Yoruba Photography: How the Yoruba See Themselves

Author(s): Stephen F. Sprague

Source: African Arts, Vol. 12, No. 1 (Nov., 1978), pp. 52-59+107
Published by: UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center
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How

Yoruba PIotography:
See
Yoruba
the
Lemnselves
STEPEN

and photographic studios are prevalent

Photographers
throughout many areas of Africa today, and particularly in
West Africa many indigenous societies make use of this
medium. The Yoruba, though not unique, are certainly exceptional in the extent to which they have integrated photography
into many contemporary and traditional aspects of their culture. Some Yoruba photographs reflect traditional cultural
values, and some are even utilized in certain traditional rituals.
These more conventionalized forms of photography seem to
exist in the smaller, more isolated Yoruba towns and villages.
In the large cities such as Ibadan and Lagos, where contemporary Western photography is more influential, the work
exhibits a greater sophistication and a wider range of styles
and techniques.

1. THIS CHIEF AND BABALAWO(IFA DIVINER)REQUESTEDTHATI MAKEA PORTRAITOF

HIM. HE HAD HIS FAMILYSET UP THE MATSAND BACKGROUND, AND PROCEEDED TO
POSE IN THE TRADITIONALMANNER.

F SPRAGUE
Photography is no newcomer to Africa. Three months after
Daguerre publicly announced his daguerreotype process in
1839, the French romantic painter Horace Vernet wrote from
Alexandria, Egypt, "We keep daguerreotyping like lions, and
from Cairo hope to send home an interesting batch .. ." (Bensusan 1966:7). In colonial South and East Africa, the first studios were opened in the 1840s (Bensusan 1966:-11), and
photography immediately became a part of colonial life. In
West Africa it is likely that photography was introduced more
slowly and coincided with the later nineteenth-century expansion of permanent European colonies and political rule. It was
past 1900, for instance, before the interior of Nigeria was completely under British rule, and 1895 before some of the first
photographs of the River Niger were made (Bensusan
1966:82).
Considering the long history of photography in colonial Africa, it seems reasonable to assume that many indigenous
societies would have had ample opportunity to become familiar with the medium and to make it as much a part of their own
cultures as seemed appropriate. Indigenous photographers
have indeed been working in West Africa at least since the
1930s and probably very much earlier, as their actual existence
would likely predate by a considerable number of years their
recognition and documentation in the literature. A picture by a
Gold Coast photographer appeared in a pre-World War II
British book on commercial photography with the condescending comment that "crude though the result it had virtues
which showed that the mind of the photographer was at
work" (Charles 1938:17). A possibly much earlier example is
the large framed photograph hanging over the doorway to a
traditional abiku1 shrine in the Yoruba town of Ila-Orangun. It
depicts the mother of the old priestess who is presently head
of the society, and it could date from as early as pre-World War
I. The Yoruba may have been substituting photographs in
place of traditional sculpture since the 1930s and probably
much earlier, provided the substance of this ethnocentric
quote is correct: "The Oba was constrained to relax his patronage of the artists' works: very much like other African chiefs he
thought he could hand on his image to posterity more beautifully by means of an enlarged photograph than by a wooden
statue" (Westerman 1939:102).
Most of the material for this article was collected in the Igbomina Yoruba town of Ila-Orangun during the summer of
1975. Some comparative material was collected in the IjebuRemo area and in the large cities of Lagos, Ibadan, and Kano.
Ila-Orangun is a typical Yoruba community of about 30,000
inhabitants, which did not have either electricity or running
water at the time of this investigation. In spite of the lack of
modern facilities, the town supported ten flourishing photo-

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Ila-Orangun was studied, then, from the points of view of the

producer and the consumer, and by looking at the photographs themselves. Although this investigation was primarily
restricted to Ila-Orangun, observations in other areas of
Yorubaland strongly suggest that the use of photography in
Ila-Orangun is typical of many Yoruba communities and probably has much in common with other areas of West Africa.
The photographers of Ila-Orangun claim that practically any
subject may be photographed except for those ritual objects,
masquerades, and ceremonies that some segments of the public are traditionally prohibited from viewing. Also, they say
that a good photographer will take a picture of whatever the
client requests. However, a study of the kinds of photographs
most commonly produced indicates that the actual practice of
the profession is generally much more restricted than is
claimed.
Yoruba photography in Ila-Orangun and elsewhere is, almost exclusively, posed portraiture of individuals or groups of
people, which are often commissioned in order to commemorate an event of some importance to those depicted. Though
an important ritual object or prized possession, such as a traditional sculpture or a new car, might occasionally be photo-

ABOVE AND RIGHT: 2 & 3. TWO TRADITIONALFORMAL PORTRAITS,POSTCARD-SIZE

CONTACT PRINTS MADE FOR ME BY THE PHOTOGRAPHERSOF ILA-ORANGUNFROM
GLASS PLATE NEGATIVES SELECTED FROM THEIR STUDIO FILES. THE ORIGINAL
CLIENTSWOULD HAVECOMMISSIONEDPRINTS IN A VARIETYOF SIZES AND FRAMES.

