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Hugo Chvez
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

For other uses, see Hugo Chvez (disambiguation).

This name uses Spanish naming customs: the first
or paternal family name is Chvez and the second
or maternal family name is Fras.

Hugo Chvez

President of Venezuela
In office

2 February 1999 5 March 2013

Vice President List[show]
Preceded by

Rafael Caldera

Succeeded by Nicols Maduro

Eternal President of the United
Socialist Party of Venezuela
(appellation)
Incumbent
Assumed office
26 July 2014
Personal details
Born

Hugo Rafael Chvez

Fras
28 July 1954
Sabaneta, Venezuela

Died

5 March
2013 (aged 58)
Caracas, Venezuela

Political party Fifth Republic

Movement(19972007)
United Socialist
Party (20072013)
Other political Great Patriotic

affiliations

Pole (20112013)

Spouse(s)

Nancy
Colmenares (Divorced)
Marisabel
Rodrguez (Divorced)

Alma mater

Military Academy of
Venezuela

Religion

Roman Catholicism

Signature

Military service
Allegiance
Service/branch

Rank

Venezuela
Venezuelan
Army
Lieutenant
colonel

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V
T
E

Hugo Rafael Chvez Fras (Spanish pronunciation: [uo

rafael taes fi.as]; 28 July 1954 5 March 2013)
was a Venezuelan politician and the President of
Venezuela from 1999 until his death in 2013. He
was the leader of the Fifth Republic Movement from
its foundation in 1997 until 2007, when it merged

with several other parties to form the United Socialist

Party of Venezuela(PSUV), which he led until 2012.
Following Chavismo, his own political ideology
of Bolivarianism and Socialism of the 21st Century,
he focused on implementing social reforms in the
country as a part of a social project known as
the Bolivarian Revolution. He implemented the 1999
Venezuelan Constitution, participatory
democraticcouncils, the nationalization of several
key industries, and increased government funding of
health care and education and made significant
reductions in poverty with oil revenues.[1][2] According
to the ECLAC, from 1999 to 2012, Venezuela
achieved the second highest rate of poverty
reduction in the region; with World Bank data
showing that the poverty rate dropped from 49.4% to
25.6%.[3][4] The Bolivarian Missions have entailed the
construction of thousands of free medical clinics for
the poor,[5] the institution of educational campaigns
that have made about 1.5 million adult Venezuelans
literate[6] (although this claim has been subject of
scholarly debate),[7][8] and the enactment of
food[9] and housing subsidies.[10]
Born into a working-class family in Sabaneta,
Barinas, Chvez became a career military officer,
and after becoming dissatisfied with the Venezuelan
political system, he founded the

secretive Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement200 (MBR-200) in the early 1980s to work towards
overthrowing the government. Chvez led the MBR200 in an unsuccessful coup d'tat against
the Democratic Action government of
President Carlos Andrs Prez in 1992, for which he
was imprisoned. Released from prison after two
years, he founded a socialist political party, the Fifth
Republic Movement, and waselected president of
Venezuela in 1998. He was re-elected in 2000.
During his second presidential term, he introduced
the system of Bolivarian Missions,Communal
Councils, and worker-managed cooperatives, as
well as a program of land reform, while also
nationalizing various key industries. He was reelected in 2006 with over 60% of the vote. After
winning his fourth term as president in the October
2012 presidential election, defeating Henrique
Capriles,[11] he was to have been sworn in on 10
January 2013, but the National Assembly of
Venezuela agreed to postpone the inauguration to
allow him time to recover from medical treatment in
Cuba,[12] resulting from a return of the cancer that
was originally diagnosed in June 2011.
Chvez died inCaracas on 5 March 2013 at the age
of 58.[13][14]

Internationally, Chvez aligned himself with

the Marxist-Leninist governments of Fidel and
then Ral Castro in Cuba and the socialist
governments of Evo Morales in Bolivia, Rafael
Correa in Ecuador, and Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua,
his presidency was seen as a part of the socialist
"pink tide" sweeping Latin America. Along with these
governments, Chvez described his policies as antiimperialist, being a prominent adversary of
the United States's foreign policyas well as a vocal
critic of US-supported neoliberalism and laissezfairecapitalism.[15] He compared US
president George W. Bush to a donkey[16] and the
devil.[17] He has described himself as
a Marxist.[18][19][20][21][22] He supported Latin American
and Caribbean cooperation and was instrumental in
setting up the pan-regional Union of South American
Nations, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas,
the Bank of the South, and the regional television
network TeleSur.
Some of the government's food subsidies enacted
under Chvez resulted in shortages since the low
profits could not sustain paying for food
imports.[23][24]After price controls were put into place,
food shortages had rates between about 10% and
25%.[25][26] Large purchases of food and lower
reserves also contributed to dollar shortages that

Venezuela suffered in the future.[27]Venezuela's

murder rate largely increased during Chvez's
presidency.[28][29][30][31] Chavez later responded to this
problem by raising the pay for police officers, as well
as launching a new national force[29] that was still
criticized for its corruption and its involvement in
kidnapping years later.[32][33] Chvez's government
was accused of being corrupt by multiple sources in
various ways.[34][35][36][37][38][39][40] Chvez used habilitating
laws, which allowed him to perform functions
normally reserved to the Venezuelan Congress, on
four occasions: starting in 1999 for 6 months, in
2000 for 12, in 2007 for 18 and in 2010 for 12
months.[41] The use of such habilitating laws was
heavily criticized by the opposition.[42] Chvez was
accused by multiple sources of using propaganda to
influence Venezuelans to support the Bolivarian
Revolution and other ideologies.[43][44][45][46][47]
Contents
[hide]

1 Early life
o 1.1 Childhood
o 1.2 Military Academy: 19711975
o 1.3 Early military career: 19761981
2 Later military career and the Bolivarian
Revolutionary Army-200: 19821991
o 2.1 Operation Zamora: 1992

3 Political rise: 19921998

o 3.1 1998 election
4 Presidency: 19992013
o 4.1 First presidential term: 2 February
1999 10 January 2001
4.1.1 Constitutional reform
o 4.2 Second presidential term: 10
January 2001 10 January 2007
4.2.1 Opposition and the CD
4.2.2 Coup, strikes and the recall
referendum
4.2.3 "Socialism of the 21st
century"
o 4.3 Third presidential term: 10
January 2007 10 January 2013
4.3.1 United Socialist Party of
Venezuela and domestic policy
4.3.2 Bolivarian Alliance for the
Americas and the Bank of the
South
o 4.4 Fourth presidential term: 10
January 2013 5 March 2013
5 Political ideology
6 Policy overview
o 6.1 Economic and social policy
6.1.1 Literacy
o 6.2 Currency Black Market
o 6.3 Food
o 6.4 Crime and punishment

6.4.1 Police corruption

6.4.2 Prisons
o 6.5 Corruption
6.5.1 Use of income and public
funds
6.5.2 Aiding FARC
o 6.6 Human rights
6.6.1 1999 Venezuelan
Constitution
6.6.2 Criticisms
6.6.2.1 Allegations of Antisemitism
o 6.7 Media and the press
o 6.8 Foreign policy
6.8.1 Argentina
6.8.2 Cuba
6.8.3 Iran
7 In popular culture
8 Personal life
9 Illness
10 Death
11 Honours and awards
o 11.1 Recognition
o 11.2 Honorary degrees
12 Legacy
o 12.1 Eponyms
13 See also
14 References
o 14.1 Footnotes

14.2 Bibliography
14.2.1 Books
14.2.2 Academic articles
14.2.3 News articles and reports
14.2.4 Interviews
14.2.5 Websites and e-publications
15 External links
o

Early life

[edit]

Childhood[edit]
Further information: Early life of Hugo Chvez

Sabaneta, Barinas, where Chvez was born and raised.

Hugo Chvez was born on 28 July 1954 in his

paternal grandmother Rosa Inz Chvez's home, a
modest three-room house located in the rural
villageSabaneta, Barinas State. The Chvez family
were of Amerindian, Afro-Venezuelan,
and Spanish descent.[48] His parents, Hugo de los
Reyes Chvezand Elena Fras de Chvez,
were working-lower middle class schoolteachers
who lived in the small village of Los Rastrojos.

Hugo was born the second of seven children,

including their eldest, Adn Chvez.[49][50] The couple
lived in poverty, leading them to send Hugo and
Adn to live with their grandmother Rosa,[51] whom
Hugo later described as being "a pure human
being... pure love, pure kindness."[52] She was a
devout Roman Catholic, and Hugo was an altar boy
at a local church.[53] Hugo described his childhood as
"poor...very happy", and experienced "humility,
poverty, pain, sometimes not having anything to
eat", and "the injustices of this world."[54]
Attending the Julin Pino Elementary School,
Chvez's hobbies included drawing, painting,
baseball and history. He was particularly interested
in the 19th-century federalist general Ezequiel
Zamora, in whose army his own great-greatgrandfather had served.[55][56] In the mid-1960s, Hugo,
his brother and their grandmother moved to the city
of Barinas so that the boys could attend what was
then the only high school in the rural state,
the Daniel O'Leary High School.[57]

Military Academy: 19711975[edit]

Aged seventeen, Chvez studied at the Venezuelan
Academy of Military Sciences in Caracas. At the
Academy, he was a member of the first class that
was following a restructured curriculum known as
the Andrs Bello Plan. This plan had been instituted

by a group of progressive, nationalistic military

officers who believed that change was needed within
the military. This new curriculum encouraged
students to learn not only military routines and
tactics but also a wide variety of other topics, and to
do so civilian professors were brought in from other
universities to give lectures to the military
cadets.[58][59][60]
Supporters of Hugo Chvez at his funeral at the Military
academy of Venezuela.

Living in Caracas, he saw more of the endemic

poverty faced by working class Venezuelans,
something that echoed the poverty he had
experienced growing up, and he maintained that this
experience only made him further committed to
achieving social justice.[61][62] He also began to get
involved in local activities outside of the military
school, playing both baseball and softball with
theCriollitos de Venezuela team, progressing with
them to the Venezuelan National Baseball
Championships. Other hobbies that he undertook at
the time included writing numerous poems, stories
and theatrical pieces, painting[63] and researching the
life and political thought of 19th-century South
American revolutionary Simn Bolvar.[64] He also
became interested in the Marxist revolutionary Che
Guevara (192867) after reading his memoir The

Diary of Che Guevara, although he also read books

by a wide variety of other figures.[65] In 1974, he was
selected to be a representative in the
commemorations for the 150th anniversary of
the Battle of Ayacucho in Peru, the conflict in which
Simon Bolvar's lieutenant, Antonio Jos de Sucre,
defeated royalist forces during the Peruvian War of
Independence. In Peru, Chvez heard the leftist
president, General Juan Velasco Alvarado (1910
1977), speak, and inspired by Velasco's ideas that
the military should act in the interests of the working
classes when the ruling classes were perceived as
corrupt,[66] he "drank up the books [Velasco had
written], even memorising some speeches almost
completely."[67]Befriending the son of Panamanian
President Omar Torrijos (19291981), another leftist
military general, Chvez subsequently visited
Panama, where he met with Torrijos, and was
impressed with his land reform program that was
designed to benefit the peasants. Being heavily
influenced by both Torrijos and Velasco, he saw the
potential for military generals to seize control of a
government when the civilian authorities were
perceived as serving the interests of only the
wealthy elites.[66][68] In contrast to military presidents
like Torrijos and Velasco however, Chvez became
highly critical ofAugusto Pinochet, the right-wing
general who had recently seized control in Chile with

the aid of the American CIA.[69]Chvez later related

that "With Torrijos, I became a Torrijist. With Velasco
I became a Velasquist. And with Pinochet, I became
an anti-Pinochetist."[70] In 1975, Chvez graduated
from the military academy, being rated one of the
top graduates of the year (eight out of seventy
five).[71][72][73]

Early military career: 19761981[edit]

Further information: Military career of Hugo Chvez
I think that from the time I left the academy I was oriented
toward a revolutionary movement... The Hugo Chvez who
entered there was a kid from the hills, a Ilanero{sic} with
aspirations of playing professional baseball. Four years later,
a second-lieutenant came out who had taken the
revolutionary path. Someone who didn't have obligations to
anyone, who didn't belong to any movement, who was not
enrolled in any party, but who knew very well where I was
headed.
Hugo Chvez[74]

Following his graduation, Chvez was stationed as a

communications officer at a counterinsurgency unit
in Barinas,[75] although the MarxistLeninistinsurgency which the army was sent to
combat had already been eradicated from that state,
leaving the unit with much spare time. Chvez
himself played in a local baseball team, wrote a
column for the local newspaper,
organized bingogames and judged at beauty

pageants.[76] At one point he found in an abandoned

car riddled with bullet holes a stash of Marxist
literature that apparently had belonged to insurgents
many years before. He went on to read these books,
which included titles by such theoreticians as Karl
Marx, Vladimir Lenin and Mao Zedong, but his
favourite was a work entitled The Times of Ezequiel
Zamora, written about the 19th-century federalist
general whom Chvez had admired as a
child.[77] These books further convinced Chvez of
the need for a leftist government in Venezuela, later
remarking that "By the time I was 21 or 22, I made
myself a man of the left."[78]
In 1977, Chvez's unit was transferred
to Anzotegui, where they were involved in battling
the Red Flag Party, a Marxist-Hoxhaist insurgency
group.[79] After intervening to prevent the beating of
an alleged insurgent by other soldiers,[80] Chvez
began to have his doubts about the army and their
methods in using torture.[78] At the same time, he was
becoming increasingly critical of the corruption in
both the army and in the civilian government,
coming to believe that despite the wealth being
produced by the country's oil reserves, Venezuela's
poor masses were not receiving their share,
something he felt to be inherently un-democratic. In

doing so, he began to sympathize with the Red Flag

Party and their cause, if not their violent methods.[81]
In 1977, he founded a revolutionary movement
within the armed forces, in the hope that he could
one day introduce a leftist government to Venezuela:
the Venezuelan People's Liberation Army (Ejrcito
de Liberacin del Pueblo de Venezuela, or ELPV),
was a secretive cell within the military that consisted
of him and a handful of his fellow soldiers. Although
they knew that they wanted a middle way between
the right wing policies of the government and the far
left position of the Red Flag, they did not have any
plans of action for the time
being.[80][82][83] Nevertheless, hoping to gain an alliance
with civilian leftist groups in Venezuela, Chvez then
set about clandestinely meeting various prominent
Marxists, including Alfredo Maneiro (the founder of
the Radical Cause) and Douglas Bravo, despite
having numerous political differences with
them.[84][85] At this time, Chvez married a workingclass woman named Nancy Colmenares, with whom
he would go on to have three children: Rosa Virginia
(born September 1978), Maria Gabriela (born March
1980) and Hugo Rafael (born October 1983).[86]

Later military career and the

Bolivarian Revolutionary Army200: 19821991
[edit]

Logo of MBR-200.

Five years after his creation of the ELPV, Chvez

went on to form a new secretive cell within the
military, the Bolivarian Revolutionary Army200 (EBR-200), later redesignated the Revolutionary
Bolivarian Movement-200 (MBR-200).[58][87][88] Taking
inspiration from three Venezuelans whom Chvez
deeply admired, Ezequiel Zamora (1817
1860), Simn Bolvar (17831830) and Simn
Rodrguez (17691854), these historical figures
became known as the "three roots of the tree" of the
MBR-200.[89][90] Later describing the group's
foundation, Chvez would state that "the Bolivarian
movement that was being born did not propose
political objectives... Its goals were imminently
internal. Its efforts were directed in the first place to
studying the military history of Venezuela as a
source of a military doctrine of our own, which up to
then didn't exist."[91] However, he always hoped that
the Bolivarian Movement would become politically

dominant, and on his political ideas at the time,

remarked that "This tree [of Bolvar, Zamora and
Rodrguez] has to be a circumference, it has to
accept all kinds of ideas, from the right, from the left,
from the ideological ruins of those old capitalist and
communist systems."[92] Indeed, Irish political analyst
Barry Cannon noted that the early Bolivarian
ideology was explicitly capitalist, but that it "was a
doctrine in construction, a heterogeneous amalgam
of thoughts and ideologies, from universal thought,
capitalism, Marxism, but rejecting the neoliberal
models currently being imposed in Latin America
and the discredited models of the old Soviet Bloc."[93]
In 1981, Chvez, by now a captain, was assigned to
teach at the military academy where he had formerly
trained. Here he introduced new students in his socalled "Bolivarian" ideals, and recruited those whom
he felt would make good members of the MBR-200,
as well as organizing sporting and theatrical events
for the students. In his recruiting attempts he was
relatively successful, for by the time they had
graduated, at least thirty out of 133 cadets had
joined it.[94] In 1984 he met a Venezuelan woman of
German ancestry named Herma Marksman who was
a recently divorced history teacher. Sharing many
interests in common, she eventually got involved in
Chvez's movement and the two fell in love, having

an affair that would last several years.[95][96] Another

figure to get involved with the movement
was Francisco Arias Crdenas, a soldier particularly
interested in liberation theology.[97] Crdenas rose to
a significant position within the group, although he
came into ideological conflict with Chvez, who
believed that they should begin direct military action
in order to overthrow the government, something
Crdenas thought was reckless.[98]
However, some senior military officers became
suspicious of Chvez after hearing rumours about
the MBR-200. Unable to dismiss him legally without
proof, they reassigned him so that he would not be
able to gain any more fresh new recruits from the
academy. He was sent to take command of the
remote barracks at Elorza in Apure State,[99] where
he got involved in the local community by organizing
social events, and contacted the local indigenous
tribal peoples, the Cuiva and Yaruro. Although they
were distrustful due to their mistreatment at the
hands of the Venezuelan army in previous decades,
Chvez gained their trust by joining the expeditions
of an anthropologist to meet with them. His
experiences with them would later lead him to
introduce laws protecting the rights of indigenous
tribal peoples when he gained power many years
later.[100]While on holiday, he retraced on foot the

route taken by his great-grandfather, the

revolutionary Pedro Prez Delgado(known as
Maisanta), to understand his family history; on that
trip, he met a woman who told Chvez how
Maisanta had become a local hero by rescuing an
abducted girl.[101] In 1988, after being promoted to the
rank of major, the high-ranking General Rodrguez
Ochoa took a liking to Chvez and employed him to
be his assistant at his office in Caracas.[102]

Operation Zamora: 1992[edit]

Main article: 1992 Venezuelan coup d'tat attempts
In 1989, Carlos Andrs Prez (19222010), the
candidate of the centrist Democratic Action Party,
was elected President after promising to oppose the
United States government's Washington
Consensus and financial policies recommended by
the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Nevertheless, he opposed neither once he got into
office, following instead theneoliberal economic
policies supported by the United States and the IMF.
He dramatically cut spending, and put prominent
men in governmental posts. Prez's policies
angered much of the public.[103][104][105] In an attempt to
stop the widespread protests and looting that
followed his social spending cuts, Prez ordered the
violent repression and massacre of protesters,
known as El Caracazo, which "according to official

figures ... left a balance of 276 dead, numerous

injured, several disappeared and heavy material
losses. However, this list was invalidated by the
subsequent appearance of mass graves", indicating
that the official death count was
inadequate.[106][107][108] Prez had used both
the DISIP political police and the army to
orchestrate El Caracazo. Chvez did not participate
in the repression because he was then hospitalized
with chicken pox, and later condemned the event as
"genocide".[109][110]
Disturbed by the Caracazo, rampant government
corruption, the domination of politics by what he
viewed as "the Venezuelan oligarchy" through
the Punto Fijo Pact, and what he called "the
dictatorship of the IMF", Chvez began preparing for
a military coup d'tat,[108][111] known as Operation
Zamora.[112] Initially planned for December, Chvez
delayed the MBR-200 coup until the early twilight
hours of 4 February 1992. On that date, five army
units under Chvez's command moved into urban
Caracas with the mission of overwhelming key
military and communications installations, including
the Miraflores presidential palace, the defense
ministry, La Carlota military airport and the Military
Museum. Chvez's immediate goal was to intercept
and take custody of Prez, who was returning to

Miraflores from an overseas trip. Despite years of

planning, the coup quickly encountered trouble. At
the time of the coup, Chvez had the loyalty of less
than 10% of Venezuela's military forces,[113] and,
because of numerous betrayals, defections, errors,
and other unforeseen circumstances, Chvez and a
small group of rebels found themselves hiding in the
Military Museum, without any means of conveying
orders to their network of spies and collaborators
spread throughout Venezuela.[114] Furthermore,
Chvez's allies were unable to broadcast their
prerecorded tapes on the national airwaves, during
which Chvez planned to issue a general call for a
mass civilian uprising against the Prez government.
Finally, Chvez's forces were unable to capture
Prez, who managed to escape from them.
Fourteen soldiers were killed, and fifty soldiers and
some eighty civilians injured during the ensuing
violence.[115][116][117] Fighting during the coups resulted
in the deaths of at least 143 people and perhaps as
many as several hundred.[118]
Realising that the coup had failed, Chvez gave
himself up to the government. On the condition that
he called upon the remaining active coup members
to cease hostilities, he was allowed to appear on
national television, something that he insisted on
doing in his military uniform. During this address, he

invoked the name of national hero Simn

Bolvar and declared to the Venezuelan people that
"Comrades: unfortunately, for now, the objectives we
had set for ourselves were not achieved in the
capital city. That is, those of us here in Caracas did
not seize power. Where you are, you have
performed very well, but now is the time for
reflection. New opportunities will arise and the
country has to head definitively toward a better
future."[119] Many viewers noted that Chvez had
remarked that he had failed only "por ahora" (for
now),[58][120][121][122][123] and he was immediately
catapulted into the national spotlight, with many
Venezuelans, particularly those from the poorer
sections of society, seeing him as a figure who had
stood up against government corruption
andkleptocracy.[124][125][126]
Chvez was arrested and imprisoned at the San
Carlos military stockade, where he remained
wracked with guilt, feeling responsible for the coup's
failure.[127][128] Indeed, pro-Chvez demonstrations that
took place outside of San Carlos led to his being
transferred to Yare prison soon after.[129] The
government meanwhile began a temporary
crackdown on media supportive of Chvez and the
coup.[130] A further attempted coup against the
government occurred in November, which was once

more defeated,[111][131] but then led to Prez himself

being impeached a year later for malfeasance and
misappropriation of funds for illegal activities.[132][133]

