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Word & Image: A Journal of Verbal/Visual Enquiry
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Revealing the Sacred: the Icon of Christ in the Sancta
Sanctorum, Rome
Kirstin Noreen
Published online: 01 Jun 2012.
To cite this article: Kirstin Noreen (2006) Revealing the Sacred: the Icon of Christ in the Sancta Sanctorum, Rome, Word &
Image: A Journal of Verbal/Visual Enquiry, 22:3, 228-237, DOI: 10.1080/02666286.2006.10435751
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666286.2006.10435751
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Revealing the Sacred: the Icon of Christ In the
Sancta Sanctorum, Rome
KIRSTIN NOREEN
The icon of Christ currently displayed on the altar of the
Sancta Sanctorum chapel in the Lateran was one of the most
important images of medieval Rome (figure I). This represen-
tation of the enthroned Savior had a special status in the cult
topography of the city, [or it was housed in the private chapel
of the popes and was considered to be o[ divine origill;
according to the Descriptio Lateranensis ea/esiae, written around
lIOO, the portrait of Christ was 'miraculously painted on a
panel that was begun by the Evangelist Luke but finished by
God himself through the hand of an angel'. I In essence, the
Lateran icon was a representation of the human appearance of
Christ as well as a miraculously created and divinely
sanctioned image whose manufacture was expressed in its
name 'acheropsita', corrupted from the Greek term 'acheir-
opoieton', meaning 'not made by hand'."
The Lateran icon had an active liturgical and processional
life in medieval and Renaissance Rome. Probably dating to the
si.xth century, the icon was first mentioned during the
pontificate of Pope Stephan II (752-57) when it was used in a
procession as a palladium to liberate Rome from the
Lombards; its believed effectiveness in protecting Roman
citizens from outbreaks of the plague and attacks [rom hostile
invaders ensured its continued processional activities in
subsequent centuries.
3
From at least the ninth century until
the mid-si.xteenth century, the icon also played a key role in the
celebration of the Assumption feast on the evening o[ q-I5
August, one of the principal events of the liturgical year in
Rome." For this ceremony, the icon was taken from the
Lateran to the Roman Forum and from there to the Esquiline
Hill where the procession culminated at the church of Santa
Maria Maggiore; at significant political and theological sites
along this path, the Christ image 'visited' various representa-
tions of IVIary and had its feet washed vvith rose-scented water
and basil. In contrast with this public procession that offered
the icon to the Roman citizenry, on Easter Sunday the Christ
image was involved in a more private ceremony held in the
papal chapel in the Lateran; reenacting the Resurrection of
Christ, the pope ritually kissed the image's feet, proclaiming
three times 'The Lord is risen from the grave!',)
Not surprisingly, the washings, nightly processions and other
ceremonial activities accelerated the deterioration of the icon.
Its appearance probably influenced Innocent Ill's decision to
sponsor the creation of a silver cover that simultaneously
protected and transformed the original panel. Occupying a
zone between the viewer and the holy icon, this thirteenth-
century metal revetment serves to define the image that it
envelops, becoming all integral part of how the representation
of Christ would have been understood. Through the elimina-
tion of Christ's human body, the icon cover emphasized
instead his divine 1IU/tliS. Gerhard "Volf has argued, the
addition of the icon cover must be viewed in with
the developing cult of the Veronica, a miraculous imagc o[
Christ's face housed in St Peter's and promoted by Innocent
III; Wolf has noted that, with the addition of the metal
revetment, the Lateran image was permanently disembodied,
placing it in direct dialogue with the purely spiritual face on the
Veronica veil.
6
Although Christ's body was obscured by the icon revetment,
tvvo small doors provided access to his feet (figure 2). These
doors, decorated with four scenes picturing figures kneeling
before a bust of Christ, a pope holding a cross and a chalice on
an altar, a representation of the Ascension, and the Agnus Dei,
have received relatively little attention in the scholarship on the
icon.
7
VI,11ile providing a layer of separation between the viewer
and Christ, the closed doors facilitated communication with his
miraculous image through their figurative unveiling of his
representation in the four scenes. The doors, through which
Christ's body could he partially revealed, also represented a
very real locus of power in Roman cult practice, [or their
control was regulated by civic authorities during public
celebrations that involved the entire commune. This article
will argue that the scenes on the doors demonstrate how the
Christ icon was understood in relation to its miraculous
creation, its location ill the Lateran, and its connection with
other holy images of Christ in Rome.
VYhile numerous medieval interventions helped to honor,
protect or restore the Lateran icon, the most extensive work on
the panel occurred during the pontificate ofInnocent III (IIg8
1216).[l After removing silk veils added to the image under
Alexander III (1159--81), Innocent had Christ's face repainled
and then encased the icon, up to Christ's neck, in gold and
silver.
9
Innocent's metal cover was decorated with a variety of
repetitive including palmettes, flowers and stars as well
as a moon and a sun that are currently hidden under the wings
of all angel located below Christ's head. '" Symbols of the four
evangelists, standing figures of saints and a representation of
WORD & Il'"l,\GE. VOr.. 22. NO 3- .JULY SEP'TEl\lllER 2006
flDU/ e flnflf/ ISSX ,(, :Hlnfi Tavlor &:
http://\\'\I"W. tandf.co. uk/jomnalsltfl mtJllfj2flli. htllli
D()I;
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Figure I. leon of Christ. S,mcta Sanctorum, Rome. Photo Vatican
Museums (Vatican).
the Virgin form a vertical border that frames the central
ornamental registers. The peripheral location of the saints and
]\IIary as well as their intercessory gestures place the figures at a
point of mediation between the viewer and the holy image."
The small doors at Christ's feet were also probably an original
part of the cover, as referenced in an early fourteenth-century
copy of the Lateran icon from Palombara Sabina (figure 3).'>
Although the representation of Palombara Sabina reduces the
Figurc 2. Detail, doors of the icon UJ\Tr. Sancta Sanctorum, Rome. Photo
Vatican i\lllseum, (Vatican).
cover to a series of abstract forms, the copy offers clues to the
original appearance of the icon: the early doors at Christ's fcet
were perhaps characterized by decorative rather than figura-
tive imagery and the face of Christ was probably bordered by a
blue ground ornamented with golden stars. A fresco in San
Giacomo al Colosseo (figure 4), probably created prior to
the church's consecration in 1383, confirms the appearance of
the icon cover; although the fresco no longer survives, a
scvcntcenth-centUlY watercolor copy reproduces the icon's
ornamcntal metal revetment and doors and demonstrates the
visibility of Christ's face and neck.'3 Based on these
representations, it is therefore likely that the current icon
doors were added to Innocent Ill's cover in the late fourteenth
or fifteenth centUlY.'+
Although the doors' dating cannot be detennined defini-
tively, their patronage can be linked to the tirst scene: a
depiction of four figures kneeling before an altar surmounted
by a bust of Christ. This image has traditionally been
associated with the custodians of the icon, either the elite
guard k n o ~ l as the ostia!"i or the chief otTicers of the
Raecomandati del Salvatore ad Sancta Sanctorum (hereafter
the confraternity of the Salvatore) referred to as the guardiani. '5
The osliari, created in at least the thirteenth centlllY, held
hereditary positions that restricted membership to the most
important Roman baronial families.'6 Acting on behalf of the
districts of the city and the Roman people, the ostiari were
responsible tor protecting the image, caring for the Sancta
Sanctorum and administering alms offered to the icon, which
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Figure 3. Icon of Christ. San Biagio Vescovo e Martire, Palombara
Sabina. Photo lstituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documentazione
(Rome).
were used to maintain constantly burning candles and to
supply the needs of the chapel. 17
In contrast with the ostim';, the confraternity was composed
primarily of the homines nO/Ii or rising merchant class, an
important economic and political force during the fourteenth
230 KIRSTIN KOREEN
Figure 4. San Giacomo al Colossco, Rome. Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, Barb. lat. 4408, fo!' 45. Photo Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana
(Vatican).
century when the papacy was based outside Rome and
baronial power began to decline.
I
:
1
The confraternity demon-
strated its close affiliation with the icon not only through its
name and involvement in the Assumption celebration but also
in its confraternal insignia and decorative programs. The
previously discussed fresco in San Giacomo al Colosseo (see
figure 4), a church and associated hospital supported by the
confraternity, depicts clerics and .Fatelli in joint adoration
before the icon; decoration on the eight burning torches
reinforces this veneration by including the confraternal
insignia: a bust of Christ flanked by kneeling figures.
