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ANALYSIS OT' TIKE HFFLUCTIOI

01 CULTURE

IN EF1K FOLKTALES

A Dissertation
Presented to
The Faculty of the Graduate School
of Yale University

In Candidacy
for the Depree of
Doctor of Philosophy

by
Donald C. Simmons
September 10B

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TABLE OF Cr TT'T TS
CHAPTER

PAGE

P R E F A C E ....................................
Note on

orthopraphy

Xi

xii

PART I
I.

INTRODUCTION TO THE, P R O B L E M ..............

PART II
II,

GROUriTTG AND DEMOGRAPHY

11

11

12

Tlomencla ture
Location

.................

Demography

.................

Neiphborinp tribes

Lanpuape and linpuistic relationships

12
12

15

Linpuist.lc innovation and


acculturation
III,

.............

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT

.....................

Oeopraphical features

28
28

Climate and s e a s o n s ....................

28

.......................

Flora and fauna


IV ,

16

H IS T O R Y AND CULTURE CHANGE

3l|

Traditional h i s t o r y ....................

3lj

European contact

.......................

37

A c c u l t u r a t i o n ........................

1^8

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iii
CHAPTER
V,

PAGE

PHYSICAL APPFARAMCE, FFDICINF, AMD PRESS


Physical appearance

Disease and medicine

50

50

51

Efik classification of personality


traits

.......................
.......................

Insanity

Bl

FAIR FEATURES OF F C C M 0 T 1 Y ................


Agriculture

..........................

Hunting and trapping


Fishing

85

89

92

Domestio animals

95?

Food processing

96

112

Beverages

Crafts
Trade
VII.

79

..............

Clothing and Adornment


VI.

77

................

RFCRFATIOF AMD COKFUNICATIOU


Games

115

126

. . . .

..............

130
130

Folklore

13 8

Tusicol i n s t r u m e n t s .............. .....

179

Communication signals....................

187

Gestures

19

Greetings

.................

20l|

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iv
CT1APPFR
VIII.

PAGE
FAMILY AID KINSHIP G R O U P S .................
Kinship t e r m i n o l o p y ................

206

Klrship proups

211

Inheritance
IX.

.............

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGAr 17,ATI ON


The chief and his council
Coronation of the chief

Social stratification

21L|

216

216

220

220

W a r f a r e ..............................

220

Ape p r a d e s ..........................

235

Secret societies and sodalities


Law and social control
Property

X.

206

. .

237
27U
279

Land classification and tenure . . .

28l|.

LIFF C Y C L F ..............................

208

Sexuality, reproduction, and prenatal


care

Birth and infancy

Childhood and adolescence

Narriape

Death, burial and mourninp

288

290

37

321
.

33I)

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V
CHAPTER
XI.

PAGE
S U F F R H A T T I R A L I S M ..........................
Religious concepts

3^6

3^6

P r a y e r s .................................

3^1

C u r s e s .................................

3&5

Divination and o m e n s

37!?

Sorcery and witchcraft

33

.............

Magic-medicine

390

PART III
XII.

RFT'LI CTK'! 01 CULTURE IT' E F F

I ("LFTALES

Material culture and industries


Animals

. . .

1|.06

... ................. ...

I)06

A g r i c u l t u r e .......................
Hunting and fishing

lj.0

1;.07

1+0fi

F o o d .................................

ljO?

O c c u p a t i o n s ..........................

1|.13

M a r k e t s ..............................

)|13

Houses

i|13

............... ...

Clothing and ornamentation

!)1[>

Medicine and disease

Material culture

................

Ij17

..........................

l|22

Kinship t e r m i n o l o g y ................

If2?.

Social life

)|16

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Vi
CHAPTER

PACE

M a r r i a g e ...........................

1+23

Children

...............

1+28

Family relationships

1+20

N a m e s ............ ..................

Ij33

Plays and p a n e s .....................

1+35

Folklore

.....................

I+36

...............

hl+2

Nicknames...........................

Ilk3

Funeral, burial and mourning

1+1+3

Greetings

. . .

Chiefs, povernnont, crime and


punishment
War

Secret societies
Ape grades

Slaves
Friendship

, *

Supernaturalism

l|l+5

1+1+0

1+50

1+52

..................

1+53

...................

1+51+

1+55

Supremo deity, vow and animal-soul .

1+55

Supernatural p o w e r s ...............

1+56

Sacrifice

1+57

P ra yers...........................

1+57

O a t h s ...........................

1+58

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vii
CHAPTER

PACE
Divination

.............

l(5>8

Witchcraft

.......................

1|5>9

Magic-medicines

1(60

G h o s t s ................

1(63

Number s e v e n .......................

l(6

Dreams
History

.............

Property and

1(66

1(66

w e a l t h ...................

1(66

T r i c k e r y ..............................

1(66

Emotion

1)70

................
PART IV

x i ii

c o m m e n t : of p f i k
f o l k t a l e :; w it h

Animals

cttlture

reflected

ethnography

in

1(77

1(77

A g r i c u l t u r e ...................

1)76

Hunting and f i s h i n p ....................

L|7Q

Food and food processing

1.(80

Occupations
Markets
Houoea

1(60

1(60

...........................

Clothing and ornamentation

M e d i c i n e .......................

1(61
1|62
1(62

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v iii
CHAPTER

PAfSF,
Materiel culture

Kinship terminology

It83

l|89

M a r r i a g e ............. ...

1)90

C h i l d r e n ..............................

l|.91

Family r e l a t i o n s h i p s .................

l|hl

Fames

UQ2

Plays and games


Folkloro

.............

1)93

1|93

Funeral, burial and mourning

Ij-Qf?

Chiefs, government, crime and


p u n i s h m e n t .................... ...
Warfare

Secret societies

Ifh6

1)97

Age g r a d e s ........................
S l a v e s .......................
Friendship

lfO

i|08
ltfi

l|bh

S u p o r n a t u r a l i s m ....................

1|9

History

500

Property
Emotion

00

A c c u l t u r a t i o n ................

$01
$02

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ix
CHAPTER
XIV.

PAGE
ANALYSIS OP THE REFLECTION OF CULTURE
IN F.FIK F O L K T A L E S ......................

503

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE

PAGE

1.

Map of the Calabar Area

................ ...

2.

Diseases for which plants ore used as cures

3.

Comparison of plants used as medicine with


the scientific indications of the plants

Hi

67

71+

Iv*

Possible segmentations of one signal message

192

5.

Pictograph of the Tiyamkpe Leopard grade

2>6

6.

Pictograph of the 01m Akama Leopard grade

27

7.

Pictograph of the

8.

Pictograph of the Klcanda Leopard grade

2^9

9*

Pictograph of the Mbakara Leopard grade

260

Okpoho Leopard grade

. . .

10,

Pictograph of the

Eboyfko Leopard figure . . .

11,

Pictograph of the

M b )k ), Leopard shed and

25>8

261

If lm K b ) k ) ....................................
12,

Pictograph of the Mkprl Ekpe Leopard figure

13,

Signs for various Leopard Society figures

III-.

Invitation cards for memorial services

262
,

263

261+

31+5

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PREFACE
Tho author obtained the major portion of the
ethnographic data contained herein during residence in
Creek Town from April, 1952 to March, 1953*

Creek Town

was selected as the best locale for the study of Efik


customs since the Efik regard the town as their historic
home and because its isolated location has inhibited the
modern urbanization experienced by Duke Town.

The infor

mation was obtained through the standard ethnographical


procedures of nonparticipant observation and the use of
informants.

The author usually used an interpreter in

interrogation of informants who spoke only Efik, but


occasionally transcribed the information in Efik and sub
sequently translated it with the help of his interpreter.
Visits to other Efik towns, information supplied by
educated Efik, and a sojourn in Duke Town from March to
May, 1953 revealed that the data concerning aboriginal
customs were not unique to Creek Town but representative
of all Efik villages.
The author is indebted to Professor William R,
Bascom, Northwestern University, for his suggestion that
research among the Efik would fill a lacuna in VJest
African ethnography, to Professor Daryll Forde, University
of London, for advice, to Professor Malcom Guthrie, School

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xii
of Oriental and African Studies, for permission to
attond the Efik language class of the 1900 autumn term,
to Professor George P, Murdock, Yale University, for
criticism, aid in arrangement of data and stylistic
suggestions, end to the Department of Anthropology, Yale
University for a grant which aided his field research.
Note on orthography.

The orthography employed to

write Efik is the one recommended by the International


Institute of African Languages and Cxiltures, and officially
adopted by the Nigerian Government,

Prior to the

adoption of the present orthography in 1929 the orthog


raphy used was that developed by Hugh Goldie, a pioneer
Presbyterian missionary,

Gol d i e s orthography, now

known as the old orthography*, is still used by adults,


and by children who have learned to write from their
elders rather than from school instruction.
The official orthography is almost completely
phonemic except that separate symbols are used for the
two allophones
allophones

[Vj and

JpJ of tho phoneme /b/, the two

[dj and [VJ of the phoneme /d/j a single symbol

Is used for the two phonemes /e/ and /E/,

Preference has

been given to the retention of the official orthography


since it is standardized with modern publications and may

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xiii
bo easily phonemiclsed if occasion warrants*
Although Efik is a language in which ton is
important in regard to meaning of morphemes and certain
morphological processes, tones will rot bo marked except
in certain oxamples of folklore and in drum and gong
signals where tones are of special significance for the
understanding of the phenomena.

The symbols used to

mark tones are:


Symbol
no symbol

1
2

The

high
midhigh (a tone halfway
between mid and high
tones)
mid

Ij.

rising

falling

Nearest English
Equivalent

i in

vowel and

are:

1 in be*
1

low

symbols U3ed to denote Efik

consonant phonemes

Symbol

Tone

plt'

Remarks
initial and final position
between consonants other
t h a n /lcp, m ,

A in *bntf

It/

interconsonantly before
/lcp,

m,

lc/

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xiv
Remarks
Equivalent
e in b a y

initial and final position

E in 'bed*

usually in interoonsonantal
position, but may occur in
initial and final position

a in b a t 1

o in boat*

) in l a w

in the official Ffilc orthog


raphy this symbol is printed 0
but it has been changed here
to facilitate typing

u in put*

b in b e d

p in p u t

the phone [pi] is actually an


allophone of the phoneme /b/
and occurs only in final
position

lcp

no equivalent

an unvoiced labio-velar plosive


occurring in initial and
intervocalic position

d in dog*

r in but t e r

t in hat'

lc

lc in king*

m in m e t a l

the post-alveolar trilled r


which in Efik is an allophone
of the phoneme /d/ oocurring
in interoonsonantal position
in free variation with the
allophone [d]

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XV
Symbol

Iloarest Fngllsh
' Equivalent

n in *no

f{

ng in sing*

in fairy

in see*

no equivalent

in w i n

in yet*

Remarks

in the official orthography


this symbol ia printed n but
it has boon changed here to
facilitate typing

a velar fricative

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PART I

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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION TO TEE PROBLEM
Although folktales have been recorded and studied
by many scholars, the study of the relationship between
the culture of a society as reflected in its folktales
and the actual ethnography of the same society has been
primarily the concern of anthropologists*

Two central

problems arise in any attempt at assessment of culture


reflected in folktales:

(1 ) are all cultural aspects

reflected with equal emphasis, and (2 ) does the cultural


content of the folktales accurately reflect ethnographic
data?

These problems can only bo investigated by actual

comparison of the cultural Information obtained by sys


tematic analysis of folktales with ethnographic data
obtained by field investigation and, when possible, from
documentary records*
This sttidy proposes to investigate these problems
by comparison of the cultural data reflected in the folk
tales of the Efik, a West African society located in
Nigeria, with ethnographic data on the Efik obtained from
fieldwork and historical documents.
As early as 18314. William J. Thoms, who coined the
noologiam "folklore" in IOI46, noted that fables were of

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3
value for the depiction of society in which they
occur,^

However, the first known attempt to utilize the

cultural content of preliterate folktales as ethnographic


data is R i n k s 1875 analysis of Eskimo traditions.^
The first major attempts at correlation of ethnographic
data and folktale content were those of Franz Boas in his
1916 and 1925 investigations of Tsimshian and Kwakiutl
mythology,3

Subsequently, detailed studies of the

relationship between ethnography and ethnographical


content of folktales and myths have been made by Ehrlich
for the Crow, Spencer for Navaho origin myths, and Elbert
for the role of the chief in Hawaiian mythology,^-

Thoms, W. J., Lays and Legends of Various


Hgtlons j The Lays and Legends of France. London, 183]+,
P. iv,
^ Rink, H.
Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo,
Edinburgh, 1875
(^irst edition published in Danish in
1866).
3 Boas, F,
Tsimshian Mythology: Based on Texts
Recorded by Henry V/. Tate (fhirty-flrsiAnnual Report,
Bureau of American fcthnology, pp. 29-1037)* 1Q16.
Kwalclutl Culture as Reflected in Mythology (Memoirs,
American Folklore Society, vol. 28), 1535.
^ Ehrlich, C,
"Tribal Culture in Crow Mythology,"
Journal of American Folklore, vol. 50, 1937, pp. 307-1+08.
poncer. K- Reflection of Social Life in the Navaho
T ^frln Myth Albuquerque, 1U7. Elbert, S. "iiie Chief
in Hawaiiah Mythology," Journal of American Folklore, vol.
69. logA

306-322""* hP* 9~113' 3U1-555; voiTTfl,T^ 57"," pp. 26I+-276,

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ItThe results of the aforementioned studies vary.


Doas states:^
It is obvious that in the tales of a people
those incidents of the everyday life that are of
importance to them will appear either incidentally
or as the basis of a plot. Host of the references
to the mode of life of the people will be an accu
rate reflection of their habits.
The development
of the plot of the story, furthermore, will, on the
whole, exhibit clearly what is considered right and
what wrong.
From these points of view It seemed worth while
to review connectedly those ideas which are either
implied or described In detail. Material of this
kind does not represent a systematic description of
the ethnology of the people, but It has the merit of
bringing out those points which are of interest to
the people themselves.
They present In a way an
autobiography of the tribe.
On the basis of Boas* studies, Herslcovits has
asserted that:
...a substantial body of folktales is more than
the literary expression of a people.
It is, In a
very real sense, their ethnography which, If system
atized by the student, gives a penetrating picture
of their way of life.
The conclusions of Fh r l i c h s Crow study support
herslcovits* viewpoint, since she states:*^

^ Boas, F,

o p .cit., 1916, p. 393.

. _ ^ Herslcovits, M, J.
p. k i 8 .
^ Ehrlioh, C,

Man and His Works, 19h.8,


------------------

o. oit., pp. 388 , 3&*

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5
The picture of Crow life drawn from their folk
lore is very nearly as complete as that given in the
ethnological accounts# And in a f ovj instances the
tales are the richer source. While the folk tales
occasionally suggest an interpretation differing from
the one given by the ethnologist, there are no con
spicuous omissions or ambiguities.###
If we were to lose the ethnological studies made
of the Crow Indians and retain solely their folklore,
we could still reconstruct with surprising accuracy
the culture of the tribe# An occasional and minor
phrase might be shrouded in vagueness and certain
details missing, yet the fundamental scheme would be
retained, with the cultural traits seen in a dynamic
sotting#
However, Spencer,

ft

although finding substantial

agreement between recorded ethnography and information


on Navaho social life abstracted from the Navaho origin
myth, notes that a number of discrepancies occur#
Elbert*^ also detected differences between Hawaiian ethnog
raphy and the customs reflected in Hawaiian mythology,
while Wittfogel and Goldfrankd

found that the important

Euoblo elements of agriculture and irrigation did not

ft

Spencer, K#

9 Elbert, S#

op# oit, pp# 125-131.


op. cit.# 1656* p. 112.

10 i-jittfogel, K. A,, and Goldfrank, E# S. "Some


Aspects of Pueblo Mythology and Society," Journal of
American Eniirin, vol. 56, 19^3, pp# 17-3^ --------

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6
receive commensurate recognition in Pueblo mythology*
Except for Malinowskis study of the role of folk
lore and mythology in the validation of Trobriand social
norms, which is only of tangential interest to the cen
tral problem of the amount of cultural reflection in
folklore since Malinowski did not make an elaborate com
parison of information abstracted from folktales with
ethnographical data, the only known attempt to investigate
this problem outside the realm of American Indian folklore
is Elbert*s study of the role of the chief in Hawaiian
mythology.

11

Although Ehrlicfc^s study is based on Lowie*s Crow


ethnography and Lowie's collection of Crow folklore, only
in Boas* studies do we find the investigator instrumental
in establishing both the ethnography and the folktale
collection.

The studies of Elbert, Spencer, and VJittfogel

and Goldfrank, however, are primarily based on folktales


and ethnographioal data collected by individuals other than
the one investigating the problem of cultural reflection in
folktales.

While in many cases it may be necessary to

ntillgo previous collections of folklore and ethnographical


^ata (indeed, such data if extant oannot be ignored),

11 Elbert, S.

o. cit., 19^6.

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especially for societies in which Euroamorican accultura


tion is extreme or where the society has become almost or
completely defunct, it nevertheless does not reprosont the
optimum method of Investigating the problem of cultural
reflection in folktales since, ideally, the invostigator
who collected both the ethnography and folktales would be
in a more advantageous position in judging the amoxmt and
typo of reflection of the formor in the latter#
The methodology of these studies is, firstly, the
collection and analysis of a body of folktales in order
to systematize the cultural data contained therein, and,
secondly, comparison of the abstracted cultural informa
tion with ethnographic data in order to ascertain
similarities or differences.
The problem of cultural reflection in folktales
can theoretically be analyzed in several ways*

Firstly,

folktales and ethnographic data may be obtained from a


single individual, thus giving information as to the
reflection of idiosyncratic cultural content in idiosyn
cratic folktales.

Secondly, folktales for ethnography)

m ay be collected from a single individual and compared with


ethnography (or folktales)

obtained from several individuals

Thirdly, folktales collected from several individuals may be


compared with ethnography obtained by standard ethnographic
techniques utilizing multiple informants#

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6
Tho initial two approaches have beon Ignored in
past studies, probably beoause ethnographical interest
centers on societal norms of behavior rather than on
idiosyncratic behavioral norms.

However, the first

approach could be utilized in studying the development


of an individuals knowledge of folktales

hov; a folk

tale develops in plot complexity as the individual


himself matures.

Such a study could bo commenoed by

collecting folktales from children and then recollecting


the same tales from the same individuals at subsequent
intervals.

This, however, requires an extended period of

time to complete.

Tho present writer has Initiated such a

study by collecting tales from Efik children, whom he hopes


to contaot at a later date in order to recollect the same
tales.
The present study of Bfik folktales also represents
the third approach, and is based on an ethnography obtained
by standard ethnographical techniques and a collection of
folktales derived from many informants of different ages.
In addition, previously published collections of Efik
folktales are used.
No attempt has been mode by the present writer to
collect folktales from some preconceived viewpoint as to
fcbe "real' nature of mythology and folktales.

Rather,

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9
all types of tales, myths, legends and traditions were
transcribed without any attempt at artificial selection#
Neither has an attempt been made to distinguish between
kinds of Efik folktales#

The indigenous classification

of myths, legends and historical stories as mbuk, while


animal folktales are denoted along with riddles, proverbs,
tongue twisters and puns as yflce, does distinguish between
animal-tales and other types of folktales, but this dis
tinction has not been utilized in the present study.
The sources of the Efik folktales are four:
(1)

The present writer's manuscript collection of I 3I4.

folktales, comprising approximately 673 pages of inter


linear translated Efik text and contained in six quarto
volumes along with miscellaneous ethnological text.

(2 )

Elphinstone Payroll's collection of 1|0 Efik folktales,


contained in his book Folk Stories from Southern Nigeria
Neat Africa (London, 1910)#

(3 ) One extensive folktale

published in Richard F. Burton's Wit and Wisdom from Nest


Africa (London, 1865, pp. Iplj.-I4.36 )

(lj.) One short folk

tale toxt in E# A, Gaskin's article "Twelve Proverbs and


one Folk-Story from the Efik Country," Africa, vol# v,
*932, pp. 60-70.

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PART II

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CHAPTER II
GROUPING AND DEMOGRAPHY

Nomenclature.

The name Efik meaning 'oppressors*

derives from the Ibibio-Efik verb root flk 'oppress'.


Originally this was a nickname given to the Efik by the
Ibibio on account of their despotism in preventing the
Iblbio from establishing trade relations with European
ships.

Subsequently the Efik adopted the appellation as

their name.

Although an early nineteenth-century aocount

mentions the English names of the two largest Efik towns,


actual designation of the Efik by name does not oocur
until the middle of the nineteenth century.*
At present the Efik refer to themselves as efik,
efik eburutu, and lboku.

There is no folk etymology extant

2
^
for the word eburutu. although in 1874 Goldie recorded
that "Eburutu is said to be a man who lived in former
times, to whom Calabar and Okoyong are said to belong."
Efik olalm the word lboku derives from the two Ibo words
Abo oku meaning 'quarrelsome people'.

Adams, J, n.d, p. 42.


g

An Ibo man from the town of Ibom, Arochuku


stated that the word eburutu means 'oppressors* in
the Arochuku Ibo dialect.
3 Goldie, H., 1874, p. 58.

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12
Looatlon,

The Efik inhabit seven villages on

the Calabar and Cross Rivers in Calabar Province,


Nigeria, British West Africa,

The two main villages of

Oblo Qko (Creek Town) and Atakpa (Duke Town) are situ
ated thirty miles from the estuary of the Calabar River,
at latitude 4*58" North, longitude 8*17 East,

Duke

Town, the present capital of the Province, is the largest


town in Calabar Township,
Demography,

The population of individual Efik

villages is not recorded in the 1921 Nigerian census,


which included the Efik with the Ibibio,

The approximate

number of adult males between the ages of fifteen and


sixty-five enumerated by the 1944-5 Nominal Tax Rolls, is
6400,^

Hutchinson in 1858 estimated the population

Duke Town at 4000 and that

of

of Creek Town at 3000,while

in 1879 Sovaux estimated the population of Duke Town at


3000 to 3500,

The writer calculates the Efik population

of tho Creek Town area to be 2500 persons, of whom approx


imately 900 reside in Creek Town,

4
Forde, D,, and Jones, 0,1,, 1950, p, 89,
The
figures cited above include only the population data
from table xix for the Efik proper, Mbiabo, Mblabo 2,
Adiabo and Efut,
Hutchinson, T,H,, 1858, pp. 115,133,
6 Sovaux, H., 1879, I, p, 100.

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13
Neighboring Tribes.

Neighboring tribes Include

the Iblbio, Oron, Efiat, Kwa, Okoyong, Uwet, Enyong, and


7

Arochuku Ibo.

The first two inhabit the west side of the

lower Cross River, while the Efiat dwell near the estuary
of tho Calabar River.

The Kwa reside in several villages

east of Duke Town, the largest being located two miles


away, and claim to have migrated from the Ejagham Ekoi of
the Oban Hills area.

Originally the Okoyong, also known

as Ododop, lived in the southern Cameroons, but later


emigrated to settlements north of Creek Town.

Akpap, the

largest of these, is located twelve miles north of Creek


Town.
The Uwet, or Baplnka as they coll themselves,
inhabit a town on the upper reaches of the Calabar River
about thirty-five miles north of Creek Town and claim
relationship to the people of Umon, a town situated on an
island in the Cross River.

The Enyong dwell in several

villages along Enyong oreek, a minor Cross River tributary,


while the Aroohuku Ino are located a few miles to the north.

The tribal names are those listed on the map in


Fordo and Jones, 1950.
8 Ibid.. p. 90.

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14
FIGURE 1
Map of the Calabar area

AROCHUKU- /fi)/Union
IBO
f y
ENYONG

J /

Uwet
Itu *

AFRICA
* Mbiabo

Ikot <
Offioni

OKOYONG

EKOI
Ikonltu
Adiabo

Creek
Town *
Old Town

/'Duke

* WTown

* Hensfiaw ToWi
Seven Fathoi
Point
/
IBIBIO
Qua River
I AT
ORON

ANDONI-IBENO

Scale:
1 lnch-5 miles
Atlantic Ocean

8
Adapted from map In
Forde and Jones, 1950.
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15
Language and llngul stlo relationships.
the beat known dialeot of the Iblblo language.

Efik ia
Goldie

published a grammar, Word analyzed the phonetics and


tonal atructure, and both Goldie and Adams compiled dieQ

tionaries.

Westormann and Bryan established an Ibiblo-

Efik group having six dialeots:

Ibiblo, Anang, Enyong,

Eket, Andone-Ibeno, and Efik.'*0

The Oron language must

bo included in this list, and Enyong and Efik may be


classified aa a single dialect on the basis of identical
morphology and l e x i c o n . G r e e n b e r g includes Efik in the
Central Branch (Cross River languages) of his Niger-Congo
family."*^
Comparison of 196 Efik and Ibibio morphemes,

the

meanings of which appear on a Swadesh glottoohronologlcal


list, revealed 95.9 per cent oognate.

Comparison of 148

Efik and Oron morphemes revealed 115 definite cognates


(77.7$); assuming the unknown remaining 48 Oron words
were cognate to Efik, the percentage of cognates would be
83.8 per cent.

Greenberg states that the results of the

9 Goldie, H., 1868.


Ward, I.C., 1933.

Adams, R.F.G., 1943.

Westerman, D., and Bryan, M.A., 1952, p. 133.


Simmons, D.C., 1956b, pp. 250-1.
12

Greenberg, J.H., 1949, p. 89.

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16
glottoohronologioal method Indicate oa. 81 per cent of
the basic vocabulary is retained in the first millen.
13
ium,
Efik has come to be generally eooepted as the
literary language of the Ibibio dialects due to a trans
lation of the Bible into Efik by the Churoh of Scotland
Mission and to the influence of Efik traders whose pere
grinations oaused Efik to become the lingua franco of the
lower Cross River area.

14

An extensive investigation of

Efik lexicon yielded no evidence to support Jeffreys


contentions that Efik is poorer in vocabulary than
Ibibio and corrupted in pronunciation through the assimilation of foreign slaves,
Efik llngulstlc innovation and aooulturatlon.
The addition of new words to the lexioon of the Efik
language has resulted from contact with Europeans and
neighboring groups of Ibibio, Ibo, Efiat, Oron, Efut,
Elcoi (Qua), and Usahadet

(Bakassey),

The following

Greenberg, J.H,, 1953, p, 284,


^

Porde and Jones, 1950, p, 90,


Jeffreys, M.D.W., 1935, pp. 37,49,55,

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17
discussion is limited to the consideration of loan words,
extension of meaning or new combinations of Efik words,
and evidence of ohonge within the Efik language as
revealed by archaic words or variations in pronunciation
between the two principal Efik towns, Duke Town and Creek
Town,

No reference will be made to historical sound

ohanges within the Ibibio-Efik language family,


Efik words applied to European-introduced innova
tions consist of single words extended in meaning to
include new oonoepts or material objects, and secondary
formations constituting new combinations of primary mor
phemes,

Words denoting material objects which history

relates Europeans introduced at an early date, are uy(w)f


'tobacco and s n u f f ,
'cassava'.

lbokpot

'maize1, and, probably, lwa

Most Efik refuse to believe that maize

derives from America and stoutly maintain they have


planted it from time immemorial.

Other objects denoted

by apparent primary formations are ekpeme 'glass bottle',


ekporoko 'stockfish', and akpayfkpari 'brass plate'} the
latter is probably an onoraatope applied first to brass
sheets and later extended to plates made of brass.
Secondary formations include ami a idem Lkp)rl
'beats itself alone* striking-olock, anana ub)k 'lacks
arms' undershirt or vest, enay{ ukuak

'cow of iron'

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18
bicycle, ikpa ukot 'akin of foot* shoe, uf)k lb)k 'house
of medicine' hospital, use /(kp) 'sees thing* telescope,
end utut /(kp) 'pushlng-away thing' handtruck.
Ikayf 'fire' was extended to 'gun' on the intro
duction of firearms; ika/( )kp)

'gun of rubber' and lka/(

ekua 'gun of hollow-tube' designate respectively a sling


shot and a ohild's popgun.

The verb root wet 'paint or

draw' has been extended to writing and appears in such


oompounds as umly(wed 'printing press, typewriter, can
cellation stamp', /(wed 'book or letter', ekpeyfwet 'schol
ar'

(l.e, schoolboy), andiwet 'author', eto udorl /(wet

'stick of measure of writing* ruler, uf )k /(wed 'house of


writing' school, and )fl)k /(wed 'knows writing' literate.
)k)l originally meant inept or unskillful but now means
'illiterate*.

Mfi)k formerly designated a pot-stand

constructed from broken pieces of clay pot but now


denotes a three-legged iron pot stand, while obukp)/{
denotes a modern brass trumpet as well as the ancient
antelope horn signal-trumpet.
Christian religious terns and school terms can be
dated from 1846, when the United Free Churoh of Scotland
oommenoed their mission.
Pf God' church, ederl

These include uf)k abaal

'house

(originally akwa ederi the name for

the one day of the aboriginal eight day week considered

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19
sacred to God) Sunday (also called ederl uaen lk) abasl
Sunday day of Go d s w o r d 1), ederl Ikpo Sunday of mourn
ing* the memorial church service which commemorates the
deceased and also marks the end of the mourners* residenoe
In the deceaseds compound,

)kw)r) orying things for

sale preaching, yfkwa akam beads of prayer rosary, and


udla )b)>{ food of the ohief' Holy Communion,

Europeans

usually regard the latter os an atrocious misnomer.


According to the Efik, however, it represents a periphras
tic expression of respect analogous to the Efik custom
whereby a husband or wife honor each other by never ad
dressing the spouse by name,

Ukobode isua changing of

y e a r , and the synonym utlt isua end of year' denote


Christmas,

Ebln isua driving the y e a r denotes New

Y e a r s Eve and its accompanying festivities.

It is so

named beoause Efik celebrate their aboriginal festival of


_nd)k in late November or early Deoember, under the guise
of a New Year celebration.

Originally this was a biennial

oeremony aimed at evicting ghosts and evil spirits from


the town,
Ubom canoe' ooours in the compounds ubom ls)y{
^ a n o e of ground' automobile (now being displaoed by moto
from English m o t o r ), ubom oflm canoe of air' airplane,
and ubom ukay( 'canoe of fire'
fire') launch.

(synonym: nsurf lkoyf fly of

The verb root wat originally meant to

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20
paddle a oanoe, but is now used to designate driving an
automobile or piloting on airplane, while ub)1

'steering

paddle' serves to denote both the automobile steering


wheel and the driver,
Afla owo 'white m a n 1 originally designated
partial albinos who possessed whitish skin splotched with
reddish patches and rod hair.

Later it was applied to

Europeans, who were also oalled mbakara 'rulers', from


the verb root kara 'rule', or owo usuk usuk 'person of
the south' since they oame by ship up the Calabar River,
Ibibio denominated Europeans mbon ekpo 'those of g h o s t
since their fair oomplexions ooincided with the tribe's
conception of the color of ghosts and thus led them to
oonolude that Europeans were of the same oategory.

The

name survives as a nickname for Europeans,


Usiak ifla 'splitting firewood' signifies a Euro
pean shop and is derived from tho surreptitious petty
trading of European sailors at those areas along the
Calabar River whore Efik chiefs allowed the ships' cap
tains to out firewood,

European ships were originally

called ada akpa 'stands in tho river' since trading


vessels anchored in the middle of tho Calabar River,

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21
Efik frequently designate an introduced object
with the name of the group from whom they obtained it
used as a noun in genitive relationship together with
the noun which namos the object; the most common nouns
used to designate n specific group ore mbakara Europ eons, unehe I b o , ibibio Ibi b i o , and um)n 'Union',
The following compounds illustrate this usage:
mbokora

yam of European' sweet potato, ena^ mbakara

'European o o w horse, eso mbakara


pot, etlhl mbakara
mbakara

bla

European pot' iron

'European okra' papaya, eyop

European palm fruit pineapple, mboro mbakara

European banana a species of sour banana, nsa


mbakara

'European game' any card gome, sokoro mbakara

'European orange* lemon, ukebe mbakara

'European purge'

any European purge medicine, unen mbakara


fowl' duck, lkp) unehe

European

'Ibo olimbing-rope', ikp) ibiblo

'Ibibio cllmbing-rope', and three kinds of beans


designated respectively )k)tl mbakara,

)k)tl unehe and

)k) tl u m ) n ,
Efik slang appears to oonsist almost exclusively
with circumlocutions for harlots and descriptions of the
female genitalia by humorous phrases,

Inua tlet benl

lnarf 'mouth one penny four' is the slang nickname for a


harlot and is based on the cost per orgasm.

Originally

atam designated the non-Ibo groups of the upper Cross

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22
River area; however, since most prostitutes of Calabar
also come from this area the word has become a synonym
for harlotry and is currently regarded as a curse.
Nslero eyo H i l l day breaks' is the nickname for a har
lot who charges one shilling and six pence for the
night.

Slang terms for the vagina include aba utebe

'smelling pit*, odudu 'hole', akpa eka ml 'estate of my


mother', akpan urua abasl 'market basket of God',
eberede 'double doors', ededep udaha uny)>f 'you buy you
don't take home', eka akpadla ln)h) eyen 'if mother eats
she doesn't give child', eka ikpepke eyen 'mother doesn't
teach child', and enem lnem )dl)k utebe

'sweet sweetness

bad smell'.
Several Efik words are almost obsolete.

Akanl

ini 'old times', used in reference to ancient days, has


been replaced by the preferred anyan ini

'long time'.

Akpata. alternatively pronounoed ekpeta. 'testicles' has


been replaoed by nsen e k p )r ) 'egg of penis*.

With the

eclipse of polygamy the word Ida no longer designates a


seoond wife.

Formerly Efik constructed a yfkweme shed in

which the property of a deceased person was plaoed during


obsequies; this oustom, which has been obsolete for
approximately two generations, is currently known to young
er Efik by the Ibibio name Kkwommo since such sheds are
still erected in parts of the Ibibio area.

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Some pronunciations vary with individuals who use


either adlm or edlm kind of boys' spear game1, enen or
enin 'elephant', lsebe or isobo *orab', and onlm or anlm
'shark**

The initial cluster /mb/ alternates in the apeeoh

of some Efik with the cluster /mm/; thus, mmakara or


mbakara 'European', mmumln or mbumln 'slovenly', and
mmurua or mburua

'Leopnrd-society rattle'.

The pronun

ciation of a few morphemes by inhabitants of Creek Town


varies from that of Duke Town.

In the following list the

Creek Town form occurs first, followed by the Duke Town


form, while those forms marked with an asterisk are pre
sumed older on the basis of their pronunciation in other
Efik towns:

Karan or arln 'palm oil', eslen or Kesln

'foreign', darade or drade

'rinse', mb)mi or Kmb)mbl

'yam

vine string', atarabam or ataraba/l 'kind of tree', Kutuen


lkay{ or utln lkay( 'lantern', K)d)r) or )r)r)
Kmkplyflni or lkpljffanl 'old'

'viscous',

(used only with reference to

knives), utatan or Kntatan 'sand', and K e n )1 or ln)l


'bush kernels'.
Neighboring groups of non-Efik speakers have
added words to the Efik lexioon although frequently these
oocur more in songs than in regular discourse.
plies mkpokoro 'maize'.

Oron sup

Esusu 'saving society' is a

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synonym for Efik etlbe and derives from Yoruban osusu,


Itokut chief* stems from Usahadet.

Eylp

nan how should I ? are of Ekoi origin*

w a t e r 1 and
Ekot et)Hko,

a synonym for Creek Town, derives from the Efut, close


neighbors of the Efik who have adopted their customs
and language during the last century,
of cassava food dish', eburutu
the Ibo' and okrav)

Asaransa 'kind

'those who fight with

'name of the founder of Ibom, Aro

chuku (erroneously alleged by some Efik to have been


the 'father' of the Efik) are Arochuku Ibo words,
Ibibio words include ubeyl 'side' whioh oocurs in the
Efik word for paralysis akpaubeyf 'dead side', ebende
'surplus', efik 'oppressors'

(the etymon for the name

Efik for whioh the Efik retaliated by naming the


Ibiblo from the root blhl 'behead', cognate with the
Ibibio root bio

'behead', due to the propensity of the

Ibibio for decapitating slaves, captives, and sacri


ficial victims )# i l l 'time for saorifioe to the ndem
supernatural powers', kw)l 'greed', kplk 'scratch with
one or two fingers', and four slang words for vagina:
Ikpuk. ibaba, lwamba, and k)p ldl)k mkp)

'cup of bad

thing',
English words adopted by the Efik include abrankln
'blanket*, afu 'halfpence*, akrasl 'glass', ama 'hammer*,
amlk 'hammock', babru 'paper', ben 'pen', benl

'penny',

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25
bet

'bed', biKk)k 'peaoook', b)klt (presumably from

English 'pocket')
b)wut

'headtie', b)n 'pound sterling*,

'bowl', b r ) 'brother', br)n *oarpenter*s plane*,

bru *blue*, bruton *blue stone* a blue crystalline


substance used an an enema and sold by Yoruban medi
cine stalls in the Calabar market, damask *damask, dek
*wood floor or ceiling from the English *deok* of a
ship, d)kln 'padlook', edesl

'rice', edlbln 'ribbon*,

efiom nsa 'influenza', ekwado 'echo', emambl *M and


B' May and Baker antimalarial pills, frawa 'flower and
menstruation', kari

*gari', koml

'custom duty', kot

*ooat', k)mfl 'perfume* from English 'camphor', k)mln


'oommon', kru 'crane'

(used to life palm oil drums from

canoes to the wharf), kuat 'quart', kpe


w ) t ) 'mammy water*

(a supernatural power known in Efik

as udomlnyayQ, m)nlk)n *a large coat'


'ninepenoe', nslnsl

'pay', mami

(English?), nal

'hinge*, yfklsl 'headtie' from

English 'handkerchief',

)b)al 'Apostolio Church', sasa

'sauoer', aldl/ 'shilling*, slyfkrlt 'singlet', sl)t


'shirt*, slsl 'sixpence', sno 'snow', suka 'sugar*,
au)p or usu)p 'soap', tlan 'tin*, tomato 'tomato',
t)mt)m 'tame dove*, t)sn 'thousand*, trl 'try*
used in assessing the quality of palm oil), tr)

(a pump
'three

pence', waba 'guava', walya 'wire', w)f 'wharf' and


Panya 'Fernando Po' a term usually used only by smug

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26
glers who trode in food stuffs to Fernando Po and return
with European liquors#
Efik words of English derivation ooour in many
compounds:
ekpe

ama eto hammer of wood' mallet, abraylken

'blanket of Leopard Society', benetap 'pen of

saliva' pencil (so called because children moisten the


point with the tongue before writing), mbre .judas 'play
of Judos* the modern version of the ancient nabiklm play,
nd) seben an slks
marriage

'marriage soven-and-slx* Christian

(thus denominated because the groom pays only

seven shillings and six penoe for the lioense fee in


stead of the oustomary brideprloe), oyut k)fl
stirrer', su)p eyen ubuene

'coffee

'soap of poor child' kind of

plant, tlan lyak 'tin of fish* any fish packed in tins,


and usin su)p 'placement of soap* soap dish#
Few metaphors from the Bible have been added to
Efik speooh, although three do oocur:
Zaocheus',

'as short as

'os tall as Goliath', and 'gone to Jerusalem*

The latter phrase is equivalent to 'gone forever* since


Efik regard Jerusalem as so distant that no traveler
thenoe is expected to return#
Several Efik names possess anglicised versions.
This presumably derived from the Efik accepting as the
English version of their Efik name the mispronunciation
by European traders.

Okon, a name given male children

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27
born at n i :ht, becomes Hogan, while the names Nsa,
Eflom, Orok and Aalb)>{ become respectively Henshaw,
Cobham, Ephraim, Duke and Archibong*
Linguistic innovation in Efik can apparently be
classified as indigenous words whioh have beoome either
obsolete or changed in pronunciation, and indigenous
words applied to new objects or ideas, either in new
combinations or in extension of primary meaning to
inolude a new concept*

Linguistic aooulturation in

Efik has resulted from the introduction of words derived


from those foreign groups with whom the Efik have come
into oontact*
The extension of meaning of an Efik word to
Include a new concept has usually been based on some
assumed similarity between the new concept and the
semlotlc of the indigenous word*

For lnstanoe, ikayl

fire1 has been extended to inolude

fgun* sinoe both

contain some form of combustion as an attribute*

How

ever, the faotors which have caused change in indigenous


words or pronunciations are unoertaln*

In some cases a

different pronunciation arose from the preference of


individual speakers and later beoame general, while in
other instances Individual pronunciation has remained at
the idiosyncratic level, the divergencies characterizing
no speoial town*

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CHAPTER IIT
PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT
Geographical features.

Bordering the rivers the

terrain is low-lying while immediately inland it undulates


gently rising no higher than 300 feet above sea level.
The top soil consists mainly of friable sand.

Stone is

rare save at Ikoneto and Uwet, where there are occasional


outoropplngs of sedemontary red rook, and near TJyanga
where an abundance of fragmentary quartz orystals is
found.

The original forest has been almost entirely out

down to make way for farms, leaving only a growth of


secondary bush and thicket.

The banks of the riverain

areas ore covered with mangrove swamp, while the true rain
forest commences thirty-five miles northeast of Creek Town.
A difference of seven feet exists between high and low tide
levels in the Calabar River.
Climate and seasons.

The temperature ranges from

76 degrees P. at night to 92 degrees P. during the early


afternoon.

The mean annual temperature is 76 degrees P.

(26 degrees C.), and the mean relative humidity is 83 per


l
cent.
The average annual rainfall is 121 inohes.

^ Knox, A., 1911, pp. 132-3; Quinn-Young and


Herdmon, 1951, p. 66.

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29
Three well-defined seasons occur:
and dry*

rainy, harmattan

The rainy season commences with occasional

showers in April, with increasing daily precipitation


until a peak is reached in August and then gradually
tapers off, ceasing in December*

The harmattan season be

gins in Deoember and oontinues until the middle of January*


The atmosphere appears hazy, and the early mornings are
sometimes foggy

a phenomenon due to dust particles blown

from the Sahara desert by northeast winds*

The dry season

commences near the end of January and oontinues until


April.
Efik dislike the cold of the rainy season, and aver
that more people die during August than at any other time.
December is the season of play and enjoyment since the yam
harvest has ended and farm preparation has not yet begun.
Flora and fauna.