graphic studios. I investigated the negative files of each studio

and requested ten to fifteen postcard-size prints (31/2"x 51/2")
from each. These were selected on the basis of criteria established, in part, from a stylistic and subject matter analysis of
300 sample postcards kept by Sir Special Photo Studio for
prospective clients to view. Briefly, these criteria were: 1) the
photograph was a good example of a distinct subset of Yoruba
photographs as previously defined by the analysis of Sir Special's postcards; 2) the photograph was unique in some way or
did not fit into any previously defined category; 3) the photograph seemed to contain anthropological information useful to
Marilyn Houlberg, who was also in Ila-Orangun continuing
her research on Yoruba sacred children; and 4) the photograph
particularly pleased my own aesthetic tastes.
All ten photographers were interviewed, and they willingly
discussed their profession and demonstrated their personal
camera and darkroom techniques.2 In addition, members of
the community contributed information about the subject matter and function of photographs they owned. Finally, I myself
took pictures of the photographers, their studios and darkrooms, and the use and display of Yoruba photographs
within the context of the community. Yoruba photography in
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graphed, general subjects such as landscapes,

architecture, or ordinary objects and events
are seldom taken by local photographers.3 In
short, the Yoruba have developed unstated
but clearly discernible conventions regarding
appropriate subject matter; those governing
posing and presentation of the subject matter
have also developed. Together, these conventions offer a codification of a range of Yoruba
cultural values.4
Yoruba photography certainly shares similar categories of subject matter and formalistic
conventions with other West African societies
and with Western cultures, particularly
British. But cultural patterning exists, not
only in subtle differences in these conventions but more importantly in the unique, culturally derived symbolic meanings and
specific functions attributed to these seemingly similar forms. It is beyond the scope of
this paper to analyze all the diverse external
and indigenous factors that might have contributed to the development of Yoruba photography. Instead, I simply seek here to establish Yoruba photography as a genuine expression of the culture by discussing several
specific examples with respect to how their
subject matter, formal and stylistic conventions, symbolic meanings, and function
within Yoruba society are in part a reflection
of Yoruba cultural values and perceptions of
the world.
Older Yoruba in traditional dress often sit in
a particular stylized manner at traditional
ceremonies and events. This pose has become
visually codified through photography and
now seems to be the accepted way for traditional Yoruba to present themselves in a formal photographic portrait. What I call the
"traditional formal portrait" is highly conventionalized both in the manner in which the

subject poses and the manner in which the

photograph is composed (Figs. 1-3). The subject always wears his best traditional dress
and sits squarely facing the camera. Both
hands are placed on the lap or on the knees,
and the legs are well apart to spread the garments and display the fabrics. The face has a
dignified but distant expression as the eyes
look directly at and through the camera.
Symbols of the subject's position in Yoruba
society are worn, held, or placed conspicuously near by. The photographer enhances
the sense of dignified stateliness by a camera
viewpoint either level with the subject's waist
or looking slightly upward, as if from the position of one paying homage. The entire body is
always included within the frame, and a neutral vertical background immediately behind
serves to isolate the subject in a shallow
three-dimensional space. The figure gives a
feeling of sculptural massiveness and solidarity, and the whole pose is one of symmetry and
balance.5
It might be argued that the traditional formal portrait is in part a synthesis of certain
traditional Yoruba cultural values, the inherent attributes of nineteenth-century photogBritish atraphy, and nineteenth-century
titudes toward the medium. Its formality
might be partly explained as a convention that
developed out of the practical difficulties of
making portraits when photography was first
introduced. The early technology (the large
view cameras, slow lenses, and insensitive
emulsions) made taking a photograph a
laborious process and forced the sitter to assume a rigid pose that could be held for the
duration of a long exposure. Consequently, in
the hands of an inexperienced operator, many
portraits turned out unnaturally serious and
stiffly formal.

However, the particular style of posing represented by the Yoruba traditional formal portrait is almost never seen in nineteenthand twentieth-century British portrait photography.6 In the latter, the subject does not
squarely confront the camera but usually
turns asymmetrically to one side and looks
out of the frame and away from the lens. The
whole body is seldom shown; most British
portraits range from three-quarter length to
extreme close-ups that include only the head.
Also, studio props are often cropped by the
frame rather than being entirely included in
the picture. If a painted studio background is
used, it often visually interacts with the subject. These visual codes are, of course, common to photographic portraits in many
societies, and they often appear in many
Yoruba examples as well, with the significant
exception of the traditional formal portrait.
Both nineteenth-century British and traditional Yoruba cultures placed great emphasis
on tradition, proper conduct, and the identity
and maintenance of one's social position.
Early British portraits and Yoruba traditional
formal portraits visually codify these commonly held values: the dignified pose, proper
clothes, and often the display of symbolic objects identify the subject's profession and social station. British portraits, however, also
emphasize the Western values of individuality and even eccentricity, while the traditional
formal portrait emphasizes how well the subject fulfills his traditional role in Yoruba society.
The traditional formal portrait, of all the
forms of Yoruba photography, most clearly
embodies in its composition not only certain
traditional Yoruba cultural values, but also
their aesthetic values as outlined by R. F.
Thompson in his discussion of Yoruba
sculpture (1971:374-381). The concept of
jijora-mimesis at the midpoint-implies the
work should exist somewhere between complete abstraction and individual likeness. It
should resemble the individual and at the
same time embody all the ideal Yoruba characteristics without over-emphasizing any one.
The extreme stylization of pose and facial expression of the traditional formal portrait is an
attempt to achieve this state by circumventiiig