Political rise: 19921998

[edit]

A painted mural in support of the Fifth Republic Movement

(MVR) found in Barcelona, Venezuela

While Chvez and the other senior members of the

MBR-200 were in prison, his relationship with Herma
Marksman broke up in July 1993.[134] She would
subsequently become a critic of Chvez.[135] In
1994, Rafael Caldera (19162009) of the
centrist National Convergence Party was elected to
the presidency, and soon after taking power, freed
Chvez and the other imprisoned MBR-200
members as per his pre-election pledge. Caldera
had however imposed upon them the condition that
they would not return to the military, where they
could potentially organise another coup.[136][137] After
being mobbed by adoring crowds following his
release, Chvez went on a 100-day tour of the
country, promoting his Bolivarian cause of social

revolution.[138] Now living off a small military pension

as well as the donations of his supporters, he
continued to financially support his three children
and their mother despite divorcing Nancy
Colmenares around this period. On his tours around
the country, he would meet Marisabel Rodrguez,
who would give birth to their daughter shortly before
becoming his second wife in 1997.[139][140]
Travelling around Latin America in search of foreign
support for his Bolivarian movement, he visited
Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, Colombia, and finally
Cuba, where the Communist leader Fidel
Castro (1926) arranged to meet him. After
spending several days in one another's company,
Chvez and Castro became friends with the former
describing the Cuban leader as being like a father to
him.[141] Returning to Venezuela, Chvez failed to
gain mainstream media attention for his political
cause. Instead, he gained publicity from small, localbased newspapers and media outlets.[142] As a part of
his condemnation of the ruling class, Chvez
became critical of President Caldera, whose
neoliberal economic policies had caused inflation
and who had both suspended constitutional
guarantees and arrested a number of Chvez's
supporters.[143]According to the United Nations, by
1997 the per capita income for Venezuelan citizens

had fallen to US$2,858 from US$5,192 in 1990,

while poverty levels had increased by 17.65% since
1980, and homicide and other crime rates had more
than doubled since 1986, particularly in
Caracas.[144] Coupled with this drop in the standard of
living, widespread dissatisfaction with the
representative democratic system in Venezuela had
"led to gaps emerging between rulers and ruled
which favoured the emergence of
a populist leader".[145]
A debate soon developed in the Bolivarian
movement as to whether it should try to take power
in elections or whether it should instead continue to
believe that military action was the only effective way
of bringing about political change. Chvez was a
keen proponent of the latter view, believing that the
oligarchy would never allow him and his supporters
to win an election,[146] while Francisco Arias
Crdenas instead insisted that they take part in the
representative democratic process. Crdenas
himself proved his point when, after joining
the Radical Cause socialist party, he won the
December 1995 election to become governor of the
oil-rich Zulia State.[147] Subsequently changing his
opinion on the issue, Chvez and his supporters in
the Bolivarian movement decided to found their own
political party, the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR

Movimiento Quinta Repblica) in July 1997 in order

to support Chvez's candidature in the Venezuelan
presidential election, 1998.[115][148][149][150]

1998 election[edit]
The election of a leftist president in Venezuela in 1998
foreshadowed what would, in the following seven years,
become a wave of successes for left-leaning presidential
candidates in Latin America...Luiz Incio "Lula" da Silva in
Brazil in October 2002, then Lucio Gutirrez in Ecuador in
January 2003, Nstor Kirchner in Argentina in May
2003, Tabar Vzquez in Uruguay in October 2004, Evo
Morales in Bolivia in December 2005, Rafael Correa in
Ecuador in November 2006, and then Daniel Ortega in
Nicaragua, also in November 2006. While some of these
moderated [towards the centre or centre-right] significantly
shortly after taking office, such as Gutirrez and da Silva, they
represent a wave of left-of-center leaders whose election
came as a bit of a surprise given the... disorientation within
the left around the world.
Gregory Wilpert, Head ofVenezuelanalysis.com (2007).[151]

At the start of the election run-up, most polls

gave Irene Sez, then-mayor of Caracas' richest
district, Chacao, the lead. Although an independent
candidate, she had the backing of one of
Venezuela's two primary political parties,Copei.[152] In
opposition to her right-wing and pro-establishment
views, Chvez and his followers described their aim
as "laying the foundations of a new republic" to
replace the existing one, which they cast as "party-

dominated"; the current constitution, they argued,

was no more than the "legal-political embodiment
of puntofijismo", the country's traditional twoparty patronagesystem.[153] This revolutionary rhetoric
gained Chvez and the MVR support from a number
of other leftist parties, including the Patria Para
Todos(Motherland for All), the Partido Comunist
Venezolano (Venezeuelan Communist Party) and
the Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement for
Socialism), which together fashioned a political
union supporting his candidacy called thePolo
Patriotic (Patriotic Pole).[150][154]
Chvez's promises of widespread social and
economic reforms won the trust and favor of a
primarily poor and working class following. By May
1998, Chvez's support had risen to 30% in polls,
and by August he was registering 39%.[155] Much of
his support came from his 'strong man' populist
image and charismatic appeal.[156] This rise in
popularity worried Chvez's opponents, with a part
of the media proceeding to attack him with a series
of allegations, which included the claim which he
dismissed as ridiculous that he was a cannibalwho
ate children.[157] With his support increasing, and
Sez's decreasing, both the main two political
parties, Copei andDemocratic Action, put their
support behind Henrique Salas Rmer, a Yale

University-educated economist who represented

the Project Venezuela party.[158]
Chvez won the election with 56.20% of the vote.
Salas Rmer came second, with 39.97%, while the
other candidates, including Irene Sez and Alfaro
Ucero, gained only tiny proportions of the
vote.[133][159] Academic analysis of the election showed
that Chvez's support had come primarily from the
country's poor and the "disenchanted middle class",
whose standard of living had decreased rapidly in
the previous decade,[160] although at the same time
much of the middle and upper class vote had
instead gone to Salas Rmer.[161] Following the
announcement of his victory, Chvez gave a speech
in which he declared that "The resurrection of
Venezuela has begun, and nothing and no one can
stop it."[159]

Presidency: 19992013

[edit]

Further information: History of Venezuela (1999

present)

First presidential term: 2 February 1999

10 January 2001[edit]
Chvez's presidential inauguration took place on 2
February 1999, and during the usual presidential
oath he deviated from the prescribed words to

proclaim that "I swear before God and my people

that upon this moribund constitution I will drive forth
the necessary democratic transformations so that
the new republic will have a Magna Carta befitting
these new times."[162][163] He subsequently set about
appointing new figures to a number of government
posts, including promoting various leftist allies to key
positions; he for instance gave one of the founders
of MBR, Jess Urdaneta, the position in charge of
the secret police; and made one of the 1992 coup
leaders, Hernn Grber dreman, governor of the
Federal District of Caracas.[164] Chvez also
appointed some conservative, centrist and centreright figures to government positions as well,
reappointing Caldera's economy minister Maritza
Izaquirre to that same position and also appointing
the businessman Roberto Mandini to be president of
the state-run oil company Petroleos de
Venezuela.[165] His critics referred to this group of
government officials as the "Boliburguesa" or
"Bolivarian bourgeoisie",[166][167] and highlighted the
fact that it "included few people with experience in
public administration."[162] He also made several
alterations to his presidential privileges, scrapping
the presidential limousine, giving away his entire
presidential wage of $1,200 a month to a
scholarship fund,[168] and selling off many of the
government-owned airplanes, although alternately

many of his critics accused him of excessive

personal expenses for himself, his family and
friends.[169] The involvement of a number of his
immediate family members in Venezuelan politics
has also led to accusations of nepotism, something
Chvez denies.[170] Meanwhile, in June 2000 he
separated from his wife Marisabel, and their divorce
was finalised in January 2004.[171]
Although he publicly used strong revolutionary
rhetoric from the beginning of his presidency, the
Chvez government's initial policies were moderate,
capitalist and centre-left, having much in common
with those of contemporary Latin American leftists
like Brazil's president Lula da Silva.[172][173] Chvez
initially believed that capitalism was still a valid
economic model for Venezuela, but that it would
have to be Rhenish capitalism that would be
followed rather than the neoliberalism which had
been implemented under former governments with
the encouragement of the United States.[174] He
followed the economic guidelines recommended by
the International Monetary Fund and continued to
encourage foreign corporations to invest in
Venezuela,[175] even visiting the New York Stock
Exchange in the United States in an attempt to
convince wealthy investors to do so.[176][177] To
increase his visibility abroad, Chvez spent fifty-two

days of his first year as president outside of

Venezuela, travelling the world meeting various
national leaders, such as American President Bill
Clinton, Governor of Texas George W. Bush and
Chinese Premier Jiang Zemin.[178]
While he was remaining fiscally conservative, he
introduced measures in an attempt to alleviate the
poverty of the Venezuelan working class. Chvez
immediately set into motion a social welfare program
called Plan Bolvar 2000, which he organised to
begin on 27 February 1999, the tenth anniversary of
the Caracazo massacre. According to the United
States Department of State, Chvez wanted to
"send the message that the military was not a force
of popular repression, but rather a force for
development and security". The State Department
also commented that this happened "only 23 days
after his inauguration" and that he wanted to show
his closest supporters "that he had not forgotten
them".[179] Chvez said he would set aside $20.8
million for the plan but some state that the program
costed $113 million. Plan Bolvar 2000 involved
70,000 soldiers, sailors and members of the air force
going out into the streets of Venezuela where they
would repair roads and hospitals, remove stagnant
water that offered breeding areas for diseasecarrying mosquitoes, offer free medical care and

vaccinations, and sell food at cheap

prices.[179][180][181][182] Chvez himself described the Plan
by saying that "Ten years ago we came to massacre
the people. Now we are going to fill them with love.
Go and comb the land, search out and destroy
poverty and death. We are going to fill them with
love instead of lead."[183]
In order to explain his latest thoughts and plans to
the Venezuelan people, in May 2000, he also
launched his own Sunday morning radio show, Al
Presidente (Hello, President), on the state radio
network, as well as a Thursday night television
show, De Frente con el Presidente (Face to Face
with the President). He followed this with his own
newspaper, El Correo del Presidente (The
President's Post), founded in July, for which he
acted as editor-in-chief, but which was later shut
amidst accusations of corruption in its
management.[184] In his television and radio shows,
he answered calls from citizens, discussed his latest
policies, sang songs and told jokes, making it unique
not only in Latin America but the entire world.[185]
Constitutional reform[edit]
Chvez then called for a public referendum
something virtually unknown in Venezuela at the
time which he hoped would support his plans to
form a constitutional assembly, composed of

representatives from across Venezuela, as well as

from indigenous tribal groups, which would be able
to rewrite the nation's constitution. The referendum
went ahead on 25 April 1999, and was an
overwhelming success for Chvez, with 88% of
voters supporting the proposal.[186][187]

Chvez holds a miniature copy of the 1999 Venezuelan

Constitution at the 2003 World Social Forum held inBrazil.

Following this, Chvez called for an election to take

place on 25 July, in which the members of the
constitutional assembly would be voted into
power.[188] Most jurists believed that the new
constitutional assembly became the country's
"supreme authority" and that all other institutions
were subordinate to it.[189] Of the 1,171 candidates
standing for election to the assembly, over 900 of
them were opponents of Chvez, but despite this,
his supporters won another overwhelming electoral
victory, taking 125 seats (95% of the total), including
all of those belonging to indigenous tribal groups,
whereas the opposition were voted into only 6
seats.[186][190][191] On 12 August 1999, the new
constitutional assembly voted to give themselves the

power to abolish government institutions and to

dismiss officials who were perceived as being
corrupt or operating only in their own interests. While
supporters of the move believed that it could force
reforms that had been blocked by corrupt politicians
and judicial authorities for years, many opponents of
the Chvez regime argued that it gave Chvez and
the Bolivarians too much power at the expense of
their political opponents, and was therefore
dictatorial.[192][193]

Book cover of a government edition of the 1999 Constitution.

On August 25 Chvez declared a "judicial

emergency" and created a commission with nine
members given powers to "dismiss the Supreme
Court". Eight of fifteen members of the Supreme
Court agreed with the decree but Cecilia Sosa, then
president of the Supreme Court, resigned saying
that "the Supreme Court was now dead" and that
"the country's democratic system was in danger".

Arguments grew after Sosa's resignation from

existing politicians. On August 27, the existing
politicians called an emergency session with the
newly created Constitutional Assembly and Chvez
calling this session "provocative". National
Guardsmen then tried to prevent congressmen from
entering the parliamentary building in Caracas which
resulted in violent protests. After talking with church
leaders, those who were opposed to the new
measures agreed with Chvez. Chvez then
traveled, seeking support from other countries, and
returned to find that the Constitutional Assembly was
approving articles involving the freedom of
press and the right to life (which included abortion),
two articles Chvez did not agree with. The
Constitutional Assembly also rejected Chvez's
suggestion of renaming the country's name to
the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.[189]
The elected members of the constituent assembly
put together a new constitution, and a referendum
on the issue of whether to adopt it was held in
December 1999; the referendum saw an abstention
vote of over 50%, although amongst those voting,
72% approved the new constitution's
adoption.[191][194][195] The new constitution included
increased protections for indigenous peoples and
women, and established the rights of the public to

education, housing, healthcare and food. It added

new environmental protections, and increased
requirements for government transparency. It
increased the presidential term from five to six years,
allowed people to recall presidents by referendum,
and added a new presidential two-term limit. It
converted the bicameral legislature, a Congress with
both a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies, into
a unicameral one comprising only a National
Assembly.[196][197][198][199] The constitution gave greater
powers to the president, not only by extending their
term but also by giving them the power to legislate
on citizen rights as well as the economic and
financial matters that they were formerly unable to
do.[200] It also gave the military a role in the
government by providing it with the mandated role of
ensuring public order and aiding national
development, something it had been expressely
forbidden from doing under the former
constitution.[200] As a part of the new constitution, the
country, which was then officially known as the
Republic of Venezuela, was renamed the Bolivarian
Republic of Venezuela (Repblica Bolivariana de
Venezuela) at Chvez's request, thereby reflecting
the government's ideology of Bolivarianism and the
influence of Simn Bolvar on the nation as a
whole.[190][191]

Second presidential term: 10 January

2001 10 January 2007[edit]

Chvez visiting Porto Alegre, Brazil in 2003

Under the new constitution, it was legally required

that new elections be held in order to re-legitimize
the government and president. This presidential
election in July 2000 would be a part of a greater
"megaelection", the first time in the country's history
that the president, governors, national and regional
congressmen, mayors and councilmen would be
voted for on the same day.[201][202][203] For the position
of president, Chvez's closest challenger proved to
be his former friend and co-conspirator in the 1992
coup, Francisco Arias Crdenas, who since
becoming governor of Zulia state had turned
towards the political centre and begun to denounce
Chvez as autocratic.[204] Although some of his
supporters feared that he had alienated those in the
middle class and the Roman Catholic Church
hierarchy who had formerly supported him, Chvez
was re-elected with 59.76% of the vote (the
equivalent of 3,757,000 people), a larger majority

than his 1998 electoral victory,[205][206] again primarily

receiving his support from the poorer sectors of
Venezuelan society.[207]
That year, Chvez helped to further cement his
geopolitical and ideological ties with the Cuban
government of Fidel Castro by signing an agreement
under which Venezuela would supply Cuba with
53,000 barrels of oil per day at preferential rates, in
return receiving 20,000 trained Cuban medics and
educators. In the ensuing decade, this would be
increased to 90,000 barrels a day (in exchange for
40,000 Cuban medics and teachers), dramatically
aiding the Caribbean island's economy and standard
of living after its "Special Period" of the
1990s.[208] However, Venezuela's growing alliance
with Cuba came at the same time as a deteriorating
relationship with the United States: in late 2001, just
after the American-led invasion of Afghanistan in
retaliation for 11 September attacks against the U.S.
by Islamist militants, Chvez showed pictures of
Afghan children killed in a bomb attack on his
television show. He commented that "They are not
to blame for the terrorism ofOsama Bin Laden or
anyone else", and called on the American
government to end "the massacre of the innocents.
Terrorism cannot be fought with terrorism." The U.S.

government responded negatively to the comments,

which were picked up by the media worldwide.[209]

Chvez's second term in office saw the implementation of

social missions, such as this one to eliminate illiteracy in
Venezuela.

Meanwhile, the 2000 elections had led to Chvez's

supporters gaining 101 out of 165 seats in the
Venezuelan National Assembly, and so in November
2001 they voted to allow him to pass 49 social and
economic decrees.[210][211] This move antagonized the
opposition movement particularly strongly.[203]
At the start of the 21st century, Venezuela was the
world's fifth largest exporter ofcrude oil, with oil
accounting for 85.3% of the country's exports,
therefore dominating the country's
economy.[212][213] Previous administrations had sought
to privatise this industry, with U.S. corporations
having a significant level of control, but the Chvez
administration wished to curb this foreign control
over the country's natural resources by nationalising
much of it under the state-run oil company,Petrleos
de Venezuela S.A. (PdVSA). In 2001, the

government introduced a new Hydrocarbons Law

through which they sought to gain greater state
control over the oil industry: they did this by raising
royalty taxes on the oil companies and also by
introducing the formation of "mixed companies",
whereby the PdVSA could have joint control with
private companies over industry. By 2006, all of the
32 operating agreements signed with private
corporations during the 1990s had been converted
from being primarily or solely corporate-run to being
at least 51% controlled by PdVSA.[212]
Opposition and the CD[edit]
During Chvez's first term in office, the opposition
movement had been "strong but reasonably
contained, [with] complaints centring mainly on
procedural aspects of the implementation of the
constitution".[203] However, the first organized protest
against the Bolivarian government occurred in
January 2001, when the Chvez administration tried
to implement educational reforms through the
proposed Resolution 259 and Decree 1.011, which
would have seen the publication of textbooks with a
heavy Bolivarian bias. The protest movement, which
was primarily by middle class parents whose
children went to privately run schools, marched to
central Caracas shouting out the slogan "Don't mess
with my children." Although the protesters were

denounced by Chvez, who called them "selfish and

individualistic," the protest was successful enough
for the government to retract the proposed education
reforms and instead enter into a consensus-based
educational program with the opposition.[214] That
year, an organization known as the Coordinadora
Democrtica de Accin Cvica (CD) was founded,
under which the Venezuelan opposition political
parties, corporate powers, most of the country's
media, theVenezuelan Federation of Chambers of
Commerce, the Frente Institucional Militar and
the Central Workers Union all united to oppose
Chvez's regime.[210][215] The prominent
businessman Pedro Carmona (1941) was chosen
as the CD's leader.[210] They received support from
various foreign sources.