The area abounds with varieties

of troploal grasses, plants, shrubs and trees*

Insects

are numerous and there are many species of bees, wasps,


flies, spiders, ants, ticks, mosquitos, butterflies and
millipeds*
Although several species of mammalia inhabit the
q

area, individual mammals are not numerous.

Monkeys

Tho scientific names of mammals and reptiles


are those given by Cansdale, 1948, and Rosevear, 1951.

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30
(Coroopithecus sp, and Erythrocebus sp,; Ef, e b ) k ) are
the moat common primates*

The chimpanzee (Pan troglo

dytes; Ef. id)k) is found north of Uwet, while the


gorilla (Gorilla gorilla; Ef,

)m)n) is known to the Efik

by reputation since several inhabit the Oban Hill district.


The Calabar potto (Arotooebus calaborensis; Ef, ayiwantlb)),
and the galagos or bushbaby

(Galago sp,; Ef, lsama) are the

only lemur speoies inhabiting the territory.


Carnivora include the leopard (Panthera pardus;
Ef, e kpe), civet cot (Civettiotis civetto; Ef, lklko),
bush oat (Viverrldae sp,; Ef, a t a n ). and clawless otter
(Aonyx capensis; Ef, lyuyf),

Leopards, formerly numerous

in the Creek Town area, have now been completely exter


minated,
Ungulata oomprise the elephant (Loxodonta
oyolotis; Ef, e n e n ). found in the area north of Tlwet,
bushcow (Syncerus nanus; Ef, enaj( llc)t), red-fronted
gazelle (Gazella rubrifrons; Ef, aka/Q, antelope (Neo
tragus sp,; Ef, abet), chevrotain (Hyemoschus aoquatious;
Ef, e a ) ), waterbuck (Kobus defassa; Ef, edltlin), and
hippopotamus

(Hippopotamus amphibus; Ef, lsantlm) now

extinct in the area.


The pangolin or scaly anteater (Mania ap.; Ef,
Qkara) is the aole speoies of Edentata found.

The West

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31
African manatee (manatus senegalonsisj Ff, itu) inhabits
the creeks, especially in the Fnyong region, and whales
(Ef. ls)nsl) have been observed near the Calabar River
ostuary.
Rodentia include several species of squirrels
(Soluridae sp.j Ef, adua), a species of flying squirrel
(Ef. efe), the striped mouse (Lemniscomys striatusj Ff*
Jk) n ) ). poroupine (Hystrioidae sp.j Ff, ebi)yQ, several
species of rats (Furidae sp.j Ff, eku) inoluding the cane
bat or cutting-grass (Thryonmys swinderianusJ Ff, oyot),
The spitting cobra (Naia nigricollisj Ef. ebre),
boyal python (Python regiaj Ef. n s a b ) ), a green snake
(Eendroaspis sp.j Ef. akwa Ik)/ mlcp)/) , and the cerastes
snake (Calabaria sp.j Ef. ibom) inhabit the area.
species of crocodile are foundj

Two

the common or Nile

Gbocodlle (Ff. florn) , and the narrow-nosed or catafractus crocodile (fiom /k) 1 ).
these are now rare.

Although formerly plentiful,

Chameleons (Ef, okube), gecho

lizards (Ff, ukp)/ eyen), and monitor lizards (Ff, iba)


a**e numerous.

The tortoise (Ef, lkut) and sea turtle

ikut inya/) are also found.


Birds are numerous.

Identified speoies are:^

bown bird or West African crowned crane (Balearica pavo-

*1

f
^ These are the species identified by Informants
Arm Illustrations in Fairbairn, 1933,

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32
^ h a pavonlna; Ef, etle lkpo e k a ), African darter (Anhinga
^ f a rufa; Ef* enlnlm lnyajrf), gray heron (Ardea oinoera
*hera; Ef, eka ukot u b o m ), cattle egret (Bubulcuo ibis;
fikpantana). vulture

(Necroayrtes monaohua monachus;

u t e r e ) African black-kite (Milvua migranB parasitus;


rcifoukpo), vulturine fish-eagle (Gypohierax angloensiaj
Itu en). francolin or bush-fowl (Franoollnua biealcaratu8 bioalcaratusj Ef, naa/kot). guinea-fowl (Numida
^ l e a g r i a galeataj Ef, nal )fi), red-eyed turtle-dove
^Streptopelia vinacea vlnacea; Ef, ndiduok la) / ), green
fl^iit-pigeon (Vinago oalva sharpei; Ef, lbi o m ), Senegal
cboal (Centropus aenegalenaia aenegalenaiaJ Ef, odudu),
parrot (Poittaoua erlthaoua erithaous; Ef, inl m ),
8ariot-bellied parrot (Porcephalua aenegalua versteri;
lajjrf), pied kingfiaher (Ceryle rudia rudia; Ef*
ata iy a k ), gray-headed kingfisher (Halyoyon leucoPhala; Ef, etuif), gray hornbill (Lophooeroa naautus
^aautua; Ef, itafi )>(), allied hornbill (Lophooeroa semifQsoiatus; Ef, idak), African barnowl (Tytoalba affinis;
* ^cutllcut). standard-wing night jar (Maorodysteryx
^hgipQImi 0 j Ef, ndiduok), pled crow (Corvus albua; Ef,
ebuk eyop). little African swift (Mioropua afflniah
aaynious; Ef, akarayf abaal), West African gray wood(Meaopiooa goertae poioephalusj Ef,

)Icp)k)y{ e t o ).

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33
bulbul

(Pycnonotus sp,; Ef. ekuroyl), Ethiopian swallow

(Hirundo aothiopico; Ef, otl)r)), West African rufuschested swallow (Hirundo serairufa gordonij Ef, etl)r)
ndatndat), scarlet-breasted sunbird (Chalcomitra senegalensis oenegalensis; Ef, nsas a k ). village weaver
(Ploceus oucullatus cuoullotus; Ef, nalat o b o t ), orange
bishop (Eupleotes franciaoana franolscana; Ef, lnlm
orange-cheeked woxbill
Ef,

(Estrilda melpoda melpoda;

)kp)k)y( e t o ), and the pin-tailed whydah (Vidua

maoroura; Ef, abia lnuen),


Pish abound in the rivers and creeks.

Known

varieties^ include the trygon sting ray (Trygonidae sp,;


Ef, u k p a m ), garfish (Belonidae sp.; Ef, akpata), croaker
(Soiaenidao oynosoion; Ef,

)nl)k), gray mullet

(Mugil sp,

Ef. l m i n ), threadfin (Polydaotylus s p , ; Ef, e d e n ), elec


tric fish (Malapterurus beninensis; Ef, edldlm), shark
(Sooliodon s p . ; Ef. o n l m ). a species of Ctenopoma (Ef,
ekwe), and several varieties of oatfish (Ef, inaha. ekene
Inaha. akpakut. and akpanata).

Crabs

and shrimp (Ef. o b u ), periwinkles

(Ef, isobo). prawn

(Ef. mf 1 ), and several

species of bivalves also occur.

^ Maolaren, P., 1954, pp. 4-15,

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CHAPTER IV
HISTORY AND CULTURE CHANGE
Traditional history.

Aooording to tradition tho

Eflk originally resided with other Ibibio groups at Idua,


an Iblblo town near the Oron area.

During the first half

of tho seventeenth century, howevor, the Efllc emigrated,


or were expelled by the Iblblo, os the result of a quarrel
which eventually led to warfare between them,'*'
The dispute concerned an axe borrowed from on
Iblblo woman by an Eflk woman named Abasi,

Apparently

Abasl broke the axe while chopping firewood and left It


lying on the ground Instead of returning It to the owner
or reporting the damage.

The Iblblo woman returned tho

broken axe to Abasl and told her to repair It whereupon


Abasl became annoyed and threw the axe Into a latrine,
When the husband of the Ibibio woman learnt of this he
desired to fight the Eflk, but Abasl*s husband insisted
that the quarrol should be arbitrated by the chiefs.

This tradition, which was obtained from Crook


Town Informants, is vory similar to tho traditions
oitod by both Niven (1950, p, 134) and Amalcu (n,d.,
Bdlkot Nwed M buk, II, pp, 1-6).

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35
Abasl, however, stubbornly doflod them and oursed tho
Iblblo people.

They attempted to punish her and the Efik

came to her defence so starting tho war which eventually


resulted in the expulsion of the Efik from the Idua area.
One group of the Eflk paddled up the Cross River
and settled In the Enyong region, where they are now
known as Enyong, and another paddled down the Cross River
and settled the Eflk villages eslk edllc (Creek Town),
adl ab) (Adiabo), I leone to (Ikoneto), and mbi a b ) (Mbiabo).
Most Informants maintain that the first people to
Inhabit Creek Town wore Efut fishermen from the southern
Cameroons.

The first Efik to arrive and settle near

tho Efut were the )tu/{ (Ibitam) family.

Then came the

mbarak)m (Ambo) family, and subsequently the adakuh)


(Eyo Nsa) family.

An alternative version states that the

Efut arrived first, followed by the Ibitam, Eyo Nsa, and


Mbarakora families In that order.

Inferences predicated

upon the amount of land owned by the respective groups in


Creek Town would Indicate that the Efut were the original
settlers and that the Ibitam family arrived next, since
these two groups own more land than either the Eyo Nsa or
fibarakom families whose lands are situated farthest from
the town.

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36
Internecine strife at Creek Town oaused several
families to emigrate and found )but)]rf (Old Town) situ
ated near Duke Town.

Old Town commenced to give Creek

Town such competition in the external slave trade by


virtue of its greater accessibility to European slave
ships, that several families left Creek Town and found
ed atakpa (Duke Town).

Evidently Duke Town, located

three miles from Old Town, was founded shortly after


1748.2
Linguistic evidence substantiates the claim of
origin in the Ibibio area since the Efik and Ibibio
languages are morphologically and lexically related.

Indeed, the similarity of Efik and Enyong languages


indicates that the two tribes were at one time an
Integrated group.

The claim by some Efik that they

emigrated from an Aroohuku Ibo town called Ibom has


never been documented and probably derives from the many
Eflk slaves who came from that area.
Mention of the Ibibio origin of the Efik is found
in accounts of nineteenth-century traders and missionaries.

2 Based on the testimony of Captain Ambrose Lace


before Parliament in 1789 (Abridgement. II, 1790, p. 244).
Simmons, D.C., 1957.

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37
Balkio4 writes "On inquiring about the plaoe oalled Egboshari, this gentleman informed me that its Igbo name is
Umonyi, while the Eflk call it *Ibibiof From the plaoe
the Efik derive their origin,

Hutchinson

states "The

Qua people were the original holders of the Kalabor


country; and the present inhabitants of Duke Town, Oldtown, and Creektown are descendants of the Egbo Shary or
g

Ibibio tribe up the Cross River,"

Waddell,

referring to

the Efik, writes ",,,originally they dwelt in the Ibibio,


or Egbo Shary country between the Niger and Calabar
rivers, bordering on the great Ibo tribes; but defeated
in a civil war early in the last century, they abandoned
their old, and founded new settlements on the east bank
of tho latter river,"
European contact.

The name Calabar or Old

Calabar is not specifically marked on fifteenth or

4 Balkio, W.B., 1056, pp. 350-1.


Hutohinson, T,J,, 1858, pp, 128-9,
6 Waddell, H.M., 1863, p. 309, Walker (1872, p,
136) states that the Efik first settled on an island
above Ikoneto after having boon expelled from the
Ibibio area.

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38
sixteenth century Spanish and Portuguese maps, but first
7

appears on Dutch map3 of the seventeenth century#


Joannis Jansonii mentions Rio Real d*calobar and the
towns Calabari and Out Calabar on his map Nogritarum
Rognum (ciroa 1650)#

Dapper locates tho river " l ancionne

Calbarie", and states that the region is so named because


no water exists between the Calabar River and a plaoe
called Loitomba.8

Ogilby9 states "After Loitomba, follows

Old Calobaro, by some stil'd Old Kalborgh, passing through


a Plain, but Woody Country#"
The word Calabar is not of Efik origin, and is
believed to have been first appliod to the New Calabar
River which received its name from the Kalahari people
who live along its banks#

Later the name was erronoously

used to designate tho Cross River estuary which in turn


was colled "Old" Calabar to distinguish it from "New"
Calabar, a town situated on the Niger near Bonny and now
known os Degeraa.^0

However, Johnston derives the name

Calabar from the Portuguese Calabarra 1the bar is s i l e n t * # ^

7 Talbot, P,A#, 1926, I, p, 183,


8 Dapper, 0#, 1686, p. 316.
9 Ogilby, J., 1670, p. 483.
10 Talbot, P.A., 1926, I, pp. 183-4.

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39
Barbot

12

describes the Calabar River as being

"well furnished with villages and hamlets all about


where Europeans drive their trade with the seasons, as
at New Calabar,
oorn,

all sorts of eatables, yams, bananas,

and other provisions for the slaves which we barter

there, as well as the elephant's teeth...,"

In describing

his b r o thers voyage to Old Calabar in 1698 Barbot


mentions payment to a Duke Aphrom and
ing meat; these names

King Oyofor

provid

are probably an attempt toanglicize

the Efik names Eflom and E y ).


By tho early eighteenth century Old Calabar beoame
13
a well-known trading center as illustrated b y Bosnians
statement that "The Trading-Places ore Rio Formosa (or
beautiful River) otherwise oalled Rio de Benin, from the
great Kingdom of that Name.
River,

Next is Rio d Elrei or K i n g s

and Camarones together with Old and New Calbary."

Europeans brought oopper bars, knives, rum, gin, brass and

11 Johnston, H.H., 1923, p. 185.


12 Barbot, J., 1732, pp. 382-3,465.
15 Bosman, W., 1705, p. 399.

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40
pewter basins, tnnknrds, small yellow, green, purple, and
rod beads, loclcs, looking-glasses, guns, powder, and shot#
Tho Portuguese used purple copper armlets obtained from
Angola as trado g o o d s # ^

These goods were oxchangod for

slaves, and provisions for tho slaves during tho middle


passage#

In 1720 pirates, undor the command of Captain

Bartholomew Roberts, attempted to obtain provisions at


Old Calabar but the natives refused to trade, and:

15

tills did but exasperate these lawless Fellows,


and so a Party of 40 Men were detachfd to force a
Corrospondonce, or drive the Negroes to Extremities;
and they accordingly landed under Fire of their
Cannon#
The Negroes drew up in a Body of 2000 Men,
as if they intended to dispute the Matter with them,
and staid till the Pyrates advanced within Pistolshot, but finding the Loss of two or three, made no
Impression on the rest, tho Negroes thought fit to
Retreat, which they did with some Loss; The Pyrates
set Fire to tho Town, and then returnfd to their
Ships,
Native blacksmiths used oopper bora to coin native
currency, which oonsisted or rods approximately twelve
Inches long and one-sixteenth of an inch thick#

A twelve-

inch length of oopper wire was also used in transactions


of lessor value#

At the end of World War I, copper wire

(Ef# sitlm) and rods (Ef# olcud)k) became obsolete; the

Barbot, J#, 1732, p# 465#


15 Johnson, C., 1724, p. 199#

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41
latter at the time of their redemption were valued at
three pence*
The copper bars used in 1698 weighed one-and-aquartor pounds, and were fifty-five inches long*
bar was equivalent to four of copper*

One iron

In April, 1698 the

ship Dragon purchased 102 male slaves in exchange for forty


to forty-eight oopper bars per man, twenty-eight to thirtysix bars per woman, twenty to forty bars per boy, and seventeen to thirty bars per girl.

1 fi

The Efik obtained slaves from Efik guilty of theft


or adultery, and by capture or purchase from neighboring
tribes*

The English found slaves from Calabar rebellious

and preferred those obtained from the Gold C o a s t , ^ and in


the West Indies where they were known as either Moko or
Mooo, slaves of Efik or Ibibio origin were regarded as
being exceedingly fierce.^*8

16 Donnan, E., 1930, I, pp. 300,489.


Barbot, J., 1732, pp. 382-4.
Donnan, E., 1930, I, p. 108.
Tho table of.Mooo words listed by Oldendorps
'J-/77, I, pp. 346-7) reveals that the words were
ollectod from either an Efik or an Enyong informant,
inoe only thoy use the morphemes kiot for one or usukiet
nine; Ibibio use kot for one, a n d annnket for nine*

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L*2

In 17^2 vessels from Liverpool obtained 2810 slaves


from Calabar, 3050 slaves in 1771* 21*73 slaves In 17^8,
iq

snd 1651* slaves in 1799.

Antero Dulce recorded In his

diary that a total of 7511 slaves were exported from


20
Calabar during the years 1785 to 1788,
All European traders engaged in the slave trade
before Great Britain abolished it in 1807.

From that time

n ships under Portuguese, Spanish or French registry

carried on the trade only surreptitiously since Great


Britain attempted to blockade the West African coast.

In

3-827 a Spanish schooner loaded a cargo of slaves and


0*1

escaped capture by a British naval vessel.

However, in

*820 the English squadron captured two Dutch ships oarrya total of 270 slaves loaded at Old Calabar.

In I83O

ten French vessels lay in the Calabar River waiting to


kard slaves.22

lc>Donnan,

E., 1930, II, pp. 1*96-9,51*5-6,61*2-9.

20 Simmons, D. C., 1956a, p. 6 .


23- Holman, J., 181*0, p. 390.
22 Leonard, P., 1833, PP* 150,268-9.

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43
Tho slave trade at Calabar was officially terminated
^ 1841, when representatives of the British Government
5^8hed treaties with the titular chiefs of Creek Town and
^ k e Town*23

An anonymous naval officer recorded that

jealousy existed between Duke Ephraim of Duke Town and


**8 Pepel of Bonny that both informed British cruisers
^hever a slaver was in the other's vicinity*

On one ocoa-

h when King Ephraim lost a cargo of slaves owing to


Jl
QPois report to the British, he prepared to moke war on
{!
pQl and sent a messenger to tell him "...I am coming and
^h g i n g his oof fin.11 "Tell Ephraim," replied Pepel, "to
by4
the ooffin, and I will put himself into it."
The war
bovfiv,

, 24
ocourred*
The last recorded attempt to obtain slaves from

C*lab ar ocourred in 1870 when a slave ship offered a cargo


Of

in exchange for a cargo of slaves.

The King agreed.

11 the cargo of rum was beached, however, he slyly drew


cho rum, refilled the oasks with water and then sent
the slaver to reload his cargo and leave port

'lUl
ckly because a British cruiser was coming to Calabar.
A0c
0l*^ingly, the slaver took his advice and put to sea

Ort

Minutes of Evidence. 1849, p. 35.

24. Anonymous,

1838, pp. 238-9*

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Ijll.
without discovering the trick the King had played upon
him.2^

When a ship arrived at Calabar a form of customs


called 'comey had to be given to Efik ohiefs before they
would permit the ship to 'break trade1, e.g., to begin
trading activities.^

In addition, all natives trading

with the ship expected to receive M a s h 1 or free gifts. 27


Every week the head chiefs of Creole Town and Duke Town
each held a 'levee', or dinner, to which all European
traders and supercargoes were Invited.
The 'trust* method of trading prevailed.

To those

Efik traders reputed to be honest, Europeans entrusted


v&st quantities of exchange goods to the value of throe

de Compiegne and Marche, l873> P*


2^ The origin of the word 'comey* is unknown, but
Possibly the word derives, as llutohinson has speculated
^1861, p. 18), from Efik attempts at pronouncing the
hngllsh word 'custom',
.
2? The word 'dash' is not an Efik word. Roade
p 63, p # 22) postulates that the word is derived from
ortuguese das-me 'give me'. An alternative speculation
that it derives from tho English phrase 'dash of rum'
J~nco such was usually given by traders to chiefs when
they first mot.

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45
to five thousand pounds sterling.

28

The Efik trader

guaranteed to deliver a certain number of slaves within


a specified time.

He would then distribute the goods to

his headmen to trade at various points on the Cross and


Calabar Rivers.

To insure payment of the trust debt,

hostages, generally a younger brother or son of the Efik


trader, lived on board the European ship until the debt
Was paid.
In 1846, a trader seized Duke Eyamba, the chief of
hulce Town, and put him in irons because he owed thirtyfive punoheons of palm oil (approximately 25 tons),
however, when one of his brothers agreed to become a
Pawn as surety for the debt Duke Eyamba obtained his

Release."
Prior to 1860 Efik forbade Europeans to establish
Qhops on land and oorapelled them to confine trading
Qotivities to their ships.

Each ship had an oil-house on

tlie beach where traders measured and stored palm oil in


&sk 3.

Also the Efik chiefs built warehouses where

^bropean trade goods were stored, thus protecting them

28 Smith, J., 1851, pp* 187-9.


29 Waddell, H.M., 1863, p. 274.

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46
from pillage*

30

A short time after I860 some traders

requested permission from the Efik to out firewood from


small plots of land along the beaoh*

The request was

granted and sailors surreptitiously traded with the natives


at these spots; thus originated the Efik word uslak lfla
S p l i t t i n g firewood' used to designate any European shop*
The area was first explored in 1837 when Coulthurst
penetrated the Cross River as far as the border of the Ibo
country where an Ibo chief refused him further passage*

3X

In 1841 and 1842 Captain Beecroft explored the Calabar and


Cross Rivers despite King Eyamba*s fear that "...explorations of the river would lead to oonsequenoes injurious to
tho trade of his town."3**

Walker noted that as late as 1876

Calabar chiefs did not desire strangers to explore their


country*

33

In 1855, under the pretext of stopping human


sacrlfioe, European ships bombarded Old Town, which has
never regained its former population and importance.
Missionaries present on the oooasion intimate the display of

30 Crow, H., 1830, p* 283.


31 Coulthurst, C.H., 1837, pp. 307-9.
32 King, J.B., 1844, p. 260*
33 Walker, J.B., 1876, p. 225.

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1+7

European power was actually intended to make trust debts


more easily collectible,^"
In 1873 the headquarters of the British Consul for
the Bights of Benin and Biafra were transferred from
Fernando Po to Old Calabar where they remained until the
present day, except for the period 1875 to 1882 where they
were once more relooated in Fernando Po,

In 1885 Calabar

was included in the Oil Rivers Protectorate, in 1900 in the


Wiger Coast Protectorate, and in 1911+ it became part of the
provincial government of Calabar Province,

The name Old

Calabar was officially changed to Calabar in 1901+.-^


Under the Oil Rivers Protectorate a system of Native
Courts was established to adjudicate cases involving natives
according to local law and custom.
Calabar since 1905*

This has been extant in

In 1901 slave dealing was made penal,

and slavery itself was finally abolished in 1911+ with


repeal of the House Rule Proclamation.-^

&

Waddell, H.M., 1863, pp. 552-1+.

35 Niven, C.R., (1950), pp. 165-175.


36 Jeffreys, M.D.W., 1935, p. 59.

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Acculturation*

The Eflk acquired many European

items during the two centuries of slave trade.

Some

chiefs possessed European-built two-storey wood houses,


with tin roofs, before 1830, and possibly as early os
1785.^

A number of Efik wrote enough English to keep

trading aooounts, and spoke enough to aot as interpreters.


No Europeans resided in Efik towns for any appreciable
Period of time prior to tho arrival of the missionaries in
1846.

Sohools were then established and those Efik customs

Particularly repugnant to European residents were eventually suppressed by various Nigerian governments under
British officers.

The Efik no longer speak pidgin English.

Those who have been eduoated speak standard English, while


those who have not speak Efik.
Duke Town has developed into an African metropolis
^he to its accessibility to European shipping, and is
how the major component of Calabar Township, which also
d e l u d e s Henshaw Town and Big Qua Town.

The present

Population of Calabar is approximately 125,000 with the

Antero Dulcos diary (Porde, 1956, p. 28),


* hitten between 1785 and 1788, mentions D u k e s house
Liverpool H a l l , which was probably constructed on a
European plan from wood planks.

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1*9

indigenous Efik constituting a distinct minority among


the influx of Ibo, Yoruba, Hausa and Upper Cross River
groups
Because of its isolated position Creek Town has
preserved the even tenor of its ways.

At the present

time no Europeans, Yoruba or Hausa reside there, although


approximately one hundred Europeans and several thousand
Yoruba and Hausa dwell in Calabar.

Small encampments of

Ibo, Osobo and Ibibio live in the farm areas of Creek


Town, where they rent large tracts of land to obtain the
products of the oil palm trees.
Those Efik of Creek Town who have been educated
are forced to seek employment elsewhere as physicians,
educators, lawyers or employees of European firms.

In

1953> Eyo B. Ndem, a native of Creek Town, was awarded a


Easter of Arts degree in anthropology by the University
of London,

Hogan Bassey, a native of Duke Town, knocked

out Spider Kelly of Ireland on November 19, 1955 to win


the British Empire featherweight erown, and now holds the
world's featherweight championship.

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CHAPTER V
PHYSICAL APPEARANCE, MEDICINE AND DRESS
Physical appearonce.
is approximately

and

The average stature for men


for women.

Two individuals,

a father and his son, have attained the maximum stature of


6*3 and several other men have reached a height of 5*10M,
No man or woman is so short as to appear pigmoid.

The

average weight is 150 pounds for men, and 125 pounds for
women.
Two males on whom anthropometric data are available
possess mesooephalic head form, and platyrrhine nasal
Indices.'**

The platyrrhine nose form is most common, but

the mesorrhine form probably occurs.

Hair is black and

kinky, although straight hair does appear.

While pigmen

tation varies from light brown to dark brown, the true black
pigmentation as found among some Ibibio and natives in the
Ekoi area is rare.

Everted lips and prognathism prevail,

but to a lesser degree than that found among typical forest


Negroes.
Eye color is dark brown.

Musculature is well developed,

especially the chest and arm musoles of men, and the entire

Keith, A,, 1911, p. 69,

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51
body Is woll proportioned.
tions occur:

Two presumably genetic condi

a hazel color of the eyo, a condition called

uslere by the Efik, and a type of partial albinism in which


the skin pigment is white splotched with brown and the hair
a light red color.
owo

These partial albinos are known as afia

'white man', a term also applied to Europeans*


Extensive miscegenation between Efik and the sur

rounding tribes has occurred over many generations due to


slavery, but it is rare between Efik and Europeans,

Only

one woman in Creek Town is a mulatto, and she is tho off


spring of a former English trader and an Efik woman.
Diseases and medicines.

A number of diseases are

common among the Efik, who possess an extensive herbal


p
materia medioa.
The Efik word lb)k 'medloine* denotes
both medicinal and magical recipes used to oure, oharm or
Injure people.

However, only tho curative aspect of lb)k

in relation to aotual disease will be considered here.


Medicines may be applied externally as lotions or
ointments, Internally by swallowing or eating, and as
clysters.

Clysters are administered by means of a hollowed

gourd with a narrow,

tubular end.

The patient kneels with

his forehead almost touching the ground and his gluteal

Tho scientific names of the diseases are derived


from Wilooclcs, 1950,

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52
region raised.

The herbalist, wife, or relative of the

patient inserts the tubular end of the gourd into the


patients anus and pours the medicine into the gourd from
a clay pot.
The nature of Efilc remedial medicine will be illus
trated by examples whioh use plants whose scientific names
are known.

Certain diseases require special additional

treatment to insure oure, and these will also be mentioned.


Bandages generally oonsist of dried plantain leaves, and
palm oil servos as an unguent, especially for sores, wounds
and boils.
Insect-borne protozoal diseases include malaria,
trypanosomiasis, and blackwater fever.

Trypanosomiasis

(Ef. i y e t ) seldom oocurs due to the rarity of the tsetse


fly, and blaokwater fever is exceptionally rare.

Malaria

and yaws are endemic, and tho tertiary form of yaws known
as gangosa is fairly frequent.

Febrlfic diseases such os

malaria, dengue fever, and sand-fly fever are collectively


named uflop idem 'hot body' by the Efik.
There aro several febrifuge medicines to be mixed
with water and administered as clysters.

Tho Include

boiled pieces of Ochrocorpus africanls bark, the pounded

Mams,

u The scientific botanical names derive from


1943a and 1943b.

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53
bark of the Loffaro tree, the leaf and seeds of Agoratum
oonyzoldos mixed with seven Amomum melegueta seeds, the
bark of the Cocos nuolfera or oooonut palm boiled with a
plantain leaf in a new pot, the pounded leaf of Tussilago
farfara mixed with chalky d a y ,
root of Clorodendron splendens.

and the crushed leaf and


4

Febrifugal lotions are oonoocted by adding water to


the orushed leaf of Heliotroplum indioum mixed with chalk,
the orushed root, stem and leaves of Gloriosa superba, or
the orushed root of Veronica oonferta.
Febrifuge clysters to relieve jaundice and yellow
fever are compounded respectively from the crushed leaf
of Brillantasia sp,, the leaf of Lippia oitriodoro, a
mixture of the orushed leaf of Clerodendron splendens, the
leaf of Dissotis rotundifoli a, and the leaf and root of
Ouratea flava, and the leaves of Cyrtosperma senegalonse
mixed with the leaves of Ouratea flava and Dissotis rotundifolla,

A potion for Jaundice is prepared either from the

leaves of Brillantasia sp,, or the leaves of Lippia


citriodoro.
Ointments for boils, sores or joint swellings ore
oonoocted from the seeds of Physostigma venomosum, the
seed of Piper guinense, the root of the lime tree, or

Efik plant nomeo appear in Table II, pp, 67-73,

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54
Bahama grass (Cynodon daotylon) mixed with ground Piper
gulnense,

Ointments prescribed for body swellings are

compounded from oithor the seed of Xylopia ethiopia mixed


with elephant excreta, or tho burnt leaves of Pachilobus
edulis,
A prescription for tropioal ulcer consists in
squeezing the juice of Erythrina senegalonse bark on the
wound, and then bandaging it with the remnants of the bark
for seven days*

Eczema, also known os 'krawkraw*

(Ef* m b a t ),

is treated with heated lime juioe*


Other ointments proscribed for bolls (Ef* o y o )
comprise a type of poisonous manioc oalled akporaylkpo iwa
grated with a taro leaf, a dried plantain skin boiled with
Piper gulnense,

the leaves of Xylopia ethiopia, elephant

excrement, tho core of a dried plantain stem, and the


leaves of Desmodium absoendens mixed with palm oil*
The Spondias monbin leaf, and the seeds of Harungana
madagascoriensis yield lotions for boils*

The crushed mi x

ture of Dissotis rotundifolla, seeds of Piper gulnense,


and fruit of Xylopia ethiopia are compounded os a clyster
to heal boils.

Two prescriptions for clysters to heal

stomach bolls are oonoocted from mixtures composed of the


oil palm tree root and the stem of Anohomanes,

the crushed

roots of a species of Calodium and the orushed root of a

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55
of n species of Anohomanes,
The filarial worm Loa loa (Ef. utuyf e nyln).
carried by mangrove flies of the genus Chrysops, attack
the conjunctiva.

The Efik orush the bark of Nowbouldia

laevia and use the juice mixed with salt as an eyebath.


An eye ointment is concocted from the root of Albizzia
zygia, ground and mixed with chalk.

The juice from a

species of mint oalled nt)y{ by Efik is also used to ouro


eye diseases.
Leprosy (Ef, akpamfia) is relatively rare, and when
it does occur the lepers ore ostracized by the Efik and
forced to live alone in the forest.

For the form of leprosy

known as mkpoho, whloh affects the fingers and toes, Efik


grind the root of Plumbago zeylanico, add Amomum melegueta
seeds and use the mixture as an ointment on the lesions,
A clyster for leprosy is also prepared from the bark of
Harungana madagaooariensis.
Clysters for gonorrhea (Ef. l k l m ), which is
extremely common, ore prepared from the crushed leaves of
Liriodendron tullpifere, the leaves and bark of Spondias
monbin mixed with chalky clay, the root of Citrus ourantiura
or the root of the purple convolvulus

(Convulvulaoeae sp.).

Another cure for gonorrhea is a potion made from either the

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56
baric of tho Loffara tree, or the bark of the Banyan tree
when mixed with freah palm wine*

Leaves of Flous aspori-

folio, crushed and mixed with fresh palm wine, constitute


a potion for a condition characterized by hemoturia and
called iklm eylp.
The leaf and seed of Ageratum oonyzoides, or the
bark of Ouratea flava, together with seven Amomum melegueta
seeds ore prepared as anodyne clysters for hemorrhoids*
An alternative cure for this disease consists of the loaf
of Arbrus preoatorius togethor with one Piper gulnense
seed, ground and smeared on that part of the enema gourd
inserted into the anus*
Constipation is relieved by clysters composed of
the leaf of Drepanooarpus lunatus, the leaf of Clerodendron splendens, tho bark of Erythrina senegalonsis, or
the leaf of Lophlra prooera respectively ground with chalk*
The most oommon medicine for constipation is lb)k aylha
'constipation medicine', prepared by grinding the bark of
Cola edulis, the bark and fruit of Kiitragyna stipulosa,
the bark of Conlaedulis sp*, and the bark of a tree
called en)i in a mortar*

The mixture is then rolled into a

large ball and whenever required a small piece is cut off,


ground, and diluted with water to servo as a clyster*

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57
A mixture of Pycnanthus kombo bark, an egg and a
pieoe of copper wire boiled in a new pot, makes a clyster
to relieve indigestion.

For women who suffer gastralgio

the Pararistolochia goldioana leaf is used as a clyster.


Clysters of crushed leaves of Papsalum conjugatum
mixed with chalky clay, the leaves of Jatropha ouroas, or
the leaves of Ceratothlea sesamoides respectively are used
to cure mild dysentery (Ef. u t ) r ) ).

The Urera manii leaf

is added to a plantain food dish and eaten for tho same


ailment.

Clysters for severe dysentery (Ef. utal l t l t ) are

made from tho leaf and seed of Pupalia lappacea, the leaf
of Anthoclelsta vogeli or the leaf of Ficus asperifolia
respectively.

The orushed leaf of Flou3 asperifolia or the

leaf of Anthiooleista vogeli oan also be used as potions


in oases of severe dysentery.
A potion for testicular elephantiasis consists of
boiling pieces of Cylioodisous gabonionsis bark and adding
palm wine,

A sufferer of goiter (Ef. nslp it)j{) was ostra

cized as the Eflk believe the condition contagious.

medlolne made of the bark of the Dracaena tree, pepper, the


blood of a oook and mixed with palm wine was rubbed into
small razor outs made on the surface of the goiter.

Goiter

is very rare among the Efik.

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58
To cure Guinea worm (Draeunoulus medlenais;
Ef. mflie) palm oil la rubbed on the affected part, and
when the w o r m '3 head comes out of the flesh to eat the
oil, the worm la wound very slowly onto a needle.
For vomiting accompanied by stomach cramps, a
3mall quantity of kerosene as a soothing drink, or a
small quantity of snuff dissolved in water as a olyster
is recommended.

Another cure for an upset stomach con

sists of a small crab (Ef, lbuyQ ) ground with the mud


from its hole and taken either as a potion or an ointment
rubbed on the chest,
A clyster prepared from crushed marigold leaves
is used to cure measles

(Ef, atayaya),

Another cure for

the same dlsense is exoreta from a ewe if the patient is


female, or from a ram If the patient is male, rubbed on
the body.

Sometimes the body is rubbed with mud from the

beach, and then a small amount of mud mixed with cow dung
and used as a clyster.
Roots of Cola edulis scraped and then ground with
seven Amomum molegueta seeds make a olyster for ohildren
who suffer splenitis

(Ef, ikpaklp),

The bark of Draoaena sp,, bark of Ficus benghalonais, the seed of Xylopia ethiopia, seeds of Amomum
melegueta, and the bark of a tree called by Efik eto afla

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59
are prepared as an ointment for paralysis
Kidney pains

(Ef. alcpaubeyQ.

(Ef. ubia esit ekp u k ) are treated by a olyster

prepared from the crushed stem of Buettneria afrioana.


A clyster prepared from the crushed leaves of Smilax
kraussiana, or potions made from either the boiled bark of
Oohrocarpus africanus, or the ground leaves of Desmodlum
absoendens plus seven Amomum melegueta seeds placed in a
shallow plate and heatod by putting a hot axe head in the
liquid, are cures for pleurisy (Ef. asuana ytkarf).

Another

aid in curing pleurisy is to rub the chest with the crushed


leaves of a species of Convolvulaciae, oalled uruk ldiajf
by Efik, wrapped in pieoes of plantain.
Eyestrain or eye soreness is treated with an eyebath made from the juice of the Smilax kraussiana stem.
The juioe of the Buettneria africana stem treats both eye
soreness and oataracts
afer leaves,

(Ef. okpot).

The juice of Costus

and the juice from the stem of Smilax

kraussiana or the leaves of Erythrina senegalensis are


used to treat cataracts.
To relieve throat pains a patient is first seated
inside a cirole previously drawn on the ground and then
given the crushed leaves of Millettia aboensis to eat.
A mixture of Ambrosia artemisiaefolia leaves, palm oil
and pepper is eaten to dislodge a fish bone stuck in the

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60
throat.
The seeds of Arbrus preoatorius, ground and rubbed
on a tooth treat toothache,

A mouth rinse composed of the

orushed leaves of a species of Convolvulaole added to lime


juioe helps relieve the pain of toothaohe.

For toothache

and pyrrohea the boiled leaves of Cnestis ferruginea are


prepared as a gargle, while the fruit of the same plant is
eaten to euro acratohiness of the tongue.
The juice of Bryophyllum pinnatus leaves is squeez
ed into the nose to cure catarrh (Ef, obufip),

A further

inhalation for aiding catarrh is the head of a towel


boiled in water and then the orushed leaves of a speoies of
mint,

Pieoes of Newbouldia laevis bark dipped in salt and

then chewed, or the eating of garoinia kola seeds, cure a


oough (Ef, lk)yf),
A sprained shoulder (Ef, afarlkut) is rubbed with
a mixture of Smilax kraussiana leaves and seven Amomum
melegueta seeds; then a bone from the front leg of a
tortoise is tied on the shoulder.

Presumably the name of

the disease afarlkut turtle shoulder1 indicates the use


of a tortoise bone, or vioe verso.
Small boils called lday{ ukp )y{ are treated by putting
wax from the patient*s ear on each boil.

The swelling of

face, ears and neok characteristic of a disease called

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61
ulcgjjrf, presumably mumps, is treated by grinding a piece of
clay pot, adding water and using the mixture to wash the
body.

For a swollen wrist the root of a plant called ntuen

Is)y( Is crushed and rubbed into cuts mode on the forearm


with a razor blade.

The root of Drepanooorpus lunotus

ground and mixed with many Amomum melegueta seeds, a


broken piece of pot and palm oil moke an ointment for a
swollen testicle (Ef. ndansln).

The medloine must be

rubbed upwards to moke the swelling reoede, for Efik believe it would increase If the medloine were rubbed down
wards.

A swollen forearm is thrust into cool water,

allowed to dry near a fire, and then rubbed with a mixture


of oow dung and pepper.
Chalky clay is used as an ointment for eczema on
the testicles

(Ef, mbufat u d l a ); the eczema is believed

to be caused by walking over scraped portions of roosted


yam or plantain.

A disease or skin condition called ubon,

in whioh the skin appears shiny and turns white In patches,


is thought to be contracted by walking over the place where
someone reoently shorpened a knife with a whetstone.

It is

treated with an ointment composed of crushed Desmodium


obsoendens leaves mixed with chalky cloy.
Pimples are rubbed with a powder obtained from
roasted periwinkle or oyster shells.

Eczema on the leg

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62
(Ef* ntira) Is treated with an ointment ooncooted from
Dissotis rotundifolia leaves, ndom Is)y{ leaves, and the
blood of a milliped.

An ointment prepared from the leaves

m b ara ekpe mixed with a ohicken egg shell will oure a


boil on the baolc of the neok.
Two cures for ringworm (Ef. asayta m f e m ) comprise
the leaves of Desmodium abscendens and the orushed leaves
of edeme u n e n , mixed with a small quantity of gunpowder,
or an ointment made from a mixture of )k)tl ekpo leaves,
Xylopia ethiopia seeds, and pepper*
The juice of Jatropha ourcas leaves, the stem of
Costus afor, the new leaf of Millettia aboensis, or the
juice of Ambroisia artemisiaofolia respectively consti
tute hemostatio astringents*

Ciroumcision outs are treated

with warm water and rubbed with the juice of a plant


oallod edem ldlduot*

Heated Bryophyllura pinnatus leaves

sootho wounds or sores*

The bite of the Chrysops fly is

rubbed with an ointment compounded from the bark of


Irvingla gabonensis,

salt, and Piper guinensis.

A potion

to relieve impotenoe is made from Carapera prooera bark,


boiled with palm wine*
A person bitten by a snake, In order to lessen the
pain and swelling caused by the venom, must never let his
vomit touch the ground directly from the mouth, but must

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63
first regurgitate into his hands, cloth or hat and thon
throw the vomit to the ground.
A mixture of Tagetes sp. leaves, throe peppers,
three shrimp and the mud from the wall of a house where
wasps have built a nest makes on ointment to restore
proper breathing.
The roots of Smilax kraussiana, oopslcum pepper
and the purple convolvulus plus seven tiny ants, oalled
akpals)>{, constitute a clyster administered to on infant
for the express purpose of making him crawl if the baby
appears to need assistance.
A tiny piece of ekpuk nnya. a poisonous fungus,
is ground, mixed with water and then used os a clyster
for stomach pain.

A kind of stomach pain known os ntoro

ekop, believed to be caused by two navels, one under the


other and therefore causing pain, is treated with a olyster
prepared from a small amount of ekpuk nnya diluted with
water.
The root of Citrus ourontifolia and one seed of
Amomum meleguota, ground and mixed with water, constitutes
a potion to ouro severe female breast pains.

A half-inch

length of hommorhead shark scale (Ef. eba a basl) and a new


leaf of Pentoolothra sp. are ground to moke a mixture
rubbed on sore breasts.