4. THE ORANGUN OF ILA-ORANGUN IN HIS PRIVATESITTING ROOM IN THE PALACE. THE HORSETAILFLYWHISK,
NECKLACE,BEADED CROWN AND THE OTHER BEADED OBJECTS SURROUNDING HIMARE ALL SYMBOLS OF HIS POSITION. THE TRADITIONALFORMALPOSE AND MANY OF THE SAME SYMBOLS ARE REPEATEDIN THE FREE-STANDING
CUT-OUT PHOTOGRAPHSON DISPLAY.RIGHT:5. ONE OF THE FREE-STANDINGCUT-OUT PORTRAITS.

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6. CARVERYESUFU EJIGBOYEFROM THE IJEBU-REMOAREA. THE TWO LOVELYLADIESON EITHERSIDE OF THE EGRET
HAVEBEEN CUT FROM MAGAZINESAND MOUNTEDON THIN BOARD AS FREE-STANDINGSCULPTUREFIGURES.

to a degree the inherent specificity of the

photographic portrait. Odo, depiction midway between infancy and old age, at the
prime of life, is seen in the strength of the pose
and in the facial expression, both of which
seem to imply the subject's maturity and wisdom. Ifarahon, "visibility," implies clarity and
definition of form and line, and a subsequent
clarity of identity. This is emphasized in the
photograph by the isolation of the subject
against the neutral background, in the
sculptural dimensions and symmetry of the
figure, and in the inclusion of objects symbolizing the subject's position in Yoruba society.
A comparison of much Yoruba sculpture
with the traditional formal portrait reveals
two obvious similarities in form: in both, the
head invariably faces forward with respect to
the body, and when the sculpture is viewed
from directly in front (the point of view at
which the traditional formal portrait is taken),
both characteristically appear bilaterally
symmetrical. Another relationship between
photography and the sculptural tradition can
be seen in the practice of mounting a photo of
a person on a thin sheet of wood, then cutting
out the subject and adding a flat base to make
a freestanding, three-dimensional portrait.
Any style of photographic portrait may be
treated in this way. A studio in Ibadan features an entire display case of freestanding
portraits ranging from a very Westernized
close-up of the head to the traditional formal
portrait. Yesufu Ejigboye from the IjebuRemo area, in addition to carving traditional
sculpture and silver airplanes (Houlberg
1976a), has cut-out and mounted full-color
magazine portraits of two lovely ladies. These
are displayed in his parlor surrounded by
photographs and other fascinating items (Fig.
6). The Orangun of Ila-Orangun has at least
three cut-out portraits of himself in the traditional formal pose displayed in his sitting

room (Fig. 5). When I requested permission to

take his picture, he posed in the sitting room
in an identical manner. He wore a traditional
gown and included similar symbols of his office: the horsetail flywhisk, beaded crown and
large beads around the neck (Fig. 4).
The traditional formal portrait, then, seems
to have been functioning as an integral part of
Yoruba culture for a significant length of time.
It is meant to memorialize the subject not so
much as a unique individual, as in much
British portraiture, but rather in terms of how
well he has embodied traditional Yoruba
ideals and fulfilled his given position in society. When the subject dies, this portrait might
be carried in his funeral procession to par-

ticularize the ancestral Egungun (Schiltz

1978:51). It is the portrait that might be hung
in his crypt or laminated to his tombstone,
and published in memoriam each year in the
Lagos Daily Times.
The memorial pages of the Daily Times are a
manifestation in contemporary Nigerian culture of traditional respect for, and veneration
of, ancestors. Every day the Daily Times has
several pages of memorials to the deceased,
many of when have been dead ten or twenty
years or longer. Each memorial almost always
includes a photograph and a brief tribute and
description of the person's accomplishments
and social position.7 A limited survey of a few
recent editions of the Lagos Daily Times indicates that those Yoruba whose accomplishments could be identified with the traditional
culture were often pictured in traditional
dress in the traditional formal pose, while
Yoruba whose accomplishments could be
identified with contemporary Nigerian culture were often pictured in modern dress in a
variety of more casual, Europeanized poses.
An extended survey should show a definite
correlation, which might change over time,
between dress and pose in the memorial
photograph and the subjects' wealth, social
position and education.8
There are many other styles of formal, informal, and even humorous portraiture; and
many reflect more directly Western conventions in their manner of posing than does the
traditional formal portrait. However, as a particular pose is adapted into Yoruba culture, its
meanings may also be modified. What I call
the squatting pose is one such example (Figs.
7, 8). This pose seems restricted to young

7 & 8. THE SQUATTING POSE: POSTCARD-SIZE PRINTS

COLLECTEDFROM PHOTOGRAPHERSIN ILA-ORANGUN.