19
Stone
plaques found on the exteriors of various structures in the area
of the Lateran identifY the confraternity's buildings and
charitahle institutions by similarly reproducing Christ's bust,
often accompanied by lit cancUes and kneeling figures as seen
in a relief decorating the early fourteenth-century portico of
the Lateran Hospital.'o Notably, by the early flitcenth century
the guardiani began gradually to subsume the responsibilities of
the ostiari, with the office of the ostiari completely eliminated in
1475 under Si. ..xtus IV."I
While the joint responsibility for the icon in the late
fourteenth and fliteenth centuries precludes an exact identifi-
cation of the donors of the doors, the first scene nonetheless
illustrates not only the duty of the custodians but also their
pious relationship to the holy image. The bust, resting on top
of an altar, references the icon through its citation of the metal
cover portrayed as an abbreviated horizontal strip below
Christ's neck. The two candles flanking the face of Christ as
well as the torches held by the kneeling figures represent the
constant illumination of the image, one of the responsibilities
of the ostiari that was later transferred to the guardiani.
22
Resembling the confraternal insignia yet also depicting the
obligations of the ostiari, the scene provides a model of
perpetual veneration for viewers of both groups to follow; the
anonymous and generic nature of the four figures guarantees
their relevance for future generations and makes their actions
accessible for imitation.
23
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Hartmann Grisar has suggested that the remaining
three scenes illustrate a legend associated with the Sancta
Sanctorum that was described by Giovanni 1Viarangoni in his
eighteenth-century history of the chapel, a hypothesis that has
received general support in the scholarship.o+ l\<iarangoni,
using an anonymous and uncited source from the Lateran
archive, notes that on a night in the octave of the Assumption a
man who had gone to the Sancta Sanctorum to pray
encountered the Virgin 1Viary who was accompanied by
various saints and angels.'5 Following this miraculous occur-
rence, the doors of the Lateran basilica opened and St Peter
himself, assisted by the deacons Vincent and Lawrence,
celebrated the mass. At the end of the mass, a chalice and a
paten remained on the altar along with the Eucharist as
evidence of the divine event. Grisar links the appearance of
1Viary with the second scene in the upper compartment and thc
lower two representations with the miraculous mass.
A close examination of the scenes, however, demonstrates
that there are problems with accepting the representations as a
strict nalTation of a legendary occurrence. If we are to accept the
lower scenes as representing a mass in the Lateran basilica, why
are thc altars and attending figures different and where is the
paten that plays a role in the legend? Furthermore, in the scene
on the lower left, a saint associated with Vincent has a closer
likeness to Stephen, due to the presence of his attribute.
2G
Finally, and most importantly, why does a bust of Christ appear
in all of the scenes? Although not all of these questions can be
answered definitely, a more in-depth analysis ofthe iconography
of the scenes will help to explicate their meaning in relation to
the divine portrayal of Christ that the metal revetment conceals
and defines. To do this, one must also explore the significance of
the icon in the context of other miraculous images in Rome
during the period of the late Middle Ages.
It is perhaps not surprising that Innocent Ill's transforma-
tion of the Lateran icon occurred at the same time that two
other miraculous representations of Christ were promoted in
Rome. Innocent Ill's patronage of the Acheropita was balanced
by his interest in the church of St Peter and his promotion of
the Veronica, a cloth with the remains of the imprint of
Christ's face - believed to be a true image or vera icon.'7
Significantly, it was only in the late twelfth century that an
actual representation on the sudarium was reeorded.
o8
Out
of a desire to increase the status and cult of the Veronica,
Innocent III initiated, in 1208, an annual procession of the
image from St Peter's to the Hospital of the Holy Spirit; it was
during this ceremony in 1216 that the face on the sudarium
miraculously turned itself upside down, causing the pope to
introduce a prayer to the image paired with an indulgence.
These two heads of Christ, residing in opposite areas of the
city, were therefore unified by Innocent to create a common
portrayal of the Savior associated with Rome. The close
relationship of these two images is evident in the early
thirteenth-century text of Gerald of Wales, who refers to them
Figure 5. C01,ZfiJSO, San Giovanni in Laterano, Rmne. Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, Barb. tal. +P3. fol. .sr. Photo Bihlioteca Apostolica Vaticana
(Vatican).
using similar terms: as the Uronica at the Lateran and the
Veronica at St Peter's."9
The isolated vultus created by the icon cover also resembled a
miraculous bust of Christ that was believed to have appeared at
the time of the initial consecration of the basilica of San
Giovanni in the Lateran.
3D
This legend was portrayed in a
fourteenth-century ti"esco located in the confissio of the church;
accorrling to a seventeenth-cenhuy copy of this
representation, the face of Clu"ist materialized as Pope
Sylvester consecrated the high altar, demonstrating both the
venerable origin of Christ's linage and the prinlacy of San
Giovanni as the Savior's basilica (figure S).3' The significance of
this miraculous image was emphasized in its subsequent
liltegration, as a relic, in the apse mosaic sponsored by
Nicolas IV (1288--g2) (figure 6)Y A bordering inscription cites
and authenticates the stylistically different sacrum vultum
Figure 6. Apse mosaic, San Giovanni ill Laterano, Rome. Photo Vatican
Museums (Vatican).
23
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Sa/mlo?"is, \\'host" sacred nature \\'as reinforced through ig
insertion, on a travertine slab, imo a celestial realm OCTU-
pied by <1nge!s.:tl References to this miraculous image \\'en' not
limited to the basilica. A mosaic of an imago dijxala of
Christ supported by angels was sponsored by Pope Ni,holas
III (1277-Ho) above the altar of the Saneta Sanetorum, a
location that juxtaposed the reproduction of the Lateran
hust of Christ with the .Jr/zerojJita.
3
" The power of Christ's face
as a symbol of the Lateran did not diminish in the Renaissance
and Baroque periods, for it appeared on Jubilee medallions,
stolle relief plaques, and in the transept of San Giovanni in a
fresm by Paris Nogari that commemorated the apparition of
Christ.
3
:'
\Vhile Innocent Ill's sponsorship of the leon cover
transformed the full-length rf'presentation of Christ into a
disembodied head that rest"mbleci both tht' image on the
Vcronica veil and the Lateran bust, the scenes 011 the icon
doors helped to contextualize and explain that transformation.
The icon revetment did more than establish a visual sim.ilarity
alllong three of the mmt important representations in Rome; it
also physically removed Christ's corporeal image to focus
instC'ad on his divine nature. The second scene on the icon
doors, representing l\Iary surrounded by 11 haloed fig'ures,
offers an explanation for the emphasis pla,ed on Christ's
divinity through its juxtaposition of a reference to the icon's
origin and the representation of a disembodied head. The
scene, depicting Christ's Ascension, relates to a desniption by
Nicolaus IVIaniacutius who recounted in C.I 145 that the Lateran
icon had been painted, with heavenly intervention, to allow
Christ's image to remain with his disciples when he could no
longer be corporeally present.:l(j This memorial function,
associated with the absence of Christ, differentiated the icon
from the representation on the sudarium, a divine imprint
taken from Christ's human form while he was still present on
earth. As described by Aug;ustine, Christ's Ascension allowed
the Apostles to see beyond his incarnate nature to perceive his
divinity for the first time: 'But his Ascension to thc Father
meant that he should be looked upon as he is, the equal to the
Father, so that there at last they should see the vision which
suffices for us.'37 The Ascension, therefore, marked the point at
which Christ's dual nature could be perceived simultaneously
by the Apostles. has been pointed out by Robert Deshman,
this exegesis presented a unique problem for medieval artists
illustrating the event, for they had to reconcile the abseJlce of
Christ, as implied by his divinity, with his pre.mICP, as
demonstrated by his incarnate In Anglo-Saxon
scenes of the Ascension, the unification of these aspects was
frequently achieved through the portrayal of the 'disappearing
Christ', a depiction that showed Christ's feet, symbolic of his
hmnanity, but veiled his head and upper boely to illustrate the
limits of corporeal vision. Herbert Kf'ssler has discllssed sinlilar
ideas in relation to thf' insertion of clipeate portraits of Christ in
Roman apse programs; through their materiality, these
23'? KIRSTIN NOR ".EN
portraits emphasize that those on earth are only able to see
divinity indirectl), through
Although the clipeate portraits prnyickd a means for
perceiving the holy, representations like the Lateran icon had
to negotiate between their materiality and their miraculous
origins. The metal revetment that obscured the original image
enhanced the divine potency or Christ's representation: the
invisibility of the icon, dictated and defined by its covering,
augmentcd the mystery of the imagc's gaze. In his early
thirteenth-century discLlssion of Alexander Ill's veiling of the
icon, Gervase of Tilbury explained that the representation was
covered because it was so powerful that looking at it directly for
long could prove fatal."" Around the same time, Gerald of
'Vales rf'C'Onfirmed the power of the AcherojJila by recounting
that an earlier, unnamed pope had been blinded from looking
too closely at the linage."p Clearly, as demonstrated in these
sources contemporary to the addition of Innocent Ill's cover,
the imn was associated with a fearsome power. The celestial
vision made possible by the icon was reinforced by its metal
revetmt'nt, vvhich distinguished the heavenly sphere occupied
by the image through the depiction of stars, the sun and the
moon;"" the cover itself acted as the cloud that, according to
Deshman, both 'symbolizes the human flesh that hid Christ's
divinity and ... blocks the Apostles' view of the highest zone of
heaven ... The materiality of the cover and the impression of
Christ's bust on the icon doors allowed the medieval viewer,
like the Apostles, to perceive Christ's divinity following his
AKension.