Chvez visiting the USS Yorktown, a US Navy ship docked

at Curaao in theNetherlands Antilles, in 2002

The CD and other opponents of Chvez's Bolivarian

government accused it of trying to turn Venezuela
from a democracy into a dictatorship by centralising
power amongst its supporters in the Constituent
Assembly and granting Chvez increasingly

autocratic powers. Many of them pointed to

Chvez's personal friendship with Cuba's Fidel
Castro and the one-party socialist government in
Cubaas a sign of where the Bolivarian government
was taking Venezuela.[210] Others did not hold such a
strong view but still argued that Chvez was a "freespending, authoritarian populist" whose policies
were detrimental to the country.[216] For instance,
Venezuelan lawyer and academic Allan R. BrewerCaras, a prominent and vocal opponent of Chvez,
made the claim that under his regime the country
had "suffered a tragic setback regarding democratic
standards, suffering a continuous, persistent and
deliberate process of demolishing institutions and
destroying democracy, which has never before been
experienced in the constitutional history of the
country."[217] Other academics have argued that the
opposite was true, and that "the Chvez government
is in fact more democratic than previous ones"
because of the increased checks and balances
introduced by the 1999 constitution and the
introduction of workers' councils.[218]
The pro-Chvez political analyst Gregory Wilpert
argued, in his study of the Bolivarian administration,
that the opposition movement was dominated
primarily by members of the middle and upper
classes. He further argued that this wealthy elite was

particularly furious at the Bolivarian government

because they themselves had lost much of their
dominance over Venezuelan politics with the
introduction of the 1999 constitution and the
relegitimization of all areas of government that it
required.[219] He went on to argue that this wealthy
elite subsequently used its control of the country's
mass media to create an anti-Chvez campaign
aimed primarily at the middle classes, stirring up the
latent racism and classism that existed in
Venezuelan culture.[220][221] One of the most prominent
examples of this was through the popularization of
the racist termese mono ("that monkey"), which
began to be applied to Chvez by his
opponents,[187][222][223] who would also often accuse him
of being "vulgar and common".[205][222][224] Both
Venezuelan and Western opposition media also
characterized Chvez's supporters, who were known
as the Chvistas, as being "young, poor, politically
unsophisticated, antidemocratic masses" who were
controlled, funded and armed by the state,[225] and
they were regularly referred to as "hordes" in
opposition media discourse, which also commonly
referred to the Bolivarian Circles as "terror
circles".[223] Such descriptions have been refuted by
certain academics, such as Cristbal Valencia
Ramrez, who, after studying Chavista groups, have
argued that they consist of people from many

classes of society and are educated and largely nonviolent.[226] Chavista-run organizations have since
claimed to have been the target of violent attacks
from opposition groups: for instance, the Ezequiel
Zamora National Farmers' Coordinator estimated
that 50 Chavista leaders involved in the land-reform
program had been assassinated during 2002 and
2003.[227]
Coup, strikes and the recall referendum[edit]
Main articles: 2002 Venezuelan coup d'tat
attempt, Venezuelan general strike of 2002
2003 and Venezuelan recall referendum, 2004

The 11 April 2002 rally in Caracas

On 11 April 2002, mass protests took place in

Caracas against the Bolivarian government, during
which guns were fired, and violence ensued
involving both pro- and anti-Chvez supporters, the
police, and the army.[228] Twenty people were killed,
and over 110 were wounded.[229] A group of highranking anti-Chvez military officers, likely supported
by figures in the business community, media, and

certain political parties,[which?] had been planning to

launch a coup against Chvez and used the civil
unrest as an opportunity.[230] After the plotters gained
significant power, Chvez agreed to be detained and
was transferred by army escort to La Orchila, and
although he requested to be allowed to leave the
country, he refused to officially resign from the
presidency at the time. Nonetheless, the wealthy
business-leader Pedro Carmona declared himself
president of an interim government.[231] Carmona
abolished the 1999 constitution and appointed a
small governing committee to run the
country.[203] Protests in support of Chvez along with
insufficient support for Carmona's regime, which
many felt was implementing totalitarian measures,
led to Carmona's resignation, and Chvez was
returned to power on 14 April.[232]
Chvez's reaction to the coup attempt was to
moderate his approach, implementing a new
economic team that appeared to be more centrist
and reinstated the old board of directors and
managers of the state oil company Petrleos de
Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA), whose replacement had
been one of the reasons for the coup.[233][234] At the
same time, the Bolivarian government began
preparing for potential future uprisings or even a US
invasion by increasing the country's military

capacity, purchasing 100,000 AK-47 assault rifles

and several helicopters from Russia, as well as a
number of Super Tucano light attack planes from
Brazil. Troop numbers were also increased, with
Chvez announcing in 2005 the government's
intention to increase the number of military reserves
from 50,000 to 2,000,000.[235]
In December 2002, Chvez made political allies
heads of PDVSA including Ali Rodriguez, a former
Marxist guerrilla who he made president of PDVSA,
replaced the company's board of directors with
loyalists who had "little or no experience in the oil
industry" and fired executives who
complained.[236] Chvez then faced a two-month
management strike at the PDVSA when he initiated
these management changes. Those involved in the
strike said that the new management was
"inexperienced and did not earn their jobs through
the established merit-based promotion system, but
were appointed only because they were Chavez
allies."[237] However, pro-Chvez political analyst
Gregory Wilpert noted that "While the opposition
labelled this action a 'general strike', it was actually a
combination of management lockout, administrative
and professional employee strike, and general
sabotage of the oil industry."[238] The Chvez
government's response was to fire about 19,000

striking employees for illegally abandoning their

posts and then employing retired workers, foreign
contractors, and the military to do their jobs
instead.[238] The Miami Herald reported from local
officials in Venezuela that in the month following the
replacement of workers, there were "at least 60
industrial accidents" including oil spills, at least
4,500 barrels of oil spilled, seven fires, the sinking of
barges and the death of a worker. Firefighters and
loss prevention experts for PDVSA reported that
conditions were too hazardous and later joined the
strike.[239] Energy Security Analysis Inc (ESAI)
claimed that, after the strike, "the oil sector has
struggled with inexperienced replacement workers
and the burden of funding Chavez' wide ranging
populist initiatives" and that there were "[s]tories of
crumbling facilities and underused refining
capacity".[240] Wilpert explained that this move further
damaged the strength of Chvez's opposition by
removing the many managers in the oil industry who
had been supportive of their cause to overthrow
Chvez.[238]
The 1999 constitution had introduced the concept of
a recall referendum into Venezuelan politics, so the
opposition called for such a referendum to take
place. A 2004 referendum to recall Chvez was
defeated. 70% of the eligible Venezuelan population

turned out to vote, with 59% of voters deciding to

keep the president in power.[206][241] Unlike his original
1998 election victory, this time Chvez's electoral
support came almost entirely from the poorer
working classes rather than the middle classes, who
"had practically abandoned Chvez" after he "had
consistently moved towards the left in those five and
a half years".[242] According to Cannon, some figures
in the opposition movement began calling for the
United States military to intervene and invade the
country in order to topple Chvez.[241][dubious discuss]
"Socialism of the 21st century"[edit]
[Bolivarian] socialism would be 'based in solidarity, in
fraternity, in love, in justice, in liberty, and in equality' and
would mean the 'transformation of the economic model,
increasing cooperativism, collective property, the submission
of private property to the social interest and to the general
interest', created 'from the popular bases, with the
participation of the communities'. This socialism was not a
dogma, however, but 'must be constructed every day'.
Barry Cannon, Irish political analyst (2009)[93]

The various attempts at overthrowing the Bolivarian

government from power had only served to further
radicalize Chvez. In January 2005, he began
openly proclaiming the ideology of "Socialism of the
21st Century", something that was distinct from his
earlier forms of Bolivarianism, which had been social
democratic in nature, merging elements of capitalism

and socialism. He used this new term to contrast

the democratic socialism, which he wanted to
promote in Latin America from the MarxistLeninist socialism that had been spread by socialist
states like the Soviet Union and the People's
Republic of China during the 20th century, arguing
that the latter had not been truly democratic,
suffering from a lack of participatory democracy and
an excessively authoritarian governmental
structure.[93]
In May 2006, Chvez visited Europe in a private
capacity, where he announced plans to supply
cheap Venezuelan oil to poor working class
communities in the continent. The Mayor of
London Ken Livingstone welcomed him, describing
him as "the best news out of Latin America in many
years".[243]

Third presidential term: 10 January 2007

10 January 2013[edit]
In the presidential election of December 2006, which
saw a 74% voter turnout, Chvez was once more
elected, this time with 63% of the vote, beating his
closest challenger Manuel Rosales, who conceded
his loss.[241] The election was certified as being free
and legitimate by the Organization of American
States (OAS) and the Carter Center.[244][245][246] After

this victory, Chvez promised an "expansion of the

revolution."[247]
United Socialist Party of Venezuela and domestic
policy[edit]
On 15 December 2006, Chvez publicly announced
that those leftist political parties who had continually
supported him in the Patriotic Pole would unite into
one single, much larger party, the United Socialist
Party of Venezuela (Partido Socialista Unido de
Venezuela, PSUV).[150] In the speech which he gave
announcing the PSUV's creation, Chvez declared
that the old parties must "forget their own structures,
party colours and slogans, because they are not the
most important thing for the fatherland."[150] According
to political analyst Barry Cannon, the purpose of
creating the PSUV was to "forge unity amongst the
disparate elements [of the Bolivarian movement],
providing grassroots input into policy and leadership
formation, [and] uniting the grassroots and
leadership into one single body."[248] It was hoped
that by doing so, it would decrease the problems of
clientelism and corruption and also leave the
movement less dependent on its leadership:[248] as
Chvez himself declared, "In this new party, the
bases will elect the leaders. This will allow real
leaders to emerge."[248]

The logo for the PSUV, Chvez's socialist political party

founded in 2007

Chvez had initially proclaimed that those leftist

parties which chose to not dissolve into the PSUV
would have to leave the government, however, after
several of those parties supporting him refused to do
so, he ceased to issue such threats.[249] There was
initially much grassroots enthusiasm for the creation
of the PSUV, with membership having risen to 5.7
million people by 2007,[248][250] making it the largest
political group in Venezuela.[251] The United
Nations' International Labour Organization however
expressed concern over some voters' being
pressured to join the party.[252]
In 2007, the Bolivarian government set up a
constitutional commission in order to review the
1999 constitution and suggest potential
amendments to be made to it. Led by the prominent
pro-Chvez intellectual Luis Britto Garca, the
commission came to the conclusion that the
constitution could include more socially progressive
clauses, such as the shortening of the working
week, a constitutional recognition of Afro
Venezuelans and the elimination of discrimination on
the grounds ofsexual orientation.[241] It also

suggested measures that would have increased

many of the president's powers, for instance
increasing the presidential term limit to seven years,
allowing the president to run for election indefinitely
and centralizing powers in the executive.[241] The
government put the suggested changes to a public
referendum in December 2007.[253]Abstention rate
was high however, with 43.95% of registered voters
not turning out, and in the end the proposed
changes were rejected by 50.65% of
votes.[241][254] This would prove to the first electoral
loss that Chvez had faced in the thirteen electoral
contests held since he took power,[241] something
analysts argued was due to the top-down nature of
the changes, as well as general public
dissatisfaction with "the absence of internal debate
on its content, as well as dissatisfaction with the
running of the social programmes, increasing street
crime, and with corruption within the government."[255]
In order to ensure that his Bolivarian Revolution
became socially engrained in Venezuela, Chvez
discussed his wish to stand for re-election when his
term ran out in 2013, and spoke of ruling beyond
2030.[256] Under the 1999 constitution, he could not
legally stand for re-election again, and so brought
about a referendum on 15 February 2009 to abolish
the two-term limit for all public offices, including the

presidency.[257] Approximately 70% of the

Venezuelan electorate voted, and they approved this
alteration to the constitution with over 54% in favor,
allowing any elected official the chance to try to run
indefinitely.[256][257][258]
Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas and the
Bank of the South[edit]

Chvez (far right) with fellow Latin American leftist presidents

in 2009. From left to right: Paraguay's Fernando Lugo,
Bolivia'sEvo Morales, Brazil's Lula da Silva and
Ecuador's Rafael Correa

The Bolivarian government placed a great emphasis

on providing financial and medical aid to the rest of
Latin America, bolstered by the profits produced by
the Venezuela oil industry: indeed, in the first eight
months of 2007 alone, Venezuela spent $8.8 billion
in doing so, something which was "unprecedented
for a Latin American country" in terms of
scale.[259] Adding to this, the Chvez administration
sought greater political, economic and military
alliances with those Latin American countries who
had seen leftist, and in particular socialist

governments elected in the early 21st

century.[260] The widespread success of left-leaning
candidates at the time had led to what political
analysts have described as a "pink tide" sweeping
the region, although there was a great deal of
diversity within this leftist trend. Those that became
the closest allies of Bolivarian Venezuela were Evo
Morales and his Movement for Socialism, which was
elected into power in Bolivia in 2005, and Rafael
Correa and his PAIS Alliance, who won the election
in Ecuador in 2006.[151]
It was alleged that Chavez's government gave
money, weapons and support to the FARC, a rebel
guerilla movement in Colombia known for extensive
kidnappings and control of the drug trade. The
suspicion of Venezuelan support was supposedly
repeatedly confirmed. In 2005, captured laptops
belonging to FARC leaders showed Chavez's
involvement and support. The FARC rebels sought
Venezuelan assistance in acquiring surface-to-air
missiles. These files were confirmed byInterpol as
being authentic.[261] Files found in Ecuador showed
FARC spent $400,000 to support the presidential
campaign of Rafael Correa, an ally of Chavez. The
documents allege that Chavez met personally with
rebel leaders.[262]

In 2007, the socialist Daniel Ortega and

his Sandinista National Liberation Front were
elected into government in Nicaragua, and his
administration immediately entered into deals with
the Venezuelan government. On Ortega's first day in
power, Chvez announced plans to aid the
impoverished Central American country by forgiving
the $30 million it owed Venezuela, and agreed to
supply them with a further gift of $10 million in aid,
as well as providing them with a $20-million loan
with little or no interest and designed to benefit the
country's poor.[263]
In 2004, Venezuela had been one of the founding
states in the Bolivarian Alliance for the
Americas (ALBA).
As of 26 September 2009, Chvez, along with allies
such as Argentina, Brazil and Bolivia, had set up a
regional bank and development lender called Bank
of the South, based in Caracas, an attempt to
distance himself from financial institutions such as
the International Monetary Fund. Chvez first
mentioned the project before winning the
Presidential election in 1998.[264] Chvez maintains
that unlike other global financial organizations, the
Bank of the South will be managed and funded by
the countries of the region with the intention of
funding social and economic development without

any political conditions on that funding.[265] The

project is endorsed by Nobel Prizewinning,
former World Bank economist Joseph Stiglitz, who
said: "One of the advantages of having a Bank of the
South is that it would reflect the perspectives of
those in the south," and that "It is a good thing to
have competition in most markets, including the
market for development lending."[266]
As the Arab Spring erupted across North Africa and
the Middle East in 2010, Chvez openly criticised
those leaders who had been backed by the U.S.,
such as Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, but at the same
time championed those who had adhered toArab
socialist ideals, such as Syria's Bashar al-Assad,
whom he called "a humanist and a brother" in spite
of Assad's government's violent crackdown on
protesters.[267] Following the outbreak of the Libyan
civil war, in which forces opposed to the socialist
government rose up against the regime, Chvez,
who had always had good international relations
with Libya describing its ceremonial
leader Muammar Gaddafi as "a friend of mine"[267]
offered to act as an intermediary between the
government and the rebel-controlled National
Transitional Council (NTC); however the latter
declined the offer.[268]During the subsequent 2011
military intervention in Libya, in which western forces

attacked the Libyan army in support of the NTC,

Chvez criticised the "indiscriminate bombing" of the
country, accusing the United States of simply trying
to "lay its hands on Libya's oil".[269] Upon the killing of
Muammar Gaddafi in October 2011, Chvez
proclaimed that "We shall remember Gaddafi our
whole lives as a great fighter, a revolutionary and a
martyr. They assassinated him. It is another
outrage."[270]

Fourth presidential term: 10 January 2013

5 March 2013[edit]
On 7 October 2012, Chvez won election as
president for a fourth time, and for the third time he
won a six years term. He defeated Henrique
Capriles with 54% of the votes versus 45% for
Capriles, which was a lower victory margin than in
his previous presidential wins, in the 2012
Venezuelan presidential election[11][271] Turnout in the
election was an unheard-of 80%, testifying that the
election was hotly contested between the two
candidates.[272] There was significant support for
Chvez amongst the Venezuelan lower class.
Chvez's opposition blamed him for unfairly using
state funds to spread largesse before the election to
bolster Chavez's support among his primary
electoral base, the lower class.[271]

Chvez in June 2012.

The inauguration of Chvez's new term was

scheduled for 10 January 2013, but as he was
undergoing medical treatment at the time in Cuba,
he was not able to return to Venezuela for that date.
The National Assembly president Diosdado
Cabello proposed to postpone the inauguration and
the Supreme Court decided that, being just another
term of the sitting president and not the inauguration
of a new one, the formality could be bypassed.
TheVenezuelan Bishops Conference opposed the
verdict, stating that the constitution must be
respected and the Venezuelan government had not
been transparent regarding details about Chvez's
health.[273]
Acting executive officials produced orders of
government signed by Chvez, which were
suspected of forgery by some opposition politicians,
who claimed that Chvez was too sick to be in
control of his faculties. Guillermo Cochez, recently
dismissed from the office

ofPanamanian ambassador to the Organization of

American States, even claimed that Chvez had
been brain-dead since 31 December
2012.[274][275] Near to Chavez's death, two American
attachs were expelled from the country for
allegedly undermining Venezuelan democracy.[citation
needed]

Due to the death of Chvez, Vice President Nicolas

Maduro took over the presidential powers and duties
for the remainder of Chvez's abbreviated term until
presidential elections were held. Venezuela's
constitution specifies that the speaker of the
National Assembly, Diosdado Cabello, should
assume the interim presidency if a president cannot
be sworn in.[276]

Political ideology

[edit]

Main articles: Bolivarianism and Bolivarian Circles

19th century general and politician Simn Bolvarprovided a

basis for Chvez's political ideas.

Hugo Chvez defined his political position

as Bolivarianism, an ideology he developed from
that of Simn Bolvar (17831830) and others.
Bolvar was a 19th-century general who led the fight
against the colonialist Spanish authorities and who
is widely revered across Latin America today. Along
with Bolvar, the other two primary influences upon
Bolivarianism areSimn Rodrguez (17691854), a
philosopher who was Bolvar's tutor and mentor,
andEzequiel Zamora, (18171860), the Venezuelan
Federalist general.[277] Political analyst Gregory
Wilpert, in his study of Chvez's politics, noted that
"The key ingredients for Chvez's revolutionary
Bolivarianism can be summarized as: an emphasis

on the importance of education, the creation of

civilian-military unity, Latin American integration,
social justice, and national sovereignty. In many
ways this is not a particularly different set of
principles and ideas to those of any
other Enlightenment or national liberation thinker."[278]
Democracy is impossible in a capitalist system. Capitalism is
the realm of injustice and a tyranny of the richest against the
poorest. Rousseau said, 'Between the powerful and the weak
all freedom is oppressed. Only the rule of law sets you free.'
That's why the only way to save the world is through
socialism, a democratic socialism... [Democracy is not just
turning up to vote every five or four years], it's much more
than that, it's a way of life, it's giving power to the people... it is
not the government of the rich over the people, which is
what's happening in almost all the so-called democratic
Western capitalist countries.
Hugo Chvez, June 2010[174]

Although he was a leftist ever since his days at the

military academy, after becoming president
Chvez's political position progressed further left,
rejecting moderate leftist ideologies likesocial
democracy or the Third Way and instead
embracing democratic socialism and more
revolutionary methods. He propagated what he
called "socialism for the 21st century", but according
to Gregory Wilpert, "Chvez has not clearly defined
twenty-first century socialism, other than to say that
it is about establishing liberty, equality, social justice,

andsolidarity. He has also indicated that it is

distinctly different from state socialism", as
implemented by the governments of the Soviet
Union and the People's Republic of China.[279] As a
part of his socialist ideas, he emphasised the role of
so-called "participatory democracy", which he
claimed increased democratic participation, and was
implemented through the foundation of
theVenezuelan Communal Councils and Bolivarian
Circles which he cited as examples of grassroots
and participatory democracy.[280]
Chvez was well acquainted with the various
traditions of Latin American socialism, espoused by
such figures as Colombian politician Jorge Elicer
Gaitn,[281] former Chilean president Salvador
Allende,[281] former Peruvian president Juan Velasco
Alvarado,[64] former Panamanian president Omar
Torrijos[68] and the Cuban Communist
revolutionaries Che Guevara andFidel
Castro.[281] Other indirect influences on Chvez's
political philosophy are the writings of American
linguist Noam Chomsky[282] and the Gospel teachings
of Jesus Christ.[283][284]
Chvez's connection to Marxism was a complex
one. In May 1996, he gave an interview with Agustn
Blanco Muoz in which he remarked that "I am not a
Marxist, but I am not anti-Marxist. I am not

communist, but I am not anti-communist."[285] In a

2009 speech to the national assembly, he said: "I
am a Marxist to the same degree as the followers of
the ideas of Jesus Christ and the liberator of
America, Simon Bolivar."[18][286] He was well versed in
many Marxist texts, having read the works of many
Marxist theoreticians, and often publicly quoted
them. Various international Marxists supported his
government, believing it to be a sign of proletariat
revolution as predicted in Marxist theory.[287] In 2010,
Hugo Chvez proclaimed support for the ideas of
Marxist Leon Trotsky, saying "When I called him
(former Minister of Labour,Jos Ramn Rivero)"
Chvez explained, "he said to me: 'President I want
to tell you something before someone else tells you
... I am a Trotskyist', and I said, 'well, what is the
problem? I am also a Trotskyist! I follow Trotsky's
line, that of permanent revolution," and then
cited Marx and Lenin.[288][289] Other inspirations of
Chvez's political view are Giuseppe
Garibaldi,[290] Antonio Gramsci and Antonio
Negri.[291][292][293][294]

Policy overview

[edit]

Economic and social policy[edit]

See also: Economic policy of the Hugo Chvez
government and Economy of Venezuela

From his election in 1998 until his death in March

2013, Chvez's administration proposed and
enacted democratic socialisteconomic policies.
Domestic policies included redistribution of wealth,
land reform, and democratization of economic
activity via workplace self-management and creation
of worker-owned cooperatives.[295] Chvez supported
the creation of a series of Bolivarian Missions which
claimed to be aimed at providing public services to
improve economic, cultural, and social conditions. A
2010 OAS report[296] indicated achievements in
addressing illiteracy, healthcare and poverty,[297] and
economic and social advances.[298] In January 2013,
the Heritage Foundation and the Wall Street
Journal gave Venezuela's economic freedom a low
score of 36.1, twenty points lower than 56.1 in 1999
and was ranked very low at 174 of 177 countries on
its 2013 Index of Economic Freedom report with its
freedom trend heading downward.[299]
Oil products were the keystone of the Venezuelan
economy during Chvez's presidential period.
Chvez gained a reputation as a price hawk
in OPEC, pushing for stringent enforcement of
production quotas and higher target oil prices.
According to Cannon, the state income from oil
revenue "increas[ed] from 51% of total income in
2000 to 56% 2006";[300] oil exports "have grown from