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Yoruba ladies dressed in modem styles, and

may be in part a fusion of the deferent behavior traditionally required of young women
toward their social superiors with the rather
innocent, physical allure shown in American
"cheesecake" pin-up photographs circa 1950.
A painted studio backdrop from Ila-Orangun
featuring such a pin-up girl squatting on top
of a modem skyscraper (Fig. 12) is but one
indication of this Western influence. This
pose might be seen to express the ambiguous
position of Yoruba women in a changing society: the impression is that of a young lady
who, while maintaining her proper place in
traditional society, has turned her fascinated
eyes to the modem world.
Many conventions that reflect Yoruba cultural values are independent of any particular
subject matter or style of posing. One is that
both of the subject's eyes must always be visible in a portrait. This convention again relates
to the concept of ifarahon--of visibility and
clarity of form, line and identity. Both older,
traditional Yorubas and younger, more Westemized Yorubas expect this convention to be
upheld. In one case, an American photographer made a series of photographs of a contemporary "juju" musician and offered him a
profile view as being the best. The musician,
however, rejected the photograph, saying
that it was "not clear." In another case, Houlberg asked an Ijebu-Remo priestess to
evaluate and rank in order of preference eight
photographs of herself previously taken by

Houlberg. The priestess ranked lowest the

one portrait that showed her in profile.9
Many photographs are made to commemorate a particular ceremony or event, and
another convention is the prominant inclusion in the photograph of the proper symbolic
objects to adequately identify this event. In a
group photograph the social hierarchy must
also be made clear by the positions of individuals within the frame. The most important
person is seated (often in the traditional formal pose) in the center of the first row, with
the next most important seated to his left.
Persons of least status stand furthest toward
the back and edges of the frame. Children are
exceptions, being allowed to squat or sit anywhere in the foreground. The poet George
Awooner-Williams expresses this status ordering in the second stanza of his poem
"Song of Sorrow" (1967): "I am on the world's
extreme/ corner./ I am not sitting in the row/
with the eminent./ But those who are lucky/ sit
in the middle and forget/ I am on the world's
extreme/ corner/ I can only go beyond and/
forget."
These few examples establish Yoruba
photography as a genuine expression of the
culture by showing how some cultural values
have been given visual form in certain kinds
of photographs. Many Yoruba would not consciously know, or be able to articulate, how
their photographs reflect commonly held values and myths--and many members of our
own culture would find it equally difficult to
explain the symbolic meanings of their family
photographs. Instead, photographically unsophisticated members of both cultures assume that the photographic image is simply a
visual record, which serves as a device to
bring to mind at some future time the people

and events depicted. The actual structure and

symbolic meaning of the photographic image
are not consciously considered; it serves only
to trigger the viewer's memory of the subject.
Even the traditional formal portrait, though
meant to invoke a specific, culturally determined image, still functions basically as a
memory device.
The Yoruba photograph itself, as an object,
also serves specific functions in the community. Photographs are prominently displayed
in the parlor or sitting room of homes, and at
the front of many shops and offices. Family
members, relatives, friends, and important
gatherings are the dominant subjects. The
largest and most elaborate photographs are of
senior family members and distinguished ancestors. Local and national leaders and other
famous people are often included in either
original photographs or in magazine and
poster reproductions. By displaying these
photographs, the owner publicly acknowledges his respect for, and his involvement
with, the subjects. There is often an additional
implication of status. A person of relatively
little wealth will own a few photographs, and
they will be mounted and displayed in a simple fashion. Those of greater wealth and social
standing will have more and larger photographs on display, and many of them may be
elaborately hand-colored and framed, and occasionally made into a freestanding cut-out.
Educated Yorubas and wealthy families
who have been exposed to Western culture
often own photograph albums that can date
back a number of generations. These albums
contain mostly postcard-size photographs
and other memorabilia arranged in a rough
chronological order, forming a culturally conditioned visual history of the family or indi-

9. THIS LITTLE GIRL, TAIWO, HOLDS A MULTIPLEPRINTED HAND-COLORED PHOTOGRAPH REPRESENTING HERSELFAND HER DEAD TWIN SISTER SITTINGTOGETHER. IT IS ACTUALLYTHE SAME IMAGE OF TAIWO
PRINTED TWICE. THE PHOTOGRAPH IS USED BY HER
MOTHER IN PLACE OF THE TRADITIONALIBEJI (TWIN
SCULPTURE). RIGHT: 10. IN THIS EXAMPLETHE SURVIVING GIRLTWINWAS PHOTOGRAPHEDONCE AS HERSELF
IN HER OWN CLOTHES, AND ONCE AS HER DEAD TWIN
BROTHER IN MATCHINGBOY'S CLOTHES. THE PHOTOGRAPHER, SIMPLE PHOTO, MADE A "FULL PLATE" ENLARGEMENT FOR ME IN THE SAME WAY THAT HE
WOULD FOR A CLIENT.HE MOUNTEDTHE FINISHEDENLARGEMENT IN THE USUAL MANNER ON A 10" X 12'
CARDBOARD MOUNT WITHA PRINTEDBORDER.