H
In all four of the scenes on the icon doors, a curtain
following the semi-circular arch overlaps or is partially
obscured by the face of Christ, alluding to the vf'il that hung
before the Old Testament Holy of Holies in the tabernacle and
the temple. 15 As described in the Epistle to the Hebrews (10:19-
20), the veil, which was rent asunder at the time of Christ's
death, revealed the truth of the new faith and offered the
preyiollsly inacct'ssihlf' sanctllary to the r.:hristian followers ...
rj
Entering the tabernacle through the sacrifice offered by
Christ's flesh, the faithful could experience the revelatio of
God for the first time, a revelation visually expressed through
the divine face of Christ pictured on the icon and copied on its
doors. On these doors, the lozenge pattern decorating the
square on which Christ's face is superimposed further
establishes an association with the Old Testament veil, for
representations of the cloth separating the Holy of Holies in the
Jewish tabernacle frequently adopted a similar ornamental
motif; such decoration often appears as a background on icons
and was sometimes portrayed on copies of the Veronica or the
eastern representation of the holy face of Christ known as the
l\iandylionY The implied reference to the revelatio guaranteed
by Christ's Crucifixion as expressed in the presence of these
curtain motifs would have also been reinforced through the
physical act of opening the doors: unlatching a clasp in the
form of a cross, the doors could be opened to reveal the body of
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Christ for tht' washing of his ft'FL ail acl ritually associated ,\-ith
his resurn:ction and the expiation of sin+::
Occupying the inner sanctuary of the papal chapel, the
Lateran icon stands on an altar cOlltainll1g rclics II-om tll(' Holy
Land; this association of image, relic and sacred space
transformed the chapel into a true Holy of Holies, a 'Samta
Sallctorum' CTJI1Structed to replace the Old Tc'stament Temple
and to give Rome the status of a new Jerusalem.+'1 The
cunnection between the A.rk of the Co"enant and tht' Lateran
Ivas already well established by the early thirteenth century: as
Sible de Blaauw has discussed, both Innocent III and his
successor HOllmius 111 (121(i-C!7) elllphasized in theil' sermons
an association betwecn the high altar of the Laterall basilica
and thc ark or the Jewish Temple, li)r it was believed that the
basilica's altar contained objects brought to Rome following
Titus Sack of.Jnusalem in 70 CE_"" Such a conn(,ction was
alsu recunfirmed in the altar or the papal chapel with the arm
ri/m'ssill([, a cypress chest cOlnmissiolled by Leo HI (795 BIG)
that was encased in a marble frame with bronze doors during
papary of Innocent III. This reliqllary hox may h('en
known as early as the ninth century as the 'Sancta Sanctorum',
a name thaI would become associated ill tbe twelfth century
with the entire papal chapcl.
"
The convergence of the Old Testament Temple, the Lateran
Basilica and thr chapel of the Sancta Sanctorurn was further
visualized in the two lower scenes of thl' icon doors_ On thc left,
a haloed pope llanked by two saints and two angels holds a
cross and a chalice on an alLar. 'fhis scene, also depicting the
bust of Christ, portrays the initial location of the icon on the
altar of San Giovanni as described by Nicolaus Maniacutius;
the image, fiJllowing its transfer to Rome from Jerusalem, was
placed in the basilica where it remained until it was taken to
the Sancta SanctorumY Positioned on the altar, the icon
would have been associated with both the Temple Treasures
and the 1Il1'II.5a Domilli, the table of the Last Supper that was also
believed to be contained within the altar. ,,:1 As expressed in a
sermon of Honorius III, the basilica's wooden altar
the continuity between the Old and the New Testaments, for it
was associated not only with the ark but also with the altar on
which Peter and his succcssors celebrated the mass
5j
Thus, the
pope, as the terrestrial representative sanctioned by Christ,
replaced the High Priest of the Old Testament and liturgically
reenacted the sacrifice of Christ, as symbolized by the cross and
chalice on the altar. vVhile the identity of the particular pope in
the scene is uncertain, could represent Peter, Sylvester or
the papacy in general, the flanking figures probably portray the
deacons Stephen and Lawrence, two saints closely associatl"d
with Rome whose relics were contained in the Sancta
Sanctorum . .15 Stephen, the first martYT for Christianity, can
bc recognized by his attribute: a stone placed on his head that
references the manner of his death; this identification of
Stephen strongly suggests that the saint on the tar right is
Lawrence, for the two deacons were frequently paired in
Roman pictorial progTamsY;
The second Dr the luwer ,'(,('J1(-'S em the icon dOI:Jr.\. depicting
an altar I\-ith thF Jgllus 1)<'1 sllITOl!l1c1t'd bl- 12 haloeclllguj't's a!ld
,urmountcd by the hust of Chri,L represents thl' plaCl'l1lcnt of
the icon in the Sancta Sanctorul1l. The inclusion or the AglllD
Dei confirms Christ's presence not only in hem-en but also in
the host, fi,r il is through the juxtaposition of thl' scene Ivith the
Ascension <Lbow that ont' witnesses the promise olIrred to the
Apostles in Acts 1:11: Jesus, who was taken up from YOll inlCl
he<lITl1, will COIl1(, in the same way as you saw him go into
he<llTIL',>7 The lamb, symbolic uf Christ's sacrificial oflering,
appears un the altar of the Sam'ta SanctoJ'Ul11. \vhich is
distillguished by the portrayal of its protective I11ctal gratillg. A.
celltralccclcsiastic o[Ticiates at the altar, mediatll1g hetwecn the
body of Christ symbolized by the .. Ignus Dei and his divine
presence as I"xpresscd in the miraculous image located ahovc.-"';
In a slightly later commISSIOn sponsored by the
Confraternity of the Salvatore, the convergence of the icon,
the doors that olTt'r access to Christ's budy and the
eschatological nature or thl" sacrament is complete. A
tabernacle in tht' apsc of the Lateran hospital church of
Santi Andrea e Bartolomco a represclltation of the
bust of Christ with a door marked hy a cross that provides
Fig"Llre 7. TahcrIl::Lcle. Sallti Ancin:a t' Bartulonlt'o, ROIne. Photo
BB. ce. del C011111ne eli /\rrlli\'io Fatag-ralleD
i\[onllment; e !\loc!t-rni (Rome)_
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access to the sarrame-mal hmt (figl.lrc il.'" Both the doors of the
tabernacle and the doors of the icon pro\"ide communic:ltiun
\\ith lhe budy uf Christ at specific liturgical and processional
rdehrations.';" TI1(' partaking of Chrisl's body as expressed ill
the consumption of the host as wdl as the washin.g of his reel
\Iith rose-scented \\,ltcr as pericJImed during the Assumption
procession oiTerFd the faithful a means of expiating sin."j
The physical obstruction created by the Icon con:r
essentially transformFd what had been a fi.llI-length image of
Christ into a floating head, borderFd by a cruciform halo and
characterized by its divine gaze. ,"Vhile the doors at Christ's feet
pro\'ided a physical aCless to his image, tl1t' four scenes
purtrayer! on their surbce olrered a means for \'iewing his
divinity. The representations not only established the c0I1tinu-
ing prFsence 0(" the imagt''s caretakers but also exprl'ssed the
miraculous origins of the icon as relater! to the Ascension of
Christ. The depictions of the icon in San Giovanni and ill the
Sallcta Sanrlorum, synecdochically reit'renced through thl'
bust of Christ, demonstrated the presence of the miraculous
unage in the realm of the Lateran, an important localization
consiclt'ring the increasingly popular VFronica image that was
strongly associated with the Vatican. In contrast to tht'
miraculous representation on the sudarium, the icon CO\'Fr
offered a difrerellt type of ullveiling, a m.dalio expressed
through the representations on the icon doors and the
materiality of the cover itself:
NOTES
"J would likt tll thank Peter Parshall, IVIartina Bagnoli. Hulger Klein and
the anonymous re,iewer for their helpful comments. Research for thi<
article was partially conducted while on a l\" ational Endmm1ent lor
Hlunanities Summer Stipend (200 .. ).