77% in 1997 [...] to 89% in 2006";[300] and "this

dependence on oil is one of the chief problems
facing the Chvez government".[300] In 2012, the
World Bank also explained that Venezuela's
economy is "extremely vulnerable" to changes in oil
prices since in 2012 "96% of the country's exports
and nearly half of its fiscal revenue" relied on oil
production.[301]
The economist Mark Weisbrot, in an analysis of the
Chvez administration, said: "The current economic
expansion began when the government got control
over the national oil company in the first quarter of
2003. Since then, real (inflation-adjusted) GDP has
nearly doubled, growing by 94.7 percent in 5.25
years, or 13.5 percent annually."[302] The inflation rate
was over 20 percent in January 2013.[303] According
to Ian James, citing estimates from the Venezuelan
Central Bank, the Venezuelan government
"controlled" the same percentage of the economy as
when Chvez was elected in 1998, with "the private
sector still control[ling] two-thirds of Venezuela's
economy".[304] For the year 2009, the Venezuelan
economy shrank by an average of 2.9% due to the
global recession.[305]

The blue line represents annual rates. The red line represents
trends of annual rates given throughout the period
shown. GDP is in billions of Local Currency Unit that has been
adjusted for inflation.
Sources: International Monetary Fund, World Bank

After his election in 1998, more than 100,000 stateowned cooperatives which claimed to represent
some 1.5 million people were formed with the
assistance of government start-up credit and
technical training;[306] and the creation and
maintenance, as of September 2010, of over 30,000

communal councils, examples of localised

participatory democracy; which he intended to be
integrated into regional umbrella organizations
known as "Communes in Construction".[307] In 2010,
Chvez supported the construction of
184 communes, housing thousands of families, with
$23 million in government funding. The communes
produced some of their own food, and were able to
make decisions by popular assembly of what to do
with government funds.[308] In September 2010,
Chvez announced the location of 876 million
bolivars ($203 million) for community projects
around the country, specifically communal councils
and the newly formed communes. Chvez also
criticised the bureaucracy still common in Venezuela
saying, when in discussion with his Communes
Minister Isis Ochoa, that "All of the projects must be
carried out by the commune, not the bureaucracy."
The Ministry for Communes, which oversees and
funds all communal projects, was initiated in
2009.[307]
Every factory must be a school to educate, like Che
Guevara said, to produce not only briquettes, steel, and
aluminum, but also, above all, the new man and woman, the
new society, the socialist society.
Hugo Chvez, May 2009[309]

Chvez supported the creation of a series

ofBolivarian Missionswhich claimed to be aimed at
providing public services to improve economic,
cultural, and social conditions. A 2010 OAS
report[296] indicated achievements in addressing
illiteracy, healthcare and poverty,[297] and economic
and social advances.[298] Barry Cannon wrote that
"most areas of spending have
increased".[310] "[S]pending on education as a
percentage of GDP stood at 5.1% in 2006, as
opposed to 3.4% in the last year of the Caldera
government."[310] Spending on health "has increased
from 1.6% of GDP in 2000 to 7.7% in
2006".[310] Spending on housing "receives low public
support", increasing only "from 1% in GDP to 1.6%
in 2006".[310] Teresa A. Meade wrote that Chvez's
popularity "rests squarely on the lower classes who
have benefited from these health initiatives and
similar policies."[311] Under Chavez, Venezuelans'
quality of life improved according to a UN
Index[2] and the poverty rate fell from 48.6 percent in
2002 to 29.5 percent in 2011, according to the U.N.
Economic Commission for Latin America.[2] The drop
of Venezuela's poverty rate compared to poverty in
other South American countries is slightly behind of
Peru, Brazil and Panama.[312] The Missions have
entailed the construction of thousands of free

medical clinics for the poor,[5] and the enactment of

food[9] and housing subsidies.[10]
The Center for Economic and Policy
Research (CEPR) reported that the Venezuelan
economy grew on average by 11.85% in the period
20042007.[313] According to The Washington Post,
citing statistics from the United Nations, poverty in
Venezuela stood at 28% in 2008,[314] down from
55.44% in 1998 before Chvez got into
office.[315] Economist Mark Weisbrot found that,
"During the ... economic expansion, the poverty rate
[was] cut by more than half, from 54 percent of
households in the first half of 2003 to 26 percent at
the end of 2008. Extreme poverty fell by 72
percent.[316] These poverty rates measured only cash
income, and do not take into account increased
access to health care or education."[302][317]Under his
presidency, the Gini coefficient, a measure
of income inequality, dropped from nearly .5 in 1998
to .39 in 2011, putting Venezuela behind only
Canada in the Western Hemisphere.[303] Nicholas
Kozloff, Chvez's biographer, stated of Chvez's
economic policies: "Chvez has not overturned
capitalism, he has done much to challenge the more
extreme, neo-liberal model of development."[259]
Literacy[edit]

Of Venezuelans aged 15 and older, 95.2% can read

and write, one of the highest literacy rates in the
region. The literacy rate in 2007 was estimated to be
95.4% for males and 94.9% for females.[318] In 2007
primary education enrollment was around 93%.[319]
Chvez's government says that it had taught 1.5
million Venezuelans to read but this claim has
become the subject of scholarly debate.[7][8]

Currency Black Market[edit]

Blue line represents implied value of VEF compared

to USD.The red line represents what the Venezuelan
government officially rates the VEF.
Sources: Banco Central de Venezuela, Dolar Paralelo, Federal Reserve
Bank, International Monetary Fund

The implied value or "black market value" is what

Venezuelans believe the Bolivar Fuerte is worth
compared to the United States dollar.[320] In the first
few years of Chavez's office, his newly created
social programs required large payments in order to

make the desired changes. On February 5, 2003,

the government created CADIVI, a currency control
board charged with handling foreign exchange
procedures. Its creation was to control capital
flight by placing limits on individuals and only
offering them so much of a foreign currency.[321] This
limit to foreign currency led to a creation of a
currency black marketeconomy since Venezuelan
merchants rely on foreign goods that require
payments with reliable foreign currencies. As
Venezuela printed more money for their social
programs, the bolvar continued to devalue for
Venezuelan citizens and merchants since the
government held the majority of the more reliable
currencies.[322]
As of January 2014, the official exchange rate is
1 USD to 6.3 VEF while the black market exchange
rate is over ten times higher since the actual value of
the bolvar is overvalued for Venezuelan
businesses. Since merchants can only receive so
much necessary foreign currency from the
government, they must resort to the black market
which in turn raises the merchant's prices
on consumers.[323] The high rates in the black market
make it difficult for businesses to purchase
necessary goods since the government often forces
these businesses to make price cuts. This leads to

businesses selling their goods and making a low

profit, such as Venezuelan McDonald's franchises
offering a Big Mac meal for only $1.[324]Since
businesses make low profits, this leads to shortages
since they are unable import the goods that
Venezuela is reliant on. Venezuela's largest food
producing company, Empresas Polar, has stated
that they may need to suspend some production for
nearly the entire year of 2014 since they owe foreign
suppliers $463 million.[325]

Food[edit]
In the 1980s and 1990s health and nutrition indexes
in Venezuela were generally low, and social
inequality in access to nutrition was high.[326] Chvez
made it his stated goal to lower inequality in the
access to basic nutrition, and to achievefood
sovereignty for Venezuela.[327] The main strategy for
making food available to all economic classes was a
controversial policy of fixing price ceilings for basic
staple foods implemented in 2003.[328] In 2012, total
food consumption was over 26 million metric tonnes,
a 94.8% increase from 2003.[329]

Empty shelves in a Venezuelan market.

In 2011, food prices in Caracas were nine times

higher than when the price controls were put in
place and resulted in shortages of cooking oil,
chicken, powdered milk, cheese, sugar and
meat.[23] These shortages of food occurred during
Chvez's presidency with food shortage rates
between 10% and 20% from 2010 to 2013. In early
2014, these food shortages nearly reached
30%[26] with some food shortages approaching 50%.
One possible reason for shortages is the relationship
between inflation and subsidies, where no
profitability due to price regulations affect
operations. In turn, the lack of dollars made it difficult
to purchase more food imports.[24] Chvez's strategy
in response to food shortages consisted mainly of
increasing domestic production through nationalizing
large parts of the food industry. The price ceilings
increased the demand for basic foods while making
it difficult for Venezuela to import goods causing
increased reliance on domestic production.
According to some commentators this policy may
have increased shortages.[330][331]
According to official statistics from the Ministry of
Land and Agriculture, soybean production in
Venezuela has grown by 858% to 54,420 tons over
the past decade, and production of rice has risen by

84%, reaching close to 1.3 million tons

yearly.[332] Chvez's presidency has also seen
significant increases in milk production, as much as
50% over ten years reported by some
sources.[333] Between 1998 and 2006 malnutrition
related deaths fell by 50%.[302][334] In October 2009,
the Executive Director of the National Institute of
Nutrition (INN) Marilyn Di Luca reported that the
average daily caloric intake of the Venezuelan
people had reached 2790 calories, and that
malnutrition had fallen from 21% in 1998 to 6%.[335]
In 2011, Datanlisis, an independent polling firm
found that powdered milk could be found in less than
half of grocery stores in Venezuela and that liquid
milk was even more scarce in the country.[330] Chvez
blamed "speculators and hoarders" for these
scarcities.[331]
Chvez was strictly enforcing a price control policy,
denouncing anyone who sold food products for
higher prices as "speculators".[328] In January 2008,
Chvez ordered the military to seize 750 tons of
food that sellers were illegally trying to smuggle
across the border to sell for higher prices than what
was legal in Venezuela.[336] In February 2009,
Chvez ordered the military to temporarily seize
control of all the rice processing plants in the country
and force them to produce at full capacity, which he

claimed they had been avoiding in response to the

price caps.[337] In May 2010, Chvez ordered the
military to seize 120 tons of food from Empresas
Polar after inconsistencies in reports from the
Empresas Polar conglomerate were said to have
been detected by authorities.[338]
In March 2009, the Venezuelan government set
minimum production quotas for 12 basic foods that
were subject to price controls, including white rice,
cooking oil, coffee, sugar, powdered milk, cheese,
and tomato sauce, which is intended to stop food
companies from evading the law. Business leaders
and food producers claimed that the government
was forcing them to produce this food at a
loss.[339] Chvez expropriated and redistributed 5
million acres of farmland from large landowners,
saying: "The land is not private. It is the property of
the state... The land is for those who work it." But,
the lack of basic resources made it difficult or
impossible to make full use of the expropriated lands
by its new tenants leading to a lower overall
degree of productivity in spite of a larger overall area
of land under cultivation.[340]

Shoppers waiting in line at a government-run MERCAL store.

As part of his strategy of food security Chvez

started a national chain of supermarkets, the Mercal
network, which had 16,600 outlets and 85,000
employees that distributed food at highly discounted
prices, and ran 6000 soup kitchens throughout the
country.[341] In 2008 the amount of discounted food
sold through the network was 1.25 million metric
tonnes,[302] often sold at as much as 40% below the
price ceiling set for privately own stores.
Simultaneously Chvez expropriated many private
supermarkets.[341] According to Commerce Minister
Richard Canan, "The average [savings] for the basic
food bundle (at the Mercal Bicentennial markets) is
around 30%. There are some products, for example
cheese and meat, which reach a savings of 50 to
60% compared with capitalist markets."[342] The
Mercal network was criticized by some
commentators as being a part of Chvez's strategy
to brand himself as a provider of cheap food, and
the shops feature his picture prominently. The

Mercal network was subject to frequent scarcities of

basic staples such as meat, milk and sugar and
when scarce products arrived, shoppers had to wait
in line.[341]
In 2007 14,383 tonnes of milk, rice, pasta, beef and
chicken, worth $54 million were also abandoned. In
2010, after the government nationalized the port at
Puerto Cabello, more than 120,000 tons of food
worth 10.5 bolivares sat rotting at the port.[343][344] In
May 2010, during a shortage of beef, at least 40
butchers were detained on charges of speculation
for allegedly selling meat above the regulated price;
some of them were held at a military base and later
strip-searched by police.[345]
Jose Guerra, former executive of the Central Bank of
Venezuela (BCV) explained that Venezuela's large
increases on purchasing food in 2012 and reserves
that are at their lowest levels since 2004 contributed
to dollar shortages that Venezuela suffered in the
years following 2012.[27]

Crime and punishment[edit]

Murder rate (1 murder per 100,000 citizens) from 1998 to

2013.
Source: Observatorio Venezolano de Violencia

During the 1980s and 1990s there was a steady

increase in crime in Latin America. The countries of
Colombia, El Salvador, Venezuela, and Brazil all
had homicide rates above the regional
average.[346] During his terms as president, hundreds
of thousands of Venezuelans were murdered due to
violent crimes occurring in the country.[347]
Under Chvez's administration, crimes were so
prevalent that the government no longer produced
crime data.[348] Homicide rates in Venezuela more
than tripled, with one NGO finding the rate to have
nearly quadrupled. The majority of the deaths occur
in crowded slums in Caracas.[28][29] The NGO found
that the number of homicides in the country
increased from 6,000 in 1999 to 19,000 in
2011[30][31] 21,692 in 2012[349] and 24,763 in 2013.[350] In
2010 Caracas had the highest murder rate in the

world.[351] According to the United Nations Office on

Drugs and Crime, in 2012 there were 13,080
murders in Venezuela and 14,670 murders in
neighboring Colombia.[352]
In September 2010, Chvez claimed that Venezuela
is no more violent now than it was when he first took
office.[353]Although critical of Chvez, an International
Crisis Group report claimed that when Chvez took
office, there were several factors beyond his control
that led to the crime epidemic throughout
Venezuela. The study went on to say that cross
border activity, mainly with Colombia, was also an
important factor. It claimed that international
organised crime filters between the two countries
had led to higher rates of kidnapping, drug
trafficking, and homicides. Furthermore, Chvez
supporters claimed that the states with the highest
murder rates were controlled by the
opposition.[354] According to the publications El
Espectador and Le Monde diplomatique, rising crime
in rural and urban areas of Venezuela was partly
due to increased cross-border activity by Colombian
right-wing paramilitary groups like guilas Negras.[355]
Police corruption[edit]
According to some sources, there is widespread
corruption in Venezuela's police force.[356] Many
victims are afraid to report crimes to the police

because many officers are involved with criminals

and may bring even more harm to the
victims.[32]Human Rights Watch claims that the
"police commit one of every five crimes" and that
thousands of people have been killed by police
officers acting with impunity (only 3% of officers
have been charged in cases against them).[357] The
Metropolitan Police force in Caracas was so corrupt
that it was disbanded and was even accused of
assisting in many of the country's 17,000
kidnappings.[33] Medium says that the Venezuelan
police are "seen as brutal and corrupt" and are
"more likely to rob you than help".[358]
Between 2000 and 2007, 6,300 Venezuelan
policemen were investigated for violations of human
rights. Because decentralization of police was
blamed for their ineffectiveness, the 1999
constitution required the National Assembly to form
a national police force to fight crime; however,
legislation on this became bogged down in
numerous legislative discussions. In 2006, the
government established the National Commission
for Police Reform (Conarepol), in which a range of
civil society representatives, politicians, and
academics investigated law enforcement in
Venezuela and made recommendations. This
included setting up a national police force designed

to operate with high standards of professionalism

and specific training in human rights. It also included
initiatives whereby communal councils could
participate in police supervision by being able to
request investigations into police behaviour and file
recommendations and complaints.[30] Chavez also
combated crime by raising the pay for police officers,
as well as launching a new national force.[29]
In 2008, Chvez passed a decree designed to
implement Conarepol's recommendation on the
national police force, and the National Bolivarian
Police (PNB),[359][360] and Experimental Security
University began operations in 2009. According to
the PNB, murder was reduced by 60%, robberies by
nearly 59%, and gender-based violence by 66% in
the pilot areas where the PNB was active in and
around Caracas.[360] However, not all homicides due
to encounters with police are reported.[361]
However, human rights groups still say the effort by
the Venezuelan government to fight crime is too
"timid".[362] The decree was also criticized because it
was negotiated behind closed doors and did not
follow Conarepol's recommendations to deal with
human rights and because "politicization of the force
could undercut the goal of professionalization".[361][363]
Prisons[edit]

During Chvez's presidency, there were reports of

prisoners having easy access to firearms, drugs, and
alcohol. Carlos Nietohead of Window to
Freedomalleges that heads of gangs acquire
military weapons from the state, saying: "They have
the types of weapons that can only be obtained by
the country's armed forces. ... No one else has
these." Use of internet and mobile phones are also a
commonplace where criminals can take part in street
crime while in prison. One prisoner explained how,
"If the guards mess with us, we shoot them" and that
he had "seen a man have his head cut off and
people play football with it."[364]
Edgardo Lander, a sociologist and professor at the
Central University of Venezuela with a PhD in
sociology from Harvard University explained that
Venezuelan prisons are "practically a school for
criminals" since young inmates come out "more sort
of trained and hardened than when they went in". He
also explained that prison are controlled by gangs
and that "very little has been done" to control
them.[365]
In some Venezuelan prisons, inmates partake
in gladiatorial matches to settle disputes. In 2011,
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of
the Organization of American States denounced the
practice of "The Coliseum" saying "The Commission

reiterates to the State the need to take immediate

and effective steps to prevent such incidents from
happening again" after 2 inmates died and 54 more
were injured after from the practices.[366] However a
year later, one "Coliseum" in Uribana left 2 dead and
128 injured. Those injured had to be assisted by a
church in the area.[367][368]
Venezuelan rights groups report that the 34 prisons
in Venezuela hold 50,000 people but are only
supposed to hold about one-third of that. In 2012, La
Planta, a prison built in 1964 with a capacity of 350
inmates, held almost 2,500 inmates with most armed
with heavy weapons.[369]

Corruption[edit]

Venezuela's perception of corruption scores between 2004

and 2013.
( * ) Score was averaged according to Transparency International's method.
Source: Transparency International

In December 1998, Hugo Chvez declared three

goals for the new government; "convening a

constituent assembly to write a new constitution,

eliminating government corruption, and fighting
against social exclusion and poverty". However,
during Hugo Chvez's time in power, corruption has
become widespread throughout the government due
to impunity towards members of the government,
bribes and the lack of transparency.[370] In 2004,
Hugo Chvez and his allies took over the Supreme
Court, filling it with supporters of Chvez and made
new measures so the government could dismiss
justices from the court.[357]According to
the libertarian Cato Institute, the National Electoral
Council of Venezuela was under control of Chvez
where he tried to "push a constitutional reform that
would have allowed him unlimited opportunities for
reelection".[37] The Corruption Perceptions Index,
produced annually by the Berlin-based
NGO, Transparency International (TNI) reports
findings of corruption in countries around the world.
In recent years, corruption has worsened; it was
158th out of 180 countries in 2008, and 165th out of
176 (tied withBurundi, Chad, and Haiti)[371]). Most
Venezuelans believe the government's effort against
corruption is ineffective, that corruption has
increased, and that government institutions such as
the judicial system, parliament, legislature and police
are the most corrupt.[372]

In Gallup Poll's 2006 Corruption Index, Venezuela

ranked 31st out of 101 countries according to how
widespread the population perceive corruption as
being in the government and in business. The index
lists Venezuela as the second least corrupt nation in
Latin America, behind Chile.[373] In August 2006,
following assaults on a squatter and a National
Assembly member, El Universal says that Chvez
called on the latest Minister, Jesse Chacn to quit if
he could not do the job, demanding more effort in
the fight against corruption, and affirming the need
to clean up and reform the local police forces. He
questioned the impunity that exists in the country,
and challenged authorities, like Chacn, to resign if
they could not make progress against crime. He also
called for greater protection of squatters settling on
landed estates.[374] Some criticism came from
Chvez's supporters. Chvez's own political
party, Fifth Republic Movement (MVR), had been
criticized as being riddled with the same cronyism,
political patronage, and corruption that Chvez
alleged were characteristic of the old "Fourth
Republic" political parties. Venezuela's trade
unionists and indigenous communities have
participated in peaceful demonstrations intended to
impel the government to facilitate labor and land
reforms. These communities, while largely
expressing their sympathy and support for Chvez,

criticize what they see as Chvez's slow progress in

protecting their interests against managers and
mining concerns, respectively.[375][376][377]
Use of income and public funds[edit]
From the beginning of Chvez's presidency to 2008,
Venezuela had a total income of approximately $700
billion. During that time, Venezuela's debt increased
from $22 billion to $70 billion. According to the Cato
Institute, this large amount of money was "nowhere
to be seen in terms of public works or effective
health and education programs".[37]
However, $22.5 billion of public funds were
transferred from Venezuela to foreign accounts with
half of that money being unaccounted for by
anyone.[37] Jos Guerra, a former Central Bank
executive, claimed that most of that money has been
used to buy political allies in countries such
as Cuba and Bolivia.[37] Chvez reportedly made
promises and carried out most payments of nearly
$70 billion USD to foreign leaders without the
consultation of the people of Venezuela and without
normal legal procedures.[37]
Aiding FARC[edit]
According to the International Institute for Strategic
Studies (IISS), "Chavez's government
funded FARC's office in Caracas and gave it access

to Venezuela's intelligence services" and said that

during the 2002 coup attempt that, "FARC also
responded to requests from (Venezuela's
intelligence service) to provide training in urban
terrorism involving targeted killings and the use of
explosives." The IISS continued saying that "the
archive offers tantalizing but ultimately unproven
suggestions that FARC may have undertaken
assassinations of Chavez's political opponents on
behalf of the Venezuelan state." Venezuelan
diplomats denounced the IISS' findings saying that
they had "basic inaccuracies".[378]
In 2007, authorities in Colombia claimed that
through laptops they had seized on a raid
against Raul Reyes, they found in documents that
Hugo Chvez offered payments of as much as $300
million to the FARC "among other financial and
political ties that date back years" along with other
documents showing "high-level meetings have been
held between rebels and Ecuadorean officials" and
some documents claiming that FARC had "bought
and sold uranium".[379][380]

Human rights[edit]
Main article: Human rights in Venezuela

Chvez, speaking at the 2003 World Social Forum in Porto

Alegre, Brazil

1999 Venezuelan Constitution[edit]

In the 1999 Venezuelan constitution, 116 of 300
articles were concerned with human rights; these
included increased protections for indigenous
peoples and women, and established the rights of
the public to education, housing, healthcare, and
food. It called for dramatic democratic reforms such
as ability to recall politicians from office by popular
referendum, increased requirements for government
transparency, and numerous other requirements to
increase localized, participatory democracy, in favor
of centralized administration. It gave citizens the
right to timely and impartial information, community
access to media, and a right to participate in acts of
civil disobedience.[197][198]
Criticisms[edit]
In 2008, Human Rights Watch released a report
reviewing Chvez's human rights record over his
first decade in power.[381]The report praises Chvez's
1999 amendments to the constitution which

significantly expanded human rights guarantees, as

well as mentioning improvements in women's
rights and indigenous rights, but noted a "wide range
of government policies that have undercut the
human rights protections established" by the revised
constitution.[381] In particular, the report accused
Chvez and his administration of engaging in
discrimination on political grounds, eroding the
independence of the judiciary, and of engaging in
"policies that have undercut journalists' freedom of
expression, workers' freedom of association, and
civil society's ability to promote human rights in
Venezuela."[382] The Venezuelan government
retaliated for the report by expelling members of
Human Rights Watch from the
country.[383] Subsequently, over a hundred Latin
American scholars signed a joint letter with
the Council on Hemispheric Affairs criticizing the
Human Rights Watch report for its alleged factual
inaccuracy, exaggeration, lack of context, illogical
arguments, and heavy reliance on opposition
newspapers as sources, amongst other
things.[384][385][386]
The International Labor Organization of the United
Nations expressed concern over voters being
pressured to join the party.[252]

Chvez meets with Hillary Clinton at the Summit of the

Americas on 19 April 2009.