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11. A RARE REPRESENTATIONOF TRIPLETS.THE TWO BOYS DIED, AND THE SURVIVINGGIRLWAS PHOTOGRAPHEDAS
HERSELF,AND IN MATCHINGBOY'S CLOTHESTO REPRESENTHER BROTHERS.THE MALEIMAGEWAS PRINTEDTWICE.
ONCE ON EITHERSIDE OF THE GIRL'S IMAGETO SHOW THE TRIPLETSSITTINGTOGETHER.BY SIMPLEPHOTO.

vidual. Again, there is the implication of

status; it is considered progressive and modern to own photo albums, and the mere fact
that a visual record has been kept validates
one's importance. Wealth is also implied.
Since the concept of the amateur family snapshot is not prevalent among the Yoruba, only
the relatively well-off could afford over the
years to hire a photographer for practically
every occasion of any importance.
There are fascinating exceptions to the general function of the photograph as literal record, memory device and an object symbolizing respect and status. The photograph is
sometimes believed to possess additional
power and spiritual meanings and can be
used in traditional rituals. A few instances
appear to be simply individual beliefs, while
others are widely accepted practices. The
most fascinating and widespread example is
the integration of photography into the traditional beliefs and rituals surrounding twins.
Because twins are sacred children with connections to the spirit world, it is especially
important to show them proper respect.
Photographs are often made of twins and
other children to hang in the parlor with the
photographs of other family members. Then,
if a child dies, there is a portrait by which to
remember him. The procedure becomes more
complex when one twin dies before their
photograph is taken. If the twins were of the
same sex, the surviving twin is photographed
alone, and the photographer prints this single
negative twice, so that the twins appear to be
sitting side by side in the final photograph
(Fig. 9). If the twins were of opposite sexes,
the surviving twin is photographed once in
male clothing and once in female clothing.
Sometimes these two exposures are made on
separate negatives, which must then be

printed together; and sometimes they are

made on opposite halves of a single 31/2"x 51/2"
glass plate negative, which can be printed
without any darkroom manipulation (Fig. 10).
In either case the photographer attempts to
conceal the line blending the two separate
exposures in order to maintain the illusion of
twins sitting together in a single photograph.
Though twins are quite common, not only
among the Yoruba but throughout Africa, the
incidence of triplets is much lower, and a pho-

----......
-----

Ito

tographer would seldom be confronted with

the problem of representing triplets. In one
unusual case the two brothers died, and the
surviving girl was photographed once as herself in girl's clothes and once in matching
boy's clothes. The two exposures were made
on the same 31/2"x 51/2"glass plate. The photographer then printed the "boy" image
twice, once on either side of the girl, to give
the proper illusion of triplets (Fig. 11).
The traditional procedure when a twin dies
is for the parents to commission the carving of
a twin figure, or ibeji, which then participates
in the twin ceremonies along with the living
twin. In some areas, it is now accepted practice for the photograph to be substituted for
the ibeji. This picture is then kept on the twin
shrine and participates in the traditional
ceremonies. The multiple-printed photograph of the little girl, Taiwo (Fig. 9), is used
by her mother in this way.'0
The exact function of these twin photographs seems to depend in part on the religious convictions of the parents. Houlberg
states that the Christian and Muslim prohibition against the use of Yoruba traditional
sculpture has been a major influence in the
simplification of ibeji forms used by Christian
and Muslim Yoruba, and in the substitution of
other objects, such as plastic dolls, for ibeji in
the traditional twin rituals (1973). She
suggests in a more recent article (1976a) that
this prohibition has been a major influence in
the substitution of photographs for ibeji.
Through the use or possession of a twin
photograph, Christian and Muslim Yoruba
seek to distinguish themselves from believers
in the traditional religion. The cycle of substitution can, on occasion, come full circle
when both twins die before their pictures

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12. THE BACKDROP OF OYUS' PHOTO STUDIO IS PARTICULARLY

INTERESTINGWITH ITS VARIETIESOF FOLIAGEAND
ARCHITECTURE,INCONSISTENTPERSPECTIVE,AND MIXTUREOF CONTEMPORARYAND TRADITIONALMOTIFS.

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:::

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13. THE PHOTOGRAPHER"SIMPLE"SITS IN FRONT OF HIS STUDIO HOLDINGHIS TWINLENS REFLEXCAMERA. IT IS THE CUSTOM FOR A PHOTOGRAPHERTO BE KNOWN BY

have been taken. Then, if the traditional ibeji

are carved, these are sometimes photographed and the photo of the carvings is hung
in the parlor in place of the usual twin photograph.
The photographers themselves and the
craft of Yoruba photography deserve some
discussion. Photography enjoys a respected
position within the community similar to
hairdressing, barbering, or tailoring. It is considered a good modern profession for young
people to enter, and though the vast majority
of photographers are men, there are no restrictions against women. In Ila-Orangun the
ten photographers included eight young
men, one young woman, and one older retired photographer who served as head of the
photographers' union. Though it tends to be a
young person's profession and is seldom
handed down from father to son, there are
often family connections between photographers in the smaller towns. In Ila-Orangun
four of the ten photographers belonged to the
same family compound, and the younger
three had all been apprenticed to their senior
brother.
To become a photographer a young person
must first complete primary six (sixth grade).
He then must apprentice to a master photographer for a period of one to three years. If he
has learned well, he is given his freedom in a
special ceremony at the end of his apprentice-