The loaves of Pentoolothra sp.

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64
ground and mixed with water are administered as a clyster
for u n a k ), a disease which affects women in the region of
the groin*
The root of Cola rostrata is out into small pieces,
plaoed in a bottle of brandy and the mixture drunk to
facilitate delayed menstruation*

A clyster prepared from

the crushed leaves of Buettneria africana is thought to


oleanse the womb.
There are a great many remedies prescribed for the
various affliotions of pregnanoy and ohildbirth*

A olyster

of the root, stem and leaves of Phyllanthus niruri insures


general good health during the pregnanoy,

A mixture of

Urera mannii loaves, palm wine, palm oil and a croaker


fish taken orally is guaranteed to produce milk in the
m o t h e r ^ breast.

If the legs swell during pregnancy, a con

dition known as mkpara asulcu), a clyster from the leaves of


Costus ofor is administered,

A clyster oonoocted from

Irvingia gobonensis loaves mokes the stomaoh soft and


reduoes pain during pregnancy, while a clyster of Cylioodiscus gaboniensis bark mokes the stomach restful.

The

fetus is believed to be fattened by a clyster made of


Poristoloohla goldieona leaves, chicken eggs and a fern
called nyama.

During the seventh month a olyster of crushed

leaves of Corchorus olitorius Is administered three times a

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65
week to insure on easy and rapid delivery.

For the some

result, a clyster prepared from the roots of Alblzzia zygie


is recommended.

Water from the gutter, boiled and added to

drinking water constitutes a clyster to reduce uterine pains


during pregnancy.

During the eighth month a clyster of

Millottio oboonsis roots insures a speedy delivery.

The Efik

believe that a clyster from the crushed leaves of the purple


convolvulus prevents an enemy from locking' the womb and
thus stopping the birth of the child.

To prevent 'blood

from coagulating in the womb' Xylopia ethlopia seeds ore


added to soup and eaten by a woman who has just given birth.
If the emergence of the afterbirth of a goat is
delayed the leaves of Spondias monbin are given os food to
force it out.

If a bitch gives birth but looks milk, a kind

of pepper oailed mfajf is rubbed on the dugs.


goats suffering from mange

For dogs or

(Ef, yficwet ikwet for goats, usat

for dogs), the skin is bathed with a mixture compounded from


palm fruits and a liana called )b)r) urulc.
The juice of Ambroisio artemisiaefolia is mode into
a clyster or ointment for babies suffering the disease
called alcpa, the symptoms of which are similar to rickets.
To insure sound breath runners drink a mixture
concocted from the root of Sooparlo dulois, pepper and water.

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66
Toble II lists the sciontifio and Efik name of
the plants previously mentioned, the part used, the
manner of use, and the disease or oondition for which
the medicine is used*
Table III compares the Efik U3e of oertain
plants with the medical indications of these plants as
given by Githens (1949, pp. 62-122).

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67
TABLE II
DISEASES FOR WHICH PLANTS ARE USED AS CURES
Soiantifio

Part
used

How

Medical

anaTBHTc name

used

remedy"*

Agerotum oonyzoides
Ef*
lfu) eyen

seed
leaf

clyster
ointment

fever
dysentery

Alblzzia zygla
Ef. ubam

bark
root

eyebath

eyeworm

Amomum melegueta
E f . ntokon okpo

seed

clyster
ointment

leprosy, hemor
rhoid, boil3,
pleurisy, splen
itis, swellings

Anchomanes sp,
Ef. yfk )k)t

root

clyster

bolls

Anthoclelsta vogeli
E^ # okpoho

leaf

potion
clyster

dysentery

Arbrus precatorlus
Ef . enyln mbukpo

seed
leaf

olyster
ointment

toothache
hemorrhoid

Brillantasia sp.
E f . adan um)n

leaf

potion
olyster

jaundioe

Bryophyllum plnnatum
Ef. afla i y )

leaf

lotion
clyster

catarrh,
sores, fever

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68
Buettneria africana
Ef ekw)y{ uruk

stem

clyster
lotion

eyestrain
heartburn
cataract
kidney pain

Caladium ap*
E f mblet ekpo

root

clyster

stomach boils

Carapara procern
E f mkporo ubom

bark

potion

aphrodi si ac

Ceratothlea sesamoides
E f ud)t idldet

leaf

olyster

dysentery

Citrus aurantifolia
Ef* ytkprl sokoro

root

potion
ointment

boils, swell
ings, female
breast pains

Citrus aurantium
Ef* ntan ntan sokoro

root

olyster

gonorrhea

Clerodendron splendens
Ef* obublt lk)n

leaf
root

olyster

fever, jaundioe
oonstipation

Cnestis ferruglnea
Ef.

leaf
fruit

gargle
food

pyorrhea,
toothache
sore tongue

Cola edulis
Ef, ek)m

bark
root
fruit

drink
clyster

splenitis
oonstipation

Cola rostrata
Ef* ek)m

root

potion

menstruation

Conlaedulis sp*
Ef * ok)m lnyayf

bark

olyster

fever

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69
Convolvulaoae sp.
Ef uruk ldlay{

root

olyster
gargle

gonorrhea
toothache

Corchorus oiltorus
Ef. etlnyuyf

leaf

olyster

ohlldbirth

Costus afer
Ef. mbrltem

juice
leaf

ointment

dropsy
cataract

Cylioodiscus gaboniensls
E f * any an

bark

potion
clyster

pregnancy
alterative,
elephantiasis

Cynodon dactylon
Ef. ikpam

leaf

ointment

boils, sores
swellings

Cyrtosperma senegalense

leaf

olyster

jaundioe

Dosmodium absoendens
Ef . mbansa>{ ekpo

leaf

potion
ointment

boils, ohest
congestion,
ringworm
eczema

Dlssotis rotundifolia
Elf. mbiet ekpene

root
leaf

olyster

eczema, testic
ular boils,
Jaundioe

Dracaena sp.
Ef. ,jk ?nj.

bark

lotion

goiter
paralysis

Drepanooarpus lunatus
Ef. fikayCa lnya

leaf
root

clyster

barrenness
constipation
swollen t e s M c l e

Ef*silrlliia

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70
Elaols guineensis
Ef. eyop

root
core

potion
olyster

hiccups
stomach boils

Erythrina senegalense
Ef, uslere

bark

clyster
ointment

gonorrhea
constipation
tropical uloer

Pious asperifolia
Ef. ukwok

leaf

potion

dysentery
hemoturla

Pious benghalensis
Ef. uk)rf

bark

potion

gonorrhea
paralysis

Garoinla sp.
Ef. eflari

seed

food

cough

Oloriosa superba
E f . )k)dl okoneyo

root
stem
leaf

lotion

fever

Harungana
madagasoariensis
Ef. oton

leaf
seed

lotion
olyster

boils, leprosy
jaundice

Hellotropium indioum
Ef. edlslm)y{

leaf
stem

lotion

fever

Irvingia gabononsis
Ef. uyo

bark
leaf

olyster
ointment

pregnanoy
alterative,
Chrysops fly bite

Jatropha ouroas
E f . eto mlcpa

leaf

lotion
clyster

dysentery
astringent

Lippia citrlodoro
Ef. nnyanyayfa

leaf

potion
clyster

Jaundice

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71
Lirlodendron
tulipifera
Ef. esonnim

leaf

olyster

gonorrhea

Loffnra sp.
E f , oyfwnna yfka

bark

olyster

fever, chills
gonorrhea

Lophira procera
Ef. ukpa

loaf

olyster

oonstipation

Manihot sp.
Ef. akparaytkpa lwa

leaf

ointment

boils

Menthaceae sp.
Ef. nt )ji

leaf

eyebath

eye trouble

Millettia aboensis
Ef, odudu

leaf
root

clyster
ointment

astringent
throat pain
pregnanoy
alteratlve

Mitragyna stlpulosa
Ef. uyayak

seed

potion
olyster

constipation

Musa paradisiaoa
Ef. uk)m

skin

food
ointment

boils
dysentery

Newbouldia laevis
Ef. )b)tl

leaf
bark

eyebath
mastioated

eyeworm, fever
cough

Oohrooarpus afrioanus
Ef. edej^

bark
seed

potion
clyster
ointment

fever, sores
boils, pleurisy

Ouratea flava
E f , yfkarika ekpo

bark
leaf
root

olyster

jaundioe
hemorrhoid

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72
Paohilobus edulis
Ef, eben

leaf

ointment

forearm
swellings

Paspalum conjugatum
Ef ef )k jlkuku

leaf

olyster

dysentery

leaf

clyster

heartburn
indigestion
pregnanoy

Pentaolethra sp,
Ef, ukana

leaf

olyster

vaginal boils,
female breast
pains

Physostigraa
venemosum
Ef, esere

seed

ointment

boils
swellings

Piper guinense
Ef, otlyfeenl

seed

olyster
ointment

swellings
dysentery
boils
hemorrhoid

Plumbago zeylanioo
Ef, elcpetente

root

ointment

leprosy

Pyonanthus kombo
Ef, abakajf

bark

enema

heartburn
indigestion

Rhizophora sp,
E f , ltu obunnuyf

bark

potion

gonorrhea

Sansevieria sp,
E f , )k)n) ekpe

leaf

potion

croup

Soopnria dulcis
E f , ndlyairf eslen

root

drink

breath for
running

Parari stoloohla
goldleana
E f , ub )ji edop

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73
Smilax kraussiana
E f . uruk ekw)y{

leaf
stem

lotion
olyster

pleurisy
eyestrain

Spondias monbin
E f * nsukakara

leaf
bark

food
olyster
ointment

boils, hiooups
gonorrhea
alterative for
pregnanoy, expell
afterbirth of
goats

Tagetes sp,
E f , edeme er )yi

leaf

clyster

measles, umbil
ical hernia,
urinary troubles
in children

Tussilago farfara
Ef, j{wewep

leaf

olyster

fever

Urera mannii
Ef, ntan

leaf

food

dysentery
galactagogue

Veronica conferta
E f , okpon ik)y{
jfdcuklm

root

lotion

fever

Xylopia ethiopia
Ef, ata

seed

soup
ointment

swellings
paralysis
ringworm
expulsion of
afterbirth

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74
TABLE III
COMPARISON OP PLANTS USED AS MEDICt NE WITH THE
SCIENTIFIC INDICATIONS OP THE PLANTS
Scientific name

Use by Efik

Medical Indications
llsied by Pithens

Abrus
preoatorlus

toothache
hemorrhoid

pleurisy, ulcers
colds, vermifuge
ophthalmia, snakebite

Ageratum
oonyzoides

fever
dysentery

fever, colic
ulcers, wounds
purgative

Alblzzia
zygia

eyebath

diarrhea

Carapara
procera

aphrodisiac

dysentery, fever
malaria, roundworm
parasites, purgative

Clerodendron
splendens

fever
jaundice
oonstipation

sores, snakebite
roundworm

Cnestls
feruglnea

toothache
pyorrhea
sore tongue

wounds, caries
sore throat
cathartic

Cola
edulis

splenitis
constipation

dysentery
indigestion

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Convolvulocee
sp.

gonorrhea

oathartio, gonorrhea
toothaohe

Desmodium
abaoendens

boils, eczema
chest congestion
ringworm

oolio, cough, fever

Dissotis
rotund!foila

boils, eczema
jaundioe

yaws, vermifuge
rheumati sm

Dracaena
sp.

goiter
paralysis

fever, diarrhea
flatulence

Erythrina
senegalensls

gonorrhea
tropioal ulcer
oonstipation

wounds, jaundice
gonorrhea

Gloriosa
superba

fever

antiparasitio

Harungana
madagascarlensis

boils, leprosy
jaundice

scabies, tapeworm
diarrhea, bleeding
gonorrhea, sore throat
puperal infection
fever, oolic

Jatropha
ouroas

dysentery
astringent

hemostatic, purge
wound dressing, skin
diseases, roundworm

Llppia
oitriodora

jaundioe

cathartic

Newbouldta
laevls

eyeworm, cough
fever

tapeworm, dysentery
opthalmla

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76
Pentaolethra
sp.

vaginal bolls
female breast
pains

sores, diarrhea
opthalmia, leprosy
roundworm

Plumbago
zeylanlca

leprosy

vesicant, counterirritant

Sooparia
dulois

breathing
ability

gonorrhea
indigestion

Smilax
kraussiana

pleurisy
eyestrain

tonic, diuretic
fever, opthalmia
rheumatism, syphilis
gonorrhea

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77
Efik classification of personality trnlts.
Efik olassify the character or personality of an individual
by modifying the noun owo person* with an adjeotivo or
desoriptlvo phrase.

These personality characterizations may

be roughly grouped into three categories:


approved traits,

(1) admired and

(2) disliked and disapproved traits, and

(3) characteristics of the poor and unfortunate.


Admired personality types include those persons who
are wealthy, lclndhearted, brave, cheerful, truthful and
plain mannered.
c h i e f

Included also in this category are )b)yl

respresentlng the status personality expeoted of

chiefs and wealthy individuals, etl owo good person*, owo


abasl

person of G od, owo emem peaceful person (I.e., a

peacemaker), owo ima lclndhearted porson*, owo uko brave


person', owo etop 'famous person*

(usually famous for

oourage), owo emi enyenede utoyfe person having personality',


owo akpanile)

truthful person, owo llclke thoughtful person',

owo utara ldo 'plain mannered, unpretentious person*, owo


lnem eslt (Synonyms:

atara idem o w o ; owo i m a m ) cheerful

person*, and owo utom hardworking person*.


Socially disapproved personality types include owo
ns)y( lbuot 'headstrong person*, owo enenl
person*, owo ibumede

'argumentative

quick-tempered individual*, owo uj^wa

enyln fearloss person'

(fearless in the sense he disobeys

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78
and Insults his superiors), owo )lcp)s)yf Ido 'strong charac
ter1 ('strong' in the sense of being unamenable to advice
or suggestion), owo isa 'troublesome person', owo lkpono
eslt 'easily provoked person*

(literally:

'big chested

person*), owo ufep (synonym: owo unana ibifik 'person lock


ing breath')

'coward*, owo yfwo 'agressive person', owo ufik

'oppressive person', owo ekayf (synonym: owo n s u ) 'liar', owo


>{kari (synonym: owo ablaria) 'trickster', owo unana ekikore
'thoughtless person', owo lmum 'drunken person', owo lbuk
'miser*, owo esit iba 'insincere person*
hearted person'), owo uyep
owo use

(literally:

'two

(synonym: unana /kop i t e m ) 'spy',

(synonym: owo uma lban 'person who loves women*)

'lascivious person*, owo mmek 'person of choice'

(i.e.,

always wants something better than he gots), owo mbumba


(synonym: ndlsime o w o ) 'foolish person'.

The term owo lk)t

bushman* may be usod os a derogatory appellation for the


stupid, inept and timorous.

The term owo )k)l 'inept person'

is applied to anyone habitually ungraceful and inept,


all illiterates.

and to

Owo i f )t 'witch person' designates the most

heinous character type since such are believed to bring


siokness and death on their own family; owo satan. the
adjeotive derived from the English word 'satan', has become
a synonym among the Efik for owo i f )t.

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79
The poor and unfortunate are believed to possess
similar personality types duo to the vicissitudes of their
lot and their dependence on others for existenoe.

Members

of this category lack initiative and aggressiveness, and


comprise owo ubuene

'poor man', owo obe/e ebeyfe 'beggar',

owo bl)y( 'hungry man*

(synonym: owo )t)>() akpa 'person of

deep bowels'), owo akwa eklkore 'person of deep thoughts*


(his thoughts dwell continually on his poverty and how ho
will manage to survive), owo is)n 'debtor', owo imum 'dumb
person', and owo inan 'blind person**

Only the owo is)n

debtor' is regarded with disapproval, the others being


regarded as merely unfortunate.
Three personality types also reoognized by the
Efik without strong feeling inolude owo efre 'forgetful
person*, owo but 'shy person* and owo olcek 'stammerer'.
Efik regard the stammerer as temperamentally unstable and
bad tempered due to his inability to express himself.
Insanlty.

Cases of insanity are Infrequent and

easily reoognized by such atypical behavior as foolish


talk, running naked or eating excrement.
apparently are never violent.

Insane Efik

The nearest relatives

decide what treatment should be given and usually tie up


the insane person until a herbalist can be brought to
attempt a cure.

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80
Efik foel a lunatic humiliates his relatives by his foolish
actions, as evidenced in their proverb but inamke ldat anam
ubon me ldat *shame does not affect the insane, it affects
the family of the Insane*.
At least five insane people, two of them women, dwell
in the vicinity of Creek Town.

One old man of fifty sleeps

in the market at night and considers it his duty every morn


ing at eight o*clock to exhort his fellow townsmen to
prepare for the coming of Jehovah,

Then there is a young

man who merely aots foolishly; his family usually keeps him
in the form area, but sometimes he may be seen running
through town pursued by his mother.

Another young man, aged

twenty-five, has catatonic fits during which he cannot speak


although normally he can read an English newspapor aloud in
an educated accent.

The natives claim he has been bewitched;

it is more likely, however,

that his condition is oaused by

drugs imported from India whioh Nigerian students are


reported to take to stimulate their learning abilities.
Oddly enough, his fits appear to coinoido with a full moon.
One fifty-year old woman refuses to live in her house but
wanders over the countryside dressed in rags, her body in
fested by chig:ors.
he committed suicide.

When her eldest son heard of her behavior


The last oase is a young woman who

lives with her parents and talks to herself whilst at daily


tasks.

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81
On December 27, 1951 Mr, W. E. E. Eyo, on Efik of
Duke Town and police magistrate at Aba, died under myster
ious oiroumstanoes while undergoing treatment for abnormal
behavior (e.g., nakedness and ooprophagy).

Although the

Government chemist and pathologist found no poisonous


substances in the body organs, and on autopsy showed death
due to a dilated liver, Efik of Duke Town and Creek Town
insist that ho was poisoned by his family so that his
g

insane actions would not disgrace them.


Clothing and adornment.

Prior to the introduction

of European cloth, the Efik wore loin oloths of raffia.


Those are presently used only by the King during his
A
ooronation.
Hutchinson observed the majority of Efik
7
wearing only a hip-swathe,
while in 1846, Waddell desoribed
the oostume of King Eyo of

Creek Town as follows: "King

Eyo was in native dress, which, exoept for a white beaver


hat consisted of a few yards of broad fancy ooloured silk
round his loins, descending to the ankles.

Strings of beads

on his neck and arms formed his ornaments.M

Nigerian Daily Standard, Numbers 11-14, February


---------21-24, 10E37------ Hutchinson, T.J.,

1858, p. 123.

7 Waddell, H.M., 1863, p.

242.

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82
Nowadays the men commence to wear a loin cloth when
they reach adolescence*

This consists of a length of

imported cotton-print cloth wrapped round the waist and


reaching almost to the ground.

The colors are muted, being

generally brown, green or maroon.

Together with the loin

cloth, the men wear European-styled shirts, buttoned in


front, but with the long tails hanging outside down to the
knees.

Sometimes they wear loose-fitting blouses with yoke

necks and wide, three-quarter length sleeves.

For informal

occasions or work, Skivvy or T-shirts are frequently worn,


although never by wealthy men.
The wealthy and influential possess European-styled
suits and even, on rare occasions, a full dress cutaway
with a tall silk hat.

These are worn with ties and

generally made in Creek Town by native tailors.


Some men wear felt hats, some sun helmets.

During

the rainy season, when the cold weather brings all the
warm clothes out of storage, woolen-knit stocking caps
appear along with scarfs and sweaters.
The younger men wear English-type shorts, usually
white, blue or burnt-orange, and white, short-sleeved sport
shirts.

Sometimes they may be seen in a beret.

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83
For informal occasions the women have cotton dresses
European design.

Quite frequently a length of brightly-

lored cloth is wrapped over the dress in such a way that

tnQ
h

woman can carry her young baby slung low over the bock

0l> astride the hips.

On other occasions she may wear a long

cloth together with a blouse tucked in at the waist,


^though never for formal events.

To make a speoial

mProasion dresses may be made of a richer material than


CoH o n .
Women always wear a head square, usually cotton or
^yon, tied in the traditional

'mammy* style.

Although most women go barefoot,

Few wear felt

they sometimes own

^Bllsh Oxfords, summer sandals or canvas tennis shoes, but


rarely seen in high heels.
8toe kind;
^

All Efik women wear beads of

they may even possess imported costume jewelry

carry handbags.

For mourning they wear black.

Children are generally naked when playing around the


0rtlPound,

For other occasions tho younger children wear

% > l e cotton smocks with round neoks, school boys wear


shirts and orange shorts with crossed shoulder straps
the school girls are dressed in maroon-colored cotton
8808 piped with white, no shoos, but generally a head
Children run barefoot, only occasionally wearing

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84
k^own leather European-typo sandals*

Sometimes they hove

^ide-brimmed hats of plaited leaves, woolen berets or


wool oops and when it rains they hold a large leaf over
their heads to serve os an umbrella.

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CHAPTER VI
HAIR FEATURES OF ECONOMY
Agriculture,

The Efik begin to prepare their farms

in January by clearing away bushes, vines and small trees


growing on the land.

This vegetation is left to dry for

three weeks and then burnt, usually about February or March,


after which the ground is ready for planting.

Generally the

men clear and fire the bush, the women weed and everyone
harvests.
The staple foods of the Ffik are yams and manioc.
Crops of lesser importance include taro, maize, gourds,
melons, peppers, beans and several varieties of plant leaves.
Trees of several types, including papaya, borassus or wine
palms, oil palms, bananas, and plantains, are cultivated;
only the last three occur in groves.
Yam buds are planted in hills

(Ef, ebomo) one foot

high and one foot in diameter, with three to four buds per
hill.

The yam tendrils are twined round strings attached to

a pole, five to seven feet long, whloh is stuck in the middle


of the hill.

When the plant leaves deciduate, the initial

yam is removed from the bud, which remains in the hill and
forms another ya m even larger than the first.

In August,

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86
aopearrance of a small red ant (Ef. nyenye obuflo abla)
heralds the commencement of the harvest season during which
the yam buds are stored on upright bamboo rocks (Ef. lse
abla) until the next planting.
Toro is planted in holes four inches deep and
covered with a hill six Inches high.

Manioc stems are cut

into six-inch lengths, then a bunch of three stems ore stuck


into a hole four inches deep and the hole refilled with
earth.

The stems germinate in one week and mature in nine to

twelve months.

Manloo apparently began to rival and surpass

yams in importance as a staple food at the commencement of


the twentieth century.
The varieties of citrus fruits include the sweet
orange (Citrus sinensis; Ef. l k p ) sokoro). sour or Seville
orange (Citrus aurantium; Ef, ntan ntan sokoro), lime
(Citrus rnedloa var. aclda; Ef, mkprl sokoro), grapefruit
(Citrus decumana), and tangerine
aokoro mba kar a)

(Citrus nobilis; Ef.

These lost three ore relatively soaroe.

Other trees include the kola-nut (Cola aroinatum;


Ef. ib)y{, and Cola rostrato; Ef. n d l y a ), African pear
(Pachilobus edulis; Ef. ebon), African oil-bean

The scientific names of Efik crops hove been


obtained from:
Adams, 1943a and 1943b; Faulkner and
Jackie, 1933; Irvine, 1950; Masefield, 1949.

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87
(Penteolethra sp, j Ef, u k a n a ), tetrapleura
tetrapleura, Ef, u y a y a k ), mango

(Tetrapleura

(Mangifora lndioa),

papaya (Carice papaya), avocado pear (Persea gratlssima),


guava (Paidium guajava), and coconut (Cocos nucifera; Ef,
lalp m b a kara),
The oil palm (Eloeis guineensis; Ef, e y o p ) comprises
the varieties macrosperma Welw.

(Ef, )s)k e y o p ), fatua Welw,

(Ef, mbana e y o p ), albescens (Ef, ofla e y o p ), and the thinshelled tenera (Ef, )kp)r) e y o p ),

Produots of the oil palm

constitute the major export of the Calabar area and the


adjacent Niger Delta region.
The borassus or wine palm (Borassus sp,) comes in
two varieties whioh the Efik call uk)t and lya.

The latter

produces edible fruit, known in southern Nigeria as


piassavn, while the fruit of the uk)t is used only as a
fish poison.
The three types of banana

(Musa sapientum; Ef,

m b o r o ) are very sweet (Ef, mboro ekprl akata), sweet (Ef,


mboro e fik), and comparatively starchy (Ef, mboro mb a k a r a ),
Efik recognize ten varieties of plantain (Musa
paradisiaoa; Ef, u k ) m ):

ebat lba, okoyo, obubl t, awayfa ebat,

eba yfkalferl, ntay(a, afla ntayfa, okoyo nta/a, obublt ntayfa,


and odusuk nta/a.

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88
There fire eleven types of yam (Dloscorea sp.; Ef.
b l a ):

akpana, obn od l , edomo. eyen enln, ekefla, yfonhn ekpo.

oko, otuk )kp). )kp)t yfkpoyu eblhe, and osukpa eblhe.

The

two latter are known in Nigeria as 'waterynms1 (Dloscorea


alnta; Ef. eblhe).
Three types of taro, known os ,cocoynml in Nigeria,
are grown:

Colocasia ontiquorum (Ef. alcpana mkp)yO, Xantho-

soma sagittlfolium (Ef. efiom mkp)yf), and a variety colled


mborlkut.

Ipomooo batatas (Ef. bio m bakara), a type of

sweet potato, is planted in the same manner os taro.


Efik recognize nine varieties of manioc
utilis3ima; Ef. i w a ):

(Manihot

)f)p lw a , lwa panya, lwa adodlo,

)k)rl

kofim, afla )kp) lwa. )kp) eklmbe, )kp) sam, eka u y a , and
mme na u n ) .

The lost mentioned is the poisonous or fit t e r *

manioc.
There are three types of beans
)k)ti) which Efik name
)k)tl u m ) n .

(Phoseolus sp.; Ef.

)k)tl mbakara. )k)tl man ukem and

A kind of string bean (Ef. nsoma), a legume known

as Conavolia sp,

(Ef, lboba or enyln enay(), the fluted pumpkin

(Telfairea occidentolls; Ef. ub)j{), a type of melon (Citrullus


vulgaris; Ef. na^i), and okra (Hibiscus esoulentus) ore also
grown.

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The shallot

(Allium sp . ; Ef. onylm) Is planted near

the house and used In preparing soups.

A pepper-like spice

called ntinya is also grown near the house to facilitate


its immediate use as a curative medicine, ond it is also
used as a remedy for ourses in whioh the juice of the wild
Amomum melegueta (Ef. ntuen) is expectorated.
The local people gather some of the wild fruits and
leaves such as the seeds of a wild tree (Rlclnodendron
africanum; Ef. nsosapfa). the leaves of a tree called m k p o .
the fruit of a plant called nyonyantet, and a fungus nye
n y e , used in preparing soups.

The fruit of the mahogany

nut tree (Parinorium sp.; Ef. u d o r l ), and the nut of the


wild garoinia kola tree (Ef. efiari) are gathered ond eaten.
Hunting and trapping.

There ore few professional

hunters since the scarcity of animals makes the pursuit of


gome less rewarding than fishing or farming.

Occasionally,

however, men hunt monkeys ond antelope with modern shotguns


or antiquated rifles known in Nigeria os Done or oap guns.
There ore no organized hunting parties or communal hunts.
The Efik hunt mainly by stalking through the forest
in the hope of flushing game, or by lying in wait near a
spot frequented by animals.

Sometimes they use dogs trained

to flush gome by running through the bush with wood or metal


bells tied to their necks.

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90
The Efik construct several types of trap operated
by gravity or the force of a bent stiolc,

Usually these

traps ore placed on the periphery of a farm in order to


proteot the crops from foraging animals#
Two traps use gravity os the operative force
the pitfall and the deadfall#

There ore two varieties of

the pitfall; the naan, a rectangular trench, usually placed


on paths, which has sharp stokes driven upright at the
bottom ond the u k p e , a round pit six feet in depth ond
three feet in diameter, which has no stokes but is deeper
than the nsan#

Pitfalls were originally used to punish

thieves, but hove now been prohibited by Nigerian low.


The deadfall or mflne consists of a board suspended
at a forty degree angle, with pieces of wood placed on it
to serve as weights.

The bait is laid beneath this board,

and when the animal attempts to snatch it, the board falls
and orushes it.
Three traps are operated by the bent-stiok method:
The omum ikpat

it catohes f o o t , where the animal steps

onto a hidden platform thus releasing the bent stick which


pulls tight on enoiroling rope; the omum it)y{ 'it catches
nook', where the animal steps on a releasing mechanism
which causes the stick to jerk the rope tightly round the

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91
animals nock; and the ud)k la)|{ digging ground* trap.
This lost is similarly constructed, but uses o bait which,
when moved, releases the bent stick.
The Porcupine trap or afia e b i is a conical
basket made from pieces of vine lashed together ond open at
both ends.

When a hunter tracks a porcupine to its loir,

he searohes around for the exit hole over which he places


the trap.

He then sends a small dog through the entrance

hole to chose the porcupine through the exit.

In its

exertion to force itself out of the b a s k e t s small end the


porcupine becomes thoroughly wedged in the trap.
Small boys hunt birds with birdlime,
traps.

arrows ond

All speoies of birds ore hunted except those regarded

os omens or harbingers of good fortune such os the vulture.


Branches ure rubbed with latex to catch small birds.
The miniature bow (Ef. u t i h a ) used to shoot birds,
is made from any vine having a diameter of two or two-onda-half inches.

It is approximately twenty-eight inches

long, but curved so thst the shortest distonoe between the


ends is nineteen inches.

Half an inch from each end there

is a hole for the bow string.

The arrow (Ef. lday{). which

is seventeen inches long with a diameter of a quarter of on


inch, is mode from the midrib of the wlne-palm leaf, and is
not nooked, but sharpened nt the tip.

Most arrows have a

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92
triangular leaf of the Newbouldia laevis tree (Ef# )b)tl)
Inserted In a silt one-and-a-quarter lnohes from the
releasing end#
Oooaslonally a crossbow (Ef utlha ekwa) Is used#
It oonslsts of an eighteen-inoh length of branoh from a
wine-palm or oll-palm tree onto whloh a hollow wooden
tube and bow has been lashed#

The orossbow shoots a

twenty-six inch arrow, and the Efik claim that it is as


aoourate as the regular bow#
Arrows are shot by the primitive release method#
The thumb and index finger of the right hand pull baok
the arrow, while the left hand grasps the bow, the thumb
serving as a guide by resting under the arrow#

The oross

bow does not require a guide for the arrow#


Two types of bird traps are constructed: the afia
Inuen and the afia ndiduok#

They are both operated by

the force of a bent stick and are baited with palm fruits
or kernels of maize#
Pishing#

There are many full and part-time

fishermen# The types of fish caught include bongo, shrimp


and oatflsh. The surplus catch is sold in the market by
wives of fishermen or women who purchase it wholesale#
Usually working in pairs, the fishermen go out in dugout

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93
oanoos and use baited hooks, nets, traps, weirs and fishpoison*
Only children fish with bamboo poles*

Most fisher

men use an arrangement of fishhooks oalled )kp)r) ond itiat


uwam*

The latter is also known as badl b a d l , and involves

hooks attached to lines tied to a gourd float at one end


and to a stone or iron sinker at the other*
Fishtraps include automatic cage traps and three
varieties of basket traps

mk p e t e , nslm and nlmba.

The

mkpete* a conical trap made from vines or bamboo, is loaded


with stones to weigh it down on the river floor; lines
attached to the basket are used to raise it to the surface*
The nslm trap, also conical in shape, is made from the
outer covering of bamboo and is used specifically for
catching shrimp*

It is placed in a small creek during ebb

tide, and a dam of mud is constructed on eaoh side of the


trap entrance*

Then at high tide the fisherman drives the

shrimp toward the trap.

The nlmba trap, similar in construc

tion to the mkpete trap, is considerably smaller and used


to catch any variety of fish.
Automatic traps include the afia l y a k , mk p ) h ) , and
The first oonsists of a hook and line attached to a
bent stick which is released when the fish pulls on the
line*

The mkp)h) trap, used more by the Ibibio than the

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94
Efik, is a conical basket with a hinged door at the trap
entrance*

A bent stick, attached by a line to the door,

protrudes from the opposite end.

A fish enters, seizes the

bait thus dislodging a peg which releases the bent stick


and the door is pulled shut.
has a trap door.

The it)yf trap, cubic in shape,

It is placed in the mud at low tide ond

the bait attached to a trigger mechanism that automatically


closes the door when the fish takes the bait.
The ntaj(, a weir made from long strips of bamboo
tied closely together, is plaoed aoross the river at high
tide.

At low tide the fishermen put in a fish poison

obtained either by pounding the stem ond leaves of Tephrosia


vogelii

(Ef. o t o ) or the fruits of the lya variety of wine

palm tree.

This stuns the fish which then rise to the sur

face where they ore gathered by the fishermen.

The ntay(

can also be placed in a horizontal position on posts ond


used as a frume for drying fish*
The Efik use four types of net.

The esllt ulcol lyak

*net of scooping fish*, used to scoop up large fish caught


on hpoks, is a hand-net tied to a oiroular frame and
attached to a forked stick.

Its overall length is

approximately two to three feet.


circular net used to catch shrimp.

The eslk ato abasi is a


The eslk obu is a trawl

net suspended between two poles and operated by two men each
holding one pole who wade near the river bank at ebb tide.

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95
The mukanda or mlc)bl iyire is a very large net used to
block small creeks in place of the ntayf weir*

The floats

used on this net are made from the roots of the Oxystigma
manii tree (Ef. ntuflak)
Fishermen use a fish spear as a gaff either with a
single iron spearhead (Ef, llceyf)* or with two or three
iron spearheads (Ef. u s a m ).
Domestic animals.

Domestic animals inolude cows,

goats, dogs, oats, ohiokons, dogs and pigs.

Presumably

the duck was introduced within the last two hundred years
since Efik oall it unen mbakara

'European's fowl'.

The

date of the other animals* introduction is unknown.


The Creek Town herd of oows, a small variety of
Holstein, oomprises forty-five cattle, which graze at will
within tho boundaries of the town.

Apparently the cowherd

died in 1945 and no one has replaced him.

The Efik do not

milk oows but use them for sacrifices and as a meat supply
for special feasts.
Goats and sheep generally run loose in the village,
although a few Efik use a small shed near the house as a
sheep shelter.

Goats receive a daily ration of water and

may also obtain edible leaves and left-over yam.

The dog,

a anall variety, is used as food, as a sacrifice to magio-

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96
medioine, os an aid in hunting, and as a general compound
cleaner since it eats the excrement of small children*
Cats protect the oompounds from rats and mice while pigs
are scarce and only found in the rural districts.

Chiokens

are used os saorifioes and for their flesh and eggs.

They

run loose by day and return to roost near their owner's


house at night.

Chicks are painted with red dots to

camouflage them from hawks.


Food processing.

An Efik kitchen is looated at

the rear of the house in a shed-lilce structure without


walls, the roof being supported by posts.

In the event

that the kitchen is attached to the house at least one


side opens directly onto the yard to reduce heat ond per
mit the escape of smoke.
The main cooking implements include d a y

and iron

pots, wooden spoons, wooden stirrers, small cloy dishes


used to teast the consistency of soups, a tin grater, ond
sharp iron rods used to withdraw yams from the fire.
Food recipes ore similar to those of the Ibo and
o
Yoruba,
and inolude the preparation of yam, plantain,

Vide Plummor, 1947; Kars and Tooley, 1948;


Basoom, 1951.

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97
manioc,

taro, beans, maize, moat, eggs, soups, stov/s, and

the manufacture of various oils*


Certain adjeotlvos used by tho Efik in the nemos of
their food dishes designate the nature of tho cooking
procoss. Absence of palm oil is denoted by using the adjec
tive afia

'white* since pelm oil is red in color.

)s)b),

edlfral. and lwuk respectively denote boiling in water,


roasting, frying, and the use of a largo quantity of palm oil.
The technique of frying has been learnt from Europeans as
illustrated by their U3e of the English word

'fry' together

with tho Efik verbal noun prefix edl- to compose the noun
edlfral

'frying*
Major condiments comprise salt, capsicum pepper,

Piper guinense, dried shrimp, and stockfish. Mention of


condiments in the following food recipes indicates a mixture
of those ingredients.
Efik prepare several kinds of soup (Ef. fere).
The ingredients of )t)y{ soup include forty stalks of pumpkin
loaves, twelve olcra pods, a piece of limestone, one inoh long
by one-half inohes wide which functions as a leaf softener,
one cup of periwinkles, one fish at least a foot long, one
cup of fro3h shrimp, two cups of dried shrimp, a piece of
dried Hausa cow 3lcin, ten stalks of Jew's mallow (Ef. etlnyuyf).

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98
one pint of palm oil, a teaspoon of salt, five stalks of
Piper guinense, and two teaspoons of Capsioum pepper#

The pumpkin leaves are cut into pieces ond placed in the
cooking pot#

The other Ingredients, except palm oil, are

pulverized in a mortar and then added to the leaves.

Palm

oil is added when the concoction has cooked for forty-five


minutes#

The mixture is stirred vigorously for one minute

and then tasted to ascertain if it is ready for consummation#


The given recipe will make enough soup sufficient for ten to
twelve servings#

The two kinds of )t)yf soup are )t)y{ etlhe

and )t )>( mbukpap u y o , and differ in that either okra or the


seeds of the Irvingia gabonensis tree ore used respectively#
The preparation of ubo soup is similar to the preparation of
_)t)y{ exoept a greater quantity of Irvingia gabonensis seeds
are used#
lwuk efere soup, to feed five persons, is made with
one teaspoon of salt, one tablespoon of Capsioum pepper,
one oup of fresh shrimp, leaves from five stalks of Jew*s

A measuring oup in southern Nigeria oonsists of


a cylindrical metal container originally used to hold
British cigarettes, and approximates in measure the stan
dard cup of U. S# A# recipes#
A gin bottle holds a liquid
quart and is the normal mode of dispensing small quantities
of palm oil and other liquids#

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99
mallow, one grated taro, seven okra out Into small pieces
and a quart of palm oil.

The Ingredients aro heated for

thirty minutes.
A quantity of efere lbaba soup sufficient for six
servings Is made with ten Canavalla seeds, which are first
boiled In water for one hour and then pounded In a mortar.
Three tablespoons of oil and one quart of water are then
added. When the mixture commences to boil, small pieces of
Tallnum triangulare leaves, a small fish, a oup of peri
winkles, a pleoe of meat five inches by four inches, onehalf a stockfish, one tin of dried shrimps, salt and
pepper are added.

When the mixture has boiled for fifteen

minutes, it is then removed from the fire.


Fluted pumpkin leaves, boiled in a small quantity
of water until it evaporates, oompose edlka^f lk)>{ soup.
Condiments, plus a pleoe of dried Hausa oow skin, Afrioan
snails, oysters and the seeds of the fluted pumpkin
together with the stem of a fungus oalled lsu) are added.
Then a small quantity of water Is added to render the
mixture of pumpkin seeds and fungus viscid after whioh
the mixture is rolled into small balls and added to the
soup.

Preparation of braaas is identloal to that of

edlkayf lk)|{ soup except that Gitrullus vulgaris melon


seeds are used in plaoe of fluted pumpkin seeds.

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100
Afia eforo aoup la made with condiments and water,
but without palm oil#
added as a spice.

A few Tetraploura seeds may be

Ulcw)h) soup is manufactured from the

pulverised leaves of a wild vino (Ef. afaiO. Talinum


trlangulare leaves and condiments} the mixture is boiled
thirty minutes#
The pulverized leaves of Citrullus vulgaris, a
single okra, out into two parts, a fresh fish, condiments
and a small quantity of water constitute eseawa soup# When
the mixture bolls one oup of fresh shrimp is added.

This

soup is eaten with all types of ubuj(, the Efik name for any
food, such as garri, which is swallowed without being
ohewed#
Abak soup is made from palm fruits#

These are

boiled, pulverized and then filtered through a sifter


(Ef# yfklkan).

Condiments are added.

There are different

varieties of abak depending on the kind of plant leaves


added.

Abak ub)y(. abak mm)i( mm)y( lk)y(. abak etihe, abak

atama and abak afay{ designate abak soup made respectively


from the leaves of the fluted pumpkin, Talinum trlangulare,
okra, a plant oalled atama. and a vine known as afatf#
Slice a large fish into pieces to oonooot efere lyak
soup.

Pour half a pint of palm oil into a clean pot, boll

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101
until it becomes yellowish ond odd a teaspoon of salt,
siloes of onion, the pieces of fish and crushed red
pepper.

Boil for ten mlnutos, add a small quantity of

water and boil for five minutes more.

Add slices of

tomato and continue boiling for an additional ten minutes.


This soup is used especially with rice, garri, yam and
plantains.
Several food dishes are composed of yams.

TJsu|(

abla is made by peeling and cutting a yam into small


pieces and then pounding it in a mortar.

A small quantity

of soaked garri is added and the mixture pounded.

The

product may be rolled into balls and swallowed after first


being dipped in soup.
lwuk afia is composed of one yam cut into eight
large pieces.

Scrape a little off the side of each yam

into the pot to thicken the soup.

Boil the yam in water

and add condiments when nearly oooked.

Boil for ten

minutes more and then add half a pint of palm oil.


Continue boiling for an additional ten minutes.
Afia abla. a dish for sick people, is prepared
similarly to lwuk abia except no palm oil is used.

)s)b)

abla may be prepared with either a peeled or unpeeled yam,


cut into pieces and boiled in water.

This is eaten with

stew, palm oil, or edlkarf lk)j{ soup.

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102
Edlfral abla la prepared by cutting a peeled yam
Into small siloes and dipping them Into a mixture of
palm oil, salt and siloes of onion until brown*
)f)p abla oonsists of a pleoe of yam roasted In
the fire*

A yam-sticker Is used to judge whether the

yam is sufficiently roasted*

If the sticker passes easily

Into the yam it is oooked*


Young children and old people with no teeth eat
Iwewe yam whloh Is also used as a saorifloial food to
deities and ancestral spirits.