In 2010, Amnesty International criticized the Chvez

administration for targeting critics following several
politically motivated arrests.[387] Freedom
House listed Venezuela as being "partly free" in its
2011 Freedom in the World annual report, noting a
recent decline in civil liberties.[388]
A 2010 Organization of American States report
found concerns with freedom of expression, human
rights abuses, authoritarianism, press freedom,
threats to democracy,[389][390] as well as erosion of
separation of powers, the economic infrastructure
and ability of the president to appoint judges to
federal courts.[389][390][391] OAS observers were denied
access to Venezuela;[391] Chvez rejected the OAS
report, pointing out that its authors did not even
come to Venezuela. He said Venezuela should
boycott the OAS, which he felt is dominated by the
United States; a spokesperson said, "We don't
recognize the commission as an impartial
institution". He disclaimed any power to influence the

judiciary.[392] A Venezuelan official said the report

distorted and took statistics out of context, and said
that "human rights violations in Venezuela have
decreased".[393] Venezuela said it will not accept an
IACHR/OAS visit as long as Santiago Cantn
remains its Executive Secretary, unless the IACHR
apologizes for what he[clarification needed]described as its
support of the 2002 coup.[296][394]
Venezuelan Judge Maria Afiuni was arrested in
2009 on charges of corruption, after she ordered the
conditional release on bail of banker Eligio Cedeo,
who had been held on charges of fraud and other
crimes due to alleged illegal currency trading
activities. Some human rights officials alleged the
arrest was politically motivated; Cedeo "had been
in pretrial detention for nearly three years, despite a
two-year limit prescribed by Venezuelan
law".[395] Cedeo later fled to the U.S. to avoid
prosecution. Following Afiuni's arrest, several
groups, including the United Nations, the InterAmerican Commission on Human Rights, the
Episcopal Conference of Venezuela, Human Rights
Watch, the Law Society of England and Wales, the
U.S. Department of State, and the European Union
Parliament accused Chvez of "creating a climate of
fear" among Venezuela's legal
profession.[395][396][397][398][399][400][401][402] The European

Parliament called it "an attack on the independence

of the judiciary by the President of a nation, who
should be its first guarantor".[403] A director of Human
Rights Watch said, "Once again the Chvez
government has demonstrated its fundamental
disregard for the principle of judicial
independence."[395]
Allegations of Anti-semitism[edit]
See also: Accusations of Chvez anti-Semitism
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is disputed. Relevant discussion may
be found on the talk page. Please do
not remove this message until
the dispute is resolved. (May 2014)
Chavez's opposition to Zionism and close relations
with Iran, have led to accusations
of antisemitism[404][405] During Chavez's presidency,
the Venezuelan Jewish community made statements
at a World Jewish Congress Plenary Assembly
in Jerusalem saying, "Where we live, anti-Semitism
is sanctioned. It comes from the president, through
the government, and into the media."[406] In a 2006
Christmas speech, Chavez made remarks saying
that "[t]he world is for all of us, then, but it so
happens that a minority, the descendants of the
same ones that crucified Christ, the descendants of

the same ones that kicked Bolvar out of here and

also crucified him in their own way over there in
Santa Marta, in Colombia. A minority has taken
possession all of the wealth of the world." The
Venezuelan Jewish community leadership and
several major American Jewish groups defended
Chavez from accusations (by the Simon Wiesenthal
Center, among others) that he had made antisemitic remarks. They pointed to Chavez's reference
to Bolivar as the clearest evidence that his
comments were directed at wealthy elites in general,
not at any group in particular.[407][408][409][410][411] In 2009,
attacks on a synagogue in Caracas were alleged to
be influenced by "vocal denunciations of Israel" by
the Venezuelan state media and Hugo Chvez even
though Chavez promptly condemned the attacks
blaming an "oligarchy".[406][412] Elias Farache,
President of the Venezuelan Israeli Association,
rebuked the allegations, stating that they came from
unauthorized spokespersons of the Jewish
community; he explained that "We do not blame the
government, and it does not sound logical for us to
be attacked by a government that is liberal, that has
above all always been in favor of
minorities".[413][414][415] A weeklong CICPC investigation
revealed the synagogue attack to be an 'inside job',
the motive apparently being robbery rather than antisemitism.[416][417] Venezuelan authorities arrested 11

suspects, including a rabbi's bodyguard, who

planned the crime, along with seven other policemen
and three civilians.[418] [419] The Venezuelan Israeli
Association publicly expressed its appreciation of
the Chavez governments prompt repudiation of the
synagogue attack, and its thorough investigation and
arrest of its perpetrators. "The national government
has shown its commitment to struggle to eradicate
feelings that are foreign to the Venezuelan people,
and to restore peace and tranquility to our
community", said Farache.[420][421][422][423][424] State media
attacks on Henrique Capriles Radonski, a Catholic
of Jewish ancestry, were widely criticized as
antisemitic.[425][426][427] The Wall Street Journal said that
Capriles "was vilified in a campaign in Venezuela's
state-run media, which insinuated he was, among
other things, a homosexual and a Zionist
agent".[425] Prior to the 2012 Venezuelan presidential
election, when Chavez faced presidential
nominee Henrique Capriles Radonski, it was
reported to be a choice between Chavez's socialist
revolution and "international Zionism which
threatens to destroy the planet", according to an
article published on the website of Radio Nacional
de Venezuela.[428]

Media and the press[edit]

See also: Media representation of Hugo Chvez

Although the freedom of the press was mentioned

by two key clauses in the 1999 Constitution of
Venezuela, in 2008,Human Rights Watch criticized
Chvez for engaging in "often discriminatory policies
that have undercut journalists' freedom of
expression."[382] Freedom House listed Venezuela's
press as being "Not Free" in its 2011 Map of Press
Freedom, noting that "[t]he gradual erosion of press
freedom in Venezuela continued in
2010."[429] Reporters Without Borders criticized the
Chvez administration for "steadily silencing its
critics".[430] In the group's 2009 Press Freedom Index,
Reporters Without Borders noted that "Venezuela is
now among the regions worst press freedom
offenders."[430]
The large majority of mass media in Venezuela
remained privately owned, but subject to significant
state control. The Venezuelan government required
that all private television stations dedicate at least
25%[clarification needed] of their airtime to programs created
by community groups, non-profits, and other
independent producers. In 2007,[dated info] private
corporations controlled 80% of the cable television
channels, 100% of the newspaper companies, and
706 out of 709 radio stations.[431][432]
In July 2005 Chvez inaugurated TeleSUR, a PanAmerican equivalent of Al Jazeera that sought to

challenge the present domination of Latin American

television news by Univision and the United Statesbased CNN en Espaol.[433] In 2006 Chvez
inaugurated a state-funded movie studio called Villa
del Cine (English: Cinema City).[434] According to
Chvez, the goal of this indigenous film industry was
to counter what he described as "the dictatorship of
Hollywood", the lack of alternative media.[435]

Venezuelans protesting against the closing of RCTV.

Chvez had a Twitter account with more than

3,200,000 followers as of August
2012.[436][437][438] Chvez's Twitter account has been
described as a way for people to
bypass bureaucracy and contact the president
directly. There was a team of 200 people to sort
through suggestions and comments sent via Twitter.
Chvez said Twitter was "another mechanism for

contact with the public, to evaluate many things and

to help many people",[439] and that he saw Twitter as
"a weapon that also needs to be used by the
revolution".[440] In a Twitter report released in June
2010 Venezuela was third globally for the
prevalence of Twitter with 19% of the population
using it.[441]
In 2010 availability of Internet service in Venezuela
rose by 43%.[citation needed] The Venezuelan state
instituted Infocenters, community spaces equipped
with computers with internet connections which are
free to use.[441] By January 2011 there were 737
infocenters, and the programme was awarded a
prize by UNESCO.[442]
In the days before the 11 April 2002 coup, the five
main private Venezuelan TV stations gave
advertising space to those calling for anti-Chvez
demonstrations.[443][444] In 2006, Chvez announced
that the terrestrial broadcast license for RCTV would
not be renewed, due to its refusal to pay taxes and
fines, and its alleged open support of the 2002 coup
attempt against Chvez, and role in helping to
instigate the oil strike in 20022003.[445] RCTV was
transmitted via cable and satellite and was widely
viewable in Venezuela until January 2010, when it
was excluded by cable companies in response to an
order of National Commission of

Telecommunications.[446][447][448] The refusal to renew

its terrestrial broadcast license was condemned by a
multitude of international organizations, many of
whom have claimed that the closure was politically
motivated, and was intended to silence government
critics.[449][450][451][452]
Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR)
questioned whether, in the event a television station
openly supported and collaborated with coup
leaders, the station in question would not be subject
to even more serious consequences in the United
States or any other Western nation.[453] In a poll
conducted by Datanalisis, almost 70 percent of
Venezuelans polled opposed the shut-down, but
most quoted loss of their favourite soap operas
rather than concerns about limits on freedom of
expression.[454]

Foreign policy[edit]
Further information: Foreign policy of the Hugo
Chvez government

Chvez with fellow South American presidents of Argentina

and Brazil

Chvez refocused Venezuelan foreign policy on

Latin American economic and social integration by
enacting bilateral trade and reciprocal aid
agreements, including his so-called "oil
diplomacy".[455][456] Chvez stated that Venezuela has
"a strong oil card to play on the geopolitical stage ...
It is a card that we are going to play with toughness
against the toughest country in the world, the United
States."[457] Chvez focused on a variety of
multinational institutions to promote his vision of
Latin American integration, including Petrocaribe,
Petrosur, and TeleSUR. Bilateral trade relationships
with other Latin American countries also played a
major role in his policy, with Chvez increasing arms
purchases from Brazil, forming oil-for-expertise trade
arrangements with Cuba, and creating
unique barter arrangements that exchange
Venezuelan petroleum for cash-strapped Argentina's
meat and dairy products. Additionally, Chvez
worked closely with other Latin American leaders
following the 1997 Summit of the Americas in many
areas especially energy integration and
championed the OAS decision to adopt the AntiCorruption Convention. Chvez participated in the
United Nations Friends groups for Haiti, and pursued
efforts to join and engage theMercosur trade bloc to
expand the hemisphere's trade integration
prospects.[458]

Argentina[edit]
Main article: Maletinazo

Chvez and then-President of ArgentinaNstor

Kirchner energy projects for South America.

In August 2007, Guido Alejandro Antonini Wilson, a

self-identified member of the entourage of Hugo
Chvez, who was about to visit Argentina, arrived in
Argentina on a private flight paid for by Argentine
and Venezuelan state officials. Wilson was carrying
US$800,000, which the police seized on arrival. A
few days later Wilson, a Venezuelan-American and
a close friend of Chvez's, was a guest at a signing
ceremony involving Cristina Kirchner and Chvez at
the Casa Rosada. He was later arrested on money
laundering and contraband charges. It was alleged
that the cash was to have been delivered to the
Kirchner's as a clandestine contribution to Cristina's
campaign chest from President Chvez. Fernndez,
as a fellow leftist, was a political ally of Chvez. This
was seen as a similar move that Chvez allegedly
used to give payments to leftist candidates in

presidential races for Bolivia and Mexico in order to

back his anti-US allies.[379] The incident led to a
scandal and what Bloomberg News called "an
international imbroglio", with the U.S. accusing five
men of being secret Chvez agents whose mission
was to cover up the attempt to deliver the cash.[459][460]
Cuba[edit]
Main article: CubaVenezuela relations
During Hugo Chvez's presidency, relations
between Venezuela and Cuba improved
dramatically. Their bilateral relations include
developmental aid, joint business ventures, large
financial transactions, exchange of energy resources
and information technology, and cooperation in the
fields of intelligence service and military.[461] In 2003,
Venezuela and Cuba made a bater agreement
where Cuba would send doctors to Venezuela while
Venezuela would send 100,000 barrels of oil per
day.[462] From 2008 to 2011, Chvez's government in
Venezuela gave Cuba $18 billion in loans,
investments and grants.[462]
Iran[edit]
Main article: IranVenezuela relations
Hugo Chvez and Iranian President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad, respectively, both described
themselves on the world stage as opposed
to American imperialism. Citing this commonality of

opinion, they formed a close alliance embarked on a

number of initiatives together. On 6 January 2007,
the two announced that they would use some money
from a previously announced $2 billion joint fund to
invest in other countries that were "attempting to
liberate themselves from the imperialist yoke", in
Chvez's words.[463] The two presidents declared an
"axis of unity" against "US imperialism".[464]
Chvez developed strong ties with the government
of Iran, in particular in the area of energy production,
economic, and industrial cooperation.[465] He visited
Iran on several occasions, the first time in
2001,[466] when he declared that he came to Iran to
"prepare the road for peace, justice, stability and
progress for the 21st century".[465] Mohammad
Khatami also visited Venezuela on three occasions.
During his 2005 visit, Chvez awarded him
the Orden del Libertador and called him a "tireless
fighter for all the right causes in the world".[467] In May
2006, Chvez expressed his favorable view of the
production of nuclear energy in Iran announced
by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and denied that they had
plans to developatomic weapons.[468]

In popular culture

[edit]

Bolivarian memorabilia for sale in Venezuela, 2006

Syndicated cartoonists from around

the world created cartoons,
illustrations, and videos of Hugo
Chvez's controversial political
career and the reactions to his
death.[469][470][471][472]

Hugo Chvez appears as a heroic

character in the Latin American
postmodern fantasy novel United
States of Banana (2011)
by Giannina Braschi; Chvez leads
left-wing Latin American
leaders Evo Morales, Lula, Fidel
Castro, and Cristina Fernndez de
Kirchneron a quest to liberate the
people of Puerto Rico from the
United States.[473]

Oliver Stone directed the 2009

documentary South of the Border,
where he "sets out on a road trip
across five countries to explore the
social and political movements as
well as the mainstream media's
misperception of South America,
while interviewing seven of its
elected presidents."[474]

On January 15, 2014, Mexican

novelist Norma Gomez
released Swan Song, a political
thriller that points to American
involvement in the death of Hugo
Chvez.[475]

On 5 March 2014, Oliver Stone

and teleSUR release the
documentary film Mi Amigo
Hugo (My Friend Hugo), a
documentary about his political life,
one year after his death. The film
also is a "spiritual answer" and a
tribute from Stone to Chvez.[476]

Personal life

[edit]

Chvez married twice. He first wed Nancy

Colmenares, a woman from a poor family in
Chvez's hometown of Sabaneta. Chvez and
Colmenares remained married for 18 years, during
which time they had three children: Rosa Virginia,
Mara Gabriela, and Hugo Rafael, the latter of whom
suffers from behavioural problems.[477] The couple
separated soon after Chvez's 1992 coup attempt.
During his first marriage, Chvez had an affair with
historian Herma Marksman; their relationship lasted
nine years.[478] Chvez's second wife was
journalist Marisabel Rodrguez de Chvez, whom he
separated in 2002 and divorced in 2004.[479] Through
that marriage, Chvez had another daughter,
Rosins.[480] Both Mara and Rosa provided Chvez
with grandchildren.[477][481] Allegations were made that
Chvez was a womanizer, and had been throughout
both his marriages, but these have remained
unproven and are contradicted by statements
provided by other figures close to him.[482]
Chvez was a Catholic. He intended at one time to
become a priest. He saw his socialist policies as
having roots in the teachings of Jesus
Christ,[483] (liberation theology) and he publicly used
the slogan of "Christ is with the
Revolution!"[484]Although he traditionally kept his own
faith a private matter, Chvez over the course of his

presidency became increasingly open to discussing

his religious views, stating that he interpreted Jesus
as a Communist.[485] He was, in general, a liberal
Catholic, some of whose declarations were
disturbing to the religious community of his country.
In 2008 he expressed his skepticism of an afterlife,
saying that such idea was false.[486] He also would
declare his belief in Darwin's theory of evolution,
stating that "it is a lie that God created man from the
ground."[487] Among other things, he cursed the state
of Israel,[488] and he had some disputes with both the
Venezuelan Catholic clergy and Protestant groups
like the New Tribes Mission,[489][490] whose evangelical
leader he "condemned to hell".[491] In addition, he
showed sysyncretistic practices such as the worship
of the Venezuelan goddess Mara Lionza.[492][493] In his
last years, after he discovered he had cancer,
Chvez became more attached to the Catholic
Church.[494]

Illness

[edit]

In June 2011, Chvez revealed in a televised

address from Havana, Cuba, that he was recovering
from an operation to remove an abscessed tumor
with cancerous cells.[495] Vice President Elas
Jaua declared that the President remained in "full
exercise" of power and that there was no need to

transfer power due to his absence from the

country.[496] On 3 July, the Venezuelan government
denied, however, that Chvez's tumour had been
completely removed, further stating that he was
heading for "complete recovery".[497] On 17 July 2011,
television news reported that Chvez had returned
to Cuba for further cancer treatments.[498]
Chvez gave a public appearance on 28 July 2011,
his 57th birthday, in which he stated that his health
troubles had led him to radically reorient his life
towards a "more diverse, more reflective and multifaceted" outlook, and he went on to call on the
middle classes and the private sector to get more
involved in his Bolivarian Revolution, something he
saw as "vital" to its success.[499] Soon after this
speech, in August Chvez announced that his
government would nationalize Venezuela's gold
industry, taking it over from Russian-controlled
company Rusoro, while at the same time also
moving the country's gold stocks, which were largely
stored in western banks, to banks in Venezuela's
political allies like Russia, China and Brazil.[500]
On 9 July 2012, Chvez declared himself fully
recovered from cancer just three months before
the 2012 Venezuelan presidential election, which he
won, securing a fourth term as president.[501] In

November 2012, Chvez announced plans to travel

to Cuba for more medical treatment for cancer.[502]
On 8 December 2012, Chvez announced he would
undergo a new operation after doctors
in Cuba detected malignant cells; the operation took
place on 11 December 2012.[503] Chvez suffered
a respiratory infection after undergoing the surgery
but it was controlled.[504] It was announced 20
December by the country's vice-president that
Chvez had suffered complications following his
surgery.[505] It was announced on 3 January 2013 that
Chvez had a severe lung infection that had
caused respiratory failures following a strict
treatment regimen for respiratory
insufficiency.[506] However he was reported to have
overcome this later that month,[507] and it was
reported that he was then undergoing further
treatment.[508]On 18 February 2013, Chvez returned
to Venezuela after 2 months of cancer treatment in
Cuba.[509] On 1 March 2013, Vice President Nicols
Maduro said that Chvez had been receiving
chemotherapy in Venezuela following his surgery in
Cuba.[510] On 4 March, it was announced by the
Venezuelan government that Chvez's breathing
problems had worsened and he was suffering a
new, severe respiratory infection.[511]

