf Pollner and Emerson, 1988). Given the delicacy of these
situations, fieldworkers constantly rely upon interactional skills and tact to manage
open jottings and their implications. Thus, some ethnographers calibrate jottings to
the unfolding context of the interaction. However, even making jottings off-phase, as
recommended by Goffman (1989: 130) as a means of minimizing reactive effects (that
is, don't write your notes on the act you're observing because then people will know
what it is you're recording), may offend others when the focus of the jotting appears to
be the current activity or topic.
In other field situations, ethnographers rigorously avoid any and all writing in the
presence of those studied. Making open jottings not only reminds those studied that
the fieldworker, despite constant proximity and frequent expressions of empathy, has
radically different (perhaps unknown) commitments and priorities (Thorne, 1980);
making such jottings could also distract and deflect the fieldworker's attention from what
is happening in the immediate scene.
One way to avoid such open violations of trust, and possibly awkward or tense
encounters, is to try to conceal the act of making jottings while in the field. Indeed,
even ethnographers who usually write open jottings may at other times make jottings
privately, when out of presence of those studied. Leaving a scene, incident, or
conversation that has just occurred, the ethnographer withdraws to a private place to
jot down key words and highlights. Here fieldworkers often exploit the ways members of
the setting themselves use to take time out or get away. Fieldworkers have reported
retreating to private places such as bathrooms, deserted lunchrooms, stairwells and
supply closets to record such covert jottings.
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Other field researchers avoid all writing in the field setting but immediately upon leaving
the field, pull out a notebook to jot down reminders of the key incidents, words, or
reactions they wish to include in full fieldnotes. This procedure allows the fieldworker to
signal items that she does not want to forget without being seen as intrusive.
Ethnographers often experience deep ambivalence about whether, when, where and
how to write jottings. On the one hand, the ethnographer may wish to preserve the
immediacy of the moment by jotting down words as they are spoken and details of
scenes as they are enacted; on the other hand, he may feel that openly writing jottings
will ruin the moment and plant seeds of distrust. For it is a defining moment in field
relations when an ethnographer takes out a pad and begins to write down what people
say and do in his very presence: participants tend to see those who act in this way
as proclaiming strong outside commitments and to react to such writing as efforts to
turn intimate and cherished experiences into objects of scientific enquiry. As a result,
ethnographers approaches to making jottings vary widely both across and within
projects and both shape and are shaped by their understanding of the setting and by
their relationships within it.
Writing Fieldnotes: Diverse Styles and
Strategies
Sitting down to write full fieldnotes involves a turning away from the field toward
the worlds of research and writing. Through such writing, the ethnographer turns
remembered and jotted scenes into text, taming and reducing complex, lived experience
to more concise, stylized, re-examinable written accounts. However, descriptive
fieldnotes can be written in a variety of different styles.
Van Maanen (1988) has identified three major writing or representational styles used to
organize and depict fieldwork accounts, both in whole ethnographies and in extended
fieldnote segments. Rhetorical conventions, he points out, undergird and produce even
the most studied neutrality of realist tales, which are accounts marked by the almost
complete absence of the author from most segments of the finished text (1988: 46
7). The resulting effect of reporting objectively a world-out-there derives from several
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sources: by describing concrete details of daily life and routines as well as what typical
people commonly say, do and think; by depicting events and meanings as though from
the native's point of view; and by presenting the whole account as a no-nonsense
report devoid of self-reflection and doubt, in what Van Maanen terms interpretive
omnipotence (p. 51). Confessional tales, in contrast, move the person and experiences
of the researcher to stage center. Though these tales generally describe the research
process itself in detail, relying upon the ethnographer's authority and point of view,
the writing clearly separates the personal and methodological confessions from the
social and cultural life depicted in the ethnography proper. Finally, impressionist tales
are organized around striking stories intended not to tell readers what to think of an
experience but to show them the experience from [p. 358
] Finally, even those ethnographers who use an integrative strategy may rely
on member voices for rhetorical effects, to persuade and convince the readers. For,
whether or not ethnographers present fieldnote excerpts, those authors who insert
voices from the field construct a tone of authenticity in their texts. In effect, the writer
says to the reader, I was there and here is what I heard someone say. By presenting
vivid characters who speak in their own idioms, the ethnographer creates an engaging
text which invites the reader not only to think about the argument, but also vicariously to
experience the moment. Such rhetorical strategies persuade.