HIS STUDIO TITLERATHERTHAN BY HIS GIVENNAME. HIS STUDIO IS TYPICALOF THOSE

IN ILA-ORANGUN.

ship. He can then open a studio and eventually attract his own apprentices. Photographers are highly organized. There is a union
in each town to which every photographer
automatically belongs, and which meets at
least once a month. These local unions form
regional unions, which meet about every six
months. The unions regulate such things as
the price structure of the various types of
photographs and services, the details of apprenticeship, and the professional conduct of
its members.
The typical photography studio, such as
those in Ila-Orangun, is usually small but efficiently laid out. Double doors swing open to
reveal to the passerby samples of the photographer's work (Fig. 13). A backdrop hangs a
few feet inside the studio, with a bench for the
sitter placed immediately in front of it (Fig.
12). These backdrops are painted by sign
painters in various shades of black, white,
and gray. They often show a fascinating but
naive use of Western perspective, and usually
mix traditional and contemporary motifs. Behind the backdrop is a tiny darkroom, often
without either electricity or running water.
Along one wall is a narrow table on which are
set the processing solutions in enameled
bowls from the market. A kerosene lantern
with a red cloth surrounding the globe serves
as a safelight. An old postcard-size view camera is installed with its back to a window for

use as a solar enlarger, and a mirror, located

outside the window, is tilted to reflect the
sunlight through the system. An enlargement
is made by placing a negative in the back of
the camera and projecting its image onto a
sheet of photographic paper clipped to a vertical easel. Except for minor variations, this
makes up the photographer's entire facilities.
The traditional view camera that takes
postcard-size glass plates has been increasingly relegated to the darkroom as an enlarger. Since about 1960 there has become
available a wide variety of more flexible,
twin-lens reflex cameras that take twelve
21/2"-square negatives on inexpensive 120roll film. The success and status of a photographer are often indicated by the camera and
other equipment he owns. A beginning photographer will own a cheap plastic Russian
Lubitel or Chinese Sea Gull; the majority own
Japanese Yashicas, and a few photographers
in the large cities own expensive German Rollicords or Rolliflexes.
From the 21/2"-square negative of these
offer stancameras, the photographers
dardized photograph sizes based on the old
British view camera negative formats. These
are passport (2" x 2"), postcard (31/2"x 51/2"),
half plate (31/4"x 4/4"), and full plate (61/2" x
81/2").The larger sizes of 11"x 14", 16"x 20"and
occasionally 20" x 30" conform to the sizes of
photographic paper available.

58

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Many photographers offer additional services, including multiple-printing and handcoloring, and mounting techniques ranging
from simple cardboard mounts to elaborate
frames and freestanding cutouts. Some photographers have a specialty. Sir Special Photo
of Ila-Orangun is known for his skill in
mounting a portrait behind a mirror (Fig. 14).
He says the technique came to him in a dream.
He scratches away the mirror coating in the
shape of the subject and then places the
photograph behind the mirror, allowing only
the subject to show through.
If the customer does not like what the studio has to offer, other frames are available in
the market and from the sign painters. Sign
painters make very popular frames by painting a design and a proverb in English or
Yoruba on the back of a sheet glass while
leaving room for one or more postcard-size
photographs to show through (Fig. 15).
This brief introduction to Yoruba photography suggests some broader implications
and questions."1 One of the first questions
that might be asked is why certain groups in
West Africa, like the Yoruba, have integrated
photography into their cultures, while other
groups, such as the Hausa, appear to make
little use of the medium.12 It is suggested that
societies with a strong tradition of figurative
art, such as the Yoruba, have aesthetic values
and a need for representation that could be
satisfied and understood in a photograph. For
example, the Yoruba were initially introduced
to the medium of photography by the British,
whose photographic portraits appeared to
display values important to the Yoruba. This
made the usefulness of the photography immediately apparent. On the other hand,
societies such as the Hausa, which have a
more abstract aesthetic tradition involving
decorative pattern and design, would have
less use for, or even understanding of, the
photographic image. Also, any society that
has a long history of dominant Muslim influence, again the Hausa, would be less likely to
make use of the medium because of the strong
Muslim prohibition against graven images,
which specifically includes photographs.
Another important consideration is that a society with an economic system that could accommodate the commissioning and production of photographs would be more likely to
make use of the medium. The Yoruba have a
long history of urbanization with a developed
tradition of individual enterprise in the production of goods and the marketing of
specialized skills.
The large number of photographs available
from individual Yorubas and from photographers' negative files form a vast visual data
bank that is unique because it has been generated entirely by members of a non-Western
culture. This material might be utilized in a
number of ways. The most obvious would be
simply to study the subject matter of photographs available in a particular community in
order to discover the existence of people,
ceremonies, events and even objects and
masquerades, which otherwise might not be

known. Copies of these photographs could be

used to elicit more information from other
members of the community.
More importantly, as this paper has shown,
these photographs are "coded in Yoruba" and
can also give us much information about how
the Yoruba see themselves; about their cultural values and their view of the world. But
understanding all the implications of this
wealth of visual information will not be easy.
A coherent methodology does not exist for
extracting cultural and historical data from
even our own heritage of family snapshots

and anonymous photographs, and the formulation of a methodology for interpreting the
photographic heritage of a non-Western society has never been attempted as far as I am
aware. One hopes that continued investigation will eventually lead not only to a better
knowledge of the Yoruba view of themselves,
but also to a better cross-cultural understanding of how we communicate
through
mediated visual images of the world, and to
the formulation of a methodology to deal with
these images.
O
Notes, page 107