Iwewe is boiled yam,

mashed with a small amount of palm oil, and stirred with


a spoon*
The food dishes oalled lwuk eblhe * )s)b) eblhe
an(*

)p eblhe are prepared in a manner similar to the

preparation of lwuk abla* )s)b) abla and )f)p abla exoept


wateryams are used instead of ordinary yams*

The water-

yam is peeled, grated, and molded into small balls*


These are then boiled in water for ten minutes together
with condiments and palm oil*

If palm oil is not added

the food dish is oalled afia )t).


Prepare ukplp by burying manioc near a spring for
four days in order to soften it*

On the fifth day wash

the manioc and remove the outer rindj plaoe small sticks
in the bottom of a cooking pot, a plantain leaf on the

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103
sticks and the manioc on the leaf.
Just below the leaf.

Add vater to a level

Parboil the manioc for ten minutes

and then pound in a mortar. Ukplp possesses a strong,


unpleasant odor which remains with the eater for several
hours.

Only those who cannot afford better fare eat u kplp.


Peel, wash and grate manioc to manufacture garri.

Place the grated manloo in a bag and press it with two or


three heavy logs for three to four days to squeeze out the
poisonous juice. Then sift the grated manloo, put it into
a large pot with a small quantity of palm holl, head and
stir the contents until garri is produced.

When eaten the

garri is soaked in hot water, allowed to cool,, rolled into


small balls and swallowed after being dipped in soup.
Small, round pieces of manioo boiled in water for
ten minutes constitute edita lwa.

Split the pieces into

small slices, put them in a basket and place the basket


in spring water for one day.

The Efik eat this with oooo-

nut, salt pork, imported herring, African pears, melon seeds,


peantus, and palm fruits.

The food, oalled piassava by

English-speaking Efik, is a favorite on hot days and is sold


in all large markets.
Peel manloo and place it in a pot of water for two
days to manufacture fufu (a loan word to Efik).

On the

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104
third day remove and grate the manioc and place it in a
basin for one day.

Sift to remove any stringy substance,

pour the sifted portion into a raffia bag, and press the
bag with a plank for one day.

The resultant foodstuff is

called fufu, and is sold in small balls at the local


markets.

Dissolve the balls of fufu in a small quantity

of water, pour the thick mixture into a pot and stir vigor
ously as it boils until it becomes gray and viscid.
the fufu into small balls and swallow with soup.

Roll

Women

prefer this food to men.


A dish few Efik relish, is )f)p iwa or roasted
manioo.

It is cooked with the rind on and eaten with palm

oil.
Peel and grate manioo to prepare akara lwa.
Immerse in water and slowly drain out the water.
remaining mixture into a white d o t h ,

Pour the

squeeze out the water,

and then pour it into a basin, add a small quantity of


water and stir.
oil.

Add salt, onion slices and boil in palm

Roll the mixture into small bolls and fry in palm

oil until they turn red*


The preparation of asaransa is similar to ukplp
but after being removed from water asaransa is molded into
a ball the size of a soccer ball and tied in plantain leaves

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105
for seven days.

The ball Is then placed in a pot with a

small quantity of water, boiled until the plantain leaf


turns blaok, the substanoe then pounded in a mortar.
A small quantity of water is added to make It slightly
viscid.

Asaransa is swallowed in small balls, whioh are

first dipped in soup.


Always prepare ekparf lwa with the variety of
manioo named )f)p iwa, whioh is peeled, grated and then
wrapped in strips of plantain leaf twelve inohes long
and six inches wide.

Put thirty or forty of these leaf

packets into a pot with water, and cook until the leaves
turn black.

Then out the packets into small pieces, dip

them in soup, and chew.


Taro is prepared in much the same manner as yams.
lwuk yikp)rf, )s)b) ;ikp)rf. )f )p rfkp)rf, afia rfkp)j(, and usurf
y(lcp)fi are prepared as lwuk abla. )s)b) abla. )f )p abla.
afia abla and uauj{ abla

but with taro substituted

Ayan ekpan is prepared like ekpay{ lwa exoept taro


substituted for manioc;

for yam.
is

it is a favorite food of women and

usually eaten with )t )f( or abak soup.


Ekpayt ylkuku) is a popular Efik food.

The taro is

peeled, grated and wrapped in small pieces of taro leaf.


The packets ore mixed with oondiments and heated for five
minutes.

Then enough water is added to oover the entire

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106
contents of the pot end boiled until the leaves stick
to the grated taro.

Add two cups of shrimp, plus two-

thirds of a pint of palm oil and let the mixture cook


for ton mlnutos.
oool.

Remove from the fire and allow to

Efik women usually oat ekpaj^ yflcuku) with their

hands but men use a spoon*


Plantains may be roasted, broiled, fried, or
prepared with or without palm oil*

)s)b) uk)m is made

by broiling an entire plantain until the skin splits


whereupon cold water replaoes the boiling water.
Broiled plantain is eaten with edlkayf lk)i( soup or
palm oil.
Roast plantain, after removing the skin, to
prepare )f )p ulc)m. which is eaten with soups or palm
oil.

Edlfral uk)m is made by frying small slices of

plantain in palm oil.

To concoct lwuk u k ) m out plan

tain into small lengths of about three-quarters of an


lnoh, boil the pieces for ten minutes, add condiments
and boil for another ten minutes. Then add palm oil and
continue to boll for another ten minutes.

Put the

entire plantain the pot, or out it in half if very big,


and add oondiments to prepare afia u k ) m .

Usually a

fresh fish is added with the condiments.

Then the food

dish is prepared as lwuk uk)m except palm oil is not

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107
added.
Rice (Ef. edesl. derived from English ^ i o e * ) is
roasted, fried or boiled.
ing rice to boiling water.

Prepare )s)b) edesi by add


Add rice, condiments and

palm oil to boiling water to make lwuk edesl.

Edesi

lslp and edesl lk)y{ ub)jr( are prepared as lwuk edesl


except the former contains grated copra substituted for
palm oil, and the latter contains fluted-pumpkin leaves.
Beans make three food dishes.

Prepare akara

)k)ti sufficient for ten servings by soaking five cups


of )k)tl beans in a large basin of water for five minutes.
Then pound the beans in a mortar, and grind on a grinding
stone.

Roll the powdered beans into small balls and cook

for thirty minutes in two quarts of palm oil.

When akara

is eaten it is dipped into a mixture of palm oil, salt


and pepper.
Put three cups of beans in a cooking pot and boil
for thirty minutes with two cups of pulverized dried
shrimp, a fish about one foot long, one quart of palm oil,
one and one-half teaspoons of salt, and one tablespoon of
pepper to prepare edltern )k)tl sufficient for three
servings.

Edltern )k)tl is eaten with )s)b) abla, plantain

and taro.

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108
Grind together one cup of )k)tl beans, one oup
of palm oil, one teaspoon of salt and one teaspoon of
pepper to moke sufficient molmal for one serving*
Roll the mixture into balls smell enough to fill a
tablespoon and tie in pieces of plantain leaves*

Boil

the leaf pockets in water for one and a quarter hours.


Roost maize on the cob, or remove the kernels
from the cob and roast, to manufacture )f)p lbokpot*
To prepare

)s)b) lbokpot boil maize kernels for thirty

minutes* For three servings of )t) lbokpot pound the


kernels of fifteen cobs and roll into small balls*
Cook for one hour with ten to fifteen stalks of fluted
pumpkin leaves, a nlne*inoh fish, one oup of dried
shrimp, and one quart of palm oil*

Add a teaspoon of

salt Just before serving.


Prepare ubek lbokpot as )t) lbokpot but do not
pound the kernels in a mortar.

Concoct ek)kl lbokpot

from the pulverized kernels of fifteen maize cobs, to


whioh one oup of fresh shrimp, one oup of dried shrimp,
ten small peppers and one teaspoon of salt are added*
Roll the mixture into small balls, wrap each ball in a
plantain leaf, and boil the packets in water for one
hour. The recipe yields fifteen paokets which should
serve four to five people*

Ogl, probably a Yoruban

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109
food dish, is prepared as staroh except pounded raaJ.ee
kernels are substituted for grated manioc#
Pound maize kernels, add bananas, and then
pound together to produce akara lbokpot#

Boll palm

oil in a pot with a small quantity of water, add one


spoonful of the mixture and remove when it turns brown#
Chicken is fried or roasted#

Bdlfral unen or

fried chioken is prepared in two ways*

In the first

the ohicken is out into pieces and fried for fifteen


minutes together with salt, red pepper and small pieces
of onion#

In the seoond method the chicken in eviscer

ated, stuffed with rice, onion, tomatoes, and eggs, and


cooked for forty-five minutes in a pot with a small
quantity of palm oil#
)f)p unen or roasted chicken is prepared by
eviscerating the ohicken, rub salt and pepper on the
skin, and prooeed to roast the chicken#

Watch the ohlok-

en carefully, and continually turn it to prevent burning.


The Efik remove chicken feathers either by pluoking or
plunging the chioken Into boiling water#

Pluoking is

the preferred method sinoe boiling water affeots the


taste of the meat#

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110
After a meal an Efik will eat a banana, papaya
or orange, Eduoated Efik frequently mix all three cut
up to make a sweet (also pronounoed tweet), a word
borrowed from England where it is a synonym for dessert,
Cooonut sweet is made by cutting copra Into small pieces
and boiling the pieces with sugar.
Pull grown dogs are eaten in local bars or at
special family functions during Christmas, The dog is
strangled by hanging it from the house rafters and then
hitting it with a stick until it sucoumbs.

Efik singe

the body in fire to remove the hair, and then out it


into small pieces.

These are put into n pot at the

bottom of \rthich nt)yf leaves, a speoies of mint, have


been placed,

A small quantity of water is added plus

salt and a tinfull of rod peppors.

This mixture is

boiled until the moat is almost cooked, when plantains


are added to the pot, and tho oooking oontinuos until
they are cooked.

Since dog meat is very peppery Efik

drink palm wine with it to assuage the heat.


Starch is a recent introduction, and used only
occasionally to wash clothes.
manioc.

Add water to grated

Place the mixture in a cloth, squeeze and

colleot tho juloe in a basin.

Add more woter and re

peat tho squeezing several times until all juioe is

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Ill
removed.

Keep the mixture of juice end water for six

hours during which time the starch sinks to the bottom.


Efik manufacture palm oil (Ef, oran). two types
of palm kernel oil (Ef. aran islp eyop and mman y a ^ a ).
coconut oil (Ef. aran i s l p ). peanut oil (Ef. aran mbansa/f), bush kernel oil (Ef. aran i n ) l ). fish oil (Ef.
aran iyolc), ond animal fnt oil (Ef, or an u n a m ).
The palm fruits ore removed from the husk,
washed, ond boiled for one day to prepare polm oil.
The Efik pound the palm fruits in square mortars mode
by digging n hole in the ground ond covering the inside
v/lth durable plonks.

After the palm fruits are crushed,

water ia odded and the oil which floots to the top


scoopod up.

The oil is boiled until all the woter

evaporates

To determine whether all the woter has

boiled off, the Efik dip a stick in tho mixture and put
it in fire.

If the stick does not immediately ootoh

fire it signifies water still remains In the oil.


Coconut oil is produoed by boiling grated copra
ond woter until the woter evaporates.

Palm kernel oil

Is manufactured by a similar prooess, but in two differ


ent ways.

The first method calls for palm kernels

pounded In a mortar, while the second requires whole


kernels and produces an oil oailed mmanya>(a.

The same

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112
process is uaod to manufacture fiah oil, bush kernel
oil, animal-fat oil, and peanut or groundnut oil#
This latter uses peanuts pounded in a mortar,
used in frying and stewing.

and la

Pi ah oil ia eaten with yam

or plantain, and animal-fat oil ia eaten with yam, ooooyam, and wateryam.
Beverages,

Originally Efik drank beverages

from the ayaro or gourd oup, but nowdays they use a


gourd, tin cup or tumbler.

The women and children fetch

water from the springs in large earthen water pots (Ef,


abay(), hollowed gourds (Ef, ikim), kerosene tins and
enamel basins.

No one is permitted to bathe or wash

clothes upstream from the spring where drinking water is


obtained.

During the rainy season women obtain water by

placing a pot under the eaves or beneath the atrium.


The woter is then stored in a large earthen pot called
This is always kept covered and a cup
for general use is placed upside down on the oover.

Abarf ukp)y{ means 'soul pot*,


Efik etymology
assigns two reasons for the name.
The first explanation
is that a modi cine for a boil called ukp)j{ may be made by
rubbing the stuff obtained from the bottom of the pot
onto the boil; the second explanation is that the Efik
notice the phenomenon of evaporation and explain evapor
ation by stating the soul of a departed spirit drank from
the pot at night.

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113
A cup, reserved solely for the master of the house, ia
stored In a nearby oupboard.
and filter drinking water,

Only a few people boil

and do so only because of

their sohool training.


Efik manufacture the following beverago3i palm
wine (Ef, mmin e fik). eyop wine (Ef. mmin e y o p ). native
gin (Ef, u f ) f ) p ) and a tea made from lemon grass
(Lippia oitriodoro; Ef, nnyanyay(a),

Mmin efik Efik

w i n e is obtained by tapping the wine palm tree. When


first tapped the wine remains fresh for approximately
five hours after which fermentation oommenoes.

The red

bark of the Saxoglottis gabonensis tree (Ef, e d a t ) may


be pounded and added to the wine to inoreaae the alooholio content.
The oil palm tree when tapped, yields mmin eyop
,eyo wine*.

Not aa alooholio as palm wine, it is

disliked by the Efik, and used primarily by those Ibo


residing among Efik,
Uf)f )p illicit g i n , distilled from palm wine,
is sometimes mixed with the bark of Saxoglottis gabon
ensis to produoe a red-oolored gin.
aromatlo sohnapps minus the aroma.

This tastes like


The production of

uf )f )p is illegal, but the gin is easily obtained in

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114
all Efik villages and In most southern Nigerian towns.
Distillation was introduced by Efik and Ibiblo soldiers
on their return from service overseas at the end of
World War I.
Lemon grass tea, made of lemon grass boiled in
woter, with sugar and milk added, is used both as a
beverage and as a remedy for jaundice.

Various other

drinks are made from plants for medicinal purposes.


Non-alcoholic beverages consumed by the Efik
Include coffee, tea, cocoa, ovaltine, Kola champagne
(a Nigerian type of pop), coconut milk, fresh palm wine
and fresh oil palm wine.

Oranges are sucked.

Milk is

purchased from European concerns since Efik cows and


goats are not milked.

Many Efik women do not drink

coffee as they believe it affects their menstruation.


Drinks are usually taken as the final course to a meal.
If an alcoholic drink is given to many people,
a small portion is put in a cup and then thrown on the
ground accompanied by a prayer to the ancestors.

The

person donating the wine then pours and drinks a cupfull to show there is no poison or witchcraft in it.
The wine is then passed about first to the chief or
oldest man, who drinks, and after to the next senior
man.

The lost portion is imbibed by the eldest m an who

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115
may share It with another elder, for It Is believed the
Ingredients sink to the bottom and consequently the last
portion of the bottle Is the best.
Crafts,

Efik usually build their houses in the

dry season although they may oommenoe the mat roof and
supporting pole framework in the rainy months.

The

rectangular house walls are measured with string to in


sure straight lines.

Long poles, two to three inches in

diameter, form the wall end are set into the ground to a
depth of eight to twelve inohes.

The poles decrease in

height from the center outwards to form a sloping roof,


A ridge pole

(Ef, ndori), always made from the wood of a

tree called atarabam, runs the full length of the house


and forms the peak of the roof.

The stems of oil or

wine palm trees orlssoross to form the base of the roof


on which overlapping mats are laid in parallel rows.
These are kept in place by stioks made from tree
branches which hook over the roof peak.
After the framework is oompleted the roof is
finished to protect the subsequently mudded walls from
rain.

Chunks of mud, taken from the ground near the

house, are first moistened and then rammed into the wall
interstices.

The mud is then plastered over the poles

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116
and filled-in Interstices to form a smooth solid
surface on both tho outer and Inner sides*
The mud floors are smoothed with a small,
flat-sided wood tool (Ef* umia m b o t )* and are some
times oolored black with a mixture of papaya leaves,
charooal and water.

Every two weeks the women of the

house rub a oonoootlon of cow dung and water on the


floor both to clean it and to prevent the mud from
crumbling,

A well-built house lasts twenty or more

years, although roof mats must be renewed every three


to five years.
The roof mats

(Ef* iffkanya), made by men from

their adolescence onwards, provide a source of income


for those who lack a regular vocation*

The mats cost

three cents eaoh, and beoome more expensive as the


rainy season approaches since roof repairs then beoome
mandatory*
The mats, made from the fronds of the raphia
palm, vary in length from two and one-half feet to
five feet.

Two narrow stiokB obtained from the frond

of the wine or oil palm trees are placed parallel


seven inches apart.

The leaves are folded over the two

sticks and held in plaoe by pins*

These are one-and-a-

half inohes in length, three-twelfths of an inch wide

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117
and made from tho outoroovcring of tho midrib from
tho palm troo frondo

Tho pina are attached In three

plaoeB on uny one leaf: two lnohea below the top of


the first stick where tho leaf Is bent over; two
Inches above the second stick; and four lnohes below
the second stiok.

When making very large roof mats

the long frond strips are tied eight to ten Inches


apart on two strings hung from posts.
In addition to roof mats the Efik use sleep
ing mats

(Ef. It am

fashioned in a twill-plait

weave from a tall grass oalled >(k)j(.

Although the

Efik sometimes make these mats, they usually prefer


to purchase them from Ifalbio.
A few men excel in wood carving, but there are
no specialists.

They oarve drums, masks, and

occa

sionally mortars or pestles either for their own use


or for the use of others who pay for the labor.
Carvers utilize the woods obtained from the ironwood
tree

(Lophira prooera; Ef. u k p a ), the Rioinodendron

africanum tree (Ef. nsasajrfa). and a tree oalled ebo.


Carving tools include machetes, knitfes and gouging
ohisels.

When using a knife carvers cut towards

themselves.

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118
Men rarely wear masks*

Formerly masks of

Ibibio manufacture were relegated to children*

In

1946, however, Ibibio strongly protested the use of


their sacred masks by Efik ohildren and threatened, if
it did not oease, to allow Ibibio ohildren to dress in
the costume of the Efik Leopard Society*

Chiefs of

the various Efik towns decreed that Ibibio masks should


never be worn by Efik ohildren or young men, and the
chief of Adlabo Ikot Mbo oollected and burned all suoh
masks in his town*
Masks oarved by Efik do not possess any distinc
tive style; some appear similar to Ibibio masks, while
others are reminisoent of the neighboring Ekoi*
Carvings are of two types I those worn as masks, and
those worn as headdresses on top of the head*

These

are frequently covered with antelope skin, a practioe


probably derived from the neighboring Ekoi who are
noted for their skln-oovered headdresses*

Headdresses

comprise representations of either a human or animal


head*
Due to a lack of large trees, no canoes are
made in Creek Town or Duke Town but are imported from
Enyong and other Cross River areas whloh specialize in
their manufacture*

At Ikoneto, one of these areas,

they hollow tree trunks with adzes and fire, and then

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119
wedge tho sides of the trunk wider by beating sticks
braced against both sides*

Several Creek Town men

specialize in canoe repairs and their Implements


include m o d e m carpentry tools*
Canoes vary in size from small

eight feet

in length and capable of oarrying two fishermen


to thirty feet in length.

The latter are used to

carry passengers or articles of trade*

Most oanoes

have thin pieces of flat wood for seats while the


larger ones often possess a floor board and a thatohed
shelter amidships*

For deooratlon Efik carve a line

(Ef* y(w)) around the outside of the canoe just below


the gunwale and two raised projections on the prow*
Some oanoes use jib and main sails; fishermen and
traders use sails to assist locomotion when the wind
is in the right dlreotion, but they never attempt
tacking*

The use of sails is confined to the Calabar

River estuary, especially in the Ef3 at vicinity*


Blacksmiths, most of whom are Ibo men, manu
facture iron hoes, yam stiokers, snuff spoons,
bracelets, and convert flintlock rifles into oapguns*
Formerly their axes were wedge-shaped and fitted into
a club-shaped wood handel*

Although no blacksmith

resides in Creek Town, an Ibo blaoksmlth lives in the

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120
farm areas.
Decoration of gourds by incisement is now almost,
if not completely, defunct.

Formerly gourds were incised

with geometrical designs by means of a heated stylus.


Women are reputed to have been especially skillful in
calabash incisemont.
In the early 1880's women commenced decorating
Birmingham brass trays and dishes in relief using a
method similar to the repousee t e c h n i q u e . T h e design
is drawn on the tray in chalk and the tray is placed on
an inverted mortar.

Then the worker hits a small nail

with a hammer to depress the area surrounding the design


thus causing it to stand out in relief.

Designs include

circles, triangles, ellipses, rectangular bars, semi


circles, lozenges, straight and curved lines whioh, with
the untapped areas, form figures of flowers, leaves,
Guinea fowl, animals and costumed persons.

At present

there remain only two women in Duke Town who specialize


in brass tray tapping, which will become extinct at their
death.

Johnston, H.H., 1^23, p. 193*

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121
Women sow square patchwork cloths
for sale in tho markots.

(Ef. m b o f a t )

Those are used to conceal

or cover gifts sent on brass trays and borne by serv


ants to the recipient.

The cloths vary in size and

color, and consist of a series of different cloth


strips bordering a geometrical design. An average
specimen is 23 inches square, and has white,
3/4 black, l green, ljjt" orange and 1 red stripes
of stitched cloth bordering sixteen pink and blue tri
angles.

The base of the triangles is approximately 6

long, and the length of the sides varies from 4" to


5".
Baskets are generally made by the men, except
for the ekete which both sexes make, and the obufim
and yfkikan baskets usually made by women.

The akpaaa

is a round wickerwork basket of web weave with warp


and weft made from the outercovering of rattan palm.
The basket is made with a double weave for three inches
from the bottom, and a single weave from thereon to the
rim.

Two strips of bamboo, one inside and one outside,

are lashed together to form the rim.

In addition, a

narrow strip of bamboo is plaoed flush between the two


wider strips to cover the weft elements.

The base is

round with the spokes or warp elements in pairs between

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122
external and Internal warp elements In triplets.

typical specimen measures 9$ Inches in diameter and


5 inches in depth.
The

a tray made from the outeroovering

of rattan palm, features an interlaced web weave.


Near the center the flexible weft is double woven and
reinforced with triple weaving of wine-palm tree fiber,
while the remainder la single woven.

The diameter of

the weft measures fourteen inohes, which together with


the extending rims, makes a total length of seventeen
inohes for a typloal specimen.

The tray, which is

slighly ooncave, the center being one inoh deep, can


also serve as a pot cover.
The obuflm is a round basket of twilled plait
weave made from oil palm tree leaves.

The rim is

reinforoed with a strip of outer bamboo covering, and


covered by the warp and weft.

A typioal specimen

possesses a sixteen inoh diameter.

The basket serves

as a pot cover, or tray for displaying small things in


the market.
'

The akpan is a square basket with a Musanga


smithii wood base, sides composed of eight strips of
outer bamboo covering, and a rim of pieoes of bamboo
stem.

The wooden base, bamboo strips and rim are held

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123
together by wine palm tree fiber tied In a knot-stltoh.
A typloal specimen measures 22 Inohes long, 11& Inohes
wide, and 5 Inohes deep.

The basket serves occasional

ly as a oradle and as a oarrylng basket especially for


farm produce.

As a general rule Efik do not make the

akpan basket but obtain it by purchase from the Ibibio.


The lkparl is a reotangular wloker basket with
a handle, and Is made from the midrib of wine or oil
palm tree leaves.
weave.

The base and sides have a single web

The weft of the sides forms the handle whloh is

then reinforced with short lengths of the same material,


and bound together with wine palm tree fiber.

The

basket, approximately 13 inohes in length and 10 inohes


in width, is used by wine palm tree tappers to haul
their instruments to the tree top.
The ekete. a plaited basket of oheok weave made
from the new leaves of the oil palm tree, is square,
and about three to four inohes deep.

It is used only

when making sacrifices; the offering of food is placed


in the basket, which is then left at a path junction.
A quantity of red earth oalled n s a when dis
solved in water produces red, and is used for sorubblng
walls or painting wood.

A kind of earth oalled uto

naaif produces a brownish color when similarly prepared


and a white, chalky earth oalled afla ndom ntaif yields

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124
white when mixed with writer, and Is used to paint
house walls.
The crushed leaves of the awa plant, when
mixed with water, produce green which is used to
line the borders of a house wall, especially the
bottom.

When oharcoal is added to the mixture the

green darkens.
The pounded seeds of a species of Canavalia,
mixed with charcoal and water, yields a blaok color.
The leaves of tho following respectively produoe
black when ground and mixed with charcoalt
papaya,

taro,

Anohomanes sp,, manioc, and a small vine

oalled edlam.
The roots of the )ni) tree produce yellow
when ground and mixed with a small quantity of water.
When dried, it is shaped into small sticks six inches
long, and sold in the market.
Tho inner wood of the ironwood tree is ground
by rubbing a small quantity of sand on a board of the
wood.

This eventually produces red when the scrapings

ore mixed with a small quantity of water.

After being

dried in the sun the substance is sold in the market.

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125
Tho white chalk termed ndom is obtained from the
ground and used as a face powder, or occasionally in
medicines#

In Creek Town it is found near one spring.

The Efik use several types of knot#

The two knob

knots are ekpuk uruk knot of string' used to tie thread


to a needle, and etlmal which ties anything permanently
such as roof bamboos#

The loop knots inolude nsihede

ntat and ekara lta three circles#

The latter is used

by wine tree tappers who put their baskets in two of the


ekara lta strands, and haul them to the tree top by a
line attached to the third strand.

The nsihede ntat

tightly-tied loose' consists of two types; the first is


used to tie oanoes and may be easily undone, while the
seoond is made from the end of a palm tree frond stem
and used solely to oatoh cows#

The edu lban 'manner of women* is a bend, and


serves to join two lines, especially fishing lines.

For

tying a goat to a post the uruk ebot 'goat string', a


bunt line hitch, is used#

The umen abayf mmin 'taking

6 The terminology used to describe Efik knots has


been adapted from Ashley, C.W., 1945, pp# 12-3,227,471#

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126
pot of w i n e 1 consists of a combination hitch and loop
knot, and Is used by palm wine tappers to hoist their
wine pots.

The uruk uylt owo *string of hanging

person1 is a combination stopper knot, splice and


loop, ond os suggested by the name, was used for hang
ing murderers.

The mkp)k)bl

*chBin! is a chain slnnet

used to lash wood and bamboo together,


dogs to posts.

ond also to tie

The ewat, a Turlc^-head knot tied

around a cylindrical objeot, is used especially on


drums ond brooms.
Hen make nets with the netting or seine needle
(Ef, e b l a ), identical to that used by English sailors,
and probably introduced among the Efik by European
sailors on trading ships.

For uniformity of mesh in

smaller nets a flat wooden heddlo is used,

Efik U3e a

mesh knot in netting.


Trade,

Every Efik town features a market, as

do the towns of neighboring tribes.

While the markets

at Creek Town ond Duke Town take place daily except


Sunday, smaller towns have markets according to the
Efik week,

Efik knots are illustrated in Simmons, D,C,,


19560, pp, 127-134,

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127
Tho Efik have an eight day week*
the days, in consecutive order, ore:
slewa Ibibio, akwa ikw), akwa )fl

The names of

akwa ederi,
ekprl ederi, ekpri

ibibio. ekpri ikw). ond ekpri )fl)y(.

The repetition

of four day names in two cycles distinguished by the


adjectives akwa b i g and ekpri small* suggests the
possibility Efik once possessed a four day week.
Formerly the Efik did not work on akwa ederi.
which was nloknsmed usen ibet day of prohibition*,
but spent the day resting or feasting#

They coll the

European Sunday ederi because work is prohibited.

On

akwa ibibio people sacrificed to the various religious


powers.

The Leopard Society danced around the town on

akwa ikw) and nonmembers were permitted to view the


speotaole without fear of punishment, while on akwa
)fl )ii they played in earnest ond nonmembers were
compelled to remain inside the house unless they wish
ed to be beaten up in the streets.

The cycle of four

days repeated itself but these days were devoted to


regular tasks.

At tho present time the European

Sunday has superceded the Efik akwa ederi as the


religious day on which no markets are held.
now occur on akwa ederi.

Markets

Consequently, when a Sunday

ooinoides with an Efik day on which a particular

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128
market 13 scheduled the market to automatically
canoeled.

The main vendor 3 in the Creole Town market

are women who sell farm produoe, and imported European


food and goods,

3omotimoa me n sell palm wine, mats,

boskets and cloth, especially on Saturdays when there


is always a large crowd,
A woman who trades regularly at the Creek Town
market has her husband or relative build a shed-like
stall, whloh oonaists of a mat roof supported by four
posts.

These stalls are aligned in rows outside which

the temporary traders sit and display their wares on


the ground,
Produoe sold at those markets farthest from the
large towns fetches a lower |)rlce than that obtainable
at Duke Town or any other large population center.
Consequently, a groat many Efik m en travel from market
to market buying and selling.

Trading is the pursuit

of men, while women retail goods in the market,


A number of Efik surreptitiously engage in
smuggling between the Nigerian mainland and the Spanish
island of Fernando Po (Ef,p a n y a ) due to the low oost of
Spanish gin, wine and other alcoholic beverages.

Six

to eight men load their yams, palm oil, garri, and mats

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129
into a largo oanoe equipped with a sail, depart at
night and travel in the small oreeks to avoid Nigerian
patrol boats.

The traders then exchange their goods

at Fernando Po for Spanish alcoholic beverages which


they smuggle into Nigeria for resale.

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CHAPTER VII
RECREATION AND COMMUNICATION
(lamea.

The game ata nao lyak 'what fish do you

eat* la played In the early evening by twenty or more


children who alt in a circle or line.

One child

departs from the group and aits far enough away to be


out of hearing, while another aooompanles him to deliver his messages to the group.

The first message

fish sends greetings* signifies the start of the gome.


The second message is the name of a fish.

The messen

ger goes to each individual in turn and asks *what fish


do you eat?*

The first person who mentions the oorreot

name leaves the oirole.

The leader then selects another

name and the game continues until only one child remains.
He, in turn, receives seven chances to guess the oorreot
name of the fish and if he fails the children piok him
up and throw him into the grass.
Fifteen or more ohildren sit in a line to play
eyen nsab)

'child of python.

One ohild pretends to be

a mother.

She gives a stick, which represents her baby,

to someone in the group and tells the person to care for


the child until she returns.

She also leaves two small

quantities of sand as food for the baby, together with

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131
ohalk to powder the baby.

The mother thon walks away

and pretends to plant something In an Imaginary farm.


After a short time the nurse beats the stick on the
ground, while another child simulates a crying baby.
The mother asks what the matter Is and the nurse re
plies that she ia feeding the child.

This action and

colloquy are repeated with the nurse replying that she


is bathing the ohild, or giving the child an enema.
Finally, the members of the group shout and ory.

When

the mother asks the reason they inform her the baby is
dead, whereupon she runs to oatch any member of the
group.

The person who is oaught must play the mother's

role in a new round of the game.


One ohild lies on the ground and pretends to
sleep in emen yfaan es)k ebe 'taking woman giving
husband*.

Four other ohildren lift and carry the child

by the limbs to another ohild who pretends to be the


husband.

The husband questions his 'bride' about her

qualifications, and then, amid muoh hilarity, refuses to


marry her.
In the mkp)k eto game the ohildren ait in a
oirole and sing the song peculiar to the game.

Eaoh

ohild has a stiok six inohes long in front of him.

When

the song is finished eaoh ohild attempts to replaoe his

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132
stick In front of the person sitting at his right
before the ohild on his left oan do the some.
Anyone having two sticks in front of him must leave
the game*
In Islp *palm kernel* the ohildren sit close
together In a circle.

One child stands outside the

circle and covers the eyes of someone inside the


oirole with one hand.

With his other hand he rubs a

palm kernel on the head of the blindfolded ohild


while the children sing a special song.

At the end

of the song he hands the kernel to one of the ohildren.


The blindfolded one has seven ohonoes to designate the
person who received the kernel and he who fails must
choose whether he prefers to be knocked on the head,
expectorated on, thrown in a rubbish pit, slapped, or
have everyone aot as if his body were odoriferous,

and

immediately receives the seleoted punishment.


In ekak 'oirole* a small piece of flexible wood
is folded in the shape of a ring with a diameter of two
or three inches, and hidden in a sand pile.

Children

sit around tho sand, and eaoh puts a stick into the
sand where he thinks the ring is located, and withdraws
the stick.

Tho child drawing out the ring reoeives one

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133
point.

The first child to obtain seven points leaves

the gome.

The members continue to play until only one

child remains, then everyone hits the unsuccessful


player on the hand seven times.
Children form a circle around one person in
ekpayfa ekpan. also known as ekpa ekpan.
stands just outside the circle.

Another child

The child inside

attempts to hit the child outside the circle with a


bunch of leaves, either by striking or throwing the
leaves.

When he succeeds the child outside the cirole

takes his place and attempts to strike the new person


ohosen to stand outside.
The game oku nan *big blind man' is played with
one blindfolded ohild standing in a circle.

They all

sing and at the end of the song, the blindfolded ohild


immediately chases the others and trios to hit one with
a folded cloth.

The ohild hit is the next to be blind

folded.
The players of the b o y s ' game adim, also pro
nounced edlm, hold sharpened stioks and encircle an
individual who twirls a palmfruit husk tied to a string.
As the husk posses the boys attempt to stab it with
their spears.

Each successful player leaves the oirole,

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134
and the last person to remain reoelves a knock on the
head from all the others.

As the boys play they sing

adlm kerewe-e-e, adlm lkotke eyen owo lk)yf etl. etl


eyen owo )s)>{ mkpa

*Adlm kerewe-e-e, adlm d oesnft call

the son of man to be knocked, knock son of man with


strong death*.
Two groups of boys, eight in each group, play
okpo.

The okpo consists of sand wrapped in a cloth

attached to which are yard-long raffia streamers.


One person goes among the opposing team and when the
okpo is thrown high into the air, he attempts to oatoh
it prior to any of the eight opposing men.

The catcher

of the okpo retires from the game, and the team which
retires its members first wins.

If the initial m a n can

not oatoh the okpo another man from his side joins him,
and if these two are unsuccessful still a third man
comes to their aid.
Two people play nsa, which is the ubiquitous
Afrioan game of warri or manoala.

Six cup-like depres

sions are dug in the ground in parallel rows.

In each

oup the players place eight seeds of the mahogany nut


tree, or eight periwinkle shells.

First one player

picks up the seeds from one oup and places one seed in
each of the next eight spaces.

The other player does

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135
likewise with the seeds of the next oup*

When a player

adds the last seed In his hand to a cup oontalnlng two,


four, or eight seeds he is entitled to remove the seeds
from that space*

The game continues until the number

of seeds is exhausted, and the winner is the player with


the greater number of seeds*
Naa nsadayf involves the use of stones, and five
pieces of the outer oovering of bamboo, each piece
being eight inches long and one-half inches wide; the
external surface of the bamboo is termed edem 'back',
and the inner surface eslt *inside'*

The first player

throws the sticks and counts the number which land with
the inner side upright*

If the number is two or four,

the player is not entitled to withdraw any stones and


loses his turn to throw.

However, if the number is one,

three or five the player may respectively withdraw one,


three, or twenty stones*

If the sticks all have the

outer side upright the player may withdraw fifteen


stones*

A person continues to throw as long as he throws

a winning combination*

When he loses the play passes

counterclockwise to the next player*

Once the stones

from the center are exhausted, a player may take those


from the person sitting on his left*

Anyone who has no

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136
stones Is disqualified and he who accumulates them all
is the winner*
Nsa yfkpaslp eben nsa of the Afrioan pear tree
seed* is played with the seeds of the African pear tree*
An individual takes one seed in eooh fish*

Then another

person places one seed on the fingers of each olenohed


fist*

The two hands are turned over, and one seed from

eaoh hand apparently falls on the ground.

Another seed

is put on the fist and the process repeated.

After

several repetitions an observer is asked to tell which


hand has the most seeds.

A casual observer thinks eaoh

hand contains the same number; however, one hand has all
except one*

This is accomplished by throwing two seeds

from one hand, and palming the seed from the other*
Nvori is played by two persons, usually young
boys, who stand ten to fifteen yards apart*

One player

places three nyorl. a round nut about one-and-a-half


inches in diameter, on the ground close together, and then
balances another seed on top of the three*
player does likewise*

The other

An extra seed is used as a bowling

ball, and is aimed at the opponents pile of seeds*

After

the first hit soatters the seeds, eaoh seed must be hit
again whereupon it is removed from play*

The first player

to hit the three seeds of his opponent wins*

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137
Two persons play edlp eslp *hlding the palm kernel*
One player hides a palm kernel and the other searches for
It, while the first beats a rausioal bow.

The seeker is

guided in his 3oaroh by the noise of the bow which in


creases or diminishes in volume as the searcher drawB near
or far from the spot where the kernel is hidden.
An adult often plays a game or joke on small
children by requesting that the ohild fetch an eto idaha
*stiok for standing up*

from a neighbor.

informs the ohild he had one

The

but someone else

neighbor
borrowed it.

Consequently, the child

goes from compound to

compound

seeking an object whioh

does not exist in Eflk material

culture.
If a ohild makes a slip of the tongue (Ef. ntijfkat)
and one of his companions says ntlifcat before the ohild
oan oount to three, the companions have the right to knook
the ohild on the head.
Ndl)k ndl)h)ro *plaoe and remove* is a game played
among friends.

If a member of the game oomea to another

member*s home while he is eating, and draws a circle round


the plate of food, the newcomer is entitled to eat every
thing on the place.

Hence, in order to be safe, a member

should draw a circle around his plate before he eats, so


that he may not be required to forfeit his food if another

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138
visits him.

The game oan also be played with property,

and is said to result in frequent quarrels.

Persons

become members by making the k)bl gesture, which con


sists in interlocking the small finger of the right
hand, and then pulling the fingers apart.
Folklore.

Efik folklore oomprises the folktale,

story, proverb, riddle, tone riddle, stereotyped sar


casm, pun, tongue twister, nioknorae, song, and special
forms of commemoration.
Efik classify myths, legends and historical stories
as m b uk, and regard them as true.

The term yike includes

the folktale, riddle, tongue twister, proverb and pun


while ata ylke 'real irlke' designates folktales.

The

categories uflet. etlkenyljf and lkw) respectively indicate


stereotyped saroams, nicknames,

and songs.

Speoial verb

roots always differentiate the type of y(ke to be told;


the expressions top jrfke 'throw y{ke', ke ata nflce 'say real
yfke , and tlyf yke 'tell rfke' signify respectively that
riddles, folktales or proverbs ore desired.

Buk mbuk

'tell story' means the recitation of historical stories.


There are numerous folktales Including the Uncle
Remus type of animal story in which lkut 'tortoise' is
usually the trickster, stories of poor people who beoome

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139
wealthy and marry the chiefs daughter, and explanatory
tales such as why men no longer become pregnant.

Since

many Efik folktales have been published only a few


examples will be given here.*
Once tortoise had a wife named akp)y{. who gave
birth to a daughter.

A man oame and married the daughter

and took her away to his home town which had a law no one
should defecate there under penalty of death.

Tortoise

told his child he wanted to follow her and visit her, but
she warned him of the law against defecation and refused
to permit him to accompany her when she returned.

Tor

toise told his child, All right, let me go homo.

When

his child departed tortoise returned to his house.

Later

he went and stood on the road, and when he saw some people
who lived in the same town as his daughter, he said,
Please, when you pass here on your return you will see a
packet placed here in this place; take it and give it to
my eldest daughter."
self in it.

Then he took a bag and wrapped h im

When the women returned from market, they saw

the package and carried it to the daughter.

When she saw

tortoise she was very annoyed with her father and cried
that he was going to die and leave her.

Later tortoise

wanted to defecate so he went and did it in the yard of

* Cobham, 1905; Dayrell, 1910; Gaskin, 1932.

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140
the chief's eldest son.

When the sun rose the towns-

people saw the excrement and asked it who had defecated


it.

It answered that tortoise had defecated it.

So

they caught tortoise but just as they were about to kill


him, tortoise sang, "Tortoise returns home, allow him to
return, he returns to the town of his father and mother,
let him return."

When they heard this song the exeou-

tioners began to dance and they danced until they had


forgotten what they were supposed to do, and tortoise
escaped and ran home.

Thus the proverb 'person going to

another town doesn't defecate for if he defecates they


must kill him'.
The tar-baby motif ooours in the following folktale.
Once a woman planted a farm where tortoise usually went and
ate things.

When the woman saw the destruction she went to

a lizard diviner.

After the lizard divined he told her to

make a man of rubber and put it in her farm.

Then she

should cook ya, white soup, add fish and meat, and leave it
by the rubber man. This the woman did, and when tortoise
came he saw the food and the person sitting nearby,
greeted him.

The person gave no answer.

and

Tortoise said,

"Friend, I am going to wash m y hands, out fufu and ohop."


The person continued silent.

Tortoise said, "Look here,

friend, if you do not answer me I'll give you a blow."


Still the person did not answer.

Tortoise hit the rubber

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141
man and the rubber caught and hold hi.3 hand.

Tortoise

3otd, "book here friend, lot me go 30 I may not think


you are serious and hit you again, but the person re
mained silent.
his leg.

Tortoise kicked him,

and the rubber held

Tortoise thon hit the person on the head with

his free hand, which became stuck also.

He then pleaded

to be free, but remained stuck until the owner of the


farm oame and took him to her house.

He told the woman

to tie him up with vino and throw him into the bush to
die.

The woman did so and tortoise ran home.


The Incidents of the following mbuk or story are

reported to have occurred in Creek Town, and serve to


illustrate the Efik belief in the powers of magical
medicine.
There was a man who hod a wife who was lustful and
wished to sleep with many men.

So he called together all

his w i f e s relatives and told them that as he had married


in the rightful way, she should not make love to anyone
else otherwise he would severely punish her.