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Conclusion
Recent years have witnessed growing recognition of writing fieldnotes as one of the
central methods of participant-observation-based ethnography. Fieldnotes include a
variety of writings produced in or near the field which provide written accounts of an
evolving array of experiences and observed events. While fieldnotes inevitably provide
selective and partial reductions of these lived and observed realities, they fix those
realities in examinable forms, that is, in written texts that can be read, considered,
selected and rewritten in order to produce polished ethnographic analyses and
monographs. But in contrast to these finished texts, original fieldnotes are unruly, in-
process writings: produced in initial versions solely or primarily for the ethnographer,
reflecting shifting concerns, contradictory claims and varied writing styles, accumulating
day-by-day without close pre-planning and overall structure.
The process of writing fieldnotes often begins in advance of any actual writing, as
the fieldworker orients to the field as a site for observing/writing, such that the
ethnographer's gaze takes in particular qualities and happenings as noteworthy. But
the key moment comes when the ethnographer withdraws from the immediate field to
begin to record observed events in private. As close-to-the-scene recordings of people,
places, talk and events, fieldnotes are self-consciously descriptive in character; that is,
they generally provide accounts of what happened that minimize explicit analysis and
extensive interpretation. In writing fieldnotes ethnographers face constant choices not
only in what to look at and take note of, but also in how to write down these matters. As
texts fieldnotes are through and through products of a number of writing conventions,
varying not only in content but in style, voice, focus and point of view.
Ethnographers orient to, write and use fieldnotes in constructing finished ethnographies
in different ways. Some ethnographers treat original fieldnotes as a primary, sacrosanct
data set, seeking to ground subsequent analyses tightly in these materials, and to
preserve as much as possible their original qualities, styles and meanings. Others place
less reliance on their fieldnote corpus, feeling it provides only pale reflections of the
richness of actual encounters and observations, at best serving as jumping-off points for
subsequent analyses.
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While interest in fieldnotes in ethnography is growing, it is important to note a recurrent
tension in the nature of this interest. Some ethnographers take a readerly interest
(Atkinson, 1992), attending to fieldnotes as a completed act, as part of the finished
product of the writing of ethnography (Moeran, 1990: 339). This approach contrasts
with writerly interests directed toward what takes place during the act of writing, and
focusing on processes of writing (Moeran, 1990: 339). Moeran (1990: 3401) suggests
that those in the first camp, represented by Clifford and Marcus 1986 collection,
approach ethnographies from the point of view of the literary critic, the latter from the
point of view of working author. He cites deMan (1983: 43) on this difference as follows:
The work changes entirely with the point of view from which it is being examined,
depending on whether one considers it as a finished form (forma formata) or, with the
artist, as a form in the process of coming into being (forma formans). These different
approaches generate very different concerns and sensitivities with regard to fieldnotes:
the writing ethnographer has to make writing choices in real time; the analyst looking
over what has been so produced has a completed product, definite end points and
arguments, that is, choices already made, to focus on and examine.
Notes
1 The long-standing neglect of processes of writing fieldnotes is particularly evident in
how to do it manuals of field work, which have long provided extensive guidelines on
how to manage access and relations in the field while offering only occasional, ad hoc
commentary on how to write about what has been observed. Schatzman and Strauss
(1973), and more recently, Lofland and Lofland (1995), stand as notable exceptions to
this tendency. None the less, recent treatments of field research methods which give
sustained attention to issues of writing (e.g., Fetterman, 1989; Richardson, 1990b;
Wolcott, 1990) concentrate on writing finished ethnographic analyses rather than
original, close-to-the field fieldnotes.
2 Writing fieldnotes as close to withdrawal from the field as possible not only preserves
the idiosyncratic, contingent character [of observed activities] in the face of the
homogenizing tendencies of retrospective recall, but it also helps to capture the subtle
experiences of processes of learning and resocialization at the core of participant
observation (Emerson et al., 1995: 1314).
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[p. 366
] 3 Anthropological fieldwork has long emphasized this going out and the
related radical separation between the field and home, conceiving of the former as
a faraway, exotic and pastoral place unaffected by contemporary development and
technology (Gupta and Ferguson, 1997). The field is the site of fieldwork (part of
which involves writing fieldnotes as data); home is where analysis is conducted and
the ethnography is written up. While this field/home separation appears in some classic
sociological ethnographies (e.g. Whyte, 1955), much sociological fieldwork involves
subway ethnography in which the field/home split is relatively ephemeral and hence
less pervasive.