14. THESE PORTRAITSOF MYSELFAND MARILYNHOULBERGWERE MADE BY SIR SPECIAL PHOTOOF ILA-ORANGUN.
HE HAS MOUNTEDTHEM BEHIND MIRRORS,SCRATCHINGAWAYTHE COATINGIN THE OUTLINEOF THE FIGURE AND
PLACINGTHE PHOTOGRAPHSSO THATONLY THE FIGURES SHOW THROUGH.

....
i!Li
;.r
zba

"

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

December 1974-January 1975, Book 7.

Crowe, D. W. 1971. "The Geometry of African Art 1, Bakuba
Art," Journalof Geometry 1, 12:169-183.
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of Benin Patterns," Historia Mathematica 2:253-271.
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ergologisch-technologische Untersuchung einer historischen
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SPRAGUE, Notes, from page 59
1. Abiku means, literally, "we are born to die." Children who
are discovered to beabiku must be paid special ritual attention
in order to keep them in this world; otherwise they will surely
die and return to their spirit world. See "The Concept of
Abiku" (Mobolade 1973) for more information.
2. I would like to thank the photographers in Ila-Orangun,
and especially Sir Special Photo, for their cooperation in
providing information and in allowing me access to their
negative files.
3. Newspaper photographers in the cities have adapted a
more candid journalistic approach, but their range of subject
matter is much the same, predominantly people at ceremonial or other newsworthy events. Many news photographs
typical of Western papers, such as accidents, disasters, or
action pictures of sports, seldom appear.
4. I am particularly indebted to the thinking and research of
Sol Worth, who in his book Through Navajo Eyes (Worth &
Adair 1972) has demonstrated that members of a culture or
subculture who learn to use a new medium of communication (in this case, film) will produce work that is structured in
part by their own cultural values and by their culture's perception of the world.
5. This describes the ideal form; sometimes the figure will be
cut by the edge of the frame, and occasionally the subject will
be smiling. Although minor variations are common, the traditional formal portrait always maintains its distinct identity.
6. Many types of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century
British photographic portraits were looked at in detail. This
included the work of artistic photographers such as Julia
Margaret Cameron (Gernsheim 1975), commercial studio
photographs (Hillier 1976), and colonial British photographs
of India (Aperture 1976).
7. The concept of the memorial pages may have been adapted
from the obituaries in the London Daily Times. But the emphasis on the photograph, the brief tribute in different type
faces, and the de-emphasis on text mark this as a distinct
form.
8. Betty Wass (1975) has shown that Yoruba dress, as depicted
in 600 photographs dating from 1900-1974, does relate to the
event photographed and to the social position and education
of the subject, and that the percentage of indigenous dress
increases from 1900 to 1974 as a function of increased national
consciousness and pride.
9. The full results of this research were presented by Houlberg in a paper, "Image and Inquiry: Photography and Film in
the Study of Yoruba Art and Religion" (Houlberg 1976b). The
profile portrait rejected by the priestess was selected for publication in The 1973 WorldBook Yearbook-(p--.95).
10. I would like to credit Marilyn Houlberg who, through her
research on Yoruba sacred children during a field trip to
Nigeria in 1971, first heard of the existence of this particular
twin photograph and its use in traditional twin ritual (Houl-

berg 1973). It was my fascination with this unsubstantiated

fact that compelled me to undertake this investigation of
Yoruba photography, which was conducted in part with
Houlberg's assistance during the summer of 1975. Houlberg
has published a similar photograph of Taiwo in connection
with her discussion of new forms of ibeji and of twin photos
replacing ibeji (1976:18).
11. Additional photographs taken by me and by the Yoruba
photographers of Ila-Orangun, along with a brief statement
of methodology, are being published as a photographic essay
entitled "How I See the Yoruba See Themselves" (Sprague in
press). These photographs visually present the main point of
this present paper as well as show more of the photographers
themselves, their studios, and the display of photographs
within the context of the community.
12. A week of searching throughout Kano, a predominantly
Hausa area, revealed very few photographic studios or
photographs on display. When questioned about this, Hausa
traders repeatedly said that I must go to the Yoruba area of
Kano, that all of the photographers were either Yoruba or Ibo.
SPRAGUE, Bibliography
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African Art," African Arts 9, 3.
Houlberg, Marilyn. 1976b. "Image and Inquiry: Photography
and Film in the Study of Yoruba Art and Religion," paper
given at the panel "Methods in Visual Anthropology-Recent Research in Yoruba Art and Religion," 19th annual
meeting of the African Studies Association, Boston, (Nov.).
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Sprague, Stephen F. in press. "How I See the Yoruba See
Themselves," Studies in the Anthropologyof Visual Communication 5, 1.

