Dear Workers Power comrades,

We have received your note of March 27th. We are determined to translate into English our articles
from the International Workers Organizer (IWO) number 12, which is the FLT public speaker. We
have sent you -and we would like you to confirm us if you have received it-, an English edition of the
IWO, published in 2008, where we had published 23 points to call an international conference, and
also central articles about the Bolivian question, the struggle against popular front, the stab in the back
to the Colombian resistance, the Cuban question, among other key articles.
We insist. We would like to know if you have received the English IWO released in 2008. If you
hadn’t, please let us know, so we’ll send it again. The articles we had sent you in English about the
Guadalupe’s and Palestinian questions are part of the IWO number 12, that has been released in
Spanish. Our translation team is working as fast as they can to send you in the next days the
translations of the main articles of our international paper, as the editorial of IWO number 12, the
article on the Greek question and an article on the Madagascar developments, which are the main
statements of the LTF right now.
Answering your question about why we are interested in your knowing our positions, we would like
to make something clear: first of all we started knowing your positions as well as those positions from
the different currents which reivindicate themselves of the international revolutionary Marxism. We
are facing historical moments with big convulsions and fast changes in the international situation that
will test all the programs and all the currents forged in the previous periods. Even us.
Of course we don’t need to add that we all come from many splits of the IV International. The
program and the theory of the IV international have passed the history test. Those who have adapted
themselves, the capitulators and revisionists who spoke and still speak in the name of the fourth
international, haven’t pass that test.
We think that discussing and exchanging documents and positions is decisive in our fight to
collaborate in the regrouping of the healthy forces of the international Trotskyist movement. That is
why we present our program and documents which we intend to submit to the revolutionary
international movement to be discussed and debated.
You are in the heart of a convulsed Europe , trying to give an answer from Trotskyism to the hard
challenges of our time, and we don’t see any problem in opening a healthy discussion with groups and
currents that claim to be revolutionaries. This way we will be able to test and conquer the best
program for the hottest events of world proletariat, like the struggle against popular front in the
Bolivian revolution, the Greek question, the rising of new anticapitalist social-chauvinist and pacifist
parties in Europe, the policy on the reactionary strikes of the worker aristocracy and bureaucracy in
England, the pressing Palestine question and also all the hot events that define the Trotskyism
program, like the Cuban question and the process of capitalist restoration that has begun in the island,
etc.
We also have a first impression of the differences we have with you. But between organizations as
ours that come from different experiences, these first impressions can be full of prejudices and also
completely partial or unilateral, and that is why to have a period of reflection, debate and exchange of
positions with you may help both of us to get to know each other better.
After the huge IV International split because of years of adaptations and treasons, different currents
seek, determinately and isolated to recover the continuity of the founders of the 1938 Fourth
International. We also want to regain the 1938 Fourth International theoretical and programmatic
legacy. We think that this will be impossible without starting discussions, debates, mutual enrichment
and control between different currents that fight with the same objective in the living processes of the
world’s revolution and counterrevolution.
Secondly, our combat for a new Kienthal and Zimmerwald to regroup the internationalist
revolutionary movement, in the middle of historical events that we are witnessing, propel us to
discuss and to have an exchange of positions with all the groups and currents who claim to belong to
the revolutionary Marxism and try to give an answer to the main processes, where the life and the
future of the world working class are at stake. That is simply our intention, no more, no less.