After his first cancer surgery in June 2011, Chvez

indicated that a baseball-sized tumor had been
removed from his pelvis, but he never revealed what
type of cancer he suffered from then or later when
further surgery, chemotherapy and radiation were
used.[512]
However, on 27 February 2012, Wikileaks released
an internal Stratfor email, dated 6 December 2011,
that detailed the earlier cancer as well as putting the
blame on his doctors and Chavez's personal habits.
It also details the cause for his second trip to Cuba.
"The tumor started as a growth close to the prostate.
It spread to the colon, which is what led to a lot of
confusion in the [unknown] about the treatment of
prostate v. colon cancer in hormonal v.
chemotherapy. A reliable source on the medical
[team] has explained that the cancer has spread to
the lymph nodes and into the bone marrow up to the
spine, ie. very serious." [513]
"Chavez temporarily stopped the chemo in order to
make an appearance at the recent CELAC meeting.
The medical team is made up of both Russian and
Cuban doctors. Both sides are clashing. The
Russian team blamed the Cubans for an improper
surgery the first time in trying to remove the tumor.
The second surgery over the summer was basically
the Russian team trying to clean up the Cuban

team's mistakes. The Russians complain that the

Cubans don't have the right imagery treatment to
properly treat Chavez. The Cuban medical diagnosis
is two years. The Russian medical diagnosis, due to
improper medical equipment, is less than one year.
The source on the medical team complains that
Chavez is a very 'bad patient.' He doesn't listen to
his doctors, and he ceases treatment when he has
to make a public appearance. Now the Russian and
the Chinese doctors are going at it because Chavez
sought the advice of a Chinese doctor that
advocates more natural treatments and the
Russians are saying this is "horse shit treatment".
Only Chavez can get the most politicized medical
team in the world." [513]

Death

[edit]

Main article: Death and state funeral of Hugo

Chvez
On 5 March 2013, Vice President Nicols Maduro
announced on state television that Chvez had died
in a military hospital in Caracas at
16:25 VET (20:55 UTC).[514] The Vice President said
Chvez died "after battling a tough illness for nearly
two years."[514] According to the head of Venezuela's
presidential guard, Chvez died from a massive
heart attack, and his cancer was very advanced

when he died.[515] Gen. Jose Ornella said that near

the end of his life Chvez could not speak aloud, but
mouthed his last words: "Yo no quiero morir, por
favor no me dejen morir" (I don't want to die. Please
don't let me die).[515] The funeral was planned to be
held in Caracas.[516][517][518][519][520] Chvez is survived by
four children and four grandchildren.[521]
Vice President Maduro and Chvez's supporters had
suggested foul play was behind Chvez's illness and
death.[514][522]Maduro speculated that Chvez had
been poisoned or infected by enemies, and
expressed a belief that the claim could someday be
tested scientifically. It was unclear whether Maduro
was referring to Chvez' cancer, or his respiratory
infection. During the same address, Maduro
announced the expulsion of an attach to the U.S.
embassy for what he called "a plot against the
government" of Venezuela.[523][524][525][526][527] Chvez
himself had claimed to be "a victim of U.S.
assassination attempts."[528] The U.S. Department of
State dismissed the allegation as
"absurd".[529] Argentine doctor Eduardo Cazap
dismissed Venezuelan claims of the existence of a
cancer-inducing weapon by quoting: "Our body is
extremely resistant to all the factors that could affect
it. And when you need to produce cancer in an

experimental manner you need to use huge

amounts of drugs or huge amounts of toxins".[530]
His death triggered a constitutional requirement that
a presidential election be called within 30 days.
Chavez's Vice President, Maduro, was elected
president.

Honours and awards

Award or
decoration
Order of
Jos
Marti

Countr
y

Date

[edit]

Place

Note

Cuban
17
highest
Cuba Novemb Havana
order of
er 1999
merit.

Grand
Collar of
8
the
Novemb Lisbon
Order of Portugal
er 2001
Prince
Henry
High
Medal of
Honor

Iran

Highest
29 July
Tehran national
2006
medal of

Ref

[531]

[532]

[533][53
4]

of the
Islamic
Republic
of Iran

Iran.

Highest
Order of
11
honour of
Augusto Nicarag
Manag
January
the
Csar
ua
ua
2007
Republic of
Sandino
Nicaragua.
Order of
the
Friendsh Belarus
ip of
Peoples

23 July
Minsk
2008

Order of
the
Republic Serbia
of Serbia

Serbian
highest
order of
6 March Belgra
merit.
2013
de
Awarded
posthumous
ly.

[535]

[536]

[537]

Recognition[edit]
The United States-based Time magazine included
Hugo Chvez among their list of the world's 100

most influential peoplein 2005 and 2006.[538][539] In a

2006 list compiled by the British magazine New
Statesman, he was voted eleventh in the list of
"Heroes of our time".[540] In 2010 the magazine
included Chvez in its annual The World's 50 Most
Influential Figures.[541] His biographers Marcano and
Tyszka believed that within only a few years of his
presidency, he "had already earned his place in
history as the president most loved and most
despised by the Venezuelan people, the president
who inspired the greatest zeal and the deepest
revulsion at the same time."[542]
In 2008 Chvez was awarded the Blue Planet
Award [543] by the Ethecon Foundation,[544] one of the
comparatively very few 'grass-root' foundations.[545]

Honorary degrees[edit]
During his term, Chvez was awarded the following
honorary degrees:[546]

South Korea: Kyung Hee

University Honorary Doctorate in
Political Science Granted by
Rector Chungwon Choue on 16
October 1999.
Dominican
Republic: Universidad Autnoma
de Santo Domingo Honorary

Doctorate in Jurisprudence, 9
March 2001.
Brazil: University of
Braslia Honorary Doctorate
Granted by Rector Alberto Prez
on 3 April 2001.
Nicaragua: Universidad Nacional
de Ingeniera Honorary Doctorate
in Engineering Granted by Rector
Aldo Urbina on May 2001.[547]
Russia: Diplomatic Academy of
the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs Honorary Doctorate, 15 May
2001.
China: Beijing
University Honorary Doctorate in
Economics, 24 May 2001.
Bolivia: Higher University of San
Andrs Honorary Doctorate, 24
January 2006.[548]
Chile: UARCIS Honorary
Doctorate Granted by Rector
Carlos Margotta Trincado on 7
March 2006.[549]
Syria: University of
Damascus Honorary Doctorate

Legacy

Granted by Rector Wael Moualla

on 30 August 2006.[550]
Libya: University of
Tripoli Honorary Doctorate in
Economy and Human Sciences, 23
October 2010.[551][552]

[edit]

Eponyms[edit]

Hugo Chvez International

Airport in Cap-Hatien, Haiti.[553][554]
Hugo Chvez neighbourhood,
in Managua, Nicaragua.[555]
Hugo Chvez neighbourhood,
in Pehuaj, Argentina.[556]
Potter complex Hugo Chvez,
in Maripa, Venezuela.[557]
Roads and streets:

Dominican Republic: Hugo

Chvez Street, Moca.[558]

Dominican Republic: President

Hugo Chvez Avenue, Santo
Domingo Este.[559][560]

Dominican Republic:
Commander Hugo Chvez
Street, La Vega.[561][562]

Lebanon: President Hugo

Chvez Square, Majadel.[563]

State of Palestine: Hugo

Chvez Street, al-Bireh.[564]

Russia: Hugo Chvez

Street, Moscow.[565][566]
Several other cities of the world had expressed their
intention of naming one of their streets Hugo
Chvez, for
example:Minsk (Belarus),[567] Durban (South
Africa),[568] Rio
Gallegos (Argentina),[569] Maturn (Venezuela)[570] or L
ouga(Senegal).[571]

See also

[edit]

Venezuela portal

References

Bolivarianism
Chavismo
[edit]

Footnotes[edit]
1. Jump up^ Ian James (4 October
2012)."Venezuela vote puts
'Chavismo' to critical test".
Yahoo. Archivedfrom the original on

4 Sep 2014. Retrieved 2 February

2013.
2. ^ Jump up to:a b c Charlie Devereux
& Raymond Colitt. March 7,
2013. "Venezuelans' Quality of Life
Improved in UN Index Under
Chavez]". Bloomberg.Archived from
the original on 4 Sep 2014.
Retrieved 7 March 2013.
3. Jump up^ "Social Panorama of
Latin America 2013". ECLAC.
March 2014.Archived from the
original on 4 Sep 2014. Retrieved
24 April 2014.
4. Jump up^ Montilla K., Andrea (23
April 2014)."Hoy se inicia consulta
nacional para el currculo
educativo". El Nacional. Retrieved
24 April 2014.
5. ^ Jump up to:a b "Estrategia de
Cooperacin de OPS/OMS con
Venezuela 2006-2008" (PDF). Pan
American Health Organization. June
2006. pp. p. 54. Retrieved 31
December 2006. (Spanish)[dead link]
6. Jump up^ Mrquez, Humberto (28
October 2005). "Venezuela se
declara libre de
analfabetismo". Inter Press
Service. Archived from the original

on 4 Sep 2014. Retrieved 29

December 2006. (Spanish)
7. ^ Jump up to:a b "Propaganda, not
policy". The Economist. 28 February
2008.Archived from the original on 4
Sep 2014. Retrieved 3 May 2014.
8. ^ Jump up to:a b Weisbrot, Mark;
Rosnick, David (May
2008). ""Illiteracy" Revisited: What
Ortega and Rodrguez Read in the
Household Survey". Retrieved 3
May 2014.
9. ^ Jump up to:a b Barreiro C., Raquel
(4 March 2006). "Mercal es 34%
ms barato". El Universal. Retrieved
29 December 2006. (Spanish)
10. ^ Jump up to:a b "Banco de la
Vivienda transfiri 66 millardos para
subsidios". El Universal. 10
November 2006. Retrieved 29
December 2006.(Spanish)
11. ^ Jump up to:a b Cawthorne,
Andrew (8 October
2012). "Venezuela's Chvez reelected to extend socialist. rule".
Reuters. Retrieved 8 October 2012.
12. Jump up^ "Chavez swearing-in
delay legal, rules Venezuela
Supreme Court".

World.myjoyonline.com. 9 January
2013. Retrieved 8 March 2013.
13. Jump up^ Castillo, Mariano (5
March 2013)."Venezuelan leader
Hugo Chvez dies". CNN. Retrieved
5 March 2013.
14. Jump up^ Cawthorne, Andrew (5
March 2013). "Venezuela's Hugo
Chvez dies from cancer:
VP". Reuters. Retrieved 5 March
2013.
15. Jump up^ Ellner 2002
16. Jump up^ "Hugo Chavez:
Memorable moments". BBC News.
6 March 2013. Retrieved 14 March
2013.
17. Jump up^ Chavez calls bush
Satan
18. ^ Jump up to:a b "Hugo Chavez
admits to being Marxist, just like
Christ | World | RIA Novosti".
En.ria.ru. 2010-01-16. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
19. Jump up^ Yolanda Valery BBC
Mundo, Venezuela (1970-0101). "BBC Mundo - Amrica Latina El marxismo segn Chvez".
Bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 2014-05-19.
20. Jump up^ Foto: ABN / Zurimar
Campos."Chvez afirma que es

"marxista" pero reconoce que

todava no ha ledo "El Capital" en".
Noticias24.com. Retrieved 2014-0519.
21. Jump up^ Ludmila Vinogradoff
(2010-06-03)."Chavez se declara
marxista Internacional_Iberoamerica Internacional". ABC.es. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
22. Jump up^ "Chvez se declara
marxista en un mensaje ante el
Congreso". Edant.clarin.com. 201001-16. Retrieved 2014-05-19.
23. ^ Jump up to:a b "Venezuela's
economy: Medieval policies". The
Economist. 20 August 2011.
Retrieved 21 April 2014.
24. ^ Jump up to:a b "Las principales
causas de la escasez en
Venezuela". Banca & Negocios. 27
March 2014. Retrieved 21 April
2014.
25. Jump up^ Blasco, Emili (23 April
2014)."Venezuela se queda sin
suficientes divisas para pagar las
importaciones". ABC News (Spain).
Retrieved 24 April 2014.
26. ^ Jump up to:a b "EL ASCENSO DE
LA ESCASEZ". El Universal. 13

February 2014. Retrieved 21 April

2014.
27. ^ Jump up to:a b "Por qu faltan
dlares en Venezuela?". El
Nacional. 8 October 2013.
Retrieved 21 April 2014.
28. ^ Jump up to:a b Pretel, Enrique
Andres (2 September
2010). "Chvez defends his record
on crime in Venezuela".Reuters.
Retrieved 10 September 2010.[dead link]
29. ^ Jump up to:a b c d "Venezuela
murder-rate quadrupled under
Chvez: NGO".Reuters. 11 March
2010. Retrieved 10 September
2010.
30. ^ Jump up to:a b c Holland, Alisha. A
decade under Chvez: political
intolerance and lost opportunities
for advancing human rights in
Venezuela Human Rights Watch,
New York (2008) ISBN 1-56432371-4
31. ^ Jump up to:a b "Chvez criticizes
US take on crime in
Venezuela". The Boston Globe. 27
March 2012. Retrieved 16 May
2012.[dead link]
32. ^ Jump up to:a b Wills, Santiago (10
July 2013)."The World Is Getting

More Corrupt, and These Are the 5

Worst Offenders". Fusion. Retrieved
18 March 2014.
33. ^ Jump up to:a b "Venezuela: Police
corruption blamed for kidnapping
epidemic".The Scotsman. 30 May
2011. Retrieved 18 March 2014.
34. Jump up^ Marshall, edited by
Paul A. (2008).Religious freedom in
the world. Lanham, Md.: Rowman &
Littlefield Publishers. pp. 423,
424. ISBN 978-0742562134.
35. Jump up^ "Government Officials
Supporting the FARC". Press
Release. United States Department
of Treasury. Retrieved 5 March
2014.
36. Jump up^ Meza, Alfredo (26
September 2013). "Corrupt military
officials helping Venezuela drug
trade flourish". El Pais. Retrieved 5
March 2014.
37. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f Coronel,
Gustavo. "The Corruption of
Democracy in Venezuela". Cato
Institute. Retrieved 18 March 2014.
38. Jump up^ "Venezuela's DrugRunning Generals May Be Who
Finally Ousts Maduro". Vice News.

31 March 2014. Retrieved 13 April

2014.
39. Jump up^ "World Report 2012:
Venezuela". The Human Rights
Watch. Retrieved 14 April 2012.
40. Jump up^ "Venezuela ocupa
ltimo lugar de naciones
latinoamericanas analizadas". El
Nacional. 8 March 2014. Retrieved
17 March 2014.
41. Jump up^ "Leyes habilitantes".
Correo del Orinoco. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
42. Jump up^ Stay informed today
and every day (2010-1228). "Enabling laws in The
Economist". Economist.com.
Retrieved 2014-05-19.
43. Jump up^ Moloney, Anastasia (29
January 2007). "Photo Feature:
Chavez's Propaganda". World
Politics Review. Retrieved 10 March
2012.
44. Jump up^ Grant, Will (November
23, 2010)."Venezuela bans
unauthorised use of Hugo Chavez's
image". BBC News. Retrieved April
26, 2012.
45. Jump up^ Romero, Simon
(February 4, 2011)."In Venezuela,

an American Has the President's

Ear". The New York Times.
Retrieved April 26, 2012.
46. Jump up^ Lakshmanan, Indira (27
July 2005)."Channeling his energies
Venezuelans riveted by president's
TV show". The Boston Globe.
Retrieved 14 April 2012.
47. Jump up^ Manwaring (2005), p.
8.
48. Jump up^ Beaumont 2006.
49. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 78, 247.
50. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 21.
51. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 0809.
52. Jump up^ Chvez quoted
in Jones 2007. pp. 22, 25.
53. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 24.
54. Jump up^ Chvez quoted
in Jones 2007. pp. 23, 2526.
55. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 11.
56. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 2324,
2627.
57. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 07, 2426.
58. ^ Jump up to:a b c Cannon 2009. p.
55.

59. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka

2007. p. 30.
60. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 38.
61. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 4950.
62. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 31.
63. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 35.
64. ^ Jump up to:a b Jones 2007. pp.
4047.
65. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 2930.
66. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 36.
67. Jump up^ Chvez quoted
in Jones 2007. p. 40-47.
68. ^ Jump up to:a b Jones 2007. pp.
5253.
69. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 54.
70. Jump up^ Chvez quoted
in Marcano and Tyszka 2007. pp.
3637.
71. Jump up^ "Hugo Chvez Fras /
Venezuela / Amrica del Sur /
Biografas Lderes Polticos /
Documentation / CIDOB home
page". Cidob.org. 23 March 2012.
Retrieved 14 April 2012.
72. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 5456.

73. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka

2007. p. 37.
74. Jump up^ Chvez quoted
in Jones 2007 pp. 5455.
75. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 38.
76. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 5759.
77. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 59.
78. ^ Jump up to:a b Chvez, quoted
in Jones 2007. p. 59.
79. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 39.
80. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 41.
81. Jump up^ Chvez, quoted
in Jones 2007. pp. 6064.
82. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 6365.
83. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. p. 15.
84. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p. 54.
85. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 6577.
86. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 634.
87. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 4849, 56.
88. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. p. 16.
89. Jump up^ Gott 2005. pp. 2324.
90. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p. 56.
91. Jump up^ Chvez, quoted
in Jones 2007. p. 80.

92. Jump up^ Chvez, quoted

in Jones 2007. p. 81.
93. ^ Jump up to:a b c Cannon 2009. p.
58.
94. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 8385.
95. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. pp. 5153.
96. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 8690.
97. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp. 9293.
98. Jump up^ Crdenas, quoted
in Jones 2007. pp. 9293.
99. Jump up^ Marcano and Tyszka
2007. p. 50.
100. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p. 98102.
101. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
103.
102. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
105, 108.
103. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
3637.
104. Jump up^ Kozloff 2006. pp.
4344.
105. Jump up^ Gibbs 2006. p.
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106. Jump up^ Inter-American
Court of Human Rights 1999.
107. Jump up^ Pretel 2005.

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pp. 4647.
109. Jump up^ Marcano and
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111. ^ Jump up to:a b Cannon 2009.
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113. Jump up^ Gott 2005. p. 64.
114. Jump up^ Gott 2005. p. 63.
115. ^ Jump up to:a b Sylvia and
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117. Jump up^ Jones 2007. pp.
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118. Jump up^ Uppsala Conflict
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120. Jump up^ Gott 2005. p. 23.

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157.
122. Jump up^ Marcano and
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123. Jump up^ International Crisis
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124. Jump up^ Gott 2005. p. 67.
125. Jump up^ O'Keefe 2005.
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153. Jump up^ "Chvez's
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154. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
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155. Jump up^ Trinkunas, Harold;
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179. ^ Jump up
to:a b "VENEZUELAN SOLDIERS
LEAVE THEIR BARRACKS . . . TO
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182. Jump up^ Marcano and
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183. Jump up^ Chvez quoted
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184. Jump up^ Marcano and
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237.
186. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
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188. Jump up^ Jones 2007. p.
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189. ^ Jump up to:a b Gott, Richard
(2005). Hugo Chvez and the
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London [u.a.]: Verso.
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190. ^ Jump up to:a b Jones 2007.
p. 240.
191. ^ Jump up to:a b c International
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193. Jump up^ Belos 1999.
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3141.
197. ^ Jump up to:a b Wilpert 2003.
198. ^ Jump up to:a b "Bolivarian
Constitution of Venezuela".

Embassy of Venezuela in the US.

2000. Retrieved 30 December
2006.
199. Jump up^ International Crisis
Group 2007. pp. 0506.
200. ^ Jump up to:a b International
Crisis Group 2007. p. 06.
201. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 140.
202. Jump up^ Kozloff 2006. p.
88.
203. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Cannon
2009. p. 63.
204. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p.
42.
205. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 141.
206. ^ Jump up to:a b Ramrez
2005. p. 79.
207. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
4244.
208. Jump up^ Kozloff 2008. pp.
2324.
209. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 208209.
210. ^ Jump up
to:a b c d International Crisis Group
2007. p. 07.

211. Jump up^ Marcano and

Tyszka 2007. p. 143.
212. ^ Jump up to:a b Kozloff 2008.
pp. 1823.
213. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p.
32.
214. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 143145.
215. Jump up^ Ramrez 2005. p.
80.
216. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p.
01.
217. Jump up^ Brewer-Caras
2010. p. i.
218. Jump up^ Ramrez 2005. p.
83. See for example Lpez
2003 and Wilpert 2007.
219. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. pp.
0405.
220. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. p.
20.
221. Jump up^ The role of racism
and classism in Venezuela is
explored in Cannon 2009. pp. 38
41.
222. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 260.
223. ^ Jump up to:a b Cannon 2009.
p. 46.

224. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. p.

45.
225. Jump up^ Ramrez 2005. p.
81.
226. Jump up^ Ramrez 2005. p.
84.
227. Jump up^ Ramrez 2005. pp.
8384.
228. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 171172.
229. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 168.
230. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 170171.
231. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 175184.
232. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 181185.
233. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 185.
234. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. p.
24.
235. Jump up^ Kozloff 2008. p.
71.
236. Jump up^ Kahn, Jeremy (3
February 2003)."Pumping Trouble A
strike in Venezuela has raised
temperatures in Caracas and oil

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Retrieved 21 April 2014.[dead link]
237. Jump up^ Ceaser, Mike (5
April 2002)."Venezuelans hit by oil
crisis".BBC. Retrieved 21 April
2014.
238. ^ Jump up to:a b c Wilpert 2007.
p. 25.
239. Jump up^ Robles, Frances
(21 January 2003). "Oil accidents
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240. Jump up^ "MARKETS:
Impact of Chavez's death on
Venezuela and the oil
trade". Energy Asia. 11 March 2013.
Retrieved 21 April 2014.
241. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g Cannon
2009. p. 64.
242. Jump up^ Wilpert 2007. p.
19.
243. Jump up^ The
Observer 2006.
244. Jump up^ International Crisis
Group 2007. p. 01.
245. Jump up^ BBC News 2006.
246. Jump up^ "Chvez wins
Venezuelan election". Gulf News. 4

December 2006. Retrieved 30

December 2006.
247. Jump up^ Ireland OnLine. Chvez promises more-radical
turn toward socialism.[dead link] (4
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248. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Cannon
2009. p. 60.
249. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
5960.
250. Jump up^ Walter,
Mathew. "Venezuela May Lower
Voting Age, Add Gay Rights in
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Federico. "Massive Turnout in
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Pdvsa y Sidor se concentra
criminalizacin de las protestas
Economa". El Universal. 16 June
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253. Jump up^ Ellsworth, Brian
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Reuters. Retrieved 16 August 2007.
254. Jump up^ Romero, Simon (4
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26 February 2010.
255. Jump up^ Cannon 2009. pp.
6465.
256. ^ Jump up to:a b Carroll 2009.
257. ^ Jump up to:a b Cannon 2009.
p. 65.
258. Jump up^ Forero, Juan (16
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p. 45.
260. Jump up^ "Hugo Chavez; His
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Finds". Washington Post. Retrieved
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262. Jump up^ "FARC files 'show

ties to Chavez'". Al Jazeera.
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Vince. "Bank of the South."[dead
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President Hugo Chvez wins
another 6-year term, electoral
council says". Fox News Channel. 8
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(7 October 2012)."Chvez Wins a
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successor".National Post. Retrieved
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285. Jump up^ Quoted in Jones
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286. Jump up^ Video on YouTube
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289. Jump
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290. Jump up^ (Italian) Garibaldi,
the hero of Chvez
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"photo finish"
292. Jump up^ (Italian) Redazione
Il Fatto Quotidiano (18 March
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Rocco (17 August 2007). "Chvez
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311. Jump up^ Meade, Teresa. A
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318. Jump
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321. Jump up^ CADIVI, CADIVI,
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324. Jump up^ Pons, Corina (14
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325. Jump up^ Goodman, Joshua
(22 January 2014). "Venezuela
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Charlie (22 November
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331. ^ Jump up to:a b Romo, Rafael
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333. Jump up^ Research and
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Products Market Outlook to 2015
"Abstract", Research & Markets".
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334. Jump up^ Derham, Michael.
2010 Politics in Venezuela:
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335. Jump
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October 2009, Government Policies
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Retrieved 3 June 2012.
336. Jump up^ Venezuelan troops
crack down on smuggling along
Colombian border, Associated
Press, 22 January 2008
337. Jump up^ Chvez orders
army to seize Venezuela rice mills,
Reuters, 28 February 2009
338. Jump up^ Chvez
Government Seizes 120 Tons of
Food from Venezuela's Largest
Company, Latin American Herald
Tribune
339. Jump up^ Chvez boosts
food price controls, BBC, 4 March
2009

340. Jump up^ In Venezuela,

Land 'Rescue' Hopes Unmet,
Washington Post, 20 June 2009
341. ^ Jump up to:a b c A Food Fight
for Hugo Chvez, Business Week,
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342. Jump up^ Popularity of StateRun Food Markets on the
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343. Jump up^ A Rotting Chicken
in Every Pot: Venezuela's
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344. Jump up^ "Se pudrieron
alimentos valorados en Bs. 10
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345. Jump up^ Hugo Chvez's
Response to Beef Shortage: Arrest
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Michael.Forgotten continent: the
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Manuel. "How Did Venezuela
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January 2014)."Miss Venezuela's
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349. Jump up^ "Las campanadas
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350. Jump up^ "Venezuela's
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Deivis (25 August 2010). "Caracas
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353. Jump up^ Pretel, Enrique
Andres (2 September
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355. Jump up^ Lemoine, Maurice
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356. Jump up^ Reel, M. "Crime
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2012: Venezuela". Report. Human
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UNIVERSAL".
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214.
364. Jump up^ Gupta, Girish (14
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366. Jump up^ "IACHR Reiterates
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367. Jump up^ "Ria colectiva de
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368. Jump up^ "Coliseo en
Uribana sigue y llega a 128 heridos
Leer ms en:
http://www.ultimasnoticias.com.ve/n
oticias/actualidad/sucesos/coliseoen-uribana-sigue-y-llega-a-128heridos.aspx#ixzz2zP6WDmoB".Ulti
mas Noticica. 29 February 2012.
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Gustavo. "Corruption,
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371. Jump up^ "Factbox:
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372. Jump up^ "GLOBAL
CORRUPTION BAROMETER
2010/11". Transparency
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and Nicole NaurathGallup Launches
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Gallup Poll News
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374. Jump up^ Diaz, Sara
Carolina. Chvez exige acabar con
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(2005), "Challenges for Venezuela's
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398. Jump up^ "U.N. criticizes
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399. Jump up^ (Spanish) "TSJ
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400. Jump
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402. Jump up^ "Vietnamese
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Law Society of England and Wales.
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407. Jump up^ "Venezuelas Jews
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Over Remarks". The Jewish Daily
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408. Jump up^ "Playing the 'AntiSemitism' Card Against Venezuela".
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Reporting. 23 January 2006.
Retrieved 11 May 2014.
410. Jump up^ "From Chavezs
Alleged Anti-Semitism to the Threat
against Privileges". FVltairenetd. 12
April 2006. Retrieved 11 May 2014.
411. Jump up^ "Chavez's Alleged
Anti-Semitism:Right-wing pundits
and conservative hawks are calling
Hugo Chavez an anti-Semite.
Venezuela's Jewish community
says they don't know bupkus.".
Alternet. 14 March 2006. Retrieved
11 May 2014.

412. Jump up^ "Chvez

responsabiliza a "oligarqua" por
ataque a la sinagoga". El Universal.
1 February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
413. Jump up^ "Ataque a la
Sinagoga encierra "asuntos muy
extraos"". El Universal. 5 February
2009. Retrieved 4 June 2014.
414. Jump up^ "Contacto
telefnico del presidente de la
Repblica Bolivariana de
Venezuela, Hugo Chvez, con el
programa "Dando y
Dando"".Venezolana de Televisin.
5 February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
415. Jump up^ "Presidente
Chavez con el Pdte Asociacin
Israelita de Venezuela 2". Noticia
Oficial. 13 April 2010. Retrieved 4
June 2014.
416. Jump up^ "Present los
resultados de la investigacin de los
ataques a la
Sinagoga". Noticias24.com. 9
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
417. Jump up^ "Trasladan a los
Tribunales a implicados en ataque a

la sinagoga". Noticias24.com. 10
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
418. Jump up^ "Crnica AP: "Ex
escolta de rabino, sospechoso del
ataque a la
sinagoga"". Noticias24.com. 9
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
419. Jump up^ "El Aissami dijo
que el ataque a la sinagoga se dio
desde adentro y ratific complicidad
interna". Radio Mundial. 9 February
2009. Retrieved 4 June 2014.
420. Jump up^ "Ministro del Poder
Popular para las Relaciones
Exteriores, Nicols Maduro,
presidente de la Asociacin Israelita
de Venezuela, Elas Farache,
director del Cicpc, Wilmer Flores
Trosel, y el ministro del Poder
Popular para Relaciones Interiores
y Justicia, Tareck El
Aissami."(Press release). 12
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
421. Jump up^ Press Conference
- Israel Tiferet Synagogue of
Mariperez.

422. Jump up^ "Venezuelan

Jewish Community "Profoundly
Grateful and Moved" by
Governments
Efforts".Venezuelanalysis.com. 13
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
423. Jump up^ "Comunidad juda
ratific su satisfaccin por las
investigaciones sobre el caso de la
sinagoga de Mariprez". 12
February 2009. Retrieved 4 June
2014.
424. Jump up^ "Comunidad juda
agradece a Chvez resultados de
las investigaciones del caso
Sinagoga". Retrieved 4 June 2014.
425. ^ Jump up to:a b "Henrique
Capriles Radonski: Hugo Chavez
Foe A Target Of AntiSemitism". The Huffington Post. 17
February 2012. Retrieved 22 May
2012.
426. Jump up^ Devereux, Charlie
(20 February 2012). "Chavez media
say rival Capriles backs plots
ranging from Nazis to Zionists".
Bloomberg. Retrieved 21 February
2012. Also available
from sfgate.com[dead link]

427. Jump up^ Cawthorne,

Andrew (1 April 2012)."Insight: The
man who would beat Hugo
Chavez". Reuters. Retrieved 10
May 2012.
428. Jump up^ Devereux, Charlie
(20 February 2012). "Chavez media
say rival Capriles backs plots
ranging from Nazis to Zionists".
Bloomberg. Retrieved 21 February
2012.
429. Jump up^ "Map of Press
Freedom 2011."Freedom
House.org. 2011. Retrieved 6
December 2011.
430. ^ Jump up to:a b "Reporters
Sans Frontires". En.rsf.org.
Retrieved 28 September 2010.
431. Jump up^ David Edwards (19
October 2007)."Chvez and RCTV:
Media Enemies at Home and
Abroad". Media Accuracy.
432. Jump up^ Lamrani,
Salim "Reporters Without Borders
and Venezuelas RCTV", ZNet, 11
July 2007
433. Jump up^ Bruce, Ian. (BBC,
28 June 2005)."Venezuela sets up
'CNN rival'". Retrieved 13 June
2006.

434. Jump up^ Information on the

Villa del Cine[dead link] Bolivarian
Government of Venezuela
435. Jump up^ Ingham, James (1
November 2007). "Venezuelan
cinema, Chvez style". BBC News.
Retrieved 8 March 2013.
436. Jump up^ "Hugo Chvez
Fras (@chavezcandanga) op
Twitter". Twitter.com. Retrieved 8
March 2013.
437. Jump up^ Carroll,
Rory. "Hugo Chvez embraces
Twitter to fight online
'conspiracy'." The Guardian. 28
April 2010. Retrieved 7 August
2010.
438. Jump up^ "Hugo Chvez
Fras (chavezcandanga) on
Twitter".Twitter. Retrieved 28
September 2010.
439. Jump up^ Carroll, Rory (10
August 2010)."Hugo Chvez's
Twitter habit proves a popular
success". The Guardian(London).
440. Jump up^ Chris
Toothaker Chvez Hires 200 To
Manage His Twitter
Account,Associated Press, 8 May
2010

441. ^ Jump up to:a b AVN. "Internet

Usage Advances in Venezuela".
Venezuelanalysis.com. Retrieved
28 September 2010.
442. Jump
up^ (Spanish) UNESCO, 12
January 2011, Infocentros en
Venezuela trabajando por la
inclusin tecnolgica
443. Jump up^ Campbell, Duncan
(29 April 2002)"It's a Coup: your
sets will adjust accordingly," The
Guardian.
444. Jump up^ "The Media War
Against the People: A Case Study
of Media Concentration and Power
in Venezuela", in Olivia Burlingame
Goumbri, The Venezuela
Reader,Washington D.C., 2005, p
94.
445. Jump up^ Chvez to shut
down opposition TV. BBC News.
(29 December 2006).
446. Jump up^ "CONATEL orden
a las cableras suspender la seal
de RCTV por no cumplir la Ley
Resorte en". Noticias24.com.
Retrieved 28 September 2010.
447. Jump up^ [dead link]"Anti-Chvez
Channel Is Taken Down "

448. Jump up^ Station was never

closed as claimed Venezuela's
RCTV Reappears on Cable and
SatelliteVenezuelanalysis.com.
Retrieved 12 August 2007.
449. Jump up^ Forero,
Juan. "Pulling the Plug on AntiChvez TV". (The Washington Post,
18 January 2007). Retrieved 18
January 2007.
450. Jump up^ Joel Simon,
Executive Director CPJ urges
Chvez to allow RCTV to stay on
the air[dead link]. Committee to Protect
Journalists. Retrieved 29 May 2007.
451. Jump up^ Venezuela
(2006). Freedom House. Retrieved
29 May 2007.
452. Jump up^ IPI condemns
shutdown of RCTV television station
in Venezuela[dead link]. International
Press Institute. Retrieved 29 May
2007.
453. Jump up^ "Coup CoConspirators as Free-Speech
Martyrs." FAIR, 25 May 2007.
Retrieved 3 October 2010.
454. Jump up^ Ellsworth, Brian;
Oliver, Christian (28 May
2007). "Venezuela replaces

opposition TV with state network".

Reuters.
455. Jump up^ "Using oil to
spread revolution" (retitled to
"Venezuela and Latin
America") The Economist, (28 July
2005). Retrieved 11 June 2005.
456. Jump up^ Guyana Diary.
(Monthly Newsletter of the Guyana
Embassy, Caracas, Venezuela,
February 2004). "Guyana to Try for
Better Oil Rates Under Caracas
Accord".[dead link]. Retrieved 14 June
2006." Under the Caracas Energy
Accord, countries can purchase oil
supplies on concessional terms. It
complements the terms of the San
Jose Agreement, through which
Venezuela offers special financial
conditions to signatory oil-buying
countries."
457. Jump up^ Blum, Justin (22
November 2005)."Chvez Pushes
Petro-Diplomacy".Washington Post.
Retrieved 29 November 2005.
458. Jump up^ "Hugo Chvez in
Moscow Thinks First, Then
Speaks". Pravda.ru. 1 October
2009. Retrieved 21 September
2009.

459. Jump up^ "Another stashed

money scandal rocks Kirchner's
administration MercoPress".
En.mercopress.com. 2007-08-10.
Retrieved 2014-05-19.
460. Jump up^ Voreacos, David
(2008-01-07)."Venezuelan Valise
With $790,550 Roils U.S.-Argentina
Relations". Bloomberg. Retrieved
2014-05-19.
461. Jump up^ Javier
Corrales, Amherst College."The
Logic of Extremism: How Chvez
Gains by Giving Cuba So
Much" (PDF). Center for Latin
American and Caribbean
Studies,University of Connecticut.
Retrieved 2008-06-08.
462. ^ Jump up to:a b Lopez
Ballesteros, Frank (1 June
2014). "En tres aos se transfirieron
a Cuba 18.000 millones de
dlares". El Universal. Retrieved 4
June 2014.
463. Jump up^ Iran and
Venezuela plan anti-U.S. fund, USA
Today, 14 January 2007
464. Jump up^ "Iran, Venezuela in
'axis of unity' against U.S.". Reuters.
2 July 2007.

465. ^ Jump up to:a b VENEZUELA

E IRN EN CAMINO HACIA UNA
'ALIANZA ESTRATGICA'. El
Universal (21 May 2001). .
Retrieved 1 July 2006.(Spanish)
466. Jump up^ Hugo Chvez de
visita en Irn hasta el lunes. El
Universal (18 May 2001). .
Retrieved 1 July 2006.(Spanish)
467. Jump up^ Presidente Jatami
recibi condecoracin Collar de la
Orden del Libertador.[dead link] Radio
Nacional de Venezuela (1 March
2005). (Spanish)
468. Jump up^ "Chvez exige
respetar Irn y aclara que no tiene
plan nuclear".El Universal (21 May
2006). . Retrieved 1 July
2006. (Spanish)
469. Jump up^ Steve Brodner (8
March 2013)."Hugo Chavez
Cartoons and Comics". Los Angeles
Times. Retrieved 21 April 2013.
470. Jump up^ staff writer; no byline.--> (6 March
2013). "Cartoonists Say Goodbye to
Hugo Chavez". The Contributor.
Retrieved 21 April 2013.
471. Jump up^ staff writer; no byline.--> (21 April 2013). "Hugo

Chavez Cartoons and Comics".

News Cartoons, Cartoonstock.
Retrieved 21 April 2013.
472. Jump up^ staff writer; no byline.--> (7 March 2013). "Hugo
Chavez Cartoons and Comics".
Mercury News. Retrieved 7 April
2013.
473. Jump up^ Braschi, Giannina
(2012). United States of Banana.
Seatlle: AmazonCrossing. pp. 240
275.ISBN 9781611090673.
Retrieved 1 December 2011.
474. Jump up^ "South of the
Border". Movies.is. 30 December
2010. Retrieved 21 April 2013.
475. Jump up^ Gomez,
Norma. Swan Song.
476. Jump up^ ""Mi Amigo Hugo"
Trailer". You Tube. 28 February
2014. Retrieved 5 March 2014.
477. ^ Jump up to:a b Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 254255.
478. Jump up^ Byrne,
Jennifer. "Venezuela Bolivarian
Revolution".Foreign Correspondent.
3 June 2003. Retrieved 11
November 2005.
479. Jump up^ (Spanish) "Actriz
Venezolana Ruddy Rodrguez

Niega Romance con Hugo

Chvez." IBL News. 30 June 2006.
Retrieved 1 February 2007.
480. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 254.
481. Jump up^ Guevara, Aleida,
and Hugo Chvez. Chvez,
Venezuela and the new Latin
America. New York: Ocean Press.
2005. p 95.
482. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. pp. 230232.
483. Jump up^ "Chvez demands
Pope apologize for Indian
comments". Reuters. 19 May 2007.
Retrieved 16 August 2010.
484. Jump up^ Chvez quoted
in Marcano and Tyszka 2007. p.
140.
485. Jump up^ The Economist.
"With Marx, Lenin and Jesus
Christ". Jan 11th 2007. Retrieved on
May 14, 2014.
486. Jump up^ Jairo Vargas
(2013). "Ni el poder ni el dinero...".
Latino News, LLC: In May 2008,
Chvez said: "Some say that after
people die, the soul goes to heaven
and there the Kingdom of Christ will
be possible. No, false, there is not a

hereafter, the 'there' or the 'here' is

here; there is not an afterlife, it is
here.. " Retrieved on May 14, 2014.
487. Jump up^ NotiActual.
"Bocaranda: La nueva religiosidad
de Chvez revela la gravedad de su
cncer". April 9, 2012. 12:45 pm.
Retrieved on May 14, 2013.
488. Jump up^ La Nacin Mundo.
"Chvez condena ataque
"genocida" del "maldito" Estado de
Israel". June 2, 2010. Retrieved on
May 14, 2013.
489. Jump up^ Alford 2005.
490. Jump up^ (Spanish) Otaola,
Javier. "Chvez y sus
'demonios'." La Jornada. 12
February 2006. Retrieved 27
December 2006.
491. Jump up^ "Chvez conden
al "infierno" a un lder evanglico".
November 23, 2007. Retrieved on
May 14, 2013.
492. Jump up^ Mara Lilibeth Da
Corte. April 23, 2012. "Afirman que
Chvez representa la tpica
religiosidad venezolana" El
Universal. Retrieved on May 14,
2013.: "The one who takes a little of
the Catholic religion, which does not

see any contradiction in another

kind of religious expressions closely
linked to the Cuban, Santeria or
African religions, devotion to the
spirits, the cult of the dead, Maria
Lonza."
493. Jump up^ AP. El Universal.
"Chvez, despus del cancer,
recurre a la religin". May 7,
2012 "Chavez considers himself a
Catholic, but his religious beliefs are
somewhat eclectic. Sometimes he
has declared himself a follower of
folk deities such as Maria Lonza,
which is an indigenous goddess
venerated shrines, candles and
rituals."
494. Jump up^ Redaccin Central.
March 6, 2013. "Hugo Chvez
muri 'en el seno de la Iglesia'." ACI
Prensa. Retrieved on May 14, 2014.
495. Jump up^ "President
Chvez's address to the Nation". El
Universal, 1 July 2011
496. Jump up^ "Venezuelan VP
rules out declaring temporary
absence of Chvez"[dead link]
497. Jump up^ "Maduro niega que
haya secretismo sobre salud de

Chvez"[dead link]. El Nacional, 3 July

2011
498. Jump up^ WCBS-TV (New
York) morning news report, 17 July
2011, 07:40 am
499. Jump up^ BBC News 2011b.
500. Jump up^ The
Guardian 2011.
501. Jump up^ Naranjo and
Cawthorne, Mario and
Andrew. "Venezuela's Chvez says
"totally free" of cancer, again".
Yahoo News. Retrieved 9 July
2012.[dead link]
502. Jump up^ "Hugo Chvez
heading to Cuba for more
treatment". CBS News. Retrieved
27 November 2012.
503. Jump up^ "Chvez to
undergo new cancer surgery". CNN.
10 December 2012. Retrieved 9
December 2012.
504. Jump up^ "CHVEZ
SUFFERS RESPIRATORY
INFECTION AFTER
SURGERY". Associated Press.
Retrieved 19 December 2012.
505. Jump up^ "Venezuela VP:
Chvez Suffers 'New

Complications'". Associated Press.