4 This obscurity is not only a consequence of abbreviations and lack of socially
identifying information; more fundamentally, in writing up some current episode, the
ethnographer omits matters of background, context and significance that have already
been described and recounted in prior notes or that she/he anticipates can easily be
recalled or reconstructed at a later point.
5 Postmodern ethnography provides a major exception, at least in principle, to this
descriptive emphasis of field-notes, as well as challenging the very project of writing
fieldnotes in the first place. As Rosenau (1992: 92) emphasizes, most postmodernists
are anti-representational; skeptical postmodernists see representation as deeply
dangerous and basically bad, while affirmative postmodernists view it as fraudulent,
perverse, artificial, mechanical, deceptive, incomplete, misleading, insufficient, wholly
inadequate for the postmodern age (1992: 945; see also Gubrium and Holstein,
1997: ch. 5). Much postmodern ethnography eschews fieldnotes entirely, taking at
its field existing texts indigenous ethnographic texts (Dorst, 1989: 206), already
published ethnographies, or the corpus of texts written about doing ethnographic
research (Gubrium and Holstein, 1997: 84). On the other hand, some ethnographers
deeply influenced by postmodern ideas continue to view writing fieldnotes as a central
research activity (Ellis, 1995; Richardson, 1994), but with strong emphasis on fieldnote
writing as an opportunity to expand habits of thought, and attentiveness to your
senses (Richardson, 1994: 525).
6 Although an ethnographer's ideological or theoretical orientation might incline toward
writing in one point of view her stance does not rigidly determine this outcome. In a strict
sense, differing points of view are simply technical strategies for presenting the angle
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through which the action will be seen. As such, each point of view offers differing writing
opportunities and limitations.
7 In a strict adherence to first person, ethnographers quote only those voices of others
they actually heard or can quote as reported speech. The voices of others, and their
diverse views, thus not only are filtered through the eyes and ears of the ethnographer-
as-participant, but their representation also is circumscribed by the writing perspective
taken. Though advantaging the ethnographer-as-insider voice, this point of view can
mute the voices of others, if used exclusively.
8 In contrast to fieldnotes, some final publications effectively take an omniscient point of
view, in order to give equal voice to a variety of persons and positions (cf Richardson,
1990b). Thus, Van Maanen (1988: 4572) notes that realist tales depend heavily
upon omniscient qualities the absence of the author from the text, minutely detailed
descriptions and overviews, interpretive omnipotence; and Brown (1977) sees the
omniscient point of view as fundamental to many classic ethnographies, as when the
ethnographer chooses which members voices to present and shifts from one person's
view to another's.
9 Evocative first-person fieldnotes also assure that the ethnographer does
not write himself out of the text, thus enhancing, at least initially, authorial
responsibility (Rosenau, 1992: 27).
10 To do so she relied upon a process of emotional recall to relive situations in order to
remember in detail the experiences in which she had previously felt particular emotions
(Ellis, 1995: 310).
11 Emerson et al. (1995) suggest that the excerpt strategy allows for maximum
presentation of unexplicated details and qualities of events observed in the field:
containing more than the ethnographer chooses to discuss and analyse, such excerpts
give depth and texture to ethnographic texts, contributing to readers tacit understanding
of the scenes or events being described and analysed. Thus excerpts contribute to the
weblike character of well-crafted ethnographies which may allow readers to use data
offered in support of one idea to confirm or disconfirm other ideas (Katz, 1988: 142).
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12 Atkinson (1990: 934) suggests that the juxtaposition of social actor's and
ethnographer's voices does more than duplicate and reinforce. In his discussion of
Cressey's (1971) ethnography of taxi-dancers, he writes:
[T]he two voices combine to produce a collaborative, almost antiphonal
account. The two voices are not equivalent, but contribute to the
ethnographic text's complexity. It is easy to see that the quotation from
Case No. 12 does not provide anything like conclusive evidence for
the sociologist's assertions Again, we should not really expect there
to be a direct correspondence between the two levels of text: their
functions are complementary rather than identical. The full force of the
passage is derived from the switching of perspective between the two
voices. (Atkinson, 1990: 934)
Clearly, these dialoguing voices can render a more complex understanding of the
situation than either could do alone.
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http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781848608337.n24