Furthermore,

he told the in-laws, that they were witnesses to his


decision and that they should try to restrain her.

Accord

ingly the w o m a n s relatives remonstrated with her, while


the husband secretely oonoooted a medicine which would
punish the woman if she misbehaved.

Six months later she

went to another m a n s house and had intercourse with him.

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142
When the raon attempted to remove his penis from the
woman*s vagina, he was unable to do so*
man attempted to extricate herself*

In vain the wo

Finally she shouted

for help and people oame to inquire what was the matter*
Seeing the situation, they went to the husband and begged
him to administer the antidote, which he finally did*
The lover was able to free himself, but the husband later
divorced the woman and obtained twelve pounds from both
culprits as damages*

The medicine is called *ohain of

women*
An analysis of 810 examples of proverbs, tone
riddles, stereotyped saroasm, riddles and tongue twisters
collected in Creek Town yielded the following result:
Type

Number of examples

proverb

655

Percentage
80*8#

tone riddle

94

11*6

saroasm

37

4*1

riddle

21

2*6

*4

tongue twister

Proverbs constitute the moat numerous type of Efik


folklore.

Thirty subjects each hove five or more proverbs

dealing with some of its aspects*

These subject categories

together with the number of proverbs in the category, are:

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143
retribution will come 55, advice 45, family relations 42,
admonitions to be careful 32, gossip and tale bearing 29,
knowledge 28, oharaoter 27, designation of the reason
some ootion is done 25, poverty 23, against boasting 21,
admonition to work hard 20, experience and practice 17,
fickleness of friends 15, peace 13 wanted from quarrel
13, against greed 12, children 12, innooenoe 12, ingrat
itude 11, hatred 11, insult 10, marriage 9, misfortune 8,
procrastination 0, travel 8, duties of slaves and servants
7, thoro is no fear concerning the outoome of some aotion
6, do not tell secrets 5, responsibility 5, lost opportun
ity 5, theft 5, and when a small person does something big
or overcomes a big person 5,

An additional 114 proverbs

deal with miscellaneous subjects other than those cited.


Twenty examples of proverbs, together with their
explanations, will illustrate the nature of tho Efik proverb,
(1)

abasi ama
God

if loves

owo

utere

person

vulture

If God loves a person the vulture

)du)

)n)

ooraes

to.

oomes to him.

The proverb is based on the faot that the vulture is


regarded as a harbinger of good fortune, and is said
whenever good fortune comes to someone, meaning it
oame because of Gods love for the person.

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144
(2) abla lb)k

)lcpuh)

Herbalist
owo

changes

ukp)rf fo
soul

)n)

fl

your gives you

ukp)j<
soul

eyfwen

of person another,
Tho herbalist ohanges your soul and gives you the
soul of another person.

The proverb Is used when a

reversal of fortune occurs; a herbalist frequently


Informs a sick person to change hia ukp)K *animalsoul* to that of a different animal in order to
become well,
(3) abasl
God

lyakke

enarf

aman

iba

does not permit

cow

bear

two,

God does not permit a cow to give birth to twins,


God never permits anyone to suffer harm; the proverb
is said either to or by someone who narrowly escapes
misfortune, or by a person to his enemy who threatens
him,

Efik regard twins as dangerous, and f o m e r l y

killed them,
(4 ) akari

yfkarl

lslnke

ub)k kekpat

Trickster does not put hand in bag

akarl

tfkarl

of trickster.

Said to a person with a reputation for dishonesty if


he requests a loan, or to an enemy whose machinations
have been foiled.

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145
(5) akayf
Denier

efik

ayayfade

)f)A

of hernia

removes

cloth.

An Innocent person does not fear an ordeal.


(6) adla
Eater

yfkp)

mblam

)k)m

Idem lm)

of thing of mblam congratulates himself.

A person who eats mblam. a magic liquid reputed to


kill those who drink it. and then swears falsely
and thinks he has refuted all accusations of guilt,
does not realize he cannot escape the consequences
of his evil deeds for retribution will oome.
(7) abaal
God

abaal okut edem mbukpo lnyarf okut edem ubom


alone sees back of hawk river

sees back of canoe.

Only God knows what is in a person*s heart.


(8) abasl

ln)h)

God

ldl)k unam

does notgive bad

animal

nnuk
horn.

God does not supply wicked people with good things;


also said to a person who threatens harm meaning God
will not permit the threatener to harm an innocent
person.

(9) afllo
Who

etle

nte

abasl

sits

as

God?

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146
Who is like Qod?

Friends deceive, but the friend

ship of Qod is eternal.


(10)

an am idl )k

efehe klnl owo

Doer of evil runs

mlbineke

enye

when person does not follow him.

A guilty man fears his shadow.


(11)

ekp)r) idl )>Qke


Penis

ndl)k uf)k

doesn't know

poverty.

A favorite proverb of husbands who use it when


children keep demanding things, or a wife keeps
nagging her spouse to buy something.
(12) mm)
They

idlyflmeke
will not allow.

A warning not to tell others of good fortune or


prospective happiness for fear of arousing their
jealousy and making them attempt to prevent you
from enjoying your happiness.
(13) ndla

nso

mfln

ndla

nso

mkp)y{

akpa

owo idem

I eat what today? I eat what tomorrow? kills person


akan

ud)y()

more than sickness.


Worry harms one more than sickness.

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147
d 4 ) akpala )li

Idl )yf)ke ukot

Stinging-ant

does not know in-law*

A person should have more regard for his relatives


than his friends, and should not emulate the
stinging-ant who bites everyone equally*
anle

)fl)k

mkp)^

Who knows tomorrow?


There is yet hope for no one knows what tomorrow
will bring.
(16) amawaha

afayf

uylre

uylre

eylre

ft

If you branoh to path of trouble trouble troubles you.


Never trouble trouble until trouble troubles you.
(17) raf)n
Goodness

owot

aya ly)

kills

Aya Iyo.

A proverb said when someone suffers misfortune through


having done a kind deed.

Aya Iyo is reputed to have

been a farm slave who sent his master oooked antelope


meat garnished with vegetables.
pleased.

The master was

After eating, however, he beoame annoyed

by the thought that a slave should eat suoh fine fare


dally and ordered his me n to kill Aya Iyo.

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148
(18) ekik) unen
Cook

lba

lkp)kke

)k)m klet

two

do not orow

roof one.

Two cocks do not

orow on one

cannot command the same ship.

roof, or two captains


This proverb Is

reputed to have been first used circa 1850 by King


Eyo II to refugees from Idua who fled to Creek Town
after a battle with Oron,

King Eyo Informed them

he would have liked them to settle In Creek Town


except that they had brought with them their own
Leopard Society; then the King used the proverb and
gave the refugees land In the farm area,
eniealn

ub)k fo

ketak

lkut

You have put hand your In vagina of tortoise,


A proverb used to warn someone he has offended a
powerful person who will attempt vengeanoe.

If

someone puts hia finger into the anus of a tortoise


it oannot be
(20) emla
Beat

withdrawn without serious injury,

ukwak

klnl

ukwak adatde

iron

when

iron

This proverb

Is hot.

Is used only with reference

to giving

advioe to children, and means advise a child while


young and impressionable, and yet capable of heed
ing advice.

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149
Efik folklore includes three types of riddles,
a riddle being defined as a form which poses one or more
questions or statements, whose answer or answers are
culturally aocepted as oorreot.

The first type, which

may be designated a simple or homogeneous riddle, con


sists of a single statement or question and a single
answer.

The second type, designated a complex or hetero

geneous riddle, comprises multiple questions.

The third

type, denominated a tone riddle, oonslsts of a statement


or question and an answer both of which possess identical
or very similar tone patterns.
An example of the simple or single answer riddle
illustrates the typical style: "one soup that our father
God has will remain for more than a hundred years without
being sour (efere klet ete nnyln abasl enyenede anana
isua lkie edl imakke). the answer being palm oil"

(a r a n ).

The seoond form of simple riddle is exemplified by "what


stands in the bush and resses itself alone?"

(nsida kik)t

ltayf ldet lkp)y{). the answer being "termite ant hill"


(mfl )k yfkakat),

The multiple answer riddle is exemplified

by the riddle "what is kpai k p a l . what is klm k i m . what is


a herbalist standing around a tree, what is a signal drum,
what is ekoiif.H the respective answers being cooonut, palmfruit, taro, yam, and maize.

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l 0
Aside from its inherent interest, as a folklore
form, linguistic specimen, example of Efilc humor and
minor form of indigenous education, the most common form
of simple riddle possesses theologioal and historical
implications.

The phrase ete nnyin abasl

our father

God* shows that Efik conceived the supreme-god as male.


This would normally be expected in a patrilineal society
such as the Efik.

However, the occurrence of the phrase

in the simple riddle supports the existence of the highgod concept in indigenous theology, and controverts
Jeffreys contention that the phrase is merely a trans2
literation of a Christian expression.
The historical implications become apparent when
the Efik riddle is compared with the Jamaican riddle.
Beckwith^ reports that one popular form of riddle is
Mmy father has in his yard...,1' shortened to "my father
has..,."

It appears extremely probable that Efik and

Jamaican riddles possess a cognate relationship, and that,


in historical terms, either the Jamaican riddle derives
from slaves originating from the Ibibio-Efik area, or the

2 Jeffreys, M.W.D., 1035, p. 107.


3 Beckwith, M.W., 192lj., pp. 183-191; 1929, p. 201.

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151
Efik and Jamaloan riddles stem from the same African
prototype*

Moreover, the Efik riddle supplies additional

information as to the probable meaning of the "father


mentioned in the Jamaican riddle*

Possibly the Jamaican

riddle lost reference to the deity either through a


concession to Protestantism or through an aooulturative
process occasioned by slaves of diverse African origins
adopting the riddle*
The following examples illustrate the Efik
riddle

eberl

klet

Ladder one

etlnyln

abasl enyenede

our father God

id aha

ld)k

does not take (and) climb


(S) Q*

ndl

ldlay(

1 am cricket
A*

mb)pke

has

eketlyf

Cricket

said*

person

rfkp)
thing*
enyln

I do not d o s e eyes

ldlari

owo

nn)

ntan

for

sand*

^ Additional examples are to be found In Simmons,


D.C., 1956d, pp. 168-171.

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152

(3) Q

llkp)

klet etlnyln

abaal

Thing

one

God

our father

akadeka

anyone de
possesses

nte ukuak

becomes

strong as

Iron

)ny)|{ edlsajla

mmem mmem

coming home

weak*

aflakde
going to

workt

A,
Penis.
(4) Q,

A,

nsl

da

klk)t

lyere

What

stands In bush washes

ndom

lkp)j(

chalk

on Itself?

i&M
Gourd.

(5) Q

nsldoro kutayf

nsldoro

What Is In uta^, what Is

kublom

keslt

In ublom. what Is Inside

utayf
utajf?
nsltle

nte

What Is like

ete

nsltie

nte

eka

father, what Is like mother,

nsltle nte eka ete


what Is like father*s mother?

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163
A third type of riddle exists which may be
denominated a tone riddle.

Although previous writers

have incorporated examples in collections of Efik


proverbs, the significance of the tonal phenomenon
g
involved has been overlooked,
Goldie cited several
examples in his Efik Dictionary as proverbs; Burton
published five as proverbs and Adams

cited one as an

example of pure tonal rhyme,


Efik nickname tone riddles ulcabade lk)
ing of words*,

Chang

These differ from puns in that they are

based on tonal similarity while puns are based on tonal


variation.

The tone riddle consists of a question and

an answer, and both have identical or similar tone


patterns although differing in meaning.
answer is a regular proverb.

Frequently the

Sometimes there probably

exists a suboonsoious or even consolous relationship


between the ideas expressed by the question and the
answer.

5 Goldie, H., 1874, pp. 76,80,94,98,134.


6 Burton, R.F., 1865, pp. 333,363,366,377,389.
^ Adams, R.F.G., 1943, p. 34.

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154
The tons riddle la used as a form of amusement,
greeting, explanation for an action, indirect method
of cursing, and eroticism between the sexes*

The use

of the tone riddle as a greeting is illustrated by the


following example, with one friend saying the query,
and the other friend replying with the answer.

Query:

Answer:

1 1
even

1
3
ikanke

Child

does not conquer mother.

1 1
idap

1
3
lfi)kke

ukut

Sleep

does not know

suffering

eka

The tone riddle readily lends itself to the


formation of erotlo answers to apparently innocent
statements.

It is usually asked by a man who specif

ies that a woman should answer.

This results in much

hilarity among the men accompanied by assumed embarass*


ment on the women*s part.

Query*

I l l
)k)k)k

1 1 1
k)fl )r)

11
1
ke mben mm)y{

Bamboo

is floating on edge of river

3 3
ebet

1
)t)

awaits

high-tide.

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155

1 1 1 1 1
Answers

ekp)r)

k)fl)r)

kealt

etak

Penis

la floating

Inside

vagina

3 3
ebet

11
nsene

awaits sperm.
Cursing among the Efik frequently results In a
law suit before the Native Court.

This m ay be avoided

by the use of a tone riddle to express disregard and


oontempt for an enemy without aotually stating a
curse.

P person simply says the query of a tone riddle

which connotes a sufficiently derrogatory meaning.


Thus he cannot be accused of cursing slnoe the query
may be construed as a direct utterance rather than a
ourse.

Thus the riddles

Query:

Answer:

1
eyop

1
eml

1 1 1
adade

iba

Palm

which

stood

two

1
ekpe

1
eml

1 1 1
enye ada
it

stands three.

1 1 1
oklmde uka

Leopard which pins

1
lta

your mother

1 1 1
enye oklm
it

pins

1
your father

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156
Occasionally the query of a tone riddle ia used
as a periphrastic method of justifying a particular
action.

If a young boy insults a grown man, the man

may give him a knock on the head with his knuckles,

5
saying:

1 1 1 1

ama ata is ip ta yflcpai 'when you eat palm

kernels eat the yfkpal kernel1.

The query supplies the

reason for giving the boy a knock; the answer to the

1 1 1 1

query is ama omlom owo mlom us)

'when you disobey some

one disobey your father', meaning insult someone in


your own family who will not punish you.
recently divorced his wife and is asked

11

A man who has


the reason for

11

his action can

reply )t) mkp)yf

oyom mb)'planter of

cocoyams wants

seedlings', the answer to which is )d)

ayfwan oyom eyen 'a person who marries wants a child*.


The following examples of tho tone riddle
adequately illustrate its formation.

The last three

are respectively Oron, Ibibio, and a tone riddle


obtained from an Uyo Ibibio speaker which uses English
numbers.

These last show that tone riddles are not

restricted to the Efik but are found in other IbibloEfilc dialects.

The tone riddle is probably not unique

Additional examples of the tone riddle appear


in Simmons, D.C., "Cultural Functions of the Efik Tone
Riddle," Journal of the American Folklore Society,
vol. 71, np. 123-138.

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157
to the Ibibio-Efik linguistic group but extant in the
g
folkloro of many groups speaking tonal lunguagoa.

1
(1 ) Query:

1
3
inyerfe

mb)k)k

oko

Who

shakes

sugarcane

that?

1
Answer:

nso

nso

1 3
itle

nte

eka

owo

Who

is

like

mother

of person?

111
(2 ) Query:

enuk

etlhe

etet

Bend

okra

pluck.

111

inyenoke

Answer:

ama

Lonely-person does not have

1
(3) Query:

afak

)k)k

ketak

ut)>(

Putting

chewstiok

under

ear.

esin

enyln

Putting

eyes

1
Answer:

1 1

(a) lover

1
owo

in thing

of person.

Q
An example of a Chinese poetic pun utilizing
tonal ohanges is cited by Pike, K.# 1948, p. 35.

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158

1 1
( 4 ) Q u ery*

Answer:

(5) Query:

ntaha

akpan

Broken

basket

Answer *

on road

of farm.

111

1 1

imaha

owo

World

does not love person of sickness.

12

lk)>{

ub )y{

Loaf

of gourd and

1
ye

1
keslt

l k)t,

gourd inside

1
ye

Testicles

and penis

12 8

ub)y{

nsen ekp)r)

1
(6 ) Query*

1 3
irfwayf

ererlmbot

1
Answer*

11
kuauyi

e kp)r)

bush.

keslt

ltlt

inside

vagina.

m i l

1 3
ISlE

11
jrfkana

13 3
okure

Moon

builds

round

oompound.

akpara

1
3
edaha

1 1 3
udia )b)rf

Harlots depart to communion.

(7) Query:

12 2 2

af la

>lk)rik)

)kpla)]rf

ik)t

White

snail

of strong

bush.

1
Answer:

1 2

2 2

In)

okut

owo

)t)iO

rfkejf inua

Thief

sees

person

begins

talking aloud

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169

( 8 ) Q u ery:

14 5
nnyat)

)kp)dlki

1
Jku

Prult

of main road reaoher

Jsim

does he pluck

4
ata
(and) eat?
Answer:

en)

5
)yo ufel

)n)

4
asal

Gift

of orphan

giver takes

ere

does he curse?

An Oron tone riddle.

(9) Query*

I
lkp)
Big

Answer:

I
okpon
Big

l
nsuy{ lkcmf
ships.

l
l
ekpoi( itlt
clitoris.

An Ibiblo tone riddle.

(10) Query:

1
trl

3
nalntln

1
5
twenti

tri

Three

nineteen

twenty

three.

I l l
)b)
Answer: itlt
Vagina receives

1
nauyf
errand

5
eklkol
of hips.

An Ibibio tone riddle utilizing English


numerals in the query.

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160
The uflet serves as a oulturally reoognized means
of expressing resentment.

It is a stereotyped form of

saroastio proverb used to chagrin evil doers, as a verbal


defense against an accusation of wrong doing, and occa
sionally as a nickname to commemorate some event.
Friends may use the uflet among themselves as a form of
humor.

One to whom an uflet is spoken, lacks the

recourse to legal aotlon he possesses if oursed.


uflet

The

'you see how you sit, do you think I am like you ?1

challenges an accusation by implying that the speaker of


the uflet would never do that of which he is accused
while the acouser certainly would.
A woman nicknamed her female friend by the first
olause of the uflet

'dry fish when finish on shelf, fresh

fish do not finish in the water', while her friend res


ponded with the seoond olause whenever they were in the
vioinity of a particular man who reneged on his promise
to remunerate the woman for her sexual favors.

In this

oase the uflet served as a reminder of the man's perfidy


as well as a taunt that no matter how strong his desire,
he would never be able to obtain more of the same.

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161
The following examples illustrate the u f l e t :
(1 )

adlade

esete

As you are eating you think

okure

keml

It Isfinished

with this.

An uflet frequently used by women to men who owe


money for past sexual favors.

(2 ) afo eta Ikwe

f1

ml ami y(kut

You say you do not see me, I

do I

see you?

You say you do not see

me, do Isee you ?1

Said between friends to

remind them of a quarrel with

a third party, who is nearby.

(3)

afo okot ml

)n)

item

kpa

You call me give advice

afo ada

mi

just you take me

okobuk
go tell story.

You visit me to give advice but you just want to go


and tell my story.*

An uflet used on gossips who oome

to learn information under the guise of giving advice.

(4)

eblet lma

)dude

Plaoe love lives

etop

)nyurf

shouting also

odu

kpa

do

lives just there.

Where love is there is also quarrel.

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162
(5)

eyen

ldlhe

Child

ia not

ama

rnkp)
thing

owo

if lovea per 8on

naahi

abaai

of laughter, God

lal
he gives.

Nobody should 1 aught at a barren woman for children


are the gift of God.

(6 )

)fi )k

owo

ndibaHa

lbayfake

He knows

person

to tattle

he does not tattle

idem esle
himself.
An uflet said to gossips.

(?)

) k b m k p )

ndlnam

He leaves thing to do

aflak

ese

owo

kiso

turns

looks person in face.

Used to someone who comes and gives unwanted advloe


meaning top annoying people and go about your
bus! ne a s

(8 )

okut Kkp) mf)n


seer

yak okudara

utlt

of good thing let him not rejoioe end of

mkp)

mf)n

etlre

kldl)k

thing

good

ends

in badness .

Used to abuse someone whose fortune has changed for


the worse.

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16 3
Only men of the same age grade employ nicknames
(Ef ndltik enylyQ for each other.

These are usually

based on a proverb or riddle, although some nicknames


exist whioh ore reoognized specifically as such.

If a

man wishes to obtain another's nickname he must go to


the man and arrange to pay for it.

However, when the

nickname is beaten on the signal drum it is the first


owner who answers the call.

Originally, nicknames were

a means of calling people on the signal drum.

Henoe

the occurrence of so many proverbs and riddles whose


tones are readily recognized when beaten on the drum.
The

following are examples of Eflk nicknamess


lnua

Crooodile
lkayf

M M M H M i

fire

edlk

lkpake

of mouth of creek does not die from

abasl

eyen ubuene

lnylmeke

Qod

of poor child

does not agree.

M M M W M M M

Crocodile of the creek mouth does not die from fire


for the God of poor children will not permit it to
happen.

The nickname of a person who is hated by

many people, and although many attempts to harm him


have been made, they have all been unsuccessful.

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164
(2 )

l y l r ) ekpat

eto

otop

ekere

idem

Pieoe of stem

of treo if thrown think of

self.

If you throw a stick watch out that the stiok


does not come back to you; the nickname of a
powerful man.

(3)

ibak

ebe

Iso

odurf

Wickedness passes before root

atuak

ekperedem

knooks last

(person).

The nickname for someone who is believed to possess


powerful maglc-medioine.

(4)

eyet

ub)k otuk

Wash

hands

aslan

touoh, pride

imaha

ndek

does not love filth.

The nickname of people who are decent and do things


well.

(5)

nsen

lkut

)b)k

Egg

of turtle

nurses

idem
self

lkp)>(
alone.

The nickname of orphans.

(6 ) ika
Ika

ub)k
hand

rfkara
of jfkara bush (a very thorny bush).

The nickname of persons named Cobham.

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165
The only known examples of tongue twisters are:
(1 )

kpukpru nyln
All

of us eat

udla urua

food of market

udla

urua

eaien

ekpe

food

of market

of Esien

Ekpe*

okpetere
Kind of plant

utebe

food of market

uslne

utebe

rat

smells

smells

ekpetere
plant

lkwe

uslne

kuaujrf

does not see

rat

on road (and) spit

iblo

lblo

lbuo

ye

ibuo

lblo

Short

short nose

with

nose

short.

mmrnmmmmmm

(3)

ldla udla urua

lk)k etap

m m m h h

m m tm m m m m

saliva,

Puns occur and are based on words having the same


4
constituent phonemes but different tones*
Thus, afo aka
mm)j{ where are you going ? 1 may be answered with the
1 4 11
phrase yika mm)y( 'I am going to the w a t e r 1, the pun being

1 1
on the morphemes mm)jrf where' and ram)j( w a t e r .

11

The

11

query anle owo who are y o u ? is sometimes answered owo

1
owo person of person', whioh is thought to be funny.
11
12
The phrase etim etlm etlm Efim pounds a milliped is a
play on the tones of the morphemes.

The query ntaha 'why*

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166
ia often answered ntak ke ramln efik residue in palm
wine', the pun being on the first two words of the
phrase.

If someone says ete ekpeny)rl 'Mr. Ekpenyong*

told him something, a bystander may humorously remark


ete ekpeny)if am a akpa 'the father of Ekpenyong has
died', making a play on the meanings of the word ete.
whioh means both 'father* and 'mister' or 'sir'#
Ase are spontaneous reoitations in oommemoration
of a person or event.

Said during the mourning period

for a deoeased relative, and also for such events as


defeat in war, loss of a lover, or commission of some
brave aot, many ase are renowned among the Efik for
beauty of speech and thought.

A speoial form is known

as b)g)k) because the expression b)r)k) occurs at the


end of each sentence.
An elderly woman died at night.

In the morning

neighbors and friends came to express their condolences,


and sat with relatives along the corridor of the house.
The eldest daughter of the deoeased said the following
ase, the end of each sentence being punctuated by the
wailing of the mourners.

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167
*0h our dear mother you have left a big loneliness
for us.
Today we have lost one who gives advice from our
midst.
Today we have lost our right hand.
What is life good for?
Oh death, what a loss you have given us.
Why do you have a strong heart against us in this
way?
Today you have taken our mother to ghost town.
Mother goodbye, greet relatives in that region
for us.
Please our mother do not forget us.
Remember us as you used to.
Our beloved mother safe journey.
The good woman whose gait is admired, safe Journey,
Our mother with sweet speech, safe journey,f
Songs,

Efik songs are generally those associated

with a specific game, play or secret society, and ballads


which tell about some action of a particular person.

The

songs associated with the plays and secret societies


frequently consist of one main phrase or theme, usually
referring to the play with which the theme is associated.

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168
Sometimes they are proverbs.

When composing the song

singers add phrases to the themes at will.


ikw)

An akwa

'chief singer usually shouts the song sung in

plays, but on informal occasions one or two people


start a song and all join in*

Efik ballads recount

female peccadiloes and lapses of virtue.


The Efik enjoy singing, so much so that many
tell folktales incorporating songs in order that they
may have the pleasure of singing.
in falsetto when alone.

Men frequently sing

The tunes probably are in

fluenced by the linguistic tones of the wordsj at least


such is the present writer's impression from hearing
individuals sing.*
An analysis of 3^8 songs depicts the number of
songs possessed by the various games, plays or secret
societies.

The number possessed by the men's secret

societies is generally an indication of its importance;


however, this generalization is mitigated since the
influential y(k) society rarely sings.

The games, plays

This impression has not been substantiated by


recorded data on songs due to the fact that the elec
tricity of Calabar is ten cycles less than that used in
the United States, and, consequently, the recordings
must be converted before they can aid in resolving the
problem of the influence of tone phonemes on tunes.

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169
or secret sooleties mentioned In the analysis will be
dlsoussed elsewhere*
Number of songs
I*

Totals

20

Childrens songs
(a) Plays

1 . ekoyf

8 * mkp)kp)r)

3* ekoyi It )k

4. lkut

(b) Games

222

II* M e n s songs
(a) Plays
1* ltembe

25

2 * lbom

3* ukua

20

4* okpoKkroK

5* mb)k

6 . lb)k

7. songs against
women

10

(b) Seoret sooleties


1* ekpe

54

2 * ekprl akatB

35

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170

III*

3 * )b )n

28

4* nslma

10

5* unana eka

6 * jrfkj.

7* eka>{

M e n 1s and W o m e n s songs

43

Plays

1 * ndem

25

2 * oyo

12

3* ek)mbl
4* esesat
IV*

5
owo

W o m e n fs songs

33

Plays

1 * ekpa

2 * lban ls]^

3* ntiml

4* aba

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171
The following are examples of Efik songs:

(1)

First Leopard Sooiety grade is ebojrfko*


a Leopard grade.
ebogiko.

(2 )

Eboyfko is

Leopard Sooiety begins with

Leopard Sooiety eboHko are leopards.

I am in fireplace making love with sickness,


listening as the women play.
asking if 1 am a harlot.

You are walking and

What does your sister do?

Does she do as the Efiat fish for shrimp?


An ek)mbi song.

Efiat work solely at shrimp fishing

and the comparison of the sister's work with that of


the Efiat signifies the sister labors solely at
harlotry.
(3)

The father died. The rattle does not come yet.


Hattie likes the mourning-house.
A Nyamkpe Ekpe song.
M

tM

M M

Whenever a member of the

Leopard Society dies the Leopard figure must danoe,


and the rattle accompanies the danoe musio.

(4)

Harlot throws waist. I give ninepenoe.

If she throws

it badly, I give threepence.


A song sung against harlots, or to anger women.

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172
(5)

Give me a cigar*
ing*

I will smoke and cease sleep

Double doors" kills me with its smell*

A song sung to embarrass and annoy women*


"Double doors" is a slang term for the vagina.
(6 )

Madam Nkoyo goes harlotting in a launch.

Europeans

set fire to her vaginal hair, and her vagina exudes


the smell of money all over town*
A song sung against harlots.
(7)

Nyong has a quarrelling heart.


backyard shouting owl*
heart*

Nyong stood in the

Nyong has a quarrelling

Nyong ooh ooohl

An Ekprl Akato song sung against a person named


Nyong, who accused her neighbors of witchcraft*
(8 )

All fish live inside of the water*

Only the ibat

fish knocks the river a knock*


An ttembe song.

The ibat fish floats on top of the

water.

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173
Several b o y s 1 plays take place at Christmas,
New and Easter.

Okpo is a costumed figure which

wears a raffia skirt and covers itself from head to


waist with a network of raffia, usually made from an
old Leopard Society costume donated by the b o y s
father.

On the head the wearer carries a basket con

taining smouldering oil palm fiber and different kinds


of grass.

He is accompanied by one or more friends

who blow into a bamboo tube or a glass bottle which has


had the base removed.
Th mkp)lcp)r) skull 1 play is dressed similarly
to okpo except that the wearer has one or more monkey
skulls as a headdress and does not carry any oil palm
fiber.

Around the wearers waist two long ropes are

attached which are held by two companions.

These serve

as a theoretical means of controlling the mkp)kp)r)


should he attempt to run away.

The m k p )k p )r ) may

disguise his voice by means of a kazoo,


A conical framework five to six feet in height,
similar to a hoop skirt and covered by brightlycolored cloths, constitutes the llcut turtle.

A boy

gets inside and then runs, spins and dances while his
companions sing and beat a drum.

The wearer of the

llait may also speak through a kazoo.

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174
The eko^ lt)k ekojif of running* play wears a
carved crocodile head as a headdress and has his body
completely covered with cloth.

The costume *0 name

stems from the fact that the figure never walks slowly
but always trots or runs.

A companion beats a double

iron gong as a musical aocompanlment.


In the play known as nbayi. awa or ek)mbl a
woman wears a feathered headdress and a hoop skirt
while danoing to the drumming of men.

This play usual

ly provides the entertainment at a party or memorial


feast.
Hen with drums aooompany one or more women
decorated with feathered headdresses in the same manner
as abarf and carrying a gourd decorated with fresh oil
palm leaves.

The group visits houses and receives small

gifts of money.
In ntiml the women players wear long-John white
underwear with feathered headdresses.

Each oarries a

hollow gourd decorated with fresh oil palm leaves; both


ends of the gourd are out off, and by hitting one end
with the hand the women produce a sound quite similar to
that of a stomping tube.

Men beat skin-membrane drums to

accompany the danoing and gourd-beating.

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175
During full moon young and grown-up Efik play
esesat owo,

lion a tend on one si do with the women

opposite them.

They all sing songs and then a girl

dances to the men's side and chooses one whom she ad


mires,

Dancing and 'ladies chblce* continue until the

crowd disperses,
Ekpe ) f l 'leopard of the moon' is a children's
danoe which they play for amusement on moonlit nights,
Boy 3 chase the girls away, sing songs, danco, and then
allow the girls to return*
A group of five to ten young men use the special
ltembe drums and rattles to provide music and amusement
at social festivities, funeral observances or holidays.
The leader of the group is called the akwa lkw)

'chief

singer* and leads the singing while the other members


form the chorus.

Each itembe drum differs in size.

There is no initiation fee to join the group which


oonsists of mutual friends.

Each member provides himself

with an itembe drum, whioh he either makes or buys for


approximately five shillings.

Members receive small

monetary sumo plus food for performing at funeral obser


vances,

Efik traders in the southern Cameroons

encountered the itembe drum with the lost thirty-five


years and took it home with them.

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176
Carry fire from the kitchen end welk up behind
a person; when the individual turns to see who is there
he will see nothing and think a ghost took the fire#
No one removes on axe left stuck in firewood
save the person who put it there for fear of suffering
obuwuh) or lnteroostal muscular pains#

Whoever wants to

take firewood from a place where a man splits it, must


first hit the wood chopper gently on the waist with a
piece of firewood so that the man m a y not suffer waist
pains.
The Efik do not like to observe people sitting
cross-legged with the chin held in the hands and the
elbows resting on the knees#

The position, termed

edlk)k ebek# connotes sadness, and means that either


something sorrowful has happened to the person, or
ho is planning evil.
To walk between two people who approaoh from an
opposite direotion constitutes a breaoh of ettiquette
for the two people will oontraot any disease possessed
by the unmannerly individual#

Sinoe the Efik leave

sacrifices at road junotions a person who walks a friend


part of the way home never takes leave of his friend at
such a spot since the aotion would be regarded as offer
ing the friend as a saorifioe#

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177
Tho Efik shako hands in formal greetings#
Persons of tho some age shake hands using the right
hand.

If a young man and an elderly man or woman

shake hands, tho older person first puts out his


right hand which the younger takes with both of his
and makes a alight bow#
A person must bend over, touoh tho finger tips
of both hands to the ground three times and say etia
thrioe to render the standard salutation to an Efik
chief#

At a gathering a younger person always stands

up and leaves his seat for an elder.

None leave a

formal assembly unless the chairman grants permission


to do so, and should a person loave without receiving
this permission he insults all those assembled#
A person who stands with legs akimbo and his
loin cloth tied so that it spreads on the ground is
regarded as lnsultive#

The terra yikwe owo *1 don't see

person* donotos the wearing of a hat over the eyes;


such an aotion signifies

*who are you that I should

see you* and is also insultive#


The Efik regard certain numbers as utlyfe
abnormal' or 'awkward*.

These include 2, 4, 6 , 7, 8 ,

10, 11, 13, 14, IS, 17, 19, 20 and 22.

Thus, in giving

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178
money the Efik prefer to give ton shillings and six
penoo rather than ten shillings.

If fifteen yams are

given, tho yams are first put into three piles of


five.

People do not give seven things sinoe evil is

thought to come in sevens.


The eldest or most important man present must
reoeive the gizzard and the pieoe of flesh just above
the anus of a chicken.

If ohioken is served, a husband

always lnspeots his dinner to see that these pieces are


present and, if not, he will berate his wife for insult
ing him.

Eldors reoeive the head and feet of a sacri

ficed goat.
The Efik say ekpo ekom ml enyln *ghost blindfolds
my eye* when they find an object right in front of them
after a long search.

Ekpo )b) mi u yo ghost takes my

v oice denotes laryngitis.

Temporary numbness of an

extremity is signified by ekpo )k)k ml ukot

ghost folds

m y leg*.
If someone sneezes his companions immediately say
'not youl may you live long and break palm kernels on
your k n e e s , or may you live healthy and grow white
h a i r s 1

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179
If a coconut falls, a gourd called lkpan is tied
to the stem of the oooonut tree by a close relative of
the owner.

This prevents the oooonuts from falling.

Musical instruments.

Musical instruments

include membranophones, linguaphones, wind instruments


and resonant material vibrated by percussion.
Membranophones include single-membrane drums.
Ek)m) drums are cylindrically tapered in shape, the base
end being open.

Antelope skin forms the drumhead.

average ekpri ek)m)

An

*small e k ) m )1 is approximately 5&

inches in diameter, 15 inches long, with a 3^ inch dia


meter at the base.

A n akwa ek)m)

*big e k ) m )* is 12

inches in diameter at the drumhead, 15 inohes long, with


a 6 inch diameter at the base.

The skin drumhead is

attached and kept in position by lines of wine palm tree


fiber attached to a band of fiber whioh encircles the
body of the drum.

The drumhead is tightened or loosened

by pushing up or down several wedges

(Ef. lkpafak)

inserted between the drum and the enoircling fiber.

The

islma drum is a very small ek)m) drum 7 inohes long with


a diameter of 5 inohes at the drumhead and 4 inohes at
the base.

It is given to ohildren for practioe and play

by their parents.

The ek)m) drum is beaten and modulated

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18 0
with the flat of tho hand, and Is carried tucked under
the loft arm.

The ok)m) Itembe drums are square in

shape and of varying size.


The ibit drum is 24 inches long, 8 inohes in
diameter at the drumhead, and oommenoes tapering 11
inches from the base to form a 4-fc inoh basal diameter.
The akin drumhead is fastened as on ek)m) drums, and
the drum usually has a loop of string attached to it
so that it may be carried slung over the left shoulder
when walking.

When sitting, the drummer sits cross-

legged on the drum, beats it with the flat of his


hands, and modulates the drum with the heel of his
right foot.
)b)n drum possesses a ciroular kettle
like appearance and is supported by three legs, the
whole being carved from one pieoe of wood.

A small

specimen is 15| Inohes long with a 7& inch diameter


at the drumhead} the kettle of the drum is 7& inohes
long, and the legs are 8 inches long.

The drum is

beaten by two short stioks usually made from the


lkpamflm shrub.
Tho only linguaphone is a form of sansa (Ef.
m b u t u ).

Several flexible pieces of bamboo of differ

ing lengths are attached to a resonant rectangular box

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181
with a hole either at the side or top*

Only a few

Efik can play this instrument with dexterity*


Wind instruments inolude a duct-flute (Ef*
Iflorn), transverse-flute (Ef. iflorn), and two types
of trumpets*

The duct-flute is made from bamboo*

and possesses a reed mode from the core of a wine


palm tree stem*

Two or three duct-flutes of varying

sizes may be tied together to form a panpipe*

The

transverse-flute is a bamboo tube furnished with


several open stops but closed at the proximal end* The
trumpet (Ef. obukp)jf) is made from the horn of the
waterbuok, possesses an embouchure out into the horn
near the proximal end* and is open at both ends*

It is

held with both hands and produces three tones depending


on whether the proximal or distal orifices are opened
or d o s e d *

The lwomi lb)k is a bamboo tube approximately

30 inohes long, open at both ends, and decorated with red


cloth on which white cloth strips are sewn.

The lwomi

lb)k is only blown when sacrifices are made to magio


medicines.
A monoohord musical bow (Ef. ndldo u r u k ) consti
tutes the sole stringed instrument,

and consists of a

bent stlok the ends of which are attached by a piece of

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182
string made from tho oil palm tree.

One end of the

bow is held in the left hand, which &1 b o holds a


short piece of the outeroovering of bamboo touching
the bow and string and thus serving to modulate the
tautness of the string.

The other end of the bow rests

on the left shoulder, and the performer puts his mouth


dose

to the string.

The bow is beaten with a stick

made from the stem of a wine palm tree frond and the
performer opens end closes his mouth to give resonance
to the sound.

The ndido naadeif is a variety of the

ndldo uruk, and is made from a frond of the lya va


riety of wine palm tree.

A section of the bark is

split lengthwise, and kept raised from the core by


fastening pegs under the bark near both ends of the
instrument.

Each end of the instrument is tightly

bound to keep tho sliced bark from beoomlng detached.


The instrument is played as the other musical bow
except no pieoe of bamboo is needed to stretch the
string.
Instruments of resonant materials vibrated by
percussion include clappers and gongs.

The clapper

series includes only the horns of Uausa cows which may


be hit together to attract attention when making

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185
announcements*

The gong instrumental series oomprises

the compound xylophone, hollow-xylophone, four types


of motallophones, olnpper-bells, jingling devioea,
hollow rattles,

and a stamping gourd*

The oorapound xylophone (Ef. i k o n ) consists of


two plantain stems placed approximately 12 inches
apart.

Seven to fourteen pieces of umbrella tree wood

of varying width but of the same length, are pinned to


the plantain stems by bamboo pegs.

The performer uses

two sticks to beat the area of tho wood whioh overlaps


the outside of the plantain stem, and two men can play
one xylophone by being on opposite sides of the instru
ment.

Efik raroly play the oompound xylophone whioh is

more often used by Ibiblo.


Two types of hollow xylophones are made.

The

lt)kr)k is made either from red ironwood or bamboo.


The instrument made from red ironwood ie 8k inohes in
width, l inches thick and 1Q& Inches long, with 3/4
of an inch of the thiokness carved out to a depth of
5 inohes at one end.

At the opposite end a 3 inch

medial grip, 2 inohes in width, is carved out of the


wood leaving a small bridge to serve as a handle.

The

instrument is beaten with a stick when making announoe-

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184
merits and was formerly used to keep time for paddlers
of large war canoes.

The bamboo It)kr)k consists of

a longitudinal silt in a 16 inch lnternodel length of


bamboo; the Instrument is beaten with stioks and is
used only by ohildren in their plays.
The signal drum (Ef. obodom) is a slit gong
made by hollowing a red Ironwood log in such a manner
that two lips of the exterior surfaoe projeot over the
excavated area.

These vary in width and thickness; the

lip of smaller width produoes a higher tone than the


wider lip.

The area of the two lips is called eba

obodom 'breast of the signal drum*.


lip is termed naala
termed uflen 'left*.

The high-toned

'right*, and the low-toned lip is


The drum is usually mounted be

tween four crossed stioks, three feet off the ground


and with the high-toned lip nearest the beater.

The

high-toned lip is beaten with a stick held in the


right hand while the low-toned lip is beaten with a
stiok held in the left.
Pour types of gongs constitute the mettalophonea,
all of which are beaten with stioks.

A double gong

(B*1* akaflkayQ sends messages and is beaten during the


ekoy( it)k children's play, and medicine plays.

The

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185
eldest son beats an instrument oalled yflcene when publicly
shouting the exploits and praises of his reoently deceased
father.

A warrior who has killed an enemy in battle or a

hunter who has killed a leopard may beat the jfkene while
publioly proclaiming his e x p l o i t . ^

The otl or oiroular

gong of European make is also used when making announce


ments; some Eflk use otl fashioned from old automobile
wheel drums.
Clapper bells consist of small European-made bells
(*** otl)r)) sown on special leglets worn when dancing and
large bells (Ef. >ikanlka).

One of the latter type is al

ways tied to the Leopard oostume whenever the Leopard-man


runs about the town.

The mmurua or ekput is a speoial

double-headed d a p p e r bell, usually made of wood, but


sometimes metal, whioh is used to provide music and encour
agement for the dances of Leopard-men.

The seeds of the

Omphalooarpum tree are tied together on strings and wrapped


around the legs to produoe a rattling noise when the

Illustrations of the akaifkayf. yfkoyf and yfteene


occur in Simmons, D.C., 1955a, p. 107.

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186
legs are stamped.

A similar jingling instrument is the

nsa eb)k which is made of the seeds of the nsa eb)k


tree tied together on a string and worn round the ankle.
The nsak eflk or Efik rattle is made from the
outeroovering of the )b)yf vine, possesses a gourd base,
and is filled with the globular involucres of Calx
Lacryma (Jobs tears).