I - 'Et super hoc altare est imago Sahatoris mirabilitcr d"1Jicta in quadam
tabula, qUaIl1 eyangelista de:-;iglJayit, sed yl.rtlls DOlnini angelico
perfecit oflicio'; as reproduced in (.'odi.., t()jlOgmjicu della Cilia di ROil/a, eds
Roberto ValeIIlini and Giuseppe Zucchetti, \'01. 3 (Rome: Tipo!,ralia del
Senato, 19+6), p. 357, n. 13; for the English translation. <ec Hans Belting,
Like",,", alld Prcsmc .. : I listu,-I' of the lmag' /;U"II Ih. Em ofArl, traIlS. Edmund
jephcott (Chicago: Uni\Trsity of Chicago Press, 199 .. ), p. 3' I. For a
discussion of the Deseri)ltio, see Richard Krautl1L"imcr, Spencer Corbett and
AlIicd K. Frazer. CO/pus iJasilimrum Christiallllmm Ralllar, vol. 5 (Vatican City:
Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiano., ]I:J77) , pp. 66-67; James 1\-.
Powell, 'Honorills Ill's Senna ill dedicatiolle eccl,.,ie LatemnellSis and the
Histnrical-Litur,gical TraclitiOJ1's of the I ,ate ran 'l hisi()rirlf' jlollt,ifitiaf,
21 (1983), pp. 195 209, '"Sp.200.
2 - The Liber POlltljlca/i.I, under thc Iii" of" Pope Stephen II (752 57/. refers to
the in1agC': in1agi.nc d0I11ini Dei et salvatoris nostri lesll Christi
quae achL'ropsita nuncupatur ... '; Lc Lihe> POlltificalis. Textr, intmdurtion el
COlllllwltaire, ed. L. Duchesne, \"01. 1 (2nd edn, Paris: E. dc Boccard. 1955),
P.4-13. For the role of the unage as all archeropita/semi-acheropita, see
Ernst von Dobschiitz, Chrislllsbiider. Untrrsuchllngell .:lIr [hristiirhm J.fgl'llri,.
Hinrichs, 1899), PP.o.1-8; Gerhard Wolf, .\",,In.1 j)/)pllii Romalli:
die Gmizi[htc rdmi,.,h,," Aiiltbilda im .\IiUcla/lrr (\Veiuheim: VCH. Acta
HU111aniora, 1990), pp. 6r--2, 321; l\ .. laria A.l1rlaloro, 'L'dcheropita ill onlbra
del Lo.terano', ulll Toito di Cristo, eds Giovanni l\"lorello and Gcrhard \Volf
(Milan: Electa, 20(0), pp. +35.
3 - Fur the dating of the image, see \Volf. SalliS pojm/i Romalli. p. +ofl'. For
the processional of the icon, see (;io\'anni l\larangoni, Ij'loria
KIRSTIN NOREEl'\
dell'wztidu""\'si/JIO omlorio, rJ ((lj'jl(ll(l di .'VlII /.mnc ... o lid Pair/fin "in L"lI{f((t/(i/Yt
(OIlIUIIl'Int'llil' (lj)jJ(//rdo SrlJlr/(l 5/r1l1rtoluln I:Rolne, ll-l-I}' pp" 11:2 39: \\"illiam
Tronzn, '.'-\pse Decuration, the Liturgy and the Percrption of Art in
l\[edie,"l Rome: S. ;"V"hri;, in Tro.ste\"C'l"l and S. I'll aria l\laggirm:, in ltillian
(."Imr,.h IJecuraliuli uf Ihe JIidrlir' alld Ear!l' Rellaissall[e: FIIIl(/iw].f, FO/1/u ami
Rq;iu",d Tradiliolll, ed. \\'illial1l Tronzo. Villa Spelman Collo'1"ia. Vol. I
(Bolugl1<t: l\'uo\"a Alb Editorialc, 1989), pp. 167. 93: Wolr, Sai"s )IU/Jllii
Hvmani, p" :17 IT.; Sl'n"na Ronlann, 'L'achcropita lateranense: storia C'
ILlI1zil1ne', in /I T,;//o rli pp. :19 .. t: Enrim Parlato, 'Le icuw in
proct'ssiOllC', in .-l.rtr e i(!Jflogmjia. (l Roma rial fardnallti(l) al[ajiut' del nledino:o. eels
l\laria AwbluJ"U allll Serella Ru,mJJJ() (l\1il;lI1:.Jaca Book. 2(02). pp. 5:-,-72.
+ - The processiou ,,as IKllllll,,1 ulllkr Pius V Sec Richard
joseph Ingersoll, 'The Ritual U,, of Public Space in Renaissance Rome"
dissertation, uf California, Berkeley, IqRS, pp. 250. 258, n.50-r
and Barbara \\'isch, 'Key.s to Success: Propriety and Pmm()tion of"
l\'Iira("ulolls by Rmnan ConFraternities') in IIIt' ,Hiram/olls IlIIngl' ill the
f.atf Afidd/.,; _lg" alld Rowi.lsallc,. cds Erik Thllno and Gerhard \\'olr (Ron1\":
'LErm,, di Bretschneider, 200+). pp. 167-li9, 180.
.') - Dnhsdliitz. C'luiJtllJuildrr, pp. Ij6, 136*-13/": Belting, hkenru alld
Pr[sr'llrr', p. 6:-,.
Ij - Gt"rhard \ 'olf, 'Christ in His Beauty and Pain: C(Jlleepts of Body and
Inlagr ill all Agl" fJfTrallSilioll (Late l\Iiddlc and RenaisscUlce),. in Ihe
Art uf 1111, Ijmtillg I"rl. C. Scott (L;niversity Park. PA: Pellmylvania State
LTniversity Press, '995), pp. IG.j.-97, esp. JiiRfl.
7 - Hartnlanll Grisar, II Sanda SWlllomm r:rl il.\"l/o t,'SOW ,lanlJ (RC1l11C':
Cattnlica. 19()7), pp.IiI-5; idem. 'L'immagine achcrrIpita dl"! Sah-atrnT al
Sanelo. Sanctorum', Civi/la Callolim I iU)1J7). I'p. ++ti ,,; Jusef \\ilpcrl,
'!.'acheropita ossi" l'immap;inl" ele] Salvo.tore nella Co.ppella del So.ncta
Sanctol"l1m', 10 (1907), pp. Stanisbn dell"Addolorata, LII
mN",II" Jla/lrlle di Sanrln Sanr"/ul"llm ed i suoi \"aui lesori, {'i",magint ae/leTo)lita e la
Smia .\"11" .. la (Grollaferrata: TipogTaJia Ital,,-OriC"llta..lc S. :\Tilo, 11)]1)), Pl' 7+-
6. Carlo Ceechelli .. J] tesoro drl Latcrano III. L'achl"[()pita'. DeJa/a,
7 (lll26), p. :llli; Belting, Liken[ss ,,"r/ AC."IIr"r, pp. IOn); \Vl1If, Saius j,u/Jllii
ROlllalli, p. 75.
8 - For an understanding of the variou') layers that cover the Lateran icon,
seejosd\Vilpert. 'L'aehcropita', pp. 101-77, A recent restoration of
the Icon and its cover vvas perfonned by the C;ahint'tto di Ricerche
Scientifiche dei :Vlusei Vaticani; [ would like to thank Drs Francesco
Burandli, Ulderico Santamaria and Kryst)'na Mlynarska I',"JancineIJi for
in consulting dOClln1cnts related to the restoration.
,I -Accordulg tn the early thirtcenth-century English chronicllT GlTvasc of
Tilbury, 111ulLiple silken veils were used to ("over the irnagc: 'qualn sanctae
lTIClnOriac nnstri ten1poris Papa Alcxandc:r III. multiplici pallno
opt'ruit, eo quod attentius intuentibus tren10reln CUIl1 mortis periculo
inferre!.' GeTvasim of Tilbury, Otia ililpnialia, dec. III eel.