Retrieved 31 December 2012.[dead link]
506. Jump up^ "Chvez battling
'severe' lung infection, respiratory
failure". CNN. 5 January 2013.
Retrieved 4 January 2013.
507. Jump up^ "Venezuela's
Chvez 'overcomes infection'.".
Aljazeera.com. Retrieved 2013-0202.
508. Jump up^ John Pike (201301-26). "Chvez Begins New
Treatment Course Vice
President.". Globalsecurity.org.
Retrieved 2013-02-02.
509. Jump up^ "Hugo Chvez
'back in Venezuela' after Cuba
cancer care". BBC. 18 February
2013. Retrieved 18 February 2013.
510. Jump up^ "VENEZUELA
SAYS CHVEZ RECEIVING
CHEMOTHERAPY".Associated
Press. Retrieved 2 March 2013.
511. Jump up^ "Venezuela says
Chvez's breathing problems have
worsened". Reuters. Associated
Press. 5 March 2013. Retrieved 5
March 2013.

512. Jump up^ AP (5 March

2013). "Hugo Chvez, 58, dies after
battle with cancer".New York Post.
513. ^ Jump up to:a b "The Global
Intelligence Files - Re: INSIGHT VENEZUELA - Update on Chavez's
health, power struggle, etc. VZ302". Wikileaks.org. Retrieved 3
October 2013.[dead link]
514. ^ Jump up to:a b c "Venezuelan
President Hugo Chvez dead, VP
says". Foxnews.com. Associated
Press. 5 March 2013. Retrieved 7
March 2013.
515. ^ Jump up to:a b Associated
Press. 07 March 2013. Heart attack
killed a suffering Hugo Chavez,
head of Venezuela's presidential
guard says. FOX News. Retrieved:
9 March 2013.
516. Jump up^ [3][dead link]
517. Jump up^ "Venezuelan
President Hugo Chvez dead, VP
says". Fox News. 5 March 2013.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
518. Jump up^ Frank Bajak (5
March 2013). "Hugo Chvez, Fiery
Venezuelan Leader, Dies at 58".
ABC News. Retrieved 5 March
2013.

519. Jump up^ Jonathan Watts (5

March 2013)."Hugo Chvez,
president of Venezuela, dies in
Caracas". London: the Guardian.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
520. Jump up^ Kraul, Chris (5
March 2013)."Venezuelan
strongman Hugo Chvez dead after
struggle with cancer". latimes.com.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
521. Jump up^ Associated,
The. "Chavez Family". Npr.org.
Retrieved 7 March 2013.[dead link]
522. Jump up^ "Hugo Chvez,
Venezuelan President, Dead at 58".
ABC News. Retrieved 5 March
2013.
523. Jump up^ "Venezuela Expels
2 US Diplomats; Vice President
Claims Hugo Chvez was Poisoned
| Fox News Latino".
Latino.foxnews.com. 5 March 2013.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
524. Jump up^ "Venezuelan VP:
Chvez was Poisoned Latest
News Briefs". Israel National News.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
525. Jump up^ Cawthorne,
Andrew (5 March
2013). "Venezuela's Hugo Chvez

dies from cancer". Reuters.

Retrieved 5 March 2013.
526. Jump up^ "Hugo Chvez,
Venezuela's Anti-U.S. Socialist
Leader, Dies at 58". SFGate.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.[dead link]
527. Jump up^ "Venezuela
accuses enemies of Chvez plot
This Just In CNN.com Blogs".
News.blogs.cnn.com. 5 March
2013. Retrieved 5 March 2013.
528. Jump up^ "FOX News
Confirms: Venezuelan President
Hugo Chvez Dies " FOX News
Radio". Radio.foxnews.com.
Retrieved 5 March 2013.
529. Jump up^ "S rejects
Venezuela's conspiracy claims".
AFP. 5 March 2013. Retrieved 5
March 2013.
530. Jump up^ Alexander, Ruth
(14 January 2012). "Hugo Chavez's
US 'cancer plot' put to the numbers
test". BBC News. Retrieved 7 March
2013.
531. Jump up^ Condecoro Fidel a
Hugo Chavez con Orden Jose
MartiLondres2012.ain.cu (Spanish)
532. Jump up^ CIDADOS
ESTRANGEIROS AGRACIADOS

COM ORDENS
PORTUGUESASOrdens.presidenci
a.pt (Portuguese)
533. Jump up^ "Highest Badge of
Honor Granted to Chavez". Fars
News Agency. 30 July 2006.
Retrieved 12 June 2013.[dead link]
534. Jump up^ "Syrian President
Awarded Iran's Medal of
Honor". People's Daily. 31 July
2006. Retrieved 12 June 2013.
535. Jump up^ "Presidentes
Chvez y Morales fueron
distinguidos con la orden Augusto
Csar Sandino".
Diarioelprogreso.com. 13 January
2007. Retrieved 12 June
2013.(Spanish)
536. Jump up^ Imposicin de
Orden Amistad de Pueblos al
Presidente de la Repblica
Bolivariana de Venezuela, Hugo
Chvez Embassy of the Bolivarian
Republic of Venezuela Washington D.C., U.S.A. (Spanish)
537. Jump up^ "

,
". Predsednik.rs. 6

March 2013. Retrieved 7 March

2013.[dead link]
538. Jump up^ Padgett 2005.
539. Jump up^ Padgett 2006.
540. Jump up^ Cowley 2006.
541. Jump up^ New
Statesman 2010.
542. Jump up^ Marcano and
Tyszka 2007. p. 148.
543. Jump up^ "Prsident Hugo
Chvez und Meister Abreu erhielten
"Blue Planet Award" in
Deutschland". Gobierno Bolivariano
de Venezuela. 16 March 2009.
Retrieved 5 April 2013.
544. Jump up^ "Botschaft von
Venezuela begrt ethecon-Preis
an Jos Abreu und Hugo Chavez".
ethecon - Stiftung Ethik &
konomie. 2009. Retrieved 5 April
2013.
545. Jump up^ "What do Hugo
Chavez, Vandana Shiva, and Diane
Wilson Have In Common?".
Chelsea Green Publishing. 2009.
Retrieved 5 April 2013.
546. Jump
up^ (Spanish) "Gobierno en Lnea:
Biografa del Presidente Hugo

Rafael Chvez Fras". Government

of Venezuela. 2005. Retrieved 15
October 2011.
547. Jump up^ "UNI otorgar
"Honoris Causa" a Chvez". El
Nuevo Diario. 5 January 2007.
Retrieved 15 June 2013. (Spanish)
548. Jump up^ UMSA entrega
ttulo de Honoris Causa a
Chvez Eldiario.net, 24 January
2006 (Spanish)
549. Jump up^ "Universidad de
Arte y Ciencias Sociales de Chile
entrega Doctorado Honoris Causa
al presidente Chvez". Venezuelan
Ministry of Communications and
Information. 10 November 2007.
Retrieved 15 June 2013. (Spanish)
550. Jump up^ "Universidad de
Damasco otorg Doctorado Honoris
Causa al presidente
Chvez". Venezuelan Ministry of
Communications and Information.
30 August 2006. Retrieved 15 June
2013. (Spanish)
551. Jump up^ "Chvez fue
investido doctor "honoris causa" por
la Universidad de Trpoli". El
Espectador. 23 October 2010.
Retrieved 15 June 2013.(Spanish)

552. Jump up^ "Chvez fue

investido doctor "honoris causa" por
la Universidad de Trpoli". Amrica
Economa. 23 October 2010.
Retrieved 15 June 2013. (Spanish)
553. Jump up^ "Haiti renames
airport for Hugo
Chavez". Associated Press. 18 April
2013. Retrieved 30 June 2013.
554. Jump up^ "Haiti renames
airport for Hugo Chavez". The
Jakarta Post (AP). 19 April 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.
555. Jump up^ "Barrio "Hugo
Chvez" de Managua espera algn
da ser visitado por su dolo". El
Nuevo Diario (AFP). 27 November
2008. Retrieved 30 June
2013. (Spanish)
556. Jump up^ "Barrio de Pehuaj
llevar el nombre de Hugo
Chvez". La Nacin (Telam). 8
March 2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013. (Spanish)
557. Jump up^ "Gobierno de Calle
Inspecciona el Complejo Alfarero
Hugo Chvez en Bolvar". Ministry
of Public Works and Housing
(Venezuela). 23 May 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.(Spanish)

558. Jump up^ "SC Aprueba calle

nombre Hugo Chvez".
Ayuntamiento de Moca. 21 March
2013. Retrieved 30 June 2013.[dead
link]

(Spanish)

559. Jump up^ "Rotulan una calle

en RD con nombre de Hugo
Chvez". Diasporadominicana.com.
6 April 2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013.(Spanish)
560. Jump up^ "A partir de hoy la
Prolongacin avenida Venezuela se
llamar Presidente Hugo Chvez".
Ciudadoriental.org. 5 June 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.[dead
link]

(Spanish)

561. Jump up^ "Rotulan calle en

honor al Comandante Hugo
Chvez". Ayuntamiento de La
Vega. 25 June 2013. Retrieved 30
June 2013.(Spanish)
562. Jump up^ "Designan calle de
La Vega "Comandante Hugo
Chvez"". El Sol Dominicano. 24
June 2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013.[dead link](Spanish)
563. Jump up^ "Inauguracin de la
Plaza Hugo Chvez en Mayadel,
Sur del Lbano". Embajada de la
Repblica Bolivariana de Venezuela

en Lbano. 27 May 2013. Retrieved

30 June 2013. (Spanish)
564. Jump up^ "Palestinian city
names street after Chavez". Jewish
Telegraphic Agency. 11 March
2013. Retrieved 30 June 2013.
565. Jump up^ "Calle de Rusia
lleva el nombre de Lder de la
Revolucin Bolivariana Hugo
Chvez". Venezolana de Televisin.
30 June 2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013. (Spanish)
566. Jump up^ "Moscow names
street in memory of Hugo
Chavez". Itar-Tass. 25 June 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.
567. Jump up^ "Ladutko in favor of
naming Minsk street after Hugo
Chavez".Belarusian Telegraph
Agency. 7 March 2013. Retrieved
30 June 2013.[dead link]
568. Jump up^ "Durban to rename
street after Chavez". The
Independent. 9 March 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.
569. Jump up^ "Quieren llamar
"Hugo Chvez" a una calle de Ro
Gallegos". La Nacin. 11 March
2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013. (Spanish)

570. Jump up^ "Plaza Rmulo

Gallegos podria llamarse
Comandante Hugo Chvez".
Elsoldematurin.info. 12 April 2013.
Retrieved 30 June 2013.(Spanish)
571. Jump up^ "Avenida en
Senegal se llamar "Hugo
Chvez"". ltimas Noticias. 16 May
2013. Retrieved 30 June
2013. (Spanish)

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Books[edit]

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Gates, Leslie C. (2010). Electing
Chvez: The Business of AntiNeoliberal Politics in Venezuela.
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: University of
Pittsburgh Press. ISBN 978-0-82296064-5.
Gott, Richard (2005). Hugo Chvez
and the Bolivarian Revolution in
Venezuela. London and New York:
Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467-533-3.
Hawkins, Kirk A. (2010). Venezuela's
Chavismo and Populism in
Comparative Perspective. New York:
Cambridge University
Press.ISBN 978-0-521-76503-9.

Jones, Bart (2007). Hugo! The Hugo

Chvez Story from Mud Hut to
Perpetual Revolution. Hanover, New
Hampshire: Steerforth
Press. ISBN 978-1-58642-135-9.
Kozloff, Nicholas (2006). Hugo
Chvez: Oil, Politics, and the
Challenge to the United States. New
York: Palgrave Macmillan.ISBN 978-14039-7315-3.
Kozloff, Nicholas (2008). Revolution!:
South America and the Rise of the
New Left. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-61754-4.
Marcano, Christina and Tyszka,
Alberto Barrera (2007). Hugo Chvez:
The Definitive Biography of
Venezuela's Controversial President.
New York: Random House. ISBN 9780-679-45666-7.
McCaughan, Michael (2005). The
Battle of Venezuela. New York: Seven
Stories Press. ISBN 978-1-58322-6803.
Tarver, H. Michael and Frederick,
Julia C. (2005). The History of
Venezuela. Westport, Connecticut:
Greenwood Publishing
Group.ISBN 978-0-313-33525-9.

Trinkunas, Harold A. (2005). Crafting

Civilian Control of the Military in
Venezuela: A Comparative
Perspective. Chapel Hill, North
Carolina: University of North Carolina
Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-5650-5.
Wilpert, Gregory (2007). Changing
Venezuela by Taking Power: The
History and Policies of the Chvez
Government. London and New York:
Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467-552-4.
Woods, Alan (2006). The Venezuelan
Revolution: A Marxist
Perspective (Third Edition). London:
Well Red Books. ISBN 978-1-90000721-4.

Academic articles[edit]

Ellner, Steve, S. (2002). "The 'Radical'

Thesis on Globalization and the Case
of Venezuela's Hugo Chvez". Latin
American Perspectives (Thousand
oaks, California: SAGE
Publications) 29(6): 88
93. doi:10.1177/0094582X020290060
9.JSTOR 3185001.
Gibbs, Terry, T. (2006). "Business as
Usual: what the Chvez era tells us
about democracy under
globalisation". Third World

Quarterly (London: Routledge) 27 (2):

265
279.doi:10.1080/01436590500492931
. JSTOR 4017674.
Lpez Maya, Margarita (2003). "Hugo
Chvez Fras: His Movement and His
Presidency". In Ellner, Steve;
Hellinger, Daniel. Venezuelan Politics
in the Chvez Era: Class, Polarization
and Conflict. Boulder: Lynne Riener.
pp. 7392.ISBN 978-1-58826-297-4.
Ramrez, Cristbal Valencia, C. b. V.
(2005). "Venezuela's Bolivarian
Revolution: Who Are the
Chavistas?". Latin American
Perspectives (Thousand Oaks,
California: SAGE Publications)32 (3):
79
97. doi:10.1177/0094582X05275532.J
STOR 30040243.
Sylvia, Ronald D. and Danopoulos,
Constantine P., R. D.; Danopoulos, C.
P. (2003). "The Chvez Phenomenon:
Political Change in Venezuela". Third
World Quarterly (London: Routledge).
24 (1) (1): 63
76. doi:10.1080/713701367.JSTOR 39
93630.
Zquete, Jos Pedro, Jos Pedro
(Spring 2008). "The Missionary

Politics of Hugo Chvez". Latin

American Politics and
Society (Hoboken, New Jersey: WileyBlackwell) 50 (1): 91
121.doi:10.1111/j.15482456.2008.00005.x. JSTOR 30130840
.

News articles and reports[edit]

Hugo Chvez kept his promise to the

people of Venezuela
Alford, Deann (14 October
2005). "Venezuela to Expel New
Tribes Mission". Christianity
Today (Carol Stream, Illinois:
Christianity Today International).
Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Beaumont, Peter (7 May 2006). "The
new kid in the barrio". The
Observer (London: Guardian Media
Group). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Bellos, Alex (17 December
1999). "New Venezuela hands
Chvez wide powers". The
Guardian (London: Guardian Media
Group). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Carl, Traci (11 January
2007). "Nicaragua's Ortega Signs
Trade Pact". The Washington
Post (Washington D.C.: The

Washington Post Company).

Retrieved 12 May 2011.
Carroll, Rory (16 February
2009). "Hugo Chvez wins
referendum allowing indefinite reelection". The Guardian (London:
Guardian Media Group). Retrieved 27
March 2011.
Chulov, Martin (3 March
2011). "Libyan rebels reject Hugo
Chvez mediation offer". The
Guardian (London: Guardian Media
Group). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Cowley, Jason (22 May
2006). "Heroes of our time the top
50". New Statesman (London).
Retrieved 27 March 2011.
Padgett, Tim (18 April 2005). "Hugo
Chvez: The Radical with Deep
Pockets". Time (New York City: Time
Inc.). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Padgett, Tim (30 April 2006). "Hugo
Chvez: Leading the Left Wing
Charge". Time (New York City: Time
Inc.). Retrieved 25 March 2011.
Padgett, Tim (3 March 2008). "War
Drums in Latin America". Time (New
York City: Time Inc.). Retrieved 25
March 2011.

Pretel, Enrique Andres (21 September

2009). "Venezuela exhumes unnamed
dead in riot investigation". London:
Reuters. Retrieved 30 March 2011.
Romero, Simon (16 February
2010). "Purging Loyalists, Chvez
Tightens His Inner Circle". The New
York Times (New York City: The New
York Times Company). Retrieved 10
April 2011.
Shifter, Michael, M. (MayJune
2006). "In Search of Hugo
Chvez". Foreign Affairs (New York
City: Council on Foreign
Relations)85 (3): 45
59. doi:10.2307/20031966. JSTOR 20
031966.
"Chvez to nationalise Venezuelan
gold industry". The Guardian (London:
Guardian Media Group). 18 August
2011. Retrieved 15 October
2011. (This content has been removed
as the copyright has expired)
"Chvez offers oil to Europe's
poor". The Observer (London:
Guardian Media Group). 14 May 2006.
Retrieved 27 March 2011.
"Chvez wins Venezuela re-election".
London: BBC News. 4 December
2006. Retrieved 27 March 2011.

"Venezuela President Hugo Chvez

meets Libyan delegation". London:
BBC News. 26 April 2011. Retrieved
11 May 2011.
"Venezuela President Hugo Chvez in
middle class appeal". London: BBC
News. 30 July 2011. Retrieved 30 July
2011.
"50 People Who Matter 2010: 10.
Hugo Chvez". New
Statesman (London). 21 September
2010. Retrieved 27 March 2011.

Interviews[edit]

Sackur, Stephen; Chvez, Hugo

(subject) (15 June 2010). "Hugo
Chvez, President of
Venezuela". HARDtalk. London:
British Broadcasting Corporation.
Retrieved 25 March 2011.

Websites and e-publications[edit]

Ellner, Steve (17 October

2005). "Venezuela's "Demonstration
Effect": Defying Globalization's Logic".
Venezuela Analysis. Retrieved 30
March 2011.
O'Keefe, Derrick (9 March
2005). "Building a democratic,
humanist socialism".

ZCommunications. Retrieved 30
March 2011.
Wilpert, Gregory (27 August
2003). "Venezuela's New
Constitution". Venezuela Analysis.
Retrieved 3 May 2011.
Trinkunas, Harold and McCoy,
Jennifer (February 1999)."Observation
of the 1998 Venezuelan Elections: A
Report of the Council of Freely
Elected Heads of Government".
Atlanta, Georgia: The Carter Centre.
Retrieved 21 March 2011.
"Del Caracazo Case". Inter-American
Court of Human Rights. 11 November
2011. Retrieved 21 March 2011.
"Venezuela: Hugo Chvez's
Revolution". International Crisis
Group. 22 February 2007. Retrieved 8
April 2011.

External links

[edit]

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Official personal blog (Spanish)

PBS Frontline Documentary: The

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Chavez: Inside the Coup: The
Revolution Will Not Be
Televised on YouTube
The Guardian: The Rise and Rule of
'Hurricane Hugo' audio slide show
Democracy Now! 16 September 2005
Interview: Part I and Part II with Hugo
Chvez, in New York City
ABC News Video, 27 April
2007: Barbara Walters interviews
Hugo Chvez
Interview with Hugo Chvez about the
American threat on YouTube October
2009

Multimedia

NPR Audio Report, 18 February

2008: The Politics of Venezuela's
Hugo Chvez
Appearances on C-SPAN
Articles and Interviews

BBC News: Profile: Hugo Chvez

Shifter, Michael. In Search of Hugo
Chvez. Foreign Affairs, May/June
2006 issue
Palast, Greg. Hugo Chvez
Interview. The Progressive, July 2006
Hugo Chvez collected news and
commentary at Al Jazeera English
Hugo Chvez collected news and
commentary at The Guardian
Hugo Chvez collected news and
commentary at The New York Times
Hugo Chvez collected news and
commentary at The Wall Street
Journal
Hugo Chavez death teaches vital
lesson about cancer

Miscellaneous

Extended biography by CIDOB (in

Spanish)
Hugo Chvez at the Internet Movie
Database

Works by or about Hugo Chvez in

libraries (WorldCat catalog)
Party political offices

New office

Leader of the Fifth

Republic Movement
19972007

Position
abolished

Leader of the United

Socialist Party of
Venezuela
20072013

Succeeded by
Nicols Maduro

Political offices
Preceded by
President of Venezuela Succeeded by
19992013
Rafael Caldera
Nicols Maduro

[sho

V
T
E

Hugo C

[sho

V
T
E

Presidents o

WorldCat
VIAF: 118314221
LCCN: n93108109
ISNI: 0000 0001 1085 880X
GND: 123854008
Authority control
SELIBR: 46169
SUDOC: 069145830
BNF: cb144101733 (data)
NDL: 00940621
BNE:XX1479372

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