The Eflk also use the nsak

lblblo or Ibibio rattle, whioh has a different shape


than the Efik rattle.

The nsak ukua is a large Efik

rattle used by members of the ukua society in oeremonies,


and also by medloine men.

Only members of the )b)n

society use the ekpat )b)n rattle, whioh is cubic in


shape, made from the strips of bamboo inside of whioh
are placed stones, palm fruit seeds, and snail shells;
the outer portion of the ekpat )b)n rattle is completely
concealed by raffia.
The ntimi or stamping tube is made from the iklm
gourd.

The top and bottom of the gourd are out off,

and the seeds removed.

Qirls alternately beat the small

hole of the calabash against the knee to produce a


noise.

Children use the ntlml as a trumpet by blowing

into the small end, although most ohildren now use glass
bottles whioh have had the bottom knocked out, to produce
the same sound.

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187
Communication signals,
of the wood signal-drum,
and the trumpet,

Efik send messages by

the double-headed Iron gong,

Sinoe they speak a language which

utilizes tone phonemes in lexical and morphological


distinctions, these signal devices reproduce the tone
phonemes of proverbs and other aphoristic phrases that
possess stereotyped meanings when heard as signals.
Formerly, every Efik village possessed a large
signal-drum capable of sending messages within a radius
of five miles, while other drums relayed the messages
on to their destination.

The relay of messages between

Creek Town and Ikoneto, a distance of twelve miles,


required only a few minutes, while Creek Town could
oommunicate with Duke Town in less than a minute.

Every

war canoe possessed a slgnal-drum, and small oanoes


carried the double-headed gong whose sound was audible
for at least half a mile,

Nowdays these two instruments

are only beaten during obsequies.


When messages are sent by the signal instruments
certain modifications ooour in the reproduction of tone
phonemes.

Falling tones are represented by a high note

followed by a low note while the reverse designates


rising tone.

Mid tones may be represented by either high

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188
or low notes depending on the tonal environment In
whioh they occur; a high note designates a mid tone
when the latter is preceded and followed by low tones,
or preceded by a low tone and followed by a high tone*
However, a low note may represent mid tone when the
latter is preceded and followed by high tones*

Low

and high notes designate respectively low and high


tones*
Few Efik know how to blow the trumpet, which
produces at least two tones and possibly three*

Since

the production of trumpet signals has not been invest!*


gated, the data on signal communication refer only to
messages sent on the signal-drum or the double-headed
gong.

Future investigation will probably show that the

production of trumpet signals follows the same general


pattern.
These signal messages are a oode and not a true
language.

Three factors suggest that the unit of semi-

osis in signal communications is the phrase and not


the individual morpheme;
(1)

Morphemes in the Efik language may be grouped


into a limited number of olassea the members
of whioh possess' identical tones.

Consequently,

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189
It would be difficult to distinguieh any one
morpheme of a class on the basis of tone
alone.
(2)

Since the rate of transmission of the signal


notes is approximately constant,

segmentation

of the tone8 into the correct constituent


morphemes would be extremely difficult, if at
all possible.
(3)

Analysis of the phrases used as signal messages


reveals that these messages consist of aphoristio proverb-like phrases.
Analysis of inherent-toned morphemes in the Efik

lexicon, the inherent tone for a verb root being the


imperative singular and for a noun being the form when
spoken alone, reveals that monosyllabio verb roots
include 173 H, 152 L and 8 R toned roots while disyllabio roots include 152 HH, 91 LH and 27 LL toned roots
Disyllabio nouns inolude 204 HH, 168 HL, 158 LL, 150 LH,

^ The symbols H, L, M, R, P respectively indicate


high-, low-, mid-, rising-, and falling-toned syllables;
the symbols read from left to right with the first symbol
on the left indicating the tone of the initial syllable.

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190
61 LF, 32 HF, 12 HM, and 7 LR toned nouns*

Trlsyllabio

nouns lnolude 134 HHH, 104 LLL, 70 LHH, 58 LHL, 48 HLL,


47 LLH, 44 HLM, 26 HHL, 13 LHM, 9 LLF and 8 HLF toned
nouns.

All members of a tone olass experience the same

tone changes under similar morphological circumstances*


Table IV represents some possible segmentations
1 1 1
1 1
for the signal message )s)fi ub)k )s)y{ lnua. Line A
shows that the Inherent tone olass of )s)y( includes
1
173 members (since )s)y( is an adjeotive derived from
1
11
the monosyllabic high toned verb root s)>0* ub)k 204
members, and lnua 168 members; consequently, the number
of phrases whioh can be constructed with an identioal
tone pattern as the signal message is 173 x 204 x 173 x
168 or 1025v609t088*

13

Many of these phrases will be

meaningless, but their semiotic content cannot be de


termined ja priori*

Therefore, granting that hearers

would be able to segment correctly the signal notes,


it would still be necessary to determine whioh of the
over-one-billion tonally identioal phrases the signaller
meant*

The writer is indebted to Doctor Frank D.


Quigley, Department of Mathematios, Yale University, for
the method of oomputing the combinations involved in this
type of problem*

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191
It is gratuitous to assume that the hearer would
necessarily segment the signal notes into the correct
pattern shown in line A.

Lines B to G represent other

possible segmentations which could produce the same


over-all tone pattern.

Thus, line B represents an adjec

tive of the pattern LH followed by two nouns of the


pattern HHL,

In lines D to G a starred number shows

that a verb root, with a necessary pronominal prefix, is


assumed to ocour.

These variant interpretations, which

i priori cannot be dismissed as impossible or meaningless,


illustrate the difficulty in determining the correct
segmentation of signal notes into the tones of the con
stituent morphemes, if the signal notes are thought to be
a language rather than a code.

The interpretations

listed A to G include over 2,9 billion possible phrase


constructions which possess the some tone pattern as the
signal message, and additional phrases can still be
constructed,
1
1
The tone pattern of the signal message iduot oduk
1
1
)f )>{ usuk uauk is similar, assuming a segmentation into
1
1
correot constituent morphemes and interpreting usuk usuk
as derived from a low-toned monosyllabic verb root, to a
minimum of 613,272,576 phrases; however, ten alternative
ways of possible segmentation include over 252,9 billion

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192
TABLE IV
POSSIBLE SEGMENTATIONS OP ONE SIGNAL MESSAGE

1
)S))T
L H

11
UB)K
H H

1
)S))J

1
INUA

L H

H L

173

168

173

204

173

26

70

168

26

70

168

173

173#

173

168

178

204

173#

168

178

152#

26

26

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193
phrases eaoh of which possess the same tone pattern
as the signal message*
1
1
The tone pattern of the Bignal message esuk urua
1 1 1 1
1
2
etlbi mblet urua lnyamke beaoh of market grows grass
market doesn't sell may be interpreted, assuming
oorreot segmentation, into 168 x 158 x 152 x 204 x 158 x
152 or over 19.7 trillion ways; adding variant segmentations, over 113*2 trillion phrases can be constructed
whioh possess the same tone pattern as the signal
message*
Sixty-one signal phrases are composed of fiftyfive proverbs, four nioknames, and two alert signals.
Analysis of the sixty-one phrases reveals that only two
possess the same tone pattern*

Investigation of these

two reveals that one equals the other in meaning and


that the two signals actually represent a single message,
which the Efik happen to interpret in two slightlydifferent ways due to the similarity of tone patterns of
the spoken phrases*
The faot that proverbs and proverb-like aphorisms
serve as signal messages suggests that they are used
because their tone patterns are well known and therefore
more easily recognized when heard as signal notes.
Proverbs are assigned special meanings when used as

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194
signals,

"Strong a m

strong mouth" Is on enoourage-

ment meaning now fulfill your boasts and do with your


hands as well as with your m o u t h

"Red enters cloth

slowly" means that enemies are approaching slowly*


The message "beach of market grows grass* market does
not sell*" signifying sadness and sent during obsequies*
means

things are not good for the markets are empty*.


Comparison of the data on Efik signals with the

data from other African tribes reveals that the util


ization of proverbs and well-known maxims as the basis
of signal communication is not unique to the Efik but
widespread throughout Africa,

14

In the following examples the symbols L and H


whioh appear direotly beneath the Eflk messages repre
sent respectively the low and high note of the signal
instrument.

The tone phonemes of the spoken message

appear above the sentence,

Carrington* J,P,, 1949a* pp, 78-109* and 1949b*


pp, 35-39; 1953,
Rattray* R,S,* 1923* pp, 256-8,
Verbeken* A,* 1920* p. 256, Van Ooethem* L,* 1927* p, 713,

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195
(1)

1 1 1 1 1
idemede idap

n m

sT

1
imen

mr

Wako up(and) tie

1 1
lkune
1
]
ifir mr
loin cloth.
)f)j{

Wake up and tie your loin clothJ

A message sent

when a sodality wants to take a play out early


In the morning, during mourning In the house, and
when warriors depart for battle.

(2)

inem esit

rrrr

Pleasure

1 1 1
edip mkp)

1
iyaterit

1 3 3
ayarade

irr r i

orrt"

ir r f -g

hides thing

annoyanoe

reveals.

Pleasure hides thing whioh annoyance reveals.


Beaten during obsequies meaning that all the
private matters of the family will be revealed
when the heirs quarrel over division of the
property.

i
(3)

l i i
p owo

l h l l ith

fit

i
i i
ererimbot ikwe

m r r

Red sand hides person world

ri

doesn't see again.

Red earth hides a person and the world does not see
him again.
has died.

This message is beaten to reveal someone


The red earth is the sandy subsoil in

whioh oorpses are burled.

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196
(4)

1
1
)>{ enyin akpa
LH
L L
F h
Insult
dies
ub

1
1
eslt adat
H L
heart pleases

FIT

11
mb)hidu>{
L H H L
neighbors*

A message sent when a person dies stating that


those who hated the deceased are now pleased
because he is dead*

(5)

1 1
ofim ofim

1
1 1 1
enyejfe etlrfe okon eyop

FIT FT*

S'Tt O

Wind alone

bends

top

FT" E l

of tall palm*

Wind alone bends the top of a tall oil palm*


A message beaten during the mourning period to
show that death is the strongest thing in the
world*

(6)

1
31
3 1 1
nuene nuene
)d)k

1 1 1
31
3 1
eto
nuene nuene )suh)de

FTnfTT"F

HH

Ant

climbs tree

alone

FTi F T h~ T T F T T T
ant

alone

comes down*

Death Is the strongest thing In the world*

(7)

11
eslneslt
L H H L
Being in

1
11
lk)t an am
HL
HH
bush does

3 1
aBayfa usuyt
L L H H L
walker of road

1 1
mkp#
H i
thing.

A person In the bush can do something to someone


walking on the road.

Beaten to remind warriors

to beware of ambush*

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197

(8)

nnan enyin

11
edi

1
1 1 5
ns)rf idem eren owo

Trouble

is

strength

tttt e l 7 s~e irrinr i n r r r


of man.

Trouble is the strength of man.

A message sent

during battle to encourage the warriors, or during


mourning to tell the mourners to strengthen their
hearts against grief.

(9)

1 3
abiabon

rmr
Needle

etok

etok

1
atuak

1
anyan

1
)f)

or

o r tte

n r

or

small

small sews

long

doth.

A very small needle oan sew a long cloth.


An Efik message beaten during battle to inform the
other tribe a small Efik force can conquer a
larger force.

(10)

4 1 1
ebe iso

rzwz
Leader

1
ikwe

os
does not see

1
ekperedem

11
eka ekpat

last

footprint.

rrfr sHBorr

A leader does not see the footprints of the last


person.

Beaten during mourning to proclaim that

if someone killed the deceased through medioine


the killer will not live forever.

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198
(11)

1
1
ofim

inr

n il nr

enyatfe

mbora

1 1 1
ibujrfke

Wind

shakes

tree

does not

n i

break.

The wind shakes it but the mbom tree does not


break.
A message sent on return from battle to tell
everyone that nothing harmed the war party
although the battle was fierce.

(12)

4
aka

ikp)j(

FT

Lonely-person

1 1
If la

1
idlm

FT"

1 4
etre

F lI

goes for firewood spring stops.

When a lonely-person goes for firewood the spring


stops.

Beaten during mourning to show that all

the good deeds the deceased used to do are now


stopped.

(13)

1
1
ik)j(

iso

ofim

1 3
iyehe

does not

rr

ft

nr

Leaf

before

wind

nr-H

11
idem

nr

have beautiful self.

The leaf driven by the wind is helpless.


A message sent during mourning to express the
thought the family will suffer from the deceased*s
absence..they will scatter like leaves before wind.

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19 9
Gasturos.

The numbers one, two, three and four

are designated by extending respectively the index


finger of the right hand, the index and second finger,
the index, third and fourth fingers, and the index,
third, fourth and fifth fingers*

A sign for five is made

either by a fist or by the extension of all five fingers*


The five sign plus the sign one made with the left hand
indicates six*
Extension of the right arm parallel to the ground
with the palm turned either to face the gesturer or the
recipient and rapid d o s i n g of the fingers several times
indicates

'oome h e r e 1*

The sign for two, usually accompanied by the


ejaculation b) iba take two* constitutes an insulting
gesture*

It signifies that the gesturer desires either

testicular elephantiasis or the birth of twins to afflict


the recipient*

When the gesture is made to a man, he

sometimes reciprocates immediately by shouting bj. ita


take three! simultaneously making the sign for three*
Edimin inua or the protrusion of the lower lip
signifies that the gesturer has either contempt for the
person toward whom the lip is protruded, or disclaims
knowledge about the subject under disoussion*

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200
Simultaneous wiping of eaoh lower arm with the
opposite hand and then throwing the arms toward the
ground expresses emphatic denial.

This gesture is

usually aocompanied by the ejaculation nsa mio *not Ii *


A shrug of the shoulder also means

fnot I', or 'I am

not concerned1.
To signify he is glad something unfortunate has
happened to the recipient, a gesturer will place the
index finger of the right hand just beneath the lower
eyelid of the right eye and pull the skin downwards to
expose the eyeball.

This gesture, known as edljrfw)m).

oan be made simultaneously with both hands and accom


panied by protrusion of the tongue.
also say

uuummmmm.

The gesturer ma y

It is frequently made to orying

children whereupon they weep all the more.


The Efik attribute the edut or *unoircumoised,
gesture to Spanish or Portuguese introduction.

The

right arm is extended parallel to the ground, and the


hand makes a fist in whioh the tip of the thumb rests
on the knuokle of the third finger, the index and second
finger being folded over the thumb.

The Efik affirm

they observed the Spanish or Portuguese use this gesture


to the mlnik)si or Kru negroes, who served as sailors on
European ships, and interpreted it to mean the Europeans

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201
were cursing the Kru negroes as being unoiroumolsed.
The ima love* gesture, signifying a desire for
sexual intercourse, is made by tickling the right palm
of a person of the opposite sex with the middle finger
of the right hand.

Young men sometimes make the gesture

among themselves as a joke.

Other love signs include

bending the fingers of a girl's hand backwards, squeezing


her hand in yours, or tickling the g i r l s ribs*
The it)>f gre e d gesture consists in scratching
the neck just above the junoture of the clavicle bones.
Generally made by children, it indicates the gesturer
possesses something delloious to eat whioh he does not
Intend to share.
Rubbing the door frame with the shoulders or hands
indicates contempt for the inhabitants of the house.
Should this be done to the door frame of the palaver shed
it means oontempt for the entire town; this aotion is
reported to have instigated many wars between Ibibio
towns.
Shading the eyes with the hands constitutes a
serious breach of etiquette, especially if done by a young
man.

The aotion is Interpreted as meaning the doer sees

people as so small that he has to cup his hands to see


them.

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202
If the eyes are closed and the head moved in a
ninety degree arc, the gesture is insulting and con
temptuous,

Should a person place his hand between his

waist and navel, any adult companions would consider


themselves insulted as the action is interpreted as
scratching the penis before them; the offender would
be compelled to buy his companions wine.
An Ingressive alveolar tongue click, known as
kit, implies a woman is uncircumcised.

A woman to whom

kit is made usually complains to the iban is )fi or


townswomen, who will fine the guilty person after ascer
taining by inspection whether the accusation is true or
false.
The production of an ingressive sound known as
edisiama, which is made by sucking air into the mouth
with the teeth occluded, constitutes an insult.
An ingressive bilabial implosive repeated sev
eral times in rapid succession is termed edlk)m efik
*wishing testicular elephanliaeis*, and signifies the
designated person should develop that disease.

This

sound is usually made when somebody threatens to abuse


a person, who thereupon makes the implosive sound which
moans

!go ahead and try to carry out your threat now,

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203
if you do not may you suffer testicular elephantiasis1.
The verbal equivalent of the sound is the expression
uaia fo 'your hernia*, and is used similarly.

The

sound or expression is frequently used by a wife to her


husband whenever he threatens to beat her.
The sound ih ih *sorry* must be said if someone
suffers an injury, otherwise the sufferer will suspeot
the observers of laughing at him.
Nsibidi ima *seoret-signs of love* consist of
lk) enyin *speeoh of the eyes', and certain facial move
ments.

Closing the eyes and shaking the head, or raising

the eyebrows two or more times constitutes enyin ima


'eyes of love*.

Open the eyes wide and raise the eye

brows slightly to mean 'yes'.

Frown the face and close

the eyes slightly to signify no.


wrinkle the forehead to mean

Blink the eyes and

'come quickly*.

Protrud

ing the lips to the right or left means that someone is


in that respective direction.

Simultaneously raising the

head and eyebrows queries whether anyone is home.


ing or shaking the head from side to side means
oorne'.

Frown

'do not

Protruding the lower-lip beyond the upper-lip

signifies

'do not know*.

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201*.
Greetings.
time they meet.

Efik greet each other almost every


The particular greeting used depends

either on the time of day or on the action of the per


son greeted.

They can be both singular and plural.

If the speaker stands some distance from the person


greeted the affix /-o/ is suffixed to the greeting to
help carry the sound.

An honorific title such as mma

tInadam, or ete 'sir* usually follows the greeting.


The Efik greetings are:
singular

plural

English equivalent

mmesiere

erneslere

?ood

lealea

leelca

you are walking

tiedo

etiedo

you are sitting there

dado

edado

you are standing there

nado

enado

you are lying there

"jftj-py M

meny)y{

you are returning home

mm)lc)m

morning
you have seen the
d a w n )

greetings

After greeting a person for the first time during


the day etiquette demands an inqtiiry concerning the per
s o n s health.
answered:

The phrase idem fo how is your body?' is

)s)y( healthy, is)y(ke 'sick', idi)kke

'not

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205
b a d 1, mm)ml

*1 am h e r e 1, mm)do *1 am there1, ofim

lnyeyfeke *wind does not shake me',


as i r o n 1, and )a)irf ntukuak ekporoko

)a )yf ntukuak *strong


*1 am as strong as

the thin band of iron encircling stockfish*.

The latter

example is a humorous answer signifying the person is


well enough to joke.
Stereotyped phrases said when taking leave are:
singular

plural

nam su^su/f

enam auyfaujf

do gently

aayta suyf

esajrfa sujA

walk softly

tie auy{

etle suit

sit gently

esiere

esiere

good night

English equivalent

A person is usually asked to greet his family


by the phrase k)m mbon uf)k n) ml *greet those of your
house for me*.

An expression frequently used when

departing from a friend is yak abasi odu yafo let Qod


be with you*, which is always answered by yafo jfko *with
you also*.

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CHAPTER VIIr
FAMILY AND KINSHIP QROUPS
Kinship terminology.

The Efik employ a des

criptive kinship terminology of the Sudanic type.^

The

father is addressed and referred to as ete, while the


mother is addressed as nne and referred to as eka.

The

term for child is eyen (singular) or n d l t ) (plural),


while siblings descended from the same parents, or the
same mother are designated eyen eka (sng.), or n d l t ) eka
(pi.).

The terms of reference and address for a m a n s

eldest son, seoond son, third son, and fourth son are
respectively akpan, u d ) . ud) u d ) . and ud)
filling three1.

)y)h) ita Ud)

For a m a n s eldest daughter,

seoond

daughter, third daughter and fourth daughter the terms


are respectively adlaha, urua n , uruan u r u a n . and uruan
2
)y)h) ita.
A woman may address or refer to her eldest
son or daughter respectively as akpan or adlaha, but unless
the children are actually the children of the man, they
have no right to the designation or status of eldest son
or daughter.

The terms eyen ete (sng.), or n d l t ) ete (pi.)

^ Murdock, Q.P., 1949, p. 224.


Uruan is contracted from ud) rfwan seoond-child
female*. -----

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207
refer to siblings desoended from the same father but
different mothers.
The adjectival nouns irfwan *female1 or eren
m a l e when appended to a kinship term which refers
to either sex, designates the sex of the person to
whom referenoe is made.

Thus, eyen eka refers to sib-

lln6 eyen eka y(wan designates sister, and eyen eka


eren speoifies brother
A possessive pronoun always follows a referen
tial kinship term.

Thus, eyen ml

my child*, eyen fo

your child, ete esle his father, akpan nnyln 'our


eldest son', adlaha mbufo
8111(1

*your(pl.) eldest daughter',

nim) their o h i l d .

In proverbs and folktales

the forms us) and uka respectively designate

'your

father' and your mother*, instead of ete fo and eka fo .


The kinship terms for grandparents are eka eka
m o t h e r s m o t h e r , ete eka 'mothers father', eka ete
fathers m o t h e r , and ete ete 'father's father'.

The

term for grandohild is eyeyen, a contraction of eyen


eyen ohild of chi l d .
The terms yfwan and ebe respectively designate
wife and husband.

The relatives of the wife address the

husband's relatives as ukot. whioh is a term of address


or referenoe for in-laws.

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208
The following Is a list of the more common Efik
kinship terms*

The sign (A) designates siblings des

cended from the same mother and father, or the same


mother but different fathers*

The sign (B) designates

siblings descended from the same father but different


mothers*
English equivalent

Efik kinship tern

Pa

ete

Mo

eka

Ch

eyen (sng*). ndit)

ElSo

akpan

2nd ElSo

Mi

3rd ElSo

ud) ud)

4th ElSo

Mi iy),h).ita

ElDa

adi aha

2nd ElDa

uruan

3rd ElDa

uruan uruan

4th ElDa

uruan )y)h) ita

Br, Si (A)

eyen eka

ElBr (A)

akpan eka

E1S1 (A)

adi aha eka

Br, Si (B)

eyen ete

ElBr (B)

akpan etc

ElSi

(B)

ete

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209
FaBr, FaSI (A)

eyen eka ete

BrCh, SiCh (A)

eyen eyen eka

FaBr, FaSi (B)

eyen ete ete

BrCh, SiCh (B)

eyen eyen ete

Mo Si Hu. (A)

ebe eyen eka eka

or ukot

MoSiHu (B)

ebe eyen ete eka

or ukot

WiSiCh (A)

eyen eyen eka rfwan or ukot

WiSiCh (B)

eyen eyen ete rfwan or ukot

FaFa

ete ete

FaMo

eka ete

MoMo

eka eka

MoFa

ete eka

SoOh, DaCh

eyen eyen or eyeyen

DaDaCh, DaSoCh

eyen eyeyen

SoDaCh, SoSoCh

eyen eyeyen

Hu

ebe

Wi

rfwan

WiFa

ete rfwan

or ukot

DaHu

ebe eyen

or ukot

WiMo

eka y{wan

or ukot

WiBr, WiSi (A)


WiBr, WiSi (B)
WiBrWi, WiSiHu
WiBrWi, WiSiHu
HuBr, HuSi (A)
BrWi (A), BrWi
SiHu (A), SiHu

ukot
(A)
(B)
(B)
(B)

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210
FaBrWi

(A)

yfwan eyen eka ete

FaBrWi

(B)

rfwan eyen ete ete

HuBrCh, HuSlCh (A)

eyen eyen eka ebe

M
M
M
M
M
W
tM
M
M W
M
M
M
*I
H
M
M
i

HuBrCh, HuSICh (B)

eyen eyen ete ebe

FaBrCh, FaSiCh (A)

eyen eyen eka ete

FaBrCh, FaSiCh (B)

eyen eyen ete ete

FaSiHu (A)

ebe eyen

eka ete

or ukot

FaSlHu (B)

ebe eyen

ete ete

or ukot

MoBr, MoSi (A)

eyen eka eka

MoBr, MoSI (B)

eyen ete eka

SiCh, BrCh (A)

eyen eyen eka

SiCh, BrCh (B)

eyen eyen ete

MoBrWi (A)

>{wan eyen eka eka

HuSiCh, HuBrCh (A)

M M M M

eyen eyen eka ebe

IMMHMI

(MMHMI

MMMM

MMM

MoBrCh, MoSiCh (A)

eyen eyen eka eka

MoBrWi

riwan eyen ete eka

(B)

MoBrCh, MoSiCh (B)


HuSiCh, HuBrCh (B)

eyen eyen ete eka

M M H W M

N M M M N I

M B M B

eyen eyen ete ebe

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211
Kinship groups.

The ekpuk or nuolear family

constitutes the smallest kinship unit, and consists of


a man, his wife and their children.

Since polygamy

prevailed, the husband is a member of the ekpuk formed


by each wife and her offspring.

No special term for

the leader of the nuolear family exists sinoe he is


normally the father of the younger members, who are all
eyen eka sibling in Efik terminology.
The Efik nuolear family considers questions of
fundamental conoern to its members,

and deals with such

matters as money loans, obtaining medicine for a sick


member,

and marriage.

When the siblings are young they

take no part in any deliberations of their parents.

In

turn, when the parents become old the siblings see they
receive proper oare and decide those issues which affeot
the parents and themselves.
With regard to the funotion of the nuclear family,
an elderly man states:
If one is very poor and has no money he will tell his
ekpuk all about his position.
Those people will
arrange to give him some money.
This man will trust
that even though the ekpuk will know he is poor they
won't tell others about it. If the money is given
you and later you do not refund it to the ekpuk there
might bo no trouble, but if you had borrowed it from
the uf)k there would be much trouble if you did not
return it.

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212
If you have a bad disease like gonorrhea, you
will go to your elcpuk and tell them about it
because they wilY' nfcte you and will not make this
known to other people.
They will arrange how you
should be healed.
If you feel that someone hates you very much
and plan some evil for him, you should tell your
okoulc about it so they will knot* hot; to defend you
if trouble results.
If an ekpuk has a brilliant
boy or girl they can make arrangements how to make
that person progress in school.
If you want to marry you must tell your ekpuk
about it.
They will go about gathering information
about the woman, and ina meeting they will me n
tion the good and bad points of the woman accord
ing to the information they have gathered.
It is
the ekpuk who decides whether yon should marry the
girl.
The ubon, a noun derived from the verb root bon
meaning beget, consists of a man, his wife or wives,
and the first
mal adult

generation of

their offspring.

1very nor

belongs to two ubon - - an ubon of orientation

and an ubon of procreation.

The ubon of the father or

mother are called respectively ubon ete mi my father's


u b o n * or ubon eka ml my mother's ubon'.

The head of

the ubon is called etubom, a word compounded from ete


'father' and ubom 'canoe', which in former times signi
fied the head of this group also commanded a war canoe
composed of subordinate group members.

Upon the father's

death the eldest son generally succeeds to the status of


etubom of the u b on , while he in turn is succeeded by the
next eldest brother.

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213
Problems of lend use concern the u b o n .

If

someone attempts to usurp title to the deceased father's


land, the ubon Institutes suit In the Native Court and
determines the contribution expeoted from eaoh member to
finance the suit*
The uf)k or 'Houso* consists of parents, their
descendants, and all descendants patrlllneally related*
In addition, membership includes the descendants of all
slaves owned by the patrlllneally related relatives*
The leader of the house may be called either lbuot uf)k
'head of the House*, or etubom, and formerly was the
oldest male*

Nowadays, he 13 usually chosen from among

the members on the basis of leadership ability*


It Is Jeffrey'8 opinion that the uf)k or 'House
System' was a product of the European Slave Trade, and
he supports his assertion by stating that the House
3
System exists only where there are European slave markets.
While Jeffreys may be oorrect It must be noted that the
Efik House System is an outgrowth of a number of nuolear
families who share genealogical relationship through
desoent from a oommon ancestor*

3 Jeffreys, M.D.W,, 1935, pp* 57-8*

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214
Creek Town consists of four major wards or
sections.

Each has a special name, but there is no

particular abstract word for *ward*.


wards are adakuh)

The four major

(Eyo Nsa family), mbarakom (Ambo

family), efut (Efut family), and )tui( (Ibitam family)*


In the Eyo Nsa family ward are situated the compounds
of all lineal male relatives putatively descended from
Eyo Nsa, the founder of the Eyo family.
This type of village organization is probably
found in adjoining tribes such as the Ibibio and Oron,
and is known to ocour at Asang, the largest Enyong
town, and at least one Aroohuku village*
Inheritance.
of the father.

Children inherit the property

If they are young, the father*s brothers

use the income from the deceased man*s estate to provide


for and educate them.

The eldest son and daughter

receive the greatest share of movable property, the


older of the two possessing first choice.
Heirs never subdivide inherited land, but share
the income derived from renting it and also the privi
lege of obtaining produce from the land.
Women do not inherit their husband*s property
but are cared for by their ohlldren.

Formerly, widows

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215
remained in their deceased husband's compound and
raised their children, if young.

If someone desired

a widow in marriage he would give the brideprloe to


the son and relatives of the deoeased husband other
wise any children born to the widow by the man would
be claimed her deoeased husband's relatives as
members of their patrikin,

A widow for whom the

husband gave a brideprloe usually becomes oustodian


of her children and guards their property so long as
she does not remarry.

Should she do so, a brother of

the deoeased will oversee the property to circumvent


her using any of the money to augment her new husband's
wealth.

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CHAPTER IX
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
The ohlef and hia council.

Every major Efik

town possessed an )b)>{ 'chief1, who always ranked high


in the Leopard Society and was usually the head of the
ranking Leopard Society grade in the town.

In his role

he enforced the town laws, mediated or adjudioated dis


putes, led the armed forces in time of war and arranged
peace paots with neighboring tribes.
Eaoh of the Creek Town wards selected four men
who determined the day on which the freeborn townsmen
should meet to choose a new ohlef.

When they were all

assembled the ward delegates mentioned the names of eli


gible candidates, and requested the assembly to vote by
show of hands.

The oandidate who received the most votes

became the new chief.


Traditionally the oandidate must be a lineal
descendant of Eyo Honesty, whose son Eyo Honesty II was
the first Efik chief to be made King, and who only
adopted the title of "the second out of deference to his

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217
famous father Eyo Nsa.^
Eyo Nsa was either an Itinerant Ibo blacksmith
or an Efik slave of Ibo origin.

His Ibo name was Oji,

Oji decapitated the chief of the Okoyong and thereby


prevented the latter from waging war with the Efik at
a time when they were unprepared for battle.

As his

reward Oji received the status of freeborn, the Efik


name of Eyo Nsa, and the daughter of an Efik chief as
his wife .2
In the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
Duke Town possessed sufficient power to extract wealth
from Creek Town under the guise of Leopard Society
penalties for alleged infractions of its rules.

Eyo

Nsa, who died in 1820,^ never managed to throw off this


yoke.

^ Efik state Eyo Honesty II received the name


"Honesty1 from Europeans because of his fair dealings
with traders. However, the diary of Antero Duke (17851788) mentions the name Honesty in connection with Eyo
Honesty IIs father, who presumably is the individual
so named by European traders,
^ Due to political conditions in modern Nigeria
Efllc rigidly suppress the origin of Eyo Nsa to prevent
the Ibo from taunting them with the fact that their
greatest military leader and founder of the Honesty
dynasty was of Ibo ancestry.
3 Crow, H., I 830 , p. 280.

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218
Waddell

has noted that:

...the first Eyo Honesty...was a prosperous


man, whose success in business excited the envy
of neighbouring chiefs, and they conspired to
break him down. Seoretly and suddenly they
assembled at his capital, and summoned him to
the "Palaver House" to answer an Egbo charge.
The Egbo institution being the highest court in
the country, the source of supreme authority,
he could not refuse. The charge was a trumpery
one, but it sufficed. He was condemned to pay an
enormous fine which nearly ruined him. They ate
him up, or, as they expressed it, "chopped him
all to nothing."
Under the leadership of Eyo Honesty II, however,
the influence and power of Creek Town inoreesed until
it was never again subordinate to Duke Town either in
military power or status in the Leopard Sooiety hier
archy.

When Eyamba V asoended to the ohieftainship of

Duke Town in 1834, Eyo Honesty II refused to honor him,


as he had honored his predeoessor, and proclaimed a
separate festival during whioh the citizens of Creek
Town crowned him as chief.

Eyamba was displeased and

sent his courtiers to remonstrate.

Waddell wrote that

the Duke Town embassy:


...was reoeived with due courtesy, but found
Eyo*s arguments unanswereable From his residence
to the town-house he had the street laid with

4 Waddell, H.M., p. 310.


Ibid., pp. 312-3.

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219
hundreds of boxes of brass and coppor rods*#*
worth eaoh about &5 sterling* On these he
walked, without putting foot to ground, and
told the messengers what his march hod proved,
that he had money enough to bo king, and
needed no leave from Eyamba*
Sorely annoyed, Eyamba forbade European ship captains
to salute Eyo Honesty, and fined those who did so*
However, Eyo Honesty retaliated by refusing to trade
with any oaptain who would not salute him, and, as
his trade was the more important, he obtained obeisance
from them all*

Eyamba thereupon announced he would

apprehend Eyo Honesty and chain him*

When Eyo Honesty

heard of this boast ho appeared at Duke Town with a


large armed force and instructed his war party to re
main at the beach until they received orders to advanoe*
He then walked to Eyamba*s palace and informed him he
had oome to give him the opportunity of fulfilling his
boast*

Eyamba attempted to pass off his boast as a

jest, and offered his visitor wine*

Eyo replied he

never drank alcohol and had oome only to see if Eyamba


were oapable of ohaining him*

Sinoe he was not, Eyo

Immediately returned to Creek Town with his war party#

6 I M d *. pp* 312-3*

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220
Coronation of the ohlef.

The modern coronation

ceremony Involves both Indigenous customs and acculturatlve elements Introduced within the last century.

The

ubjjrf efik Efik coronation, which Europeans are never


permitted to attend, is conductod according to aboriginal
custom.

A secondary ceremony takes place, however, in

the Presbyterian church where all are free to witness it.


The candidate for chieftainship swears an oath he
will regard all men as equal, consult his advisors before
answering any questions asked by Europeans In authority,
never be offensive or self-centered, never absent himself
from the village on penalty of paying a cow to his cit
izens, and never take a case to the Native Court for
adjudication.

After the candidate affirms these promises

the Efik postpone the coronation for twelve months in


order to observe the manner in which he fulfills his oath,
since once a chief is orowned he can never be deposed or
forced to abdicate.

No candidate in Creek Town has ever

been rejected on grounds of bad behavior during this inter


val,

Archibong of Duke Town, reputed to have been excep

tionally bloodthirsty in repeated human sacrifices, died


about 1898 on the eve of his coronation.

Most Efik,

however, reject the notion that his enemies poisoned him

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221
and believe he died aooording to his prenatal vow to
Jod that he would never become chief#

At the end of

:he twelve-month period, if the freeborn townsmen


approve the candidate's behavior, they send messages
jo

all Efik villages announcing the day appointed for

;he coronation#
Seven days before the aotual ceremony, the
jeopard Society figure Idem Iku) parades around the
:own#

On the coronation day the oandidate goes in a

arooession to the plaoe where a particular ndem or


spiritual power is located, near Creek Town beach, and
irinks water from the vicinity#

He Is preceded in the

Procession by freeborn men dressed in white cloth and


Parrying ceremonial spears, knives and staffs, while
Pthers follow beating signal drums and gongs#

Two men

Parry small sacrificial baskets, known as ekete, which


Pontaln pieces of food as sacrifices to the ndem.

All

those who carry the ceremonial implements and sacri


ficial baskets refrain from sexual intercourse for twentyfour hours before the ceremony#

As the procession proceeds,

they shout the praises of the new ohief, and biographical


^ c i t a t i o n s about important events in his life#
After the sacrificial oeremony at the Creek Town
^Qaoh the group proceeds to the village square where a

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222
wooden platform and a new Leopard Society shed hove
been constructed.

A special stool, whose sides

have been decorated with the figures of a leopard,


elephant, chimpanzee and a man, stands on a leopard
skin which covers the platform.

The chief wears a

raffia shirt and a loin cloth, a costume worn by the


ancient Efik prior to the introduction of cloth.

He

stands with his right foot rosting on an elephant


tusk and his left resting on a leopard skull.

Then

the secrot, leopard-like noise of the Leopard Society


reproduces the tone phonemes which represent the nick
names of the present chief and his predecessors.
An old freeborn man holds the ntinya, or Efik
crown

a cap lcnittod from raffia and decorated with

the teeth, claws and skin of a leopard.

The old man

advises the chief:


It is not through your power that you ore made
chiefj it is not because you have plenty of money,
or because you are greater than any other person
in this town, nor because you are so clever. What
we are going to give you is something which will
result to your long life or early death. From

7
' Originally the Leopard Society shed was located
in the village square. However, the shed was allowed to
fall into disrepair and was never rebuilt.
Consequently,
on the important occasion of the coronation a temporary
shed is built.

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223
today you must not join bad company. You must,
not betray your people. You must not accept any
invitation for dinner or lunch. You must not
cause trouble between husband and wife, or father
and child. From today you must be a peacemaker
and one that will make your people unite.
As the old man speaks the chief nods his head
to signify his agreement with all portions of the ad
vice, and at its conclusion he stands just beneath the
eaves of the platform roof.

Another man then pours

water into a native cup and throws it on the platform


roof so that it runs down onto the chief's head.

The

man holding the native crown then gives the chief a


knock on the head with his knuckled fist.

These two

gestures symbolize the last insults the chief will re


ceive in life for, from now on, none will dare insult
him.

The raffia crown is placed on the chief's head,

and ho resumes his seat on the special stool.

The

Leopard Society simulates a leopard's roar, people


hoot, native plays ore performed, and everyone rejoices
at the coronation.
In the afternoon the second coronation occurs.
All the important men from the surrounding villages
assemble, each carrying a large walking-stick and wear
ing q top hot with a peacock's feather stuck in the
hat band.

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224
A cloth is spread from tho door of the chief*s
house to tho door of the Presbyterian Church#

One man

holds a large umbrella over the chief and his eldest


wife who lead the prooession to the church, whore the
pastor prays, wishes the chief long life and prosperity
and then places a European-type orown on his head#

In

Creek Town the ceremony is held in the Presbyterian


Church since this sect was the first to evangelize among
the Efik.
The chieftain marches to the village square and
there sits on a European-type throne (Ef. ebekpo).
This time the platform is covered with European-made
cloth#

A brass band plays, oannons are fired, and men

from all the different houses parade to the chief*s


house with their house banner#

Every family gives the

chief presents, such as a oow, goats, yams, money or


firewood, so that ho may be able to entertain the many
visitors who have come to witness the coronation#

Payne, P., 1954, pp 85-96 gives an account


of the Duke Town coronation of Arohibong V in 1950#

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225
Soolal stratlftoatlon,

The aboriginal divisions

of Efik sooiety were the n d i t ) is )li 'children of the


earth* or 'freeborn', and the ifn 'slaves'.

Individu

als usually obtained freeborn status via desoent from


freeborn parents, although a process of naturalization
existed whereby the third generation dosoended from a
slave automatically became freeborn,
Freeborn males possessed many rights and privi
leges denied slaves; these consisted in eligibility
for membership in the higher grades of the Leopard
Sooiety, and the right to wear various articles of cos
tume and to dress in velvet,

A freeborn could wear

three brass anklets and three ivory wristlets, while a


female could dress her hair in three tufts (Ef. etiyfe)
and a male was allowed to part his hair in three divis
ions,

Freeborn women wore velvet cloth skirts embroid

ered with beads, large blue beads around the nook, and
a neoklaoe of three or more nd) beads; these were
tubular in shape and made of glass,

Freeborn oitizens

were always so accoutered when performing the public


ceremony eyet ayfwa 'tears outside' in oommemoration of
a freeborn*s death.

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226
Efik obtained slaves by capture or purchase*
One of tho largest and most frequented slave markets
was located at 1 tu on the Cross River*

Slaves from

Aroohuku and the Afikpo area were tied to poles in


the market whore in order to obtain food and shelter
they besoeched prospective buyers to purchase them.
In 1900 the price of a slave was approximately five
pounds sterling.
Isaac Parker 9 in 1790 testified before
Parliament that when at Calabar for five months in
1765:
.Dick Ebro asking him to go to war with him,
he complied, and accordingly having fitted out
and armed the canoes, they went up the river,
lying under the bushes in the day when they came
near a village; and at night flying up to the
village and taking hold of every one they could
see. These they handcuffed, brought down to the
canoes, and so prooeeded up the river, till they
got to the amount of 45, with whom they returned
to Newtown, where sending to the oaptains of the
shipping, they divided them among the ships.
About a fortnight after they went again, and were
out eight or nine days, plundering other villages
higher up tho river. They seized on much the same
number as before, brought them to Newtown, gave
the some notloe, and disposed of them as before
among the ships.

9 Abridgement of the Evidence. 1790, pp. 52-4.


Newtown was the "eighteenth century English name for
Duke Town.

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227
The master transported a newly-purchased slave
to his house where other slaves shaved his head, took
away his clothes, and set him the tiresome task of
oracking palm kernels for several weeks, during which
time he learned the important laws and customs never
to be transgressed.

At the end of this period the

master compelled the slave to swear an oath never to


attempt escape, and then employed him in farming or
some othor domestic task.

Slave-owners often entrusted

faithful slaves with money and trade goods; suoh slaves


frequently attained positions of importance and amassed
considerable property, including slaves of their own.
The Leopard Society oompolled slaves to remain
indoors whenever they performed a oeremony and forbade
them to have windows in their housos in order to pre
vent them from observing any secret ceremonies.
A master aooorded freeborn status to the first
male descendant of the first female slave ho owned.
The third generation desoended from a slave were also
regarded as freeborn,

and called efio eKpo.