Dobschiitz, Clui'"(1CsbildrT, p. 293": 32; \vilpert, 'Lacheropito.'. 17+;
l\.iarangolll, bto17"a r/rll'{llllir;ilisJim.o owtorio, flO. Innocent HI n,ul1cd as the
donor at the bottom oI"the frame: t L"\T)iOCENTIVS PP. III. HOC OPVS
FH:RI FECIT; see Philippe Lauer, Lc Palais de Lalrull. Elud, lii.ll0/1QltC et
mdlf;nlngiqlll.' (Pari,,: Ernf'st L('roI1'\:, p. 190; \IViJpcrt,
p. In
10 - TI1l" angel was added in tile sixteenth centun'; see \ Vilpert,
'L'Acheropita', p. 261. For the eover, see also l\lhrina di Berardo, 'Roma
Suntuaria: Note in margine al rivestin1cnto argrIlteo dell'Achcropila
LateranellSc'. Awwii della Smola Norlllai,. Superiore rli Pisa, Ser. Ill, 2 .. /
(199+), pp. G61-81.
I I - The sainL' include Lawrence with his Peter with his kl"Ys and Paul
with his recognizable physiognDmy: olhers, hmwvl"r. laek rli,tincti\,l"
attributes. their idclltilicatiOll A \,,'oodcn l'ulltaincr
for the icon, constructed in the lalf: lourtC't"nlh C"f"ntllry and dccoratt"d by
Giacomo Teoli da Vetralla Ul the early fifteenth ccntury, similarl) displays
standings on the metal revetn1ent or its 'Vhcll opened to reveal
the icon, thesc doors portray l\brv and Gabriel on the top ngister followed
by the paued representations of John the Baptist and James 011 the sl"cond
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n.-gisLer, Chri:-il \\ ith a clOIlOl flgure aud Paul Ull LI1L' lhird and
Anlhony a.nd Lawrence on the lo\\"(':"l regl:"tc:r. For a discussion of lhese
externa1 doors, sec Pietru Egidi, cd., . \'iTologi , libri aflilli rldla J"ovillcia
Rmnann
l
2 vols (Rome: htituto StorieD T908, vol. I, p. 333:
Grisar, II Sallela Sallelurum, PI'. 65 -5: \I'ilperl, 'L'Achl"ropita', PI' 23 .. -7 and
tigs 10-17: Ceechelli, 'll tesoro del Laterano - III', pp. 311,313,315 '17.
12 - For the Palomhara Sabina panel. sec \Valter A.ngdclli, 'll Salvatore di
Palombara Sabina', cat. in II ['nita di Cri., 10, p. 61.
13 For San Giacomo: Giuseppe Antonio Guattani, J.femori, enriduj)ediche
mmalle 5uile bellt' arli, vol. 2 (1819), pp. 130 I; Pasquale Adinolfi, Lalaullu ,via
Saggi() riel/a IUjiOgmjia di Ruma nril'ctil di (Rome: Tipografia
Tiberina, 18:,7), PI'. 11ll-18: Serena Romano, Eel"'si di Roma. I'ittllra lIIarale a
ROllin e Ilel Ladu da BOllijilr/'n nIl a 1\1arlillo [' (1295-[+31) (Rome: Argos,
1992), pp. 383-6, Giovanna Capitclli, la "ignobil mass,,": la pnduta
chiesa di San GiacOlno al c la sua decorazionc pittorica attra\'erso
la do('umentazionc: arehi\1stica, lctteraria, iconografica', Roma modt!ma e
rlmtrmj1uranea, 6 (1998), pp. 57-81. For copies of the frescoes, sec Biblioteca
Apostolica Vaticana, Barb. lat. H08, fol. 21-.. 9; Bihlioteca Apostolica
Vatican a, Vat. lat. 98.
t
8, fol. 13v 19v; \Vindsor, Inv. Nr. 9025. For
reproductions Df these images, sce Stephan vVat:tzoldt, Die liopien des q.
}ahrlllmrie,ls Iw"h 1\lusaileen wzd ['I/andmaiereien in Rum (Vienna: Schroll, 196+),
pp. 3 .. -5, figs +8-78.
r-t - For the fourteenth-century dating: Wilpert. 'L'acheropita', p. "51;
Dcll 'Arldolorata, La wj)j"lIa jlap"I_, p. 238; Achille Petrignani, II Slmtllario
della Scala Santa (Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto di Archcologia Cristiana,
19-P), p. -19: Belting, Likenm and P,rsrna, pp. 100-7. In contrast, Ceechelli, 'II
tcsoro del Laterano, III', p. 316 attributcs the doors to the fiftecnth century.
In addition to his discussion of the doors, Grisar (II Sancia San"lura"" p. 61)
describes an irregularly perforated sheet of gilded silver that was located
behind the doors to allow for the passagc of liquid to the feet of Christ.
Linen fibers found durin.'>; the restoration campaign performed by the
Gabinetto di Ricen'he Scientifiche dei lvIusei Vatic ani were probably
a"ociatcd the ritual cleaning of Christ's feet; thcse fibers are located in
the external frame of the icon, directly below thc arca of the cover's small
doors and Christ's feel.
15 - Marangoni, Islo,ia dell'anliehis5irno oralol;o, pp. +9-50; Wilpert,
'L'acheropita', p. 251; \Vol!; Salu" jlOpuli Romani, pp. 53-4.
15 - For a discussion of the 05tiari, see Nlarangoni, Isluria d_l1'antiehissimo
oratol;o, pp ... 7-53, 50-I; Benedetto lVlillino, Dcll'omtorio di S. nel
Laterano hoggi drlto Sanda Smzdo>um (Rome, 1666), pp. 171-4.
17 - The oslia,i initially represEnted the 12 ,;oni or districts of Rome.
lVli.llino's assertioIl (Drlroralnrio, p. 171) that scven families werc selected from
seven rioni during thc pontificate of Boniface VIII is likely incorrect. See
also Paola Pavan, 'Gli statuti della societa dei raccomandati del Salvatore
ad Sancta Sanctorum (1331-r-t90)" Arc/ziviu della Soeiela rUln",za di 5tor;a j)alri",
zor (1978), p. 36. The creation of a 13th none, including the area of
Trastevere, took place under Boniface VIII; see Enrico Guidoni, 'Roma e
I'urbanistica del Treeento', Storia dell'art, ilaliana, Dal;Uedioeuo al Qaattruccllto,
part 2, vol. I (Turin: Einaudi, 1983), PP.333-5.
18 - For the history of tl1e confraternity, see lViarangoni, Istoria
ddl'antiehis5;mo oratorio, p. "7fi; Egidi, Necralugi e lib;-i, vol. I, pp. 3I1-5"1, vol. 2,
pp. 447-531; Dell'Addolorata, La cappella papale, esp. pp. 305-19; Alessandro
Canezza, Gii Arcispedali di Roma llellIi uita cittadina nella 5toria e nell'arle (Rome:
Stabilimento tipografico Fratclli Stianti, 1933), pp. 175-202; Matizia Maroni
Lumbroso and Antonio Martini, 11 wllfl'at,mite romane nelle loro chine (Rome:
Fondazione Marco Besso, 1953), pp. 394-9; Giovanna Curcio, 'L'Ospcdale
di S. Giovanni in Latcrano: funzione urbana di una istituzione ospedaliera.
I', Stnria ddl>!rte, 32 (1978), pp. Pavan, 'Gli statuti', pp. 35--g6; cadem,
'La Confratcrnita del Salvatore nella societa romana del Tre-
QuallroceIllu', Rite,,";', perla sluri" rcl(gio.sa di Ruma, 5 (1984), pp. 81 go;
RiU'rrhe pcr la 5toria religiusa rli Roma, vol. 6, Storiograji.a e archi"i ddle wll}i'atemite
;-oman/!, cd. Luigi Fiorani (Rome: Edizioni di storia c letteratura, 1985),
pp. 390-3; Anna Esposito) 'L(' C'oniraternitf:' rornane tra arte e devozionc:
persistcnze f nlutamenti nel corso del Xv' sccolo
l
l
in Arb:, amzmitten::.a ed
ecotlomia aRoma e nelll' corti del Rillrl.lcimeJllo (I-}20 f.5:J'O). ed'S, \rnold E .... ch and
Christoph Luitpold Fromme] (Turin: Einaurli. 1995). pp. eadem,
'l\-fell and' \'uml'n in Roman Confraternities in the Fifteenth and Si.xteellth
Centllrif'!': Roles, Functions, ExpeC'tations', in 7]z,' Politic.) rij'Ritllal ltll1Jhijl:
Crmfi'atemitirs lind Sn(ial Orrl_r in Ear!)" .lIodem Ita!J', ed. Terpstra
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 200lJ), pp. 82-<;]: \\'isch, 'Keys
to Success', csp. Pl'. 163-9' For a di.,cussioll of thc social and
lTonomics of [ourtcc:nth-cC'ntury R01ne, see also Claudia C;ennaro,
'l\lercanti e bovattieri nella Roma della seeonda meta del Treccnto',
Bullrttino dell'Islilulu Slan'eo II"liano jm it AIedi,,",!n, 78 (ICj67), pp.