Thompson, Robert. 1971. "Aesthetics in Traditional Africa,"

Art and Aesthetics in Primitive Societies, edited by C. Jopling.
Dutton & Co.
Wass, Betty M. 1975. "Communicative Aspects of the Dress
of Yoruba: A Case Study of Five Generations of a Lagos
Family,"paper presented at the panel "The Social Significance and Aesthetics of African Dress," 18th annual meeting
of the African Studies Association, San Francisco (Nov.).
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in YorubaCulture, by G.J.A. Ojo (1966, p. 200). University of
Ife and University of London Press.
Worth, Sol and John Adair. 1972. Through Navaho Eyes.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
GLAZE, Notes from page 71
It is impossible to adequately express my indebtedness to the
Senufo people, whose hospitality, generosity and understanding made possible my research experiences in 1969-70
and 1975. Special gratitude is due my adopted family relations and the village elders of Pundya, Puloro and Tyiembe.
1. Some portions of the text concerning madebeleand yawiige
are excerpts from my forthcoming book, Art and Death in a
Senufo Village (KufulolFodononRegion), to be published by Indiana University Press (1979). A brief section of the discussion on fila cloth first appeared in my short note on Senufo
graphic arts in Ba Shiru, published by the University of Wisconsin Department of Linguistics.
2. Major categories of ornament not dealt with here include
the rich complex of body ornament and dress associated with
the Poro initiation system and the whole complex of statusrelated body scarification designs and hairstyles, all of which
constitute important areas of visual expression in Senufo
culture.
3. For technical reasons it has not been possible to employ the
openo symbol occurring in certain words in this article. African
Arts has substituted 6, the nearest equivalent in standard
type. For the same reason 4 has been substituted for the
epsilon symbol, ng' for the eng symbol, all tone markings have
been omitted, and fi signifies nasalization of the preceding
letter.
4. Information concerning Sando divination and related art
forms was collected from numerous Senufo of different age
and ethnic groups; I am especially grateful for the help of the
following Sando diviners from the Fodonon, Kafiri, Tyebara
areas: Nande Soro of Puloro, Nerebariga Tuo of Zangboko,
Yetiigun Soro of Nabunyakaha, and Senyeneni Sillue of Solokaha.
5. Related by master tale-teller Abraham Soro Kudirigina, of
Kapile village (now Dikodougou sous-prdfecture) recorded
July 1975. Translated into French by Sana Soro.
6. Synthesis of two versions of the tale as related by Zana
Soro (Pundya, March 10, 1970) and by Amana Soro (Puloro,
July 11, 1970) both Fodonon elders and Poro chiefs.

CONTRIBUTORS
MONNIADAMSis Associate Professorand Associate Curatorat the Peabody Museumof Archaeology and Ethnology,HarvardUniversity,where she teaches courses in the arts of Africa,
Oceania and NativeAmerica.
ARTHURP. BOURGEOISis Professorof Art Historyat GovernorsState Universityand a doctoralcandidate at IndianaUniversity.
HAROLDCOURLANDERis the authorof numerouscollections of Africanand Afro-American
oral literatureand traditions,and of the novel The African(1967). He has also writtenseveral
books on the Hopi Indians.
IKWOA. EKPOis a graduate student in Africanstudies at HowardUniversity.
SUSAN MOOREFOSS, a free-lance writerand photographer,graduated fromSarah Lawrence
College in 1966. She lived and worked in Nigeriain 1966-68 and in 1971-72.
ANITAJ. GLAZEis Assistant Professorof ArtHistoryat the Universityof Illinois.She has conducted extensive field research in northernIvoryCoast, receiving her Ph.D. in 1976 from Indiana University.
STAFFORDKAYreceived his Ph.D. and a Certificatein AfricanStudies fromthe Universityof
Wisconsin, Madison, in 1973. In 1973-75 he was Lecturerin Educationat KenyattaUniversity
College and is currentlyLecturerin'ComparativeEducationat Monash Universityin Australia,
specializing in educationalchange in Africa.
PATRICIA
O'CONNELLhas a M.A.in folkloreand Africanstudies fromIndianaUniversity;she
recentlyreturnedfromthree years of teaching and research in Liberia.
CLAIREPOLAKOFF,a consultingeditorforAfricanArts, is the authorof a book on Africantextiles and workshoptechniques to be published in 1979.
FREDT. SMITHis Assistant Professorof ArtHistoryand Directorof AfricanStudies at the Universityof Minnesota.
STEPHENF. SPRAGUEreceived his M.FA.fromthe School of the Art Instituteof Chicago in
1970. He is presentlyan assistant professorof photographyand filmat Purdue University.
LEEYOFFEis a graduate of the Rhode IslandSchool of Design and was a staff deMICHAEL
signer forthe SmithsonianInstitution.Since 1964 he has served as a UnitedNationsadvisoron
handicraftsdevelopment and is presentlyon assignment in Botswana.
107

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