Slaves

owned property only at the sufferance of their masters


who could assume title to any of the property whenever
they so desired, and who inherited all property owned
by slaves.

The owner of a female slave could permit

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228
another man to cohabit with the woman and refuse to
accept any brideprloe on her behalf, thus insuring
his right to consider all her children as members of
his extended family.

The power and prestige of a

family depended on its numbers.


Punishments inflicted on slaves included whip
ping, cutting off the ears, tearing the ear by nailing
the slave's ear to a pole and then hitting him with a
stick so that he fell, chaining, hanging, and decapita
tion.

Some slaves are reported to have been oastrated

as ohildren in order to make them grow into large adults;


suoh slaves were known as owo oalo.
Masters usually treated obedient slaves with
kindness.

James Morley

10

testified before Parliament

in 1790 that at Calabar:


...they treat their slaves with the greatest
kindness, more so than our servants or slaves in
the West Indies. They do not care to sell oanoeboys and house-servants, who raise provisions,
fish, get palm-oil, and palm-wine, make grass and
other cloths, build houses, go in the canoes, and
do the house business.
Unless the slaves were guilty of disobedience, theft,
or adultery, the Efik rarely sold their personal slaves
To Europeans as they considered this a stigma of poverty.

Abridgement of the Evidence. 1790, pp. 60-61.

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229
Warfare.

The Efik waged war with the Olcoyong,

Enyong and Umon triboa.

Boundary disputes brought

about war v/ith the first, although the Efik fought any
Cross River group who blockaded the lower Cross River
thereby threatening their monopoly on trade.

Weapons

included the machete, bow and arrow, club (similar to


a cane but heavier), cannon, thrusting spear, throwing
spear, gun and sword.
Warriors prepared magio medicines to insure the
success of a projected war expedition*

Sixteen days

before the expeditions departure all the soldiers


bivouacked in the woods where they ate roasted food and
rubbed magic medicines into cuts on their bodies.

The

manufacture of one war medicine oonsisted in boiling


small stones together with special ingredients and then
pulverizing the mixture in a mortar.

The mixture was

then eaten by the soldiers who believed it expanded in


the stomach to make it as impenetrable as stone.
The soldiers wore cloth drawers, and a wool cap
to which they tied fish eagle feathers as a sign of
bravery.

Most carried guns, wore a bag of gunpowder

bung from the neck, and a machete tied to a strap around


the waist.

War chiefs possessed a special war cap called

iiidak on which they rubbed magic medicine and tied

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230
feathers of the gray plantain eater.

They also wore a

sword tied on at the waist, and, as symbols of their


authority, carried either a small mediolne broom or
the tall of a cow.
The war expedition was acoompanied by buglers
and drummers who sounded enoouragements and the names
of leading warriors.

Frequently they climbed trees and

signalled the approaching enemy*a position and number.


The Efik possessed large war canoes oapable of
carrying a hundred men and armed fore and aft with
oannon.

In 1846 Eyamba of Duke Town led a punitive

expedition to Omon, an island in the oenter of the Gross


River about forty miles away, because Omon refused to

11
allow oanoes to pass their island,

Waddell

described

Eyamba*s expedition thuslyj


His great canoe was gaily deoked out with several
ensigns in large letters. The little house amidships
was brilliantly painted red and yellow. Astride the
roof thereof sat two men beating drums with might
and main. Before it stood Eyamba, shaded by his
grand umbrella, dressed as usual, except in having
a gold laoed cooked hat under his arm, and a
splendid sword, a present from the Dutoh Government,
at his side. In the bows a large gun pointed forward,
and before it stood a man with a bundle of reed, which
he kept shaking at arms length to warn every obstacle

11 Waddell, H.M., 1863, p. 287

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231
and danger out of the way. On eaoh side sat fifteen
men with paddles, and between them down the oentre
stood a row of men armed with outlasses and guns.
The k i n g s body-guard were immediately around him.
A train of inferior canoes, ornamented and arranged
in the same style, belonging to the lesser gentry,
were In hie woke.
Eyambas expedition was forced to turn back beoause the Omon were waiting to ambush them on both sides
of a narrow strait in the Cross River.

King Eyo of Creek

Town had refused to accompany Eyamba, and two years later


went to Omon to make peace.

Waddell

12

wrote:

About sixty oanoes followed Eyo and his ohlefs


to Boson. Most of them had each a large gun,
mounted on a strong frame, in the bows, and a
little deck house in the middle for its owner,
gaily painted, with on ensign in the stern. Eyo
led the way himself in a six-oared gig, rowed not
by slaves, but by young gentlement of the best
families in the land. Some of his oanoes whioh
followed were very large, sixty or seventy feet
long, and five or six broad, paddled by thirty
men, and carrying also bands of armed men. They
had large guns both bow and stern, and were
ballasted with oannon balls.
King Eyo settled the quarrel by arranging to give an
annual gift to the Omon chiefs who, in return, agreed
that the Efik oanoes might pass unmolested.
When the soldiers went on a war expedition the
townswomen conduoted a special ceremony called ekpa.
which only those women who had borne a ohild were per
mitted to attend.

Ekpa consisted in several old women

12 Iid*i P. 372.

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232
dancing naked while tho younger women, whose husbands
were soldiers, dressed as warriors.

As tho elderly

women danced they raised their loft hands and shouted

let that belong to tho enemy*.


When tho Efik conquered a village they decapi
tated all slain enemies and kept the heads both as
trophies and as an aocurate census of those killed.
A man who decapitated an enemy earned the title owo
uko

*powerful man*.

Warriors preserved the heads of

prominent enemies but used those of the oommon soldiers


in a ceremony called odly)r) ek)yf.

This was a panto

mime in which the soldiers reenacted the war expedition


and ran about the town with the trophy heads to the
plaudits of the spectators.

Efik buried tho heads

until only tho skull remained.

These were then placed

in the chief's house where all trophy skulls were kept.


The ohief of a surrendering town came forth dress
ed in a white loin cloth, a white ohicken in his right
hand, and around his neck, a wreath of fresh oil-palm
tree leaves to whioh the red seeds of a kind of wild
pepper plant oalled mfari were tied.

As soon as Efik

warriors saw the ohief dressed in this fashion they


ceased fighting, and held him captive until they received
ransom from his townsmen.

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233
At the cessation of warfare the ohiefs of both
groups met at the boundary and arbitrated the oase which
had started the war*

The judgment always deoreed the

losing side should indemnify the winning side and after


payments were oonoluded both sides vowed by sacrifice
(Ef* uwa akayfa) they would never again quarrel*
The defeated town prooured an old, white-haired
woman with a reddish tinge to her skin*

They brought

her naked before the assembly, wrapped a piece of white


cloth around her waist and plaoed a wool cap, ornamented
with fish eagle feathers, on her head.

Then they fed

the woman mashed yam, stow, lamb meat, and palm oil*
She was also given enough intoxioating liquor to become
slightly inebriated whereupon she was plaoed in a round
pit four to five feet deep.

One white goat and one white

ohioken were sacrificed as the woman stood in the pit and


recited the following prayer*
Oh Abasil AbasiJ God of war, God of revenge, all
should come and hear and be witnesses between these
two towns for the vow they made today* For the two
towns swear that as from today till seven generations
they will never be at war with eaoh other*
One will
not steal from the other, either secretly or openly.
Any child that breaks this vow, God look at him
there, break him, ruin him by famine and sickness
and death, and poverty of children, poverty of
wealth and of the whole town too* Let everything
in the town become desolate*

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234
At the prayers conclusion the warriors refilled the pit
until only the w o m a n s head protruded*

A new mortar was

placed over her head and blood from the saorlfioial


animals rubbed on its outer surfaoe.

Efik then left the

woman to die and believed her ghost would inflict punish


ment on the town which first broke the oath*
Efik formerly conducted a war ceremony called
mbarakpa*

They decorated a large war o'anoe with an

akpara. or tricolored pennant, whioh stretched from bow


to stern*

Sixty paddlers and forty drummers entered the

canoe, paddled to the mouth of the Cross River and then


returned to Creek Town*

At intervals they fired oannon

and sang the praises of the Efik, of their chi e f s prowess


in war, and of Efik fighting ability*

One m an sat at the

bow and waved Newbouldia laevis leaves in front of the


canoe to frighten away river spirits*

When the canoe re

turned to land at the Creek Town beach, villagers attempt


ed to push it out into the river while the paddlers
attempted to land*
encourage everyone*

Bystanders clapped hands and hooted to


On the third attempt the paddlers

beached the canoe, and all freeborn attended a feast in


the village square.

This war ceremony was held three or

four times annually to apprise surrounding tribes that the


Efik were ready and willing to send out a war canoe should

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235
oooaslon so warrant*
Age grades.

Formerly the Efik possessed age

grades (Ef* |fea) which inoluded all persons of either


sex born within any one year period.

All men of one age

grade frequently acted as town watchmen to prevent


thievry, slave rebellions and surprise attaoks from
raiding enemy war parties.

The chief often assigned

speolfio duties to specific age grades.


Members of an age grade selected a name, whloh
oould only be used anew by another age grade after the
demise of the last member of the original group.
names were:

Some

inylmeke *those who d o n t agree, t)wut

tow e l , aslan 'pride*, obodom signal drum', lnokon


Arochuku, and ll.
Members of an age grade address one another by
the term da. translated by the Efik as friend', whioh,
when used to address a person younger than the speaker,
indicates friendliness.

A man never addresses a person

older than himself as da for such would constitute a ser


ious insult.

Although oustom does not prevent use of the

term by women, they rarely use it among themselves.

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236
Although the original naturo of the age grade has
ohanged, men still rotain the uso of the term d a , while
age-grade' now applies to any group of persons
possessing approximately the some wealth and uniting to
form a savings society.
The Enyong, closest related group to the Efik,
still retain their ago grades and reveal the manner in
which those of the Efik functioned.

At Enyong, the town

chief divides any special task among the age groups.


The grade name is chosen by the members and not estab
lished by tradition.

Indeed, if the members so desire,

they may change their grade name and select a new one
not already appropriated by another group.

They are then

expeoted to give a small party in honor of their new name.


When age grades contribute money for some town purpose,
the age group with the oldest members must contribute the
most and so on down to the youngest group.

Members of

the same age grade call each other d a , but never use this
term of address to a person older than themselves.

If a

man marries a wife younger than himself, she may enter his
age group.

Usually, however, she will refuse, fearing

that she will be unable to speak as freely to the older


men, due to their high status, as she can with those of
her own group.

The younger groups hold socoer and wrest-

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237
ling mntohes with each other and, at Christmas time,
form their own native plays#
Secret societies and sodalities#

The Ekpe

or Leopard Society, most important of the m e n s secret


societies, is divided into five main grades.

Each

grade possesses a speoial idem or costume which covers


the wearer from head to foot thereby concealing his
identity from spectators#

Listed in the order of

their importance, the five grades ores

jfaanda, Oku

Akama, Nyomkpo. Okpoho, and Eboyfko, each having a ohieftain or )b)yl; thus, the title )b)j{ eboyfko designates the
ohief who supervises the activities of the oboy(ko grade.

Holman (1840, pp# 391-2) lists five grades:


abungo, oboko. makaira, bokimboko and yampai, Hutchinson
(1858, p. 141) states eleven grades exist but names only
the three superior grades "nyampa", "Brass or Okpoko,
and " K a k u n d a #
Waddell (1863, p#313) states there are
eleven grades "###some low enough for boys and slaves to
buy os a sort of initiation, others so high that only
freemen of old family and high rank con proouro them#"
The grades abungo, aboko and yampai in Holmans
enumeration coincide with the present-day Eboj&co, Okpoho
Hyamkpe grades#
Possibly makaira is mbakara, a type
of idem but; not a special grade by itself#
The element
/baki-/ of bakimboko is unknown, but the element /-mboho/
possibly is the Leopard noise-making mechanism known as
mb)k). Hutchinsons "kakunda" grade is not known; it is
probably either a Qua grade, or an error in transcribing
the name of tho jrfkanda grade#

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238
Under the aegis of the chiefs the Leopard Society
promulgated and enforced laws, judged important cases,
recovered debts, protected the members property, main
tained the power of the f r e e b o m over the more numerous
slaves, and constituted the actual executive government
of the Efik#

In this regard Holman

14

has written:

The whole of the Old Calabar country is governed


by what are termed the "Egbo laws#" These are laws,
enacted by a secret meeting, oalled the Egbo assem
bly, which is held in a house set apart for that
purpose, called the Palaver house;#*,There are
different degrees of rank in the subordinate Egbo
members, and each step must be purchased successively#
The Leopard Society enforced its lows either by
capital punishment or by trade boycott in the cose of
Efik towns or European traders#
debts, Holman

15

As regards recovery of

Tfi
- states:

When a person cannot obtain his due from a debtor


or when an injury has been received##.the aggrieved

Holman, J#, 1840, p# 391#


Reference to "Blowing Egbo," an aotion which
resulted in trade embargo, is to bo found in the nine
teenth century aocounts of Crow (1830), Holman (1840),
Hutchinson (1858) and Waddell (1863)#
Crow (1830, pp#
282-3) remarks:
"to blow Egbo upon anyone who is a
European,,,.causes a suspension of intercourse until
the parties cane to an understanding."

16 Holman, J., 1840, p. 393.

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239
party applies to the Duke for the Egbo drums;
acquainting him at the some time with the nature
of his complaint; if the Duke acoedes to the
demand, the Egbo assembly immediately met, and
the drums are beat about the town; at the first
sound of which every woman is obliged to retreat
within her own dwelling, upon pain of losing hor
head for disobedienoe: nor until the drum goes
round the second time, to shew that council Is
ended, and the Egbo returned, are they released
from their seclusion. If the complaint be just,
the Egbo is sent to the offending party to warn
him of his delinquency, and to demand reparation,
after which announcement no one dares move out
of the house, inhabited by the culprit, until
the affair is settled, and if it be not soon
arranged, the house is pulled down about their
ears, in whloh oase the loss of a few heads
frequently follows. This extremity, however,
rarely occurs, for if the offender be not able
to settle the matter himself, it Is generally
made up by his relations and friends.
On reoeipt of a small payment, the Leopard Society
allows an individual to mark his property to show that It
is under the Society*s proteo.tion.
with thin raffia streamers.

Fruit trees are marked

Hutchinson -*-7 noted that a

strip of yellow d o t h "nailed to any man*s door Implies


that his house is under the powerful protection of Brass
Egbo...."
Waddell

18

has reported that f r e e b o m individuals

who were too poor to purohase initiation into the Leopard

*-7 Hutchinson, T.J., 1858, pp. 143-4.


18 Waddell, H.M., 1863, pp. 313-4.

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240
Society hired n,,.an Egbo gentleman to bring their
cause before an Egbo court, with a great fee proport
ioned to M s

suooess,

Sometimes such persons prefer

to sell themselves to some powerful chief, and gain


his protection at the expense of their liberty,n
The following instance, deaoribed by Waddell

19

occurred in 1852 and illustrates the power and ability


of the Leopard Society to enforce their deoisionsi
The town of Ilcorofiong came under the ban of
Egbo in the following way: A man there sent an
officer of the society to another in Ikunitu,
to obtain payment of a debt; who, not receiving
it, seized M s o M l d r e n as hostages by tying
the sacred yellow band on their arms. He did
more, and exceeded the license of M s order, by
carrying off goats belonging to other people in
the town. The llcunitu people appealed to Duke
Town, which took up their cause, and sent an
Egbo with several armed canoes to repair the
damage, by plundering Ikorofiong, The latter
resisted, and prevented the landing of these
unwelcome visitors, whioh provoked the Duke Town
people to prepare for war in earnest. All the
proceedings were irregular; but King Eyo
prevented the war against the offending town,
whioh appealed to him, by calling a grand Egbo
meeting to settle all palavers, Ikorofiong was
condemned for having resisted Egbo, its fault
being high treason; but was allowed to redeem its
life by two substitutes, finally reduced to one
head and a fine.

19 Ibid., pp. 503-4.

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241
Tho chief of the tfkanda grade paints special
chalk linos on tho body of a new initiate.

Six lines

on the arm, alternating red and white with red commenc


ing first on the wrist, and six horizontal lines on the
lower leg, alternating red and white with red commencing
first on the ankle, represent the Eboyfko grade.

One

yellow stripe across the chest denotes the Okpoho grade,


a vertical yellow line on the chest designates the Oku
Akama grade, while yellow chalk rubbed into the hair
represents the Nyamkpo grade,

A peacock feather stuok

in the hair, one yellow circle around each breast,

and

three small yellow circles on the stomach symbolize the


Xkanda grade,

A man decorated with the symbols of any

Leopard Society grade usually carries an rfkofi gong on


which six alternatively red and yellow stripes are
painted, with a red stripe commencing at the base of the
gong.
After the initiate has been painted he must
parade around the town, his body deooratod with the
Leopard Sooiety insignia and wearing a loin d o t h while
he beats a gong.

If any sooiety member stops the neo

phyte, he must give the member sixpence, although the


minimum gift allowable is threepence.
known as okuk ekpuk )

This money is

*monoy of knot of cloth*,

If

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2U2
the initiate does not make the required gift the member
may seize the peacock feather from his head and, if ho
is not to forfeit his initiation fees and membership
rights, the initiate must obtain its return before dawn
the next day.

Such a case has never occurred, but should

it happen, informants unanimously agree that the initiate


would tell his father, who would give him money and advise
him to bribe the member to return the feather.
The initiation fee has apparently decreased since
mid-nineteenth century,

PO
HolmanfcW stated the payment

for all grades amounted to 1550 iron and copper bars,


which at the ultraconservative valuation of sixpence per
bar amounts to approximately thirty-nine pounds sterling,
Waddell2^ has asserted the entrance fee is nearly one
hundred pounds sterling, while modern informants report
that in former days the initiation fee was fifty pounds.
The neophyte may give his initiation fee only to
the supreme chief of the Leopard Society*

In 1950, a

roan who wished to enter the Society paid his initiation


fee to someone other than the supreme chief.

The reoip-

20 Holman, J., I 8I4.O, p, 391,


21 Waddell, II.M., 1863, p. 3I3 ,

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21+3
lent kept the money*

In the meantime,

the would-be

Initiate attended the next Leopard Society ceremony.


Surprised, the members asked the man why he had dared to
come during a ceremony, and the man replied he was an
Initiated member.

The members immediately investigated,

found the man had been deceived, and severely whipped


him.

The would-be initiate attempted to bring the case

before the Native Court, but it was dismissed on grounds


that it was unprecedented in Efik tradition.
Leopard Society members do not hold the recip
ient of the fee as guilty, but feel the error lies with
the one who gave him the money, since the initiate
should have known it was contrary to Efik tradition.
Unless he can compel his deceiver to return the money,
he must make another payment In the correct manner before
he can become a Leopard Society member.
A father or other male relative frequently pays
a fee of approximately six pounds sterling to initiate a
daughter or niece into the Leopard Society,

Such member

ship is only nominal, but does entail the privilege of


^earing a peacock feather and the right to remain outside
the house during Society ceremonies.

A man who desires to

initiate his female relative pays the sum demanded by the


Sllpreme chief, while the w o m a n s brother, who is already

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244
a member sees all the "seorets on her behalf and
receives the peacock feather from the chief*

The man

returns home and gives his sister tho feather, where


upon she gives him one shilling which signifies she has
purchased everything shown to him on her behalf#

She

may now wear the peacock feather to show her membership


but she is never permitted to attend any ceremonies or
visit the Leopard Societys shed*
Members of the jlkanda grade divide the initiation
fees among themselves*

In f o m e r times wealthy men pur

chased the full five Leopard Sooiety grades as often as


they oould afford, as an invostment, since eaoh member
ship entitlod the owner to one share of all initiation
fees*

Waddell

noted that King Eyo Honesty II

,.,had bought the Egbo honours in advance, so


many times ovor that he oould initiate whom he
pleased, and even without bestowing or selling
to another those coveted privileges, of whioh he
held, as it were, the title deeds or patent, ho
could control tho council, having a vote for every
patent of nobility he had purchased# In that way
he Invested part of his wealth, and sought to
bring the government of the country into his own
hands*

22

Ibid,, p, 609*
Holman (1840, pp* 392-3) remarks
**&t Nyamkpe is the only grade allowed to sit In the
uncil, and only Nyamkpe members divide initiation fees*

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2I|5
Wealthy men from neighboring tribes may purchase
the right to possess Leopard Society grades from Creek
Town or other Efik towns*

The delegation from the

foreign town meets secretly with the chiefs of the five


Leopard Society grades of Creek Town, and places its
money on a table.

One man, previously selected as the

spokesman, explains their desire to the Leopard chiefs.


He must make no misstatement or slips of the tongue,
otherwise the petitioners forfeit their money; such an
occurrence cannot be recalled by informants.

In 19S>3,

an Ibibio town purchased the right to possess the


Leopard Socloty from Creek Town for five hundred pounds
storling.

Approximately one generation ago the Arochuku

Ibo purchased the Okpoho, KKanda and Oku Akama grades


from Creek Town, and the Nyamkpe and Eboyfko grades
together with the mb)k) leopard-noise from the Enyong,
Efik obtained the Leopard Society from the Ffut
town of Usalc Edet, located in tho southern C a m o r o o n s . ^

Talbot (1926, III, p. 77) reports that the


Ekol claim to have originated the Leopard Society which
the Ododop of the southern Cameroons subsequently
adopted.

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246
A n Efut woman named Ata Iroko observed several super
natural spirits playing in the forest.

When they

departed they left behind the mb)k) whioh Ata Iroko


found and took home.

This is the instrument which

produces a sound similar to a l e o p a r d ^ roar and know


ledge of its mechanism constitutes the greatest secret
of the Leopard Sooioty,

Ata Iroko took the mb)k) to

her husband, who showed it to the town chiefs.

They

were so oaptivated they Immediately bribed the husband


to kill his wife so that no woman would know of the
mechanism.

Accordingly, the husband killed Ata Iroko,

The Efik subsequently purchased the secrets of the


Leopard Sooiety from the Efut,
A different version states a powerful Efut chief
hamed Iroko, who lived in Usak Edet, had a daughter
called Ata to whom he revealed the secrets of mb)k)
because he loved her veiy much.

At the death of her

father the daughter fled with her husband to the Efik


end requested sanotuary.

She showed the mb)lc) to the

Efik chiefs who immediately decapitated both her and


her husband so that no woman should know such a w on
derful secret,

Tho chiefs then appropriated the secret

meohanism as the nucleus of the present Leopard Society,


^dienever the Efik desire to produoe the mb)k) sound they

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214-7
first make a sound which represents the name of Ata
Iroko.
Formerly, whenever tho Leopard Society wanted
to send out an Idem Ekpe or costumed Leopard man, they
decapitated a slave and the Leopard man held the head
in his hand as he ran about townj a Leopard man norm
ally runs or danceB, and rarely walks.
Originally, every Efik town possessed an efe
elope or Leopard Society shod, known in nineteenth
century accounts as a "palaver shed".

Waddell^

described the Creek Town Leopard shed, extant in I 8I4.6 ,


as follows:
At the head of the street stood the "Palaver
House," or Town Hall, a large, low shed, with its
end to the street, and quite open in front. Several
immense posts of solid mangrove supported the
ridge-pole. A broad seat of hard-beaten clay ran
down the two sides; the further end was closed by
a recess for Egbo mysteries; in front was tho great
occasions of public importance; and before it were
two upright pentagonal stones...of basaltic
appearance, which had been brought originally from
the Camaroon country. On both these and the drum
was tho blood of sacrifices.
In the centre of the street, before the Palaver
House, stood the figure of a man, rudely carved out
of a great post, which also formed its pedestal.
Up the front of the base a serpent seemed crawling,

Waddell, II.M., 1863, pp. 2^0-1.

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21+8
and up the back an alligator....It was not very
highly valued, however; for when, in the course
of time, the wood rotted in tho ground, and a
cow broke it down, it was never set up again.
The Creek Town shed no longer exists.

Grass

grows over the foundations outline while the basaltic


pillars still lie on the ground before its entrance.
Any special ceremonies involving the Leopard Society
take place before the stones.

In the Efut ward only

one pentagonal basaltic stone marks the area where the


Leopard Society shed was formerly built.

At Ifalco, a

small town four miles north of Creek Town, the Leopard


Society shed still exists, and was rebuilt in February,

195>3 by the cooperative effort of the members who re


placed the termite-eaten posts supporting the roof.
One pentagonal basaltic stone, approximately three feet
in length, lies before the Ifalco shed.
Each Leopard Sooiety grade possesses a distinc
tive costume which only initiates are premitted to see.
Non-initiates may see the two Leopard figures Idem Ilcu),
also called TTlrpri FIcpe, and Idem Fbalcara since these
participate in public ceremonies.

The first is the

Leopard Societys servant and delivers messages, or per


forms allotted tasks such as guarding the town path,
.Idem I-fbalcara formerly acted as public executioner.

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249
Although Leopard Sooiety oostumes differ in
material and color, they are similarly designed, the
main body of the costume resembling a union-suit of
underwear save for a slit in the back which serves as
the means of ingress*

Each figure wears a large raffia

band around the ohest and raffia anklets and wristlets*


These last two are made by tying strands of raffia to
parallel rows of rope*

The wristlets possess seven

strands of rope, one less than the leglets, due to the


Efik belief that legs are superior to arms*

Several

Leopard figures also possess a special lfcam or hat,


whioh is worn hanging from the neck rather than on the
head*
The Eboifko costume oonsists of blaok oloth
striped with red, while both the Oku Akama and the Atat
jjboifoo. a special form of Eboyfko. have oostumes made
Entirely of black cloth*

Yellow oloth, resembling the

olor of brass, constitutes the costume of the Okpoho


Brass* grade*

The Nyamkpe grade costume is made of

closoly-netted rope, and includes a raffia hat, the


lower borders of whioh are decorated with red cloth and
wry shelln*

The )(kanda costume is made from a special

loth called ukara* obtained from the Eburubu Ibo


living in Ogoja province.

This is an English-made white

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250
Qloth dyed by a secret process to produce a pattern
f blue and white triangles with occasional speolal
Markings known as nslbldl. which possess secret mean
ings intelligible only to Leopard society members*
Nowadays an English-made imitation is frequently
Substituted for true ukara cloth since it is cheaper,
kilt only the true ukara cloth is used for the curtain
Ver the door of tho room or shed where the leopard
aund is produced*

This signifies that everyone

e*cept authorized members should keep out*


Tho costume of Idem Iku) is the same as the
jjgamkpe grade but minus the special hat*

The Idem

& a k a r a costume is made of white cloth except for the


Part fitted over the head, whioh Is made of netted rope*
^ e oostume called Idem Mb)k) is made from burlap; at
top is a stick to whioh colorful feathers are
attached*

This is worn only when someone desires to

initiate into the ifaanda grade, or at the death of a


klgh-ranking member*

Efik saorifloe a fowl whenever

Ihey wish to war this costume and stiok tho feathers


^ n e and there In the burlap*
The Leopard figure*s costume has not changed
a hundred and twenty years, as the following state

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251
ment by Crow

25

reveals; tho Leopard figure:

is dressed up in a fantastic and rather


frightful manner, with long artificial hair, and
his faco is muffled up, so that he cannot be
reoognized by those with whom he comes in
contact* He is aimed with a naked sword in one
hand, and a oow-skin whip in the other; and,
thus equipped, sallies forth into tho streets,
followed by a crowd of men and boys; being
authorized to flagellate and even destroy those
whom he meets or overtakes who have not paid
certain tributes to the chiefs* He is known and
dreaded, being considered as a sort of avenging
demon* Most of tho natives being aware of tho day
of his periodical visit, secure themselves in
their houses, or fly for refuge on seeing him
approaoh, or on hearing the sound of the boll
which he oarries fastened to his back to announce
his coming. Ho is always upon the run, and some
of those he comes upon, who have not paid the
tribute, he instantly kills by cutting off their
heads at a blow. On others...he inflicts only
stripes. His authority does not...last long; so
that all who barricade themselves within doors
are safe from this avenging minister of despotism.
26
Similarly, Holman
remarks*
The Egbo man that is the oxeoutive person,
wears a complete disguise, consisting of a black
network close to the skin from head to foot, a
hat with a long feather, horns projecting from
his forehead, a large whip in his right hand,
with a bell fastened to the lower part of his
back, and several smaller ones around his ankles.
Thus equiped he starts from the Egbo-house, runs
through the streets with his bolls ringing, to

25 Crow, H., 1830, pp. 281-2.


oc

Holman, J., 1840, pp. 393-4.

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252
the house of tho offender, followed by half a
dozen subordinate personages fantastically
droseod, oach carrying either a sword or stick*
Ttl jfeanda grade of the Leopard Sooiety includes
tho Jfftcnnda* mb)k). and mbakara oostumes previously m e n
tioned, and also tho mb )k) and iflm m b)k)

Mb)k) Is

tho meohanicra which slmulatoa tho leopards roar, and


consists of an English-made wooden packing-case which
has no lid and a slit between the two slats which f o m
the base*

Efik tie a knot on the proximal end of a

long, slender Draoaena leaf and insert the tip of the


leaf through the space between the slats*

They then

invert the box so that the leaf protrudes, and the side
which formerly constituted the lid now f o m s

the base*

The manipulator wets both sides of the leaf with water,


stands on tho box, grasps the loaf tip with one hand
and pulls the thumb and index fingers of tho other hand
along its sides*

Tho sound produoed is similar to a

leopards roar and experts are able to reproduoe the


tone phonemes of names*

The box may be of any sizej

the larger tho box, the greater is the sound produced.


Three persons may do this simultaneously on one box
using throe leaves, each protruding from a different
side*

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253
In order to prevent the entrance of an unauthor
ized member special Ibo-made ukara cloth curtains off
the room where the leopard noise is produced.

Some

times the manipulator produces the sound, quiokly re


moves the leaf from the box, and invites Leopard
Sooiety members who are not initiates of the /kanda
grade to enter tho room and discover the secret.

When

the investigators enter they find the authorized members


sitting on an empty box,
A special wooden stool oalled ifim mb)k) serves
as a rest for the Dracaena leaf.

Covered by netted-

rope on top and raffia at the bottom, the stool f3 m i d


portion is enoirolod by the new leaves of the oil palm
and strips of red cloth,
ITslbidl are speoial piotographio marks, intellig
ible only to Leopard Society members.

These may be

written in sand, on ukara cloth, or on a m e m b e r ^ body.


In contrast to Ekoi and the Ibo groups of the upper
region of tho Cross River, the Efik use of nsibidi is
not extensive.

27

The pictogrophs which appear on plates

five through thirteen, pages 256 to 264, represent the

27 Additional nsibidi of the Efik, Ekoi and Ibo


are depicted in Maogregor (1909), Dayrell (1911), and
Talbot (1912, pp. 447-461).

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254
marks painted on a oloth belonging to the Leopard
Sooiety of Ifako, a small village near Creek Town*
Aooording to the informant the oloth is at least
thirty years old.

A Leopard Sooiety initiate enters

the room and is shown the oloth*

Members then ask

him if he knows the meaning of the different figures


appearing on the oloth, and require him to give them
a small cash present before they interpret the marks.
Figure 5 depiots the sign for Nyamkpe*

On the

upper right is the sign for a hat beneath whioh is the


sign for a mmurua or rattle.
Oku Akama costume*

Figure 6 designates the

The line on the left signifies the

yellow line drawn on the ohest of an initiate*


7 represents the Okpoho oostume*

Figure

The figure on the far

right depiots a rattle.


Figure 8 designates the tfkanda oostume*

On the

far left is the sign for a peaoook feather, while on


the right in desoending order are signs for a staff,
forked stiok, square basket, mkporo of antelope horns,
and a spear.

The oirole surrounding the entire figure

is red in the original drawings and represents the


kara Eteanda hoop of tfkanda1 whioh members use to
noirole the tfkanda Leopard figure whenever it sallies
forth in order to prevent its escape*

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255
Figure 9 designates the Mbakara Leopard figure,
which hold 3 a staff with a spear on top*

The small

figure on tho right also symbolizes the Mbakara figure*


Figure 10 represents the Eboyfato Leopard figure*

Figure

11 dopiota the mb)k) on the upper left, the Leopard


Society shed on the upper right, and the lfim mb)k)
stool of m b ) k ) * in the center*

Figure 12 represents

Mkpri Elcpe Leopard figure*


Figure 13 represents the different signs for the
various important Leopard figures*

Tho letters (a)

through (1 ) respectively designate the signs for


Eboyfko, (b) Mkpri Elcpe, (6) Nyamkpe* (d) Okpoho *
(e) Oku A k a m a . (f) )fkanda (g) Eboyfko* (h) Mbakara,
and (i) Mb)k).
The Leopard Sooiety possesses a speoial
ceremony known as islm tail*, reserved for important
occasions such as the death of its supreme chief*
Members whose parents enjoy freeborn status wear an
isim consisting of a hoop around the waist with a
three-foot projection protruding over the gluteal
area.

This constitutes the t a i l , and is made of

atioks wrapped in oloth with red feathers tied to the


and.

Those members who possess only one freeborn

Parent wear rabio isim half tail*, whioh is a hoop

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FIGURE 5

256

P io to g r a p h o f th e Nyamkpe L eop ard Grade

m
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257

FIGURE 6
P io to g ra p h o f th e Oku Akama L e o p ard Grade

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258
FIGURE 7
P ic to g r a p h o f th e Okpoho L e o p ard Grade

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FIGURE 8
P ic to g r a p h o f th e jfkanda L e o p ard Grade

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FIGURE 9
P ic to g r a p h o f th e M bakara L e o p a rd F ig u r e

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

FIGURE 10
Pictograph of the Ebojrfko Leopard Figure

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

UUitK XX

X'j .

Pictograph of the mb)k). Leopard Society shed


and lfim mb)k)

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26 3
FIGURE 12

Pictograph of the mkprl ekpe Leopard Figure

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264
FIGURE 13
Signs for various Leopard Society figures

'III11

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265
worn around the waist with a one-and-a-half foot project
ion mado entirely of feathers tied to a vine fram.

Clad

in shorts and wearing the H a i l 1, the body of the wearer


is rubbed with white chalk from neck to waist*

Members

who wear the full-length tail* carry a bow and arrow,


both wrapped in white cloth, while the half-tail* m e m
bers carry a small ek)m) drum*

All have one red parrot

feather protruding from their lips to prevent them from


conversing as they perform#

In former times if a member

dropped the bow or drum the penalty was deathj nowdays


suoh aotion would result in a forty pound fine and the
sacrifice of a cow before the stones lying in front of
the ruinod Leopard Society shed.
Until the last decade of the nineteenth century
whenever a Leopard Society ceremony was performed non
members were prevented from leaving their houses*

Any

domestic animals which strayed from their pens were


liable to be confiscated and eaten by the Leopard m e m
bers, while a non-member who dared to venture outside
risked decapitation.

Every year, on December 30th a

message was sent to all European traders In Duke Town


informing them of the day on whioh the Leopard figure
would come to "sweep" their shops, meaning the Leopard
Sooiety claimed everything in the shops as of receipt

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266
of the messago,

On the appointed day the ohlof of Creek

Town, accompanied by the Leopard Society members, went


to Duke Town,

While members removed all trade articles

from the European shops, the chief paraded with his


retinue around the town.
The second most important m e n s seoret sooiety 13
)b)n, whioh now funotions primarily as a burial society
honoring deceased members with a ceremony.

Formerly

)b)n possessed five grades named )b)n or Ata )b)n real


)b)n*. Ekanem )b)n, Eny)|{ )b)n top of )b)n and ndldl
)b)n. but now only )b)n and Ekanem )b)n exist.
The Leopard Society regards the )b)n society as
a brother and most members of the first belong to the
seoond.

All paraphernalia used in the )b)n society r e

mains in the Leopard Society shed, or with the Leopard


Society ohief.

Whenever members oonduot a oeremony the

Leopard Society figure Idem Ikw) is usually inside the


shed.
The )b)n society may possess a small flat-roofed
shed mounted on wheels.

This serves as the uf)k )b)n

house of )b)n and is pulled to the desired looation by


the members.

Although at present the Creek Town society

lacks suoh a shed, the sooiety at Ikoneto possesses one.


Inside the shed members keep the uyo

)b)n voice of )b)n

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267
and mblam. a powerful liquid believed to be capable of
killing anyone who swears a false oath*

The fvolce of

)b)n* is a square-shaped rattle made from the outercovering of bamboo and filled with stones or oil palm
kernels; the rattle is regarded as a great seoret whioh
only members are allowed to see.

The society also

possesses a special drum called ntly{ )b)n which is sim


ilar in shapo to a kettle-drum, supported by three legs,
and beaten with two sticks*
Members of Ekanem )b)n wear a special raffia cos
tume which covors the entire body except the head.
There is a special voice or sound-producing mechanism
which consists of two pieces of tortoise shell rubbed
together*
The three grades of the )b)n sooiety no longer
extant died out in Greek Town two generations ago.

The

Itlat )b)n grade possessed a slightly larger shed than


the )b)n grade, and its seoret *voice* was produoed by
the rotation of a very large wooden box containing stones.
le EfayM )b )n society possessed a shed with a slanting
^oof on which two peoplo sat.

The individual above the

sheds entrance held a white oook and Dracaena leaves,


whilo the one sitting at the opposite end of the roof

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268
held a red oook and Dracaena leaves.

The same sound

mechanism as that of the )b)n grade was used, but


oould not be produoed at any time.

When members

desired to hear the sound they signaled the two men


on top of the shed who slapped the cocks against the
roof to notify the person inside to make the sound.
Members of Ndidi

)b)n closeted themselves in

a room and, with native ohalk, drew two parallel lines,


one foot apart, from one end of the room to the other.
Then they prooeeded to play nyori 'marbles*

This con

sisted in bowling a kind of round seed, about an inoh


in diameter, at the opponent's seed placed at the op
posite end of the room between the two ohalk lines.
The person whose seed was hit left his plaoe and another
player sucoeeded him.

Members told non-members they

possessed something wonderful inside the room and if any


one thought he knew the seoret he should come and pull
*string*

In this manner they enticed new

members to pay for initiation into the sooiety.

When

the new initiates discovered the fraud they concealed it


from other non-members and praised the ndidi as a
marvelous thing.

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269
The members used the Initiation fees for enter
tainment and divided any remainder among themselves*
The fees were three to five pounds sterling plus six
bottles of gin; the initiate also prepared the speoial
ukay( food dish for the members*
Ekprl Akata is a men*8 sooiety which meets at
night to report i n f o m a t i o n and gossip to the villagers*
If a woman commits adultery the members inform the
entire village by singing of her deed In a ballad*

The

details of a theft and the subsequent deteotion of the


culprit are learned from the societys songs*

In form

er days the society met every night during November,


December and January but now meets only twioe a week
during the same months*
Members disguise their voices by means of a
small wooden tube, open at one end and with the skin of
a b a t s wing glued to the other*

When a person talks

with the open end in his mouth the voioe beoomes vibrant.
Members also produce noises which simulate the
sounds of a dog, cow, toad, bee and crying baby*

When

rotated rapidly in a circular motion, a thin strip of the


outer bark of bamboo tied with string to a stick produces
the sound of a yipping dog.

A bull roarer is made of red

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270
ironwood, oight inches in length and oblong in shape.
To produoe a rosonant baas sound similar to a toads
croak a man dips his hands in water and strokes raffia
strands tied to a peg whioh is inserted into a rec
tangular holo at the bottom of a gourd in suoh a manner
that the ends of the peg rest on the gourd's side*

The

bee's hum is simulated by twirling a small ourved stick


to whose ends a rubber band has been attached.

Members

make a wailing noise like a baby by blowing through a


meohanism made by folding a grass-like outgrowth of the
wine palm tree and inserting a pieoe of the tree leaf
between the folded halves.
A costumed figure oalled Ekporoko 'stookfish',
associated with the Elcprl Akata society, wears an ekoyf
or carved headdress shaped like a human head, and usually
surmounted by a crown.

The body of the figure is oon-

oealed by brightly-colored cloth.

Ekporoko is always

aooompanied by a boon companion called Abasi Ud) Ekol


'God seoond-son of Ekol', who wears a mask and carries
a wooden gun and canoe paddle.

During the day these two

oavort about the village, entertain with their antics


and dispense information to the populace.

The costumed

figure is a recent introduction among the Efik who


evidently obtained the play from the Ekol within the

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last generation.
The following colloquy typifies the usual con
versation between Ekporoko and Abasi Ud) E k o l :
Ekporoko:

"Go to the bush immediately and kill an


animal for mej"

(Abasi runs away and returns a short time later)


Ekporoko:

"Please look at this foolish thing.

What

is wrong with you? Look hero, quickly, at


onoe, kill an animal and bring it other
wise I will punish you.
Abasi:

"Yes, Sir,

Ekporoko:

"Look here, bush animal.


with me?

You smelly ghosti

Let me bo a smelly thing."


You exchange words

All right, wait till I come,"

(Then Ekporoko chases Abasi and Abasi runs away).


At Creek Town the chief of the Ekprl Akata
society plays the port of Ekporoko,

The identities

of Ekporoko and Abasi Ud) Ekol are concealed with d o t h


or a mask.

Thus any important news may be dispensed

in the daytime, while gossip is told at night in order


to hide the members * identity and thereby prevent re
venge by any maligned person.

Theoretically, the

funotion of this sooiety is to report the news as it


ooours, irrespective of the status of the individuals
involved.

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272
A special sodality oalled ukua, Involving a numbor of men, usually stages mode battles at the funeral
obsoquios of an important man#

All participants oarry

swords, and the sooiety ohlof, oalled eslm ayara akpe


tail of a male leopard1, is entitled to oarry three
swords*

The men parade in any typo of costume; some

wear colorful loin cloths, others flowing cloaks, and


most possess cloth sash belts#
file, and duel in pairs#

They maroh in single

Occasionally the players in

flict serious injury, and the more impetuous ones


frequently lose their tempers and start swinging their
swords in earnest.