Arnold Esch, BOlliJa, IX IIllri riP/" hirclim,taat (Tiibingen: Max :\Tiemeyer,
19(9), esp. pp. 612 19: Jean-Claude l\Jaire-Vi6'1.leUr, 'Classe dominante et
classes dirigeantes de Rome itla fin du Moyen Age', Siuria rldla Cit/a, 1
(197li), pp. -J. -26; Curcio, 'L'Ospcdalc di S. Gi.ovanni, r, esp. pp. 26-7;
Guidoni, 'Roma e ["urbanistica', pp. 305 -83; Pavan, 'La Confraternita del
Salvatore', pp. 83-4; Charles Burroughs, Fro", to Des(gll. E,,,,ironmental
Pruce55 and Rdimll ilZ Early Renais5alla Rome (Cambridge, l\iA: l\HT Press,
1990), esp. pp. 28-30; Etienne Hubert, 'Economie de la propriftc
immobiliere: les etablisst"mt'nts religieux et leurs patrimoines au XIVc
siecle', in Rume aax XlIIe el Xflo sieele5: eillq etades, eel. Etienne Hubert
(Rome: [;:cole Fran\'aisc dl" Rome, Viella, 1993), esp. pp. 198-208,
218- 29.
19 Sec Hote 13. Scrom. d'Agineourt's copy of the progTam in San
Giacnrno indicates that an ilnage of t\vo kneeling figures nlay have
accompanied a bust of Christ (not vi.,ible in the drawing) in a sccne
adjacent to the Birth ofl\!ar)'. See Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat.lat.
98+8, 101. 1+": WaeLZolclt, Di,' flopielZ, P.35, fig-. 77.
- Sce, [or example, l\'[arangoni, Isloria dell'allliehi.lsimo oratorio, pp. 285-5
and Aristide Sartorio, 'Vetuste riproduzioni pbstichc dell'immagine di
Cri.,to del Sancta Sanctorum', .itti e mellZori" della R. Aaarlmzia di S. LIIW, 2
(1912), figs I I, 18. I anl currently preparing an article that deals marc
specifically with the insignia of the confraternity. The date of the portico
and the accompanying relief insi.gnia of the confraternity has been
contested; see, most recently, Sara l\'laria Trenti, 'L'Ospedale dell'Angelo
al Laterano', Arte medievale, nuova serie, 21r (2003), pp. 95-101.
21 - rVIarangoni, Isloria dell-'anticilisJimo oratr;rio, 50ff; Pavan, 'Gli statuti',
P38, n. 15.
22 - Marangoni, Isto"',, dell'alZtiehis5imo oratorio, P.50: lViarangoni also
explains that the brethren of the confi'aternity 'dovessero personalmente
interv(-:nirc a tutte 1(" funzioni eli aprirsi, f' rii rhi1lnf'TSi lrl Sagra Ilnmagine
del Salvatorc, con liaccole accese illa manQ di peso di mezza libra almeno'
(p. 286). \'VoU- (Salus pupuli Romalli, p. 75) associates the burning candlcs
imperial advcntus iconogTaphy; see also Rainer \Varland, Dar Bmslbild
CI";5ti. Siudiell .;:ar 5jJ<italZtikm Imd jriihby.::alltillisc/wl Bildge.rdzirh.te (Rome:
Herder, 1986), p. 37; Belting, Likelless alld Presence. pp. 102-7. For the
association of candles and the altar, see Peter Browe, SJ., Dit l"crehrwlg der
EW'hw;stie im ,ililtelall_r (Sinzig: Sankt Meinrad Reprintverlag, 1990,
reprinted from Munich: Ma.x Hueber Verlag, 1933), pp. I-II.
23 - For a discussion of the corporate identity of confraternities as
expressed in artistic con1missions, see EUt'l1 Schiferl, 'Corporate Identity
and Equalily: Confratemity Members in Italian Paintings, c. 13+-1510',
Source, 812 (19B9), pp. 12-18; eadem, Italian Confratcrnity Art CDntracts:
Group COlISeiousness and Corporate Patronage, LtOO-1525', in em.,sing the
Boundaries: Chn'slian Pie!)' alld tlze Arl5 in Iialian Aldie"al and Renaissanre
Conji"alernilies, ed. Konrad Eisenbichler (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute
Publications, Western Michigan University, 1991), pp.
24 - Grisar, II Sancia Sal/clonlnz, pp. 61 5 and reproduced in idem,
'L'immagine aeheropita', pp. +3+- 50, esp. H6-9. also Dell'Addolorata,
La raJIJlella jJap"le, pp. 7 .. - 6; Cecehelli, 'II tesoro del Laterano - III', p. 316;
Petrignani, II Santllmi() della Scala Sail la, PP."9 50; \'Vilpert, 'L'acheropita',
pp. For the original description of the legend, sec Marangoni,
dell'wltirhi.uimu uratori(), pp. 12-13. The legend is also recounted in Fioravante
l'dartinelli, Roma ex ethw:ra sarra .'1"aJlctorunz Petri, 1.'1 Pazdi apostolica prnpdiraliollt'
pmjiLJ"o sanglline (Rome, 1653), pp. 153-...
235
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23 source WdS likely l'\iC'olaus ,dlO "TotC 011
the Lalr'rall icon .II-!-5. See Dr s({(}a imngillt' Ss. Snh'afori,1 ill Pal({Lin
Later(llwlli IRome, 17()()), eh. IX PI' I'J
The s<lint on the leli to ha\T a stOllr' on his hf'ad. (;ri",u (II
Sal/do Sw/( !()}"llln, p" (j-l-, 11. I) suggesb tllat the t\\"O saints could alsu be
interpreted as Stephen and La\\Tcnrt'. Ii)!' they were both present at the
consecration afthe Sancta Sandnrurnchapcl, as incheated by the existence
or thcir vrstments in the altar of the chaprl; see a],o .\Iarangnni, lsloria
ddl'alltidli,I,lillw nraturio, p. -!-1; Cesan' Rasponi. De h(l,\"iizerl et jUltriwdliu
L"lrrarl<ll.l'i iii Hi qllal/llor (ROllIf', ItiSfi), p. 37(): '(l.uaedam \'estimenta Sacra
Ht'ati Stephani, & R. Laurentij. quibus usas farna est in eonsecrationc
dictae Cappellae, qllirllnque ij fnerunt, qui caelesti ministerio id munus
obi{Jre,'
'27 Ccrhard \Volf has written most on the Veronica image.
For hi, disL'llSsion orthe image as well as the most current bibliography, see
his Saill.' jmjmli Romalli, pp. Ro [l7; 'La Veronica', pp. 9-35; 'From
IVIandylion to Veronica: Pictming the "Disembodied" Face and
Disseminating the True Image ol'Christ in thl' Latin Wl'St', in TI" Hal)' FalE
WlrI Ihe Pm"rlo, of RejHc.Il'lIlalioll. Papns li'OI11 a Colloquium held at the
Bibliothcca Hntziana, Rome and the Villa Spelman, Flon:n('[', '9gb, eds
Herbert Kt'sskr amI Gerhard \V olf. Villa Spelman Colloquia (; (Bologna:
Nuo\';1 All'" Editoriak, ID9il), pp. f53-79; 'La vedova di re Abgar, unn
,glBrdo L'ompar<ltistico al l\Iandilion e alia Veronica', Bulldill de 1'lll.l'Iililt
Hi"loriqlle de ROIIIC, PI'. 215-'U; 'Christ in His Ik,mtv and
Pain', PI'. Seldeia wId ,sjJif'gd Traditiollm rlf'., Chrislllsbildf's Ulld die
BildlaJllc;ejJte del' R'IIaissallre (l\Iunich: "'ilhdrn Fink Verlag, 2002). See also
Flora LC\vis, 'The \lcl"onica: Imagf', Legend and the Viewt'r', inr.Jlglmlri in
Ihe TI,iTIL'l'lIl11 emlllT),. Prom'dillgs '!( Ihe H)8-1- Huriallrm I'd. '".M.
Ormrod (Woodbridge, Suffolk; D.wcr, NH: Boydell Press, 19f15), pp. 1000;
Brenda Bolton, 'Advertise the Message: Images in Rome at the turn of the
Twelllh Century', in The Owrell alld III,' A11s: Papers r(etd at the 19'10
Summer l\-Ieeting and the 1991 'Vinter l\Ieeting of the Ecclesiastical
History Society, cd. Diana Wood (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1995),
pp. "7-30; Christoph Eggcr, 'Papst Innorenz III. und die Veronica.