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We insist; we know about our mutual differences. But we also know of the principled positions that
we have seen in your literature which we are following closely. That is how we acted with ICT. We
have published their correct and brave positions about the reactionary strike of the scabs of the
English Trade unions against immigrants. After we had reivindicated and signed our adhesion to that
brave position, we added some critics, contributions and opinions on this question. We see this as an
obligation for us, and for anyone who fights for the continuity of Bolshevism and the Fourth
International.
It’s an incentive for every advanced worker who fights in the Palestine resistance, who fights US-UK
imperialism in South Africa, who fights against the popular front and against fascism in Bolivia, to
know that there are class brothers and sisters that in England denounce the servants of English
imperialism, which is the real organizer of the Media Luna fascist blow against the Bolivian workers
and exploited people, together with British Petroleum. This goes beyond being today in the same
international organization or not. It is about the combat of our class and their internationalist
education expressed in the political struggle between the parties who try to raise an international
leadership that give back to the proletariat the leadership that they deserve.
We hope we have answered simply and clearly about which are our intentions. They come from our
program that says: we fight for a regroupment of the principled and healthy forces of international
Trotskyist movement and revolutionary worker organizations. Fake Trotskyists act internationally, in
a centralized way. Under the World Social Forum commands or as social-chauvinist servants of their
own worker aristocracy and bureaucracy in the imperialist countries, here and there, with different
names, they submit the proletariat to the bourgeoisie and they legitimize “in the name of Trotskyism”
the treacherous action of the worker aristocracies and bureaucracies, where they belong.
We fight against this every day, and, according to our convictions, for a revolutionary regrouping of
internationalist Marxist forces, that even isolated, try to give an answer to such a centralized action of
the counterrevolutionary leaderships. That is why our program, but not “the program in general” -like
those who they swear to in their congresses speaking lightly of the 4 first congresses of the Third
International and on the Transitional Program-, the program expressed in life itself, in what we call
“acid tests” of revolution and counterrevolution, because there the program of those organizations
claiming to be revolutionaries is tested.
From our side, we will try to advance in translating a.s.a.p. our last statements especially that on the
Greek question, where we have some important differences with you which we would like to debate
fraternally. We have studied and argued against your statement about Greece in two aspects:
First, about your vision that with the general strike you can “seize the power”. We consider it an
inexactitude, as you will see when we translate our statement on Greece into English, because the
general strike “poses the power issue but doesn’t solve it”, as Trotskyism claimed during the ‘30s in
France , Spain , etc., Marxism and Bolshevism also thought the same as shown by the writings on the
Paris Commune and the lessons of Russia 1905. The question of power will only be solved with a
successful insurrection, led by a revolutionary party. These program and strategy aren’t taken into
account by anarchism and the new anticapitalist parties. The shameful position of the French New
Anticapitalist Party on Guadalupe proves it.
Also, while you characterized that in Greece there was a pre-revolutionary situation and called
correctly to raise the slogan “for worker councils”, you didn’t call for the masses to set up soviets and
to win the rank and file of the army, in order to make this process go as far as that in Madagascar did.
I.e. you didn’t call to rise up soldier and worker councils capable of preparing a second mass assault
to open definitively the Greek revolution, in a moment when the unionist cretinism of the anarchists
had put all of their strength to transform the mass offensive into a resistance and a defensive position.
That is a criminal policy that every Trotskyist must condemn.
We make this contribution to your position about Greece , and we would like to know -and it will be
very useful for us- if you could also criticise and contribute, if you find it convenient, to our
positions. We are never neutral with any current who call themselves Trotskyists and seek a way
forward to revolution
Maybe an experience of debate and discussions would help all of us to clarify before the masses who
we are and what we fight for. But especially it will help us to learn, convince, be convinced, remove

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all prejudices and explore the conditions to make a step forward among revolutionary Marxists to
regroup our ranks. All this when imperialism is in crisis, recruiting and centralizing all the traitorous
leaderships, all the worker bureaucracies and aristocracies and their parties so they centralize, protect
this rotten system from the hate of the masses whom they make pay for the costs of the crisis.
It is an obligation for every current that fights for defeating the nurses of capitalism and regrouping
their gravediggers to make maximum efforts to regroup the forces that allow the proletariat to remove
all the treacherous leaderships that stop the working class from centralizing its forces and combats at
international level based on healthy, principled, loyal and fraternal discussions. You inform us that
your translation capacity is limited; so we will try to do our best in that sense.
We would like to know, as your main Spanish-speaker member is currently in Argentina if we could
have a meeting to give him our materials, if he can meet us personally, we would even like to put
ourselves at his disposal in case you need anything during your stay in this country where there is an
important group of the LTF, the International Worker League (LOI-CI Democracia Obrera).
As we have just said as soon as we have the translations finished of our materials we will send them
to you.If you consider it appropriate we are open to receive your critics and begin an exchange of
reflections and fraternal debates.For now, these are our intentions.
Carlos Munzer.
PS: as we said we would like if you confirm us if you received the IWO in English Published in
2008. Otherwise we will send it again by post. Of course we are at your disposal to answer any
question or doubts about our current and our origins.
We would like to add that we know your current. Some LTF leaders were founders of Argentinean
PTS with which we broke in 1998.
We know that the leaders of WP we met in the `90, when we were inside PTS, aren’t the same ones
that we are writing now to.
We are also looking forward to know about your split and if you are interested we will send you
documents that reflect the hard fractional-political struggle that we had in our splitting-expelling
process in PTS in 1998.
Those of us who broke with PTS in that year are merely one of the components of the LTF; other
groups as the Trotskyist Fraction from Brazil come from a split of Lora’s (Bolivian POR) sister
organization in Brazil , and CWG comrades come from the international organization you had in the
‘90s.