Geschichte, Theolo.gie, Liturgic und Sedsorge'. in HoiI' Farf', pp. 181-203.
ell- As fuund in a French chronicle of Ilgl; see 'From l\Iandylirm to
Vcronica', p. 167 and idcm, 811/t" populi Romani, p. 327, Q13.
29 - 'De duabus igitur iconiis Salvatoris, Cronic a scilicct ct Vcronica,
quarum lIna apud Lateranun1, altcra vern apud Sanctum Petrum inter
reliquias pretiosiores habctur, primo dicetur.' Giraldus Camhrensis, Ojm,",
cd. J.S. Brewer, \0J. + (London: Longman & Co., 1873), 'SpeculLUn
Ecclesiae', ch. VI, p. 278. Sce also Bolton, 'Advertise', pp. 117-30.
30 - Giraldus, 'Speculum E('c1csiae', ch. IV, p. 'Quam etiam supra
dirtam crclesiam Salvatoris praetatm Sylvester publicc nJnsccrayit \'. idus
No\'ernbris, ct illa usque hodie cclebcrrima fcstivitas Romae in qua prima
ecclesia publirr consecrata. E:t imago S,dvatoris depicta parietibus primum
visibilis omni populo Romano apparuit.' For the origin of the consecration
legend, see James M. Powell, 'Hnnorius III's 8CI7I1O, pp. 195-209, esp.

31 - The primacy was reconfirmed in the joint dedication of the church: to
Jolm the Evallgclist, Jnhn the Baptist and Christ.J;tck Freiberg, 77ze Lalemll
ill [(joo: G,ri,'Iian Crmrord ill COlllller-Refo17lIalioll ROll1e (New York: Cambridge
Uniwrsity Press, 1995), pp. fig. 88. For the watercolor copy of the
fresco, see Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Barb. !at. +P3, foJ. sr and
Waetzoldt, Dil' holJien, 37, fig. 99. The fresco has becn attributed to the time
"fUrban V's restoration "fthe altar in IJ69 70; see Sible de Blaauw, Cullus
Ef daD}": liturgia t! ardlitettllJ"a /lelia ROll/a tardll(lJllicQ e mer/ievale, vol. I (Vatican
City: Bibliotcca Apostnlica Vaticana, 199+), pp. ql
- For the mosaic in1age, see VVarlancl, Das Bl'llslbiid Oll'isli, pp. 31-+1;
Yves 'A propos du d<':cor absidal de Saint:Jean du Latran a ROine',
Cahim 20 (1970), pp. 197--206; GJ. HOOg'C\\TI-ff, 'II mosaico
absidak di S. Giovanni ill Latcrano ed altri mosaici romani', Alii drlltl
POllli/icia Aecadcmia /'Oil/alia di Rmdirollli, 27 (,,)5+), Pl' 297-326:
Lauer, I.e Palm's de La.traH, pp. 228; Alessandro Tnlllei, I{Il:ubll,\" Toniti
236 KIRSTIN NORlcEN
Ju'({ur. [11rl rid (urdl) JJuct"t'Iltu (U/Jl(///() (ROll1e: A.rgo:-i. IqgO),
pp, 77- g8, For Lhe mosaic's late nindeenth-century re!"o!toration, see TOIllei.
lilrobus Turrili j,ic/IJI, pp. 81 Rr idem, 'I calehi delmosaico absiclale eli San
Gio\'anni in LatC'rano'. in Fmglll(Jlta Pirta, eds l\Jaria l\lldaloro,
Ghidoli, Antonio Ia('obilIi, Serena Romanu, alld Alessandro TDm('i
(Rome: ISJ8q), pp. Barbar:lJaLla and Chiara Fornariari,
'Nota tecnica sui cakhi absidale di San Gioyanni in LaLcrano",
iIi Fmgl17fT1trl Pirta" pp. '24-3- -1. ThL' restored nlosaic n1aintains tbe
of thc original imagtTY but stylistic accuracy (st'e 'l'OlllCi,
lacobus Turrili ji/'dur, pp. 711,
33 - 'Partt"lTl posLr-rinrelll et anteriurcrn ruinosas buius saneti tt'lllpli Cl
rredificare fecit ct ornari opere nlosytu'U Nicolaus PP IIlI
filius beati ct sacnml vulturn Sah'atoris intt'gruln reponi fecit in
loco ubi prirno Iniraculosc populo rOlnano apparuit quando fuit ista
consccrata. Anno Donlini 1\-(CC llonagesinlo 11'; as quoted in
Tomei, lacobus Torrili pielaI', p. 77. See aiso "'ar!and, Dill' Bnu/liilrl (,'IIri.,li, 3'j,;
l\iaria Andaloro, 'Dal ritratto alricuna', in Arlt' e ial1wgrq/lll n Rmnn, p" 4-0;
Herbert Kessler. 'Real Absence: Early Medieval Art and thc
of 'Vision', in St!t!ing: Pic;turing (;od's invisibli{l' in
,\l"rliuufll.Irl (Philadelphia: Cni\'l:]',ity of Pennsyh'ania Pre", 2000), pp. fO l-
IB, esp. ,+2 3
- l\'laria ,\ncialoro, 'I rIIOSdici dd Sancla Sanctnrllln', in SlI1Zdll Sallr!urum
(Milan: Elccta, 19'J5), pp. 126 'JI.
3:") -l\farangoni, fltorill drl{-"{l}llichisJilJlO oratorio, pp. Sartnrio, 'Velllslc
riproduzioni pbstiche': FreiiJcrg, TI" Lalemll ill If;'''J, Pl'. IIIJ 15, f5-}-0.
36 -- l\-Iania('utius, JJt' sarra imaginr, eh. III, p. R: 'Lt'g"imus quosclalll SUOl'um
CharOl"llll1 ohitunl \ix carcrc pral'scntia potllisse, cl ne dolort" ninlio
cOll'iternati insalliam, SCll lllOrtnn incurrerent, in !"o!ui clolnris solatium
statlH1S eis sinliks .... Et idcirco ir1\'enere relllediurll, l'unl
habere; ut poterant in Inlaginc tali, quenl secumjarll habere nrm pot('rant
pracslIltia cDIvorali.' A p;trtial transbtioll of the l\Iauial'utius text is fOllnd
in Belting, Lilct!ne,H and Pres(Jl({', p. 500, iL'xt -tF, For a discllssion of
l\-Ianiarutius and the Lateran icon, see 'Vulf, S"I"., i";jJlf/i Romalli, pp. 6f-3,
1-3 The colt- of Ihe ..1('II,roj;ila in this twelfth-century account was simihlr
to that of a funerary image: the portrait recalled Christ as if he werr
actually present; Sl'f' K,,<sllT, 'Rcal Ab,ence', in Spirilll,,1 Seeing, p. 135 and
n. 113, n. 1I-!-. The cOllllection bet\'vcrn thc A,sccnsion 01' Chl;st and the
production of the icon image bv St Luke wa, also expn'ssed in the
scventeenth century in Ct'sarc Rasponi, Dt' /)a.\'iliw ct jmtrian/Zio
hUri qualluor (Rome, 1(56), P.369: 'Prima omnium in Tabernaculo pro
Altari cernCndalTI sc prachct 111ago Salvatoris Christi D0I11illi tcrLiUlll, ac
trigesinlulll annUlll argenris, qualll vcr us La iicieliunl pic Las E"ClIlgdistae
Divi JAlcae lTIanu rcerntc aclhuc cOll\"ersationis eius inter hOlninl's
111cllloria, post ascensionem in coeiunl l':\.lJrcssam, dum accensis hic
Virginis l\.Iatris, & Apostolorum stndijs obsequitur; eandemque mox
Angelico quoque artillcio perfectam, a Tito Vespasiallo Iudeae domitore in
lJrberll delataDl, & haud \1.Ilgarihus illsignitaln a Den lluraculis
habet.'
37 - 'propterea me '-'portet ire ad Patrcm, quia dum me ita videtis, ex hoc
quod videtis, aestunatis quia !Tunor sunl Pah'C', atquc ita circa creaturam
susecptUlnqlll' habilurn ocrupati, aequalitatetn qualTl cunl Patre habeD non
intellig'itis.' Augustine, Dl' IrillilalL', LlX IS, PI" ('01. 833; AugustiIlC, TI,e
Trillil)', trans. Stephen McKrnna (\VashiIlgton, DC: Catholic Uniycrsity of
America, 1963), p. As quoted and discussed in Robert Deshman,
'Another Look at the Disappearing Christ: Corporeal and Spiritual Vision
in Early Medieval Images', Art Bill/dill, 79 (1997), p. ,133
38 - Dt'slmlan, 'Disappearing Christ', pp. 533 +-
39 -- Kessler, 'Real Absmce', in Spiritllal Seeillg, pp. 10+-,1.8, esp. I+3--}; see
also \Yolf, 'Christ in His Ikauty', p. 169.
4-0 'est ct alia cloDlinici vultu!"o! dligies in tabula nequc depicta, in oratorio
S. Laurelltii, in palatio qualTl sancLac InClTInriac nostri
temporis Papa Alexander III. multiplici panno scrico operuit, eo quod
attentiu'i ultuentibus trcrnorcnl Cllnl nlortis periculo inferret. llnllnlC}l.le"
procul dubio compertum habeo, 'l1lod si diJii?;t'ntcr \'ultnm dominicum,
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quem Judaeus in palatio Lateranensi iu..xta oratorium S. Laurcntii
vulneravit, cuius vulnus cruore tanquam recente faciem dextram operuit,
attendas, non absimile Veronicae basilicae S. Petri cive picturae, quae in
ipso S. Laurentii est oratorio, vwtuque Lucano reperies.' Gervasius of
Tilbury, Otia imjmialia, ed. Dobschiitz, Christusbilder, pp. 292*-293*: p. 32.
Sec also \\'olf, Salus populi Romani, PP.327-8, QI4; Le",-is, 'The Veronica',
p. 103. Notably, Gervase referred to the Lateran icon as a 'vwtus'.
41 - 'Quam cum papa quidam, ut fertur, inspieere praesumpsisset, statim
lumen oculorum amisit, et deinde eooperta fuit auro et argento tota praeter
genu dextrum, a quo oleum in des in enter cmanat.' Giraldus, 'Speculum
Ecdesiae', ch. VI, 1'. 278. The 'Speculum Ecclesiac' dates to <".1220: see also
Bolton, 'Advertise', p. 119: Wolf, Salus pOjJUli Romani, p. 328, Q15.
42 - This has been also suggested by "Yolf, 'Christ in His Beauty', pp.
169-70 .
43 - Deshman, 'Disappearing Christ', 1'.535.
44 - For a discussion of the relationship of molded and stamped images as
related to medieval visuality, see Michael Camille, 'Before the Gaze: The
Internal Senses and Late Medieval Practices of Seeing', in Visuality Before
and the Renaissallce, ed. Robert S. Nelson (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2000), pp. 197-223, esp.209-11.
45 - Herbert Kessler has extensively discussed the relationship between the
temple veil and Christological imagery. See, for example, 'The Icon in the
Narrative', in Sj)iritual Seeillg, pp. I 28, esp. 10-12; 'Medieval Art as
Argument', in Spiritllal Sepillg, pp. 53-63: 'Configuring the Invisihle by
Copying the Holy Face', in Spintuul Seeing, PI'. 64-87, esp. 81; 'Gazing at the
Future: The Parousia Miniature in Vatican Cod. Gr. 699', in Spiritual Seeillg,
pp. 88-'103, esp. 99-103. See also Johann Konrad Eberlein, Appan'tio regis-
relldati" veritatil. Studiell ;;:ur Darstfllung des Vorhangs ill de,. bildelldell nUllst von der
Spiituntike his ;:um Ende des j\fittelaltm (Wicsbaden: Dr. Reichert
Verlag, 1982); idem, 'The Curtain in Raphael's Sistine Madonna', .1,t
Bulletin, 65 (1983), PI'. 61-n, esp. 65-8.
46 - Epistle to the Hebrews 10:19--20: 'Therefore, brethren, since we have
confidence to enter the sanctuary by the blood of Jesus, by the new and
way which he opened for us through the emtain, that is, through his
flesh .... ' See also Matthew 2]:51.
47 - Kessler, 'Medieval Art as Argument', in Spiritual Seeing, pp. 57-8: idem,
'Configuring the Invisible', in Spiritual Seeing, pp. 80-1; Wolf, 'From
Mandylion to Veronica', pp. 153-79, and esp. pIs. D, F, Hand figs 7, g.
48 - See below, note 61.
49 - See, most recently, Herbert 1. Kessler and Johanna Zacharias, Rome
IJOO: On the Path of the Pilgrim (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000),
PP.38-63; Erik Thun", Image and Relic. Mediating the Sacred in Ear{v Medieval
Rome (Rome: 'L'Erma' di Bretschneider, 2002), esp. pp. 160-71.
50 - De Blaauw, 'The Solitary Celebration of the Supreme Pontiff. The
Lateran Basilica as the New Temple in the Medieval Liturgy of Maundy
Thursday', in Omnes Circlllnadrtantes. COlltributions towards a of the Role of
the People in the Liturgv, cds Charles Caspers and Marc Schneiders (Kampen:
J.H. Kok, 1990), pp. 120-43: idem, Cultus et decor, PP233-47, 294-96.
51 - Thun0 (Image and Relic, p. 161) notes that the inscription on Leo Ill's
cypress chest attributed to the thirteenth century (SCA SCQ RU) may
have replaced an original dating to the Leonine papacy, suggesting an
association with the Holy of Holies from at least the ninth century. See also
Marangoni, istolia de/I'antichir ...imo oratorio, pp. 19-23; Wolf, Salus pojmli
Romani, pp. 46-7. Nicolaus Maniacutius (De sacra imagine, ch. VIII, p. 18)
notes that the icon was placed 'super Altare Sacrosanctae Basilicae B.
Laurentii, quae est ad Sancta Sanctorum, honorifice rollocaret.'
52 - 'Sane omnia illa Sacra, quae de Hierosolymis asportata fuerunt, in
Sacro Lateranensis Patriarchii continentur Altari, ubi et haec Salvatoris
Imago longo tempore conservata est, donee Summo Pontifici Dominus
inspiravit, lIt earn in Palatium hoc subveheret, atque super Altare
Sacrosanctae Basilicae B. Laurentii, quae cst ad Sancta Sanctorum,
honorifice collocaret.' JvIaniacutius, De maa imagine, ch. VIII, p. 17- 18; see
also Wolf, Sail" jJopzdi Romani, QIO, p. 323.
53 - As expressed in Descriptio lAteranemi, ecciesiae. Sec De Blaauw, 'The
Solitary Celebration', esp. pp. 125-34; idem, Cult"S et decor, pp. 23"-7;
Freiberg, The lAterall in 1600, 112.
5-1-- Powr.ll, 'Honorius Ill's Sermo', pp. 195--209; De Blaauw, 'The Solitary
Celebration', pp. 140-1; idem, Cultu,. et decor, PI" 234-5.
55- Renate 1. Colella, 'Hagiographie und Kirchenpolitik - Stephanus
und Laurentius in Rom', in Pratu," Romanum. Richard Krautheimer .eum 100.
Gehwt.rtag (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1997), pp. 75-96.
56 . The martyrdoms of the two saints were, for example, portrayed in the
late tllirteenth-century frescoes in the Sancta Sanctorum.
57 - For similar themes developed in the Lateran basilica during the
Counter-Reformation, see Freiberg, The lAterall in 1600, esp. p. 151ff.
58 - "Ybile damage to this scene makes identification difficult, the central
figure appears to wear a pallium. The short garments of the two figures on
the left resemble those worn by the custodial figures in the first scene,
suggesting a connection with either the ostiari or the glmrdiani; however, such
an association would be lInusual considering the figures' haloes.
59- Freiberg, The lAteran ill 1600, pp. 157"-8. Freiberg (p. 253, n. 106)
indicates that a similar decoration pobably adorned the apse of the church.
I would like to thank Jack Freiberg for assistance in obtaining an image of
the tabernacle.
60 - The connection between the Ascension and a point of passage (i.e. a
door) was especially relevant in the context of the Lateran in relation to the
Holy Year because it was believed that passing through the doors of the
four main basilicas anticipated passing into heaven itself (Freiberg, The
Latfrall in 1600, pp. 154-6). The association between the bust of Christ and
the portal of the Lateran basilica was furtller visualized on Jubilee
medallions (ibid., fig. 128). The comparison between the Lateran icon and
the tabernacle should also be considered in relation to the feast of the
Corpus Domini: see "Yolf, 'Christ in His Beauty', 1'.169. For the use of
candles to signal the presence of the Eucharist, see Browe, Die Verehrung der
Eucharistie, pp. I-II.
61 - Tronzo, 'Apse Decoration', p. 182 suggests that ceremonial washing
was more closely associated with the washing of Christ's feet in the house of
the Pharisee (Luke ]:36-50) than the washing that took place at the
Last Supper; see also Wolf, Salus populi Romani, PP.54-5.
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