The ukua sodality possesses a cos

tumed figure known as ekoyf ukua who wears flowing dark


cloth surmounted by a human skull.
Formerly a new initiate paid a small fee to
join, but nowadays membership is free#

Members do not

receive money from the deceaseds family when they play


at obsequies but are furnished with free food and drink#
Undoubtedly the ukua sodality derives from a former war
ceremony#
In late December or on New Y e a r s day the unana
ska "laoking mother sodality automatically initiates
all men whose mothers died during the preceding year.
Each member holds a small broom, decorated with cloth.

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In hi a hand.

The members man, dance and vi3lt the

houaea of now initiates whore thoy roaeivo food and


drink.

The society possesses a costumed figure called

Qkoy{ unana oka which consists of a cloth dro33 and a


raffia hood0
Membership in tho okayf sodality entitles the
Initiate to wear two hats or two loin oloths simulta
neously, a mode of dress denied non-members.

The

society possesses an idem which has a costume of raffia


network similar in style to that of the Leopard Sooiety.
Around the choat the figure wears a raffia band, in
which orango or akpap branches are placed and carries an
iflot raffia broom containing hot charcoal to make the
raffia smoulder.

Whon tho oooturned figure sees a non-

member ho trios either to burn him with the smouldering


broom or to ombrace him and thus prick him with the
thorns of tho branches.
Ndl)k amana ey) noa 'bad birth of Eyo Nsa* was
an old sodality, now defunct, whereby members only wero
allowed to swear an oath on tho 'bad birth of Eyo Nsa'*
The 'bad birth* is presumably a referenoe to the faot,
now rigidly suppressed, that Eyo Nsa originally was an
Ibo slave.

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274

)b )nyum. a costumed figure whom Eflk ccn3ldor


tho husbnnd of the Leopard Society, can only bo worn
by a man viho lias no 3love ancestry In tho llnongo of
oitlier pnront.

Such n man is known os )k)k ntan oyen

jrS)>( rubbod with sand son of the soil1*

Tho figure

drossoa In a costume similar to that of the Leopard


figure, end holds n broom in his left hand and a cow's
tail in his right.
non-initiate.

Ho never enters tho houso of a

When )t )nyum passes all members of the

Loopard Society ooase playing and turn their faces to


tho ground.

If tho Idorn Iku) Leopard figure sees him

tho former must stop, stick his walking staff in tho


ground, and bend his head in honor of )t)nyum. If
anyone carrying palm oil or water passes before the
figure, ho will throw tho broom at them;

If It hits

the person ho will booomo sick, but if it acoidently


enters a compound the figure must pay a fine.

Com

panions accompany the figure and sing songs.


Law and soolal control.

The chief and elders,

seoret societies, and the Iban Is)yf ' f r e e b o m women*


exert control over most antisocial behavior.

Members

of the seoret societies deal with all infractions of


sooieties rules whether committed by a member or

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275
non-member but only the Leopard Society deals with
cases of debt and murder.

The chief and his council

adjudicated all other cases save those which concerned


certain curses involving women.
The Iban Is)y( comprise a group of women, middleaged or older, who discourage certain types of cursos.
If two women quarrel and one says to the other anana
idet etak you lack pubic h a i r the insulted woman may
complain to the townswomen, who will investigate the
allegation to determine its truth.

If the allegation is

false the townswomen march to the slanderers home and


demand a recompense of a goat, wino or monetary sum
hanging from three to five pounds sterling,

Nowadays a

^bitten repudiation is also required so that no one else


may defame the same person by roforence to the former
QH e g a t i o n .
If someone insults a woman by making the ingresaive alveolar-dental tongue click known as kit, which
signifies

uncircumoised, the freeborn women interoede,

Adiabo Ilcot TTbo, about 1950, a woman called a man


Sjjukpo 'rottenj the man complained to the townswomen
fined the woman four pounds fifteen shillings and
cttipelled her to write a letter of apology.

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276
In the event tho guilty party refuses to pay the
fine the townswomen perform tho mbuba ceremony.

They

take broken pieces of gourd, bent them together as they


march around town, and then throw the pieces Into the
compound of the oulprit, who must pay the fine before
tho women remove the piooos.

If the guilty party still

remains obdurate the women assemble naked at the com


pound and curse him.

Palm wine and a fowl must then be

give, in addition to the fine, so that they may make a


sacrifice and remove tho curse of tho mbuba oeremony.
The Iban I

no longer exists in Creek Town but

continues to funotlon in the form areas.

Nowadays when

a oitizen of Creek Town is slanderod he immediately sues


for defamation in the Native Court.
When two members of the same nuolear or extended
family quarrel relatives attempt to restore peace, and
generally the father or father*s brother adjudicates the
case.

Once both parties agree to settle their differences

and abide by the deoision of the extended family head,


they forfeit any right of appeal and the matter is con
sidered closed by all parties.

An individual who still

foels aggrieved could refuse to abide by the deoision


and appeal to a ohief, or to some other important man, to
Judge the case.

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277
Tho head of an extended family adjudicated dis
putes between the family slaves, who possessed no right
of appeal.

Disputes between slaves owned by members of

different families could be settled both by any elder


of the two families or, if relations between these two
were unfriendly, by an elder of a different family.
In former times the defendant and plaintiff who
appealed to the Leopard Society each paid four copper
bods, worth approximately five shillings, as a fee for
hearing the case.

The one who lost the case provided a

Boat which was sacrificed and eaten by the judges, plain


tiff and defendant; this signified the loser agreed to
abide by the judges decision and harbored no resentment
towards either the judges or his opponent.
In 190lt the Nigerian Government established the
Native Court at Creek Town, and court cases were transbibed into Efilc until 1907 after which all records were
^bitten in English.

The present Native Court consists of

Q panel of three male judges, the youngest of whom is


Middle-aged, each selected by the District Officer on the
i'asia of respectability and reputation.
i ^ e e months only.

They serve for

Uniformed court messengers call the

Names of disputants and witnesses, and administer an oath


all prior to their testimony.

The court messenger doffs

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27Q
his hat, presents o bible, and asks kpukpuru se oyome
ndltljf n) eaop ke ukpe eml edl olcpanile), osu nsu bible
abasi amia fl ufen all what you want to toll the oourt
in this oase is the truth, if you lie tho Bible of God
gives you punishment*

The oourt officials permit ohlefs

and Roman Catholics to raise tho Bible and affirm tho


oath while other Christians are compelled to kiss the
front cover.

The court possesses a bottle of mblam for

pagans but court messengers state they novor uso it.

young pagan native lioked, rather than kissed, the Bible*p


front cover and thereby showed ho regarded swearing on
the Bible to bo the same as swearing an oath by licking
mblam from a stick.
Native Court decisions are based on native law
and custom except for the directives of the District
Offioe.

The customary Efik rules which forai the body

of precedents for these decisions are those mentioned in


the sections on law and social oontrol, property, land
tenure, marriage, oaths, raagio-medioine, divination,
sorcery and witchoraft.

Recently the District Office has

shown a marked tendency to reverse all oonviotions con


cerning witchoraft and making or using a noxious medioine
with intent to oause harm or bodi3y injury', which has
resulted in the settlement of such oases by standard Efik
procedures.

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279
Efik are reluctant to bring matters before the
Native Court which concern the seoret societies in
ternal affairs, and prefer to settle suoh oases by
discussion among the members of the particular society
involved.

The Leopard Sooiety ohief settles those

cases in which both members and non-members are involved


so that they may not come before the Native Court or the
District Offioer,

Many aggrieved individuals hasten to

summon defendants to oourt only to be persuaded to halt


the suit by friends or relatives.

Natives find it ex

pensive to resort to the Native Court, especially sinoe


the matter may be adjudicated within the extended family.

Property.

The Efik possess a well developed

sense of personal ownership which is established at an


early age.

Before anyone may use an object permission

must be obtained from the owner, while a borrower who


uses an objeot to make money, suoh as a canoe for hauling
wood or for fishing, must give the owner a fee known as
ulcpe okuk begging money*.

A wife may never use her hus

b a n d s property without previously notifying him if


Possible.
Public property is either called after the name of
the town, such as esuk oblo oko Creek Town b e a c h or

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280
tacitly recognized as being communal, suoh as streets
and the village market plaoe, with property rights
invested in no one person*

Joint ownership occurs in

partnerohip, or through inheritance among family m e m


bers who possess a share in a house or land#
Tho Efik use property marks

(Ef, idi)?Q for

goats, cows, chickens, ducks, pigs, sheep and oats#


These are usually made on the ear but sometimes occur
at the base of the tail, except for ducks which are
marked by outs in the web of the feet#

There is no

orderly system of property marks sinoe an individual


makes private marks whioh he alone will recognize#
Formerly Efik acknowledged debts and transfers
of lond titles before witnesses#

Important men assem

bled and, after a feast, were Informed of the trans


action so that they oould serve as witnesses in case
any dispute later arose#

Nowadays ownership of oanoes,

signed acknowledgements of debt, land deeds, rental


contraots and testaments ore registered at the Native
Oourt#
Incorporoal property oonsists of nioknames and
certain special oeremonies owned by a particular
extended family, suoh as the okpoyfkroyf play owned by
the Ambo ward of Creek Town#

Each play or game possesses

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281
its own soaca, but non-members may sing all songs
except tho 30 of tho Leopard Society,
Loans

(Ef, e bu)t), debts (Ef, i s ) n ), and

pledges (Ef, ubi )pQ ooour.

Formerly a borrower ack

nowledged his debt before witnesses (Ef. ntiense *1 ait


and look*), but nowadays written agreements

(Ef, |foet

edioml) specifying the amount borrowed and date of re


payment, aro signed by both parties.

As seourity for

a loan, a borrower usually pledges some object suoh as


a canoe or bicycle.

No interest is demanded but the

lender is allowed to use the object until the loan is


repaid.

Formerly land and slaves were the commodities

pledged, tho lender reoeiving the slaves* labor and the


custodianship of the oil and wine palm trees,

A pledged

article can never be taken from the original owner no


matter what length of time elapses between the borrowing
and repayment,
A froeborn man may pledge his slaves and his
children, if they are big enough to work, but never his
wif.

Pledged persons were termed owo ubi )y(.

In the

oase of a pledged f r e e b o m female the lender possesses


the right to her labor, but not of sexual intercourse;
however, if the female pledged is a slave, the right of
sexual intercourse constitutes part of the lender's

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282
interest

(Ef. u d n r l ) on the loon.

Interest on monetary loans formerly approximated


five por cent a month or sixty per cent per annum.
Hoivovor, tho Nigerian Government now limits the legal
interest rates to six per oent per annum, although some
Efik moneylenders surreptitiously charge from two to
five shillings interest per pound per month, or a monthly
interest rate of ten to twenty-five per cent.
The buyer of an important article such as a canoe,
house, land or tree, always gives an additional fiveperoent known as udu )k mm)y{ 1pouring w a t e r 1

The vendor

usos part of this additional sum to purohase wine in order


to toast tho buyer thus showing that he desires the new
owner's good fortune and suocoss.

If it is paid in

advanoe of the purohase price, the udu)k mm)jf also func


tions 03 a downpayment.

Once it is paid the prospective

buyer must take the item unless ho obtains permission


from the seller to oanoel the agreement.
The Efik possess savings sooieties oalled etlbe
which oonsist of several people who eaoh contribute a
specific sum monthly, the total amount being given to one
member in rotation.

Nowdays the etlbe is frequently

called osusu, a loan word derived from the Yoruban word


causu. It may also be colled an y(ka 'age grade'.

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283
If twelve persons join a savings society the
group has a secretary and a leader called etubom
osusu or etubom jrfka.

At the end of every month each

person must pay the standard sum to the secretary who


gives it to the correct recipient*

Any member who pays

his contribution after the monthly deadline is fined by


the secretary, while a person who pays his share for
several months and then defaults, forfeits his previous
Contributions*

In cases where large sums are involved

the members register the savings society with the Native


Court so that defaulting members may be dealt with by
legal action.
The individual whose turn it is to receive the
money usually prepares a small feast for the other
bombers.

Although informants state that more women

than men prefer this type of savings society, an inves


tigation revealed many men join.

The payments of most

societies do not exceed half a crown to five shillings


Per month,

Membership varies from ten to thirty members,

*hich means that the monthly recipient receives a sum


^cnging from thirty shillings to seven pounds ten

killings

In one savings society each member makes an


lnitial payment of five pounds and then pays ten

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284
shillings per month.

There are no monthly distrib

utions but the secretary lends out money to members at


low interest rates, thus providing a means both of
saving regularly and of obtaining low-interest loans.
Loans are only made to non-members if a member aots as
his sponsor and guarantees repayment.
Land olasslfloatlon and tenure.

Originally,

the first person to clear the forest and plant crops


claimed possession of the land by right of first settle
ment,

If another man later settled nearby, the first

man showed the newcomer the boundaries of his land.

At

the present time Efik aoquire land through purchase,


gift, or inheritance,

Dracaena trees serve as boundary

markers, and are planted every hundred yards in a


straight line to demaroate the boundary of bush plots.
In former times when the owner planted a Dracaena
tree he poured a magical medicine called mblam on the
soil and prayed that anyone who attempted to unjustly
take the land would suffer harm.

This is still done

Whenever a Dracaena tree is planted, but if the owner


is a Christian, he or a friend puts the magio-medicine
in the ground on the day before the tree is planted so
that no one will acouse him of being a believer in "false

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285
gods"*
A person who makes a gift of land can never re
claim ownership If the recipient possesses children
since they will Inherit the land.

However, if the

receiver dies without heirs the giver, or his heirs,


may reclaim the land provided they bury the receivers
oorpse in the normal Efik manner.

If another person is

allowed to bury the corpse, the giver forfeits his


right to reclaim the land.
Pour categories of land classification exist
and are based on the type of ownership or use of the
land; they comprise Ik)t Ndem, Ik)t Okpo or Ik)t Udu)yQ
Okpo, Ik)t Ekpe, and Ik)t Uf )k,

Ik)t Ndem bush of

Ndem* may be owned by an individual, but the land is


never cleared or planted since it is believed sacred to
Ndem supernatural powers'.

The fruit of an oil or

coconut palm tree which grows on this land is never


used for fear that the supernatural power will avenge
any sacrilege,
Ik)t Okpo

'bush of oorpses' or Ik)t Udu)jrQ Okpo

bush of throwing corpses' was a plot of land used


solely for burying the oorpses of slaves, individuals
who died from smallpox, tuboroulosis, dysentery,
dropsy or any other disease which caused the corpse

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286
to bloat*

Ik)t Ekpe bush of the Leopard Society1 is

land sacred to the Leopard Society where various


society ceremonies take place, the costumes donned,
and where in former times the Leopard figure hanged
murderers,
Ik)t Uf)k land of the h o u s e or family l a n d

I M M M M

I M M W I M

is land owned by the heirs of an extended family head.


The extended family owns the land, and none can sell
or rent it save with the express permission and approval
of all members of the family.

Everyone receives a share

in whatever derives from the land, the eldest son and


daughter reoeiving equal shares but larger than those
received by the other siblings.
Land may be rented or pledged.

Rented lands

(Ef, edib) is)j( rlkama taking land and holding*) u s


ually oonsist of large bush plots where many oil palm
trees grow.

The renters are Ibo or Osobo who pay so

muoh per annum for the exclusive right to the. palm fruits
but may not tap wine palm trees.

Members of both parties

witness the transaction and are shown the exact boundaries


of the bush.

If any person other than the lessee attempts

to out palm fruits the lessee may appeal to the Native


Court for an injunction against the trespasser.

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237
A groat deni of litigation over land ownership
ooeurs In tho Native Court#

A case which occurred in

1952 serves to illustrate the ramifications of a


typioal oase.

In the nineteenth oentury Eyo Nsa begot

two sons called Eyo Nsa II and Eyo Ndem#


purchased a plot of land.

The latter

When he died, Eyo Nsa II

paid his funeral expenses and later paid the initiation


foes for his sons to enter the Leopard Sooiety#

In

1887 Eyo Nsa II received the plot of land originally


purchased by Eyo Ndem#

When Eyo Nsa II died his own

children regarded that particular plot as owned jointly


with Eyo Ndemfs children#

In 1952, however, Eyo N d e m fs

grandchildren claimed sole title to the land#

The

grandchildren of Eyo Nsa II contested this claim and


refused to relinquish their right to the land citing
oases brought before the Native Court in 1914 and 1916
where their family had spent money to defend their title
to the land#

The Native Court refused to uphold the

claim of the plantiff and decreed .both families possess


ed joint-ownership of the land#

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CHAPTER X
LIFT CYCLE
Sexuality, reproduction and prenatal care,
Efik consider a pretty faoe, fine breasts which are
neither too large nor too small, and an attractive

waist

and gluteal region to be a woman's most important physical


attributes,

Iler gait, costume and manners are also a

means of attracting the opposite sex.


The usual position adopted for sexual intercourse
consists of the woman lying supine with the man mounted
on top of her.

Variant positions include sitting, lying

sideways (a position women dislike and consider painful),


starding, kneeling, the reverse of the usual position
with the man lying on his back and the woman on top of
him, and with the woman bending over while the man stands
behind her,

Efik call thin latter position

'dog style'}

is the only position which possesses a definite name,


albeit the name is English,
During foreplay the man bends the woman's fingers,
b^ays with her breasts, putB his finger in her ears, sucks
her nipples, and kisses her lips.

Some men touch the

vcpina with their fingers, but most do not for many Efik
believe that anything so odoriferous cannot be good.

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209
Women usually rub the glans penis of non with thoir
left hand.
An Efik woman usually achieves orgasm prior to
hor partnor.

Efik think this is as it should be for

they believe that a woman will be nervous and irritable


unless the man makes sure she achieves an orgasm.
After the climax a man removes his penis from the vagina
and the woman d e a n s the m e n s genitalia with soap,
water and a cloth before she cleanses herself.
The time expended on coitus varies from three to
thirty minutes depending on the individual.

Men attempt

to delay orgasm by swallowing thoir saliva immediately


prior to its onset, waiting three minutes and then re
suming intercourse.
Sexual intercourse almost always ocours inside
the house and during the evening, night or early morn
ing since Efik feel it is too hot in the afternoon to
make love.

During the rainy season, however, ooition

frequently occurs in the afternoons and Efik aver more


children are oonceived during this period than at any
other time.

Their theory is that the rain keeps the men

inside the house with little to oooupy them.

The

average age of defloration is probably fourteen, although


it varies with the individual girl.

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290
Efik realize people differ In their sexual in
clinations and in this oonneotion usually refer to the
fact that one wife may aoouse her husband of marital
hegleot after only a month's abstinence while another
may not object if her husband refrains from ooition
with her for more than three months.

Women who desire

frequent ooition are spoken of as possessing ntan ltlt


'irritating vagina'.

Men believe strength is directly

Proportional to abstinence.
Impotence (Ef, i t ) ) is rare although it does
occur as a result of various diseases rather than from
any psychosomatic disability.
*>y )d)yQ it)

A girl may ask a bashful

'do you stiffer from impotence?' as an

blique sexual invitation meaning that the boy must be


^ p o t e n t since he does not request her sexual favors.
Rigidity

(Ef m b a l ) is also infrequent, and informants

state that it is usually due to some congenital defect


snoh as an exceptionally narrow vagina.
Fellatio, necrophilia and voyeurism are unknown.
*bchlbitionlsm, except in one form of female ourse,
ooours only among the insane.

Homosexuality among adults

unheard of in former days and is only known nowadays


fx*om rumors concerning the behavior of prisoners in the
csiabar gaol.

Transvestism takes plaoe in oertain minor

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201
ceremonies, but is unknown as a regular mode of life.
Masturbation occurs but has no special name, being
simply designated ndisime

foolishness1.

Girls mas

turbate digitally, while mutual masturbation occurs


among school boys.

Older men say this was not prev

alent in former days since a young man could obtain a


female slave at nominal cost.
No cases of bestiality are recalled by infor
mants except for rumors of instances which have
occurred in neighboring areas.

In llf.5> an Ibiblo man

was supposed to have impregnated a goat which gave


birth to a male child with goat feot.
unknown except in rumor.
in

Sodomy is also

In 15>1 a European

man living

a neighboring area was reputed to have caused his

male servant to conceive by pederastical relations;


the servant subsequently went to the hospital where the
infant was removed by Caesarian operation*
In ancient times a menstruating woman
in

one place sitting on a cloth.

Hence, the

remained
usual word

menstruation is ltie ls)yf sitting on the ground,


although another synonym for menstruation is
'month*.

Formerly, a menstruating woman neither cocked

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292
food for her husband nor had coition with him*

Now

adays, she does cook but still refr*ains from sexual


intercourse*

No informants admitted intercourse with

a menstruating woman although they stated they have


heard wives cursing their husbands during arguments as
persons who had sexual intercourse during menstruation*
Women know when to expect their menstrual period and if
the time passes without any signs of it they suspect
they are either ill or pregnant*

The period of menstru

ation varies from three to seven days but cases are


known where it has continued for as long as ten days*
Menopause is termed edlslbe itle is )yi *stopping of
menstruation* and usually occurs among females aged
forty to fifty years.
A woman rarely tells her husband when she sus
pects she is pregnant but waits for two months until
she is absolutely sure*

Thus, if she actually is not

Pregnant or has an early miscarriage, she avoids any


suspicion on her husband*s part that she has committed
abortion.
Efik believe both men and women possess nsene
^ p e r m * whioh, when joined together in the uterus,
oause conception.

Orgasm is called ukpuh) nsene

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293
mixing of sperm*

Most Efik, however, do not believe

female nsene actually enter the urethral orifice as it


is too small and the discharge of male nsene would wash
out any foreign material#

Some Efik theorize

bad*

female nsene oauses gonorrhea#


Women feel nauseous during the first months of
their pregnancy and frequently suffer from headaches#
Such sickness may ooour in the morning or evening, but
usually in the morning#

Pregnant women must take a

walk each day and refrain from lying in bed in order to


prevent either the faoe and legs from swelling or a
miscarriage#

A pregnant woman frequently requests spe-

olal fruits or foods which her husband strives to obtain#


Pregnant women do not eat many oranges or
plantains, chew sugar cane, drink oooonut juioe or use
much palm oil in their food#

Sweet things are thought

to oause swelling of the faoe and legs, while plantains


are believed to oause the foetus to suffer ikpaklp
'splenitis*, which manifests itself by a swollen stomach
and an enlarged head when the baby is three months old#
Pregnant women refrain from heavy work, and must
never do any of the following:

cut the rope binding a

bundle of firewood for fear the afterbirth will remain


in the uterus, take apart an ekara or headpad for fear

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of a diffioult labor; receive a bundle tied with rope


for fear of prolonging the birth unless the donor first
looses the binding or makes a hole in the paokage;
drink out of a bottle since this prevents a newly-born o
ohild from breathing; climb a hill without yelling uwl
uwi on reaching the top for fear the ohild*s breathing
ability will be hindered; shave her pubic hair whioh
would result in baldness for the ohild; put her hands
into a waterpot for fear of miscarriage; enter a grave
yard or any room where a body has recently been buried
for fear of depressing the fontanelle (Ef. ofukfuk);
see another woman giving birth for fear of inducing
miscarriage, or have intercourse with anyone other than
the usband for fear of prolonged, and possibly unsuccess
ful, labor.

Some believe that if the mother does not eat

enough food during pregnancy the foetus will eat the


mother's excrement but others deny this belief on the
basis they have never observed excrement on a newborn
baby or in the afterbirth.
In the first or second month of pregnancy the
breasts swell slightly and the mammillae become darker.
By the fourth or fifth month the face ohanges color
slightly and the lips are parched.

Women rub palm oil

on their stomachs to prevent the skin from oraoking.

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295
A native herbalist attends the woman during her
pregnancy and gives her various enemas, drinking potions
and lotions*

She also receives medioine to guard her

from witches or sorcerers who might attempt to harm her*


A w o m a n s first pregnanoy is regarded as more important
than subsequent pregnanoies since misoarriages occur with
greater frequenoy at this time*
The usual period of pregnanoy lasts nine months
but informants state it may vary from seven to ten months*
A premature baby born in the seventh month is believed to
possess a better chance of survival than a baby born in
the eighth month; this belief is probably due to the
number seven being a lucky number*

If a child is born

with a caul the mother is thought to have seen either


Ekpo Ny)h)* a ferocious looking Ibibio mask, or any
oarved wooden headdress used in other ceremonies*

Birth

marks are believed due to the mother plaoing a bottle of


palm oil near the fire*
Birth and infanoy*

After nine months when the

woman begins to feel abdominal cramps the relatives make


preparations for the approaching birth*

The herbalist

places his hand on her vagina from time to time to de


termine whether the bag of waters has broken*

This fluid

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296
is called mm)irf ebeyfe *begging w a t e r 1 or usarl ibuot
eyen kingfisher of the child*s head*

(the kingfisher

is a bird of omen and, in this case, the phrase


refers to the fluid presaging the imminenoy of birth).
When the time of birth approaches the woman is placed
in a private room, attended by her parents, husband
and husbands parents, although some husbands are too
nervous and prefer to wait nearby*
Birth pains

(Ef ubiak u m a n ) generally last six

to eigjit hours for the first birth and two hours for
subsequent births*

The ohild is normally delivered

head first, a position believed natural unless some m al


evolent individual charms the mother*

Efik aver a male

baby emerges face downwards while a female baby emerges


faoe upwards; they state this explains why a drowned
man floats faoe downwards while a drowned woman floats
on her back*
The woman lies on her back and her attendants
allow the baby to emerge on the ground*

If it does not

oommenoe crying immediately the attendants sprinkle it


with water and then press along the urabilious to force
air into the child*

Once the baby is breathing, the

attendants wrap it in cloth to protect it from cold and


give it a bath*

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297
Three-quarters of the umbilical cord Is out
off*

On the following morning an attendant makes

several longitudinal cuts with a razor on the area


where the umbilicus joins the navel, and the remain
ing portion of the umbllious (Ef* e kop) is permitted
to slough off*

The mother refrains from bathing her

body, except for her groin area, until the umbillouB


drops off; this usually occurs on the fourth day but
may not take place until the seventh day*

Nowadays

Efik purchase white potash (white potassium nitrate)


and sprinkle it on the part of the umbilicus where
the outs are made*
The mother of an infant that dies before the
removal of the umbilicus is known as )d)n*

Efik

believe that if an )d)n woman sees a newborn baby


its umbilicus will not slough off nor will the navel
heal*

Oonsequentiy, relatives do not permit strangers

to visit during the time the umbilicus remains


attached to the baby*

The father buries the cut-off

portion near a plantain tree*

When the tree bears

fruit the parents distribute it among their friends


and inform them the fruit is a gift from their ohild.
The friends then send small gifts to the ohild*

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Formerly twin children and deformed children


were killed.

The latter were allowed to die from

neglect, while the husband or relatives of the woman


either strangled twins or put them In pots which they
threw Into the bush.

Although twins are no longer

killed certain prohibitions are still enforced against


them.

In a pagan family they are not allowed to eat

from the communal plate on akwa ederl day and they are
forbidden to go near places sacred to the Ndem super
natural powers or to participate in any sacrifices to
these powers.

Twins are eligible to join the Leopard

Society Binoe informants state it never had any specific


prohibition against them.

Twins (Ef. ndlt) amanlba) or

twin mothers (Ef. jrfwan amanlba) never go where mblam


medicine is kept.

Until approximately thirty years ago

twins were not allowed to attend an extended family


gathering.

In aboriginal days a twin mother was ostra

cised from town and compelled to eke out her existence


in the forest.
Under native law parents were hanged if they
elded or abetted their daughter to commit abortion.
After the fourth month of pregnanoy non-members of the
family would notice the pregnancy and would query the
Parents as to why their daughter did not give birth.

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299
If the parents were Ignorant of their daughter's
Intention to ooramit abortion they confiscated her
personal property and disowned her as their child.
Women who desired to oommit abortion frequently
Induced a miscarriage through the use of a pepper
enema.

However, abortion is rare since men and women

desire ohildren, and a childless woman is an object


both of annoyanoe to her husband pnd pity to her
neighbors.
Before she is p e m i t t e d to resume her daily
routine the mother remains in the house for three
months under the care of her husband, mother, sister
or servant.

At the end of this period she begins to

oook, fetoh water and go to the market.

Before she

returns to the market, however, her husband gives a


oelebration called ederl urnan 'service of birth*.
If he is a church member he informs the pastor or
evangelist that the woman will attend ohuroh servioe
for the first time since her confinement,
seat in the ohuroh is prepared for her.

and a special
During the

service the preacher mentions the woman and requests


the congregation to bless both her and her baby.

If

the parents of the newborn ohild are not ohuroh members


the husband takes the wife and child to ohuroh without

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300
Informing the preacher, but in this case there is no
mention of the woman or a congregational blessing*
On the return home after the church service
the urua uman market birth* ceremony is held*

The

urua uman is a feast to which friends and relatives of


the parents are invited*

Various native plays such as

ltembe are performed for the guests* amusement*

On

the following day the woman attends the market with a


monetary gift from her husband to purohase whatever
she fancies*

Informants state that prior to the intro

duction of Christianity the urua uman was the only


oeremony held when a woman first went to the market
after having given birth*
Illegitimacy is rare but not unknown*

Nowadays

if a girl becomes pregnant her family tries to force her


paramour to marry her unless he is able to prove he is
not the father*

If the man Is already married he must

olther take the girl as an additional wife or support


the ohild*

A girl who has had sexual intercourse with

many men will attempt to convince one of them to marry


her.

if ahe is unsuccessful, she will be regarded as a

harlot (Ef* akpara *harlot* or 'spinster'), and her


hild will be stigmatized as a bastard or eyen akpara
'ohild of a harlot'*

In this event, the maternal

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301
grandparents oare for the baby, v/ho takes the surname
of the maternal grandfather.

The child may expoot to

be teased by hia playmates with such phrases as *oh


oyen akpara*, fyon eyen akpara, don*t talk to me*, and
where is your father, oyen akpara?*.
In the days of slavery a husband gave his wife
a slave girl, who was known as adep eyen, to help care
for the baby.

Nowadays the edep eyen is either a rel

ative or a servant, who plays with the baby when it


orles, washes it, and looks after the baby*s welfare In
general.
The mother nurses the ohild unless she is unable
to do so, in whloh case a olose relative nurses the
ohild.

Formerly, nursing continued for two or three

years, but children are now weaned at the age of nine to


sixteen months, nine months being most usual.

At two

to three months of age babies are fed o g l . a porridge


made from orushed maize kernels and believed to make
babies gain weight.

After eight months babies receive

Soft foods such as ooooyams, and sometimes even yams.


In order to wean the ohild the mother usually
either sends it to live with his maternal grandmother,
or lets it sleep with its older siblings.

If the child

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302
cries at night it rocoivos palm oil chop, yam, rice or
biscuits which have been kept in readiness to assuage
its hunger.

The weaning process lasts approximately

throe weeks.
Teeth appear between six and nine months.^
Children begin to speak at ten to fourteen months when
they say names, but rarely talk fluently until they ore
two-and-a-half.

Babies generally utter their first

word before they ore a year old, and this is usually


mma, an honorific title for married women which in this
instance means M o t h e r *

The first sentence is usually

tata which Efik interpret as a mispronunciation of the


verb root jbo follow*.
An Efik couple generally oontinuo intercourse
throughout pregnancy,

some twice a week, some as often

os the woman desires, some until shortly before partur


ition.

Efik believe the baby's health is directly

affected by the number of times the parents hove coition,


and that frequent intercourse insures the woman*s
happiness and enables her to give birth easily.

^ Informants have never known instances of a ohild


being born with a tooth, and state that teeth always come
from the lower Jaw first; however, there is a saying to
insultive children *you with a tooth growing from the
u Pper Jaw' meaning 'you ore an abnormal c h i l d '*

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303
Husbands refrain from intercourse with a nursing
mother as Efik believe sperm weakens the child's bones
and, consequently, the baby will be unable to ait, crawl
or walk properly#
baby is weaned*

Coition is resumed only after the


If a woman becomes pregnant while nurs

ing a baby, the baby is thought to suffer ibe mirasmus*,


which is symptomized by frequent crying, apparent dullness
and an inability to walk readily.

Ibe results either in

death, or, if the ohild survives, in continual ill health.


In former days, when polygyny prevailed, the
husband enjoyed ooition with another wife while refrain
ing from intercourse with a post-parturient wife.
Nowadays, in order to prevent the child suffering mirasraus,
the husband establishes seoret relations with a jfwan ufan
*girl friend*.

This usually results in the husband

attempting to keep two women at the same time.

In this

regard an informant states:


If your wife has a baby and you befriend another
woman, and in the future you seem to love the other
woman better than your wife, there will be the
assumption the other woman has put love medicine in
your food.
This results in your trying to keep two
wives at the same time. Your first wife w o n t be
happy, because If you give one cloth to the other
wife and one to her, she will feel if the other
woman had not been there she would have received
two cloths. This is one of the things that always
causes trouble to a husband and wife when the woman
gives birth.

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304
Parents give the ohild small presents at birth,
when it first sits, orawls, eats, stands, walks, outs
its first tooth and speaks its first word*

These are

never elaborate but merely something the parents feel


the ohild would like suoh as oloth, oandy, or some
specially prepared food dish*
When the ohild walks the father holds the uslo
enyl>{ *taking out name* ceremony, in which he invites
all his relatives and friends to come to the naming of
his ohild*

On the appointed day, the guests assemble

and the father gives the ohild a box of okuk ( an


anelent type of rod money), oloth, and a female goat*
The mother will oare for the goat until the ohild grows
old enough to do so, and if the animal is fruitful it
portends good fortune for the child*

After the present

ation of his gifts the father announoea the ohild*s name,


and the guests then give presents of money, cloth,
ohiokens and goats*

Nowadays the ohild is named shortly

after birth and the father holds a naming ceremony if he


feels he oan afford the feast for his guests*
An individual receives the surname of the father*
Additional names derive from the Efik day on which the
ohild is b o m ,

the names of illustrious ancestors, or

any of the normal Efik names*

A person born at night

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305
may be ealled Okon, If male, or either Akon or jftco
if female.
child Ny

A mother whose ohild dies names her next


or )ny)yf fcoming home* as it is believed

the new child is a reincarnation of the former.


Efik day names are as follows:
names
Day

male

female

Akwa and

Ekprl Ikw)

Asuku)

Ik u )

Akwa and

Ekprl )fl )>f

Efi )>{

Afl )|{

Akwa and

Ekprl Ederl

Edet

Arlt

Akwa and

Ekprl Iblblo

Etlm

Atim

The following is a list of Efik names and


the abbreviations used for the names.

A single asterisk

following a name means that it may be used by either a


man or a woman.

Two asterisks following a name means

that it is a female day name only used by women, while


those not asterisked only apply to men.
Name

Abbreviation

Ek&enyjjfr

Oduso

Ey)

Etinyln

Ey) Nsa

Akanub Jjrf

Eslentt
Eflom

Efi

Nsa

Inyail

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306
Inyajf
Baal or Abasi

la

Otu*

Ebak

Ekpo#
Oku#

mm

Ima#

mm

AntiRha#

mm

Ntlha#

mm

mm

Akabom

Ika

Ako#

n)j(

Efi)

Ey)

Eyu or Ewal

Aaukw)

eak)

W M M M M

Ikw)

Iklo

Afi )j(

Afl

Arlt##

Adi

Ati m##

Ati or Tim Mma

Okon

Oke

(English *Oscar')

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307
Childhood and adolescence.

The Efik usually eat

In the early morning, early afternoon and in the eventing


although many individuals snack whenever they so desire
and eat their main meal in the evening.

In former days,

Efik possessed special slaves to wait at table and serve


the food prepared by the master*s wives.

No one ate with

the master except, occasionally, a favorite wife, or the


wife who had prepared the food.

Although it is still

regarded as a mark of respect for the father to eat alone,


there are now slight changes in the taking of meals.

The

father and mother eat at the same time, while sometimes


the youngest ohild eats with them provided it is less
than three years old.

When a mealtime arrives the mother

shares the food among the children and they eat at any
convenient place.

In some families children eat from

one plate but most adults consider this a bad praotioe


since the children frequently quarrel about the size of
their portions.
If children between the ages of two and six sicken
or do not walk early enough, their mother prepares a
special food dish called udla okpo y(ka *food of the same
age grade*, consisting of rice mixed with pieces of meat
and fish.

The mother then invites the child*s friends

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308
to oome and eat the food with him.

The slok ohild sits

on the ground, a large plate of food before him, and


his friends sit In a cirole around the plate.

When the

slok child puts his hand In the food the other children
follow suite, and eaoh attempts to obtain as much as
possible.

After all Is eaten the mother puts seven

half~penoes in a plate on the ground and the children


scramble to obtain the money.

Fruit may also be out

into small pieces and given the children to fight over.


When everything has been eaten the children rub their
hands on the sick childs body as a form of gratitude.
Parents often prepare udla okpo >(ka whether or
not the child is slok.

This is because they believe the

child, through annoyance, may die in order to be reborn


to other parents who will treat him better.

Indeed,

they believe that some children vow before birth to die


and leave any parents who do not prepare this dish for
them.

Therefore, sinoe they d o n t know whioh ohild has

made suoh a vow, the parents prepare this dish for all
children to make them happy and show them that they are
welcome.

For the same reason, when a ohild is seriously

ill, he reoeives a new loin cloth, or dress, money and a


gift from his parents as well as the food dish.

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There is also a belief that spirit-children come


to play with the child and Inquire how it is treated.

If the child replies he is ill-treated the spiritchildren rub their hands on his body and tell him to
follow them.

This rubbing is thought to cause a fever

which results in death,


Until a baby walks at nine to twelve months of
ape the Ffik call him a nselc eyen fresh child.

From

this period until the onset of pubescence children are


called eyen )yfw)yf, while adolescents are called yfka lferl
naked class' if female, or akparawa if male,

A girl

becomes yflca iferi at the age of eleven or twelve years


&nd remains such until she either marries or bears a
cuild, at which time she becomes olrune )f)yf ayfwan
woman with big cloth,

A boy remains in the akparawa

class until he reaches the age of fifty, unless he be


comes a very important man when middle-aged.
From late middle age, oirca fifty years, to age
Seventy a person becomes akamba owo big person, while
ld men and women with gray hair and many wrinkles are
CQH e d

a lean1 owo old person*.

A very old person who

Uas a walking-stick as a necessity rather than for


^cstige, and who shakes as he or she walks along, is

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310
oalled owo )s)if *strong person*

(*strong* in the sense

that his joints are very stiff and unable to bend


easily); this is the final phase, not really a separate
stage, but a termination of the akani eren phase*
In former times the children learnt the various
Efik arts and crafts while growing up*

Girls marketed

with the mother while boys fished and hunted with the
father*

The latter might pay his son*s initiation fee

into the Leopard Sooiety when he was only six months


old*

When a boy reached sixteen his father usually pur

chased a wife for him and told him to build his own
house*

The father also purchased a canoe, filled it with

trade articles, and gave his son money and slaves*

This

giving of the means of livelihood to the son by the


father is termed ete )t) eyen akpan urua *father plants
the son*s market basket'*

From this time on the son

never requests finanoial aid from his father, but com


mences to establish his own compound*
During ohildhood most Efik f o m a lasting friend
ship with one, or at most two, unrelated individuals of
the same sex*

These friends with whom one works, plays,

end shares confidences are known as akpan ufan 'first


'friend*.

In late adolescenoe or early adulthood true

friends usually swear an oath to confirm and strengthen

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311
their friendship through the establishment of a magical
blood relationship.

Each individual outs his right

wrist and then sucks the blood from the wound on the
wrist of his friend.

Efik

denominate this special oath

uta lylp ufan

ye ufan *eat blood friond

with friend*,

and claim the

blood of the other person

will kill the

one who plans

evil for his friond.

An elderly man desoribed his sixty-year friend


ship thusly:
One friend I had, we grew up together, worked
together
and played together.
His name was Ekpenyong
Eyo Uko. When wo grew big and were able to
buy our
needs we used to buy everything the same..the same
hat, the same type shoes.
If he was hungry and came
to my house and saw food prepared for me he could
eat the food without me being there and leave a share
for me. I do the same thing in his house.
Even if
he sees wine in my house he could drink it, and I
could do
the same in his house.
When we used to have a play we dressed ourselves
in the same way and stood together and danced.
When
we befriended girls he would know the girl I befriend
ed, and I would know his.
If I love somebody*s wife
I will tell him, and if he loves somebody*s wife he
will tell me.
Since we were friends for a long time
we took what we oall uj(w)jf) or oath. He out himself
on the wrist until blood came, and I sucked his
blood, and then he did likewise to me; this kind of
oath Efik oall uta lylp ufan ye u f a n . That will
tighten and make firm our friendship, so at any time
I am ill he cannot leave me or if he is ill I oannot
leave him. If any one plans to undo the other the
blood will kill him.

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312
Since that; oath we used to go and trade together#
As time went on my friend s mother died.
The first
person that he informed was me# I followed him to
his house, and we put his mother in bed# He sent
me to Reverend Ware to tell him of the death.
No
other person knew exoept the three of us#
But later
I told m y wifo and my sister#
So I told my sister
to go and sleep there.
Two of us arranged the
burial..those that will dig the grave, what they
should be given, how muoh should be spent, and things
like that. I did not leave him. I was all the time
with him. Until we finished everything concerning
his mother*s death only then I left him and went
home, but used to visit him from time to time#
When my mother died about fifteen years ago he
walked with me in a nice way#
He did what I did for
him. We went on together as friends until he was
very ill.
We tried all possible means of making h im
regain his health.
He suffered from edlslt lklm
(a type of syphilis or gonorrhea, or, possibly in
this instance, prostate trouble)#
They called the
herbalist to try to oure him.
None oould oure him.
We took him to the hospital.
It was no good# At
last they sent him to Lagos.
He was there in the
hospital for six months. It was no good; he returned#
Here he died. I was with him when he died. He was
a very brave man; at the point of death he struggled
hard as if he were fighting somebody.
He gave blows
to the wall and made holes in the walls.
But at
last he died, and was buried in the usual way.
So
as from that day I lost my friend and till today
I have none of that type. I do not want any other
friends again since I will not have a friend like
that. Friends nowdays have raalioious feelings; they
like gossip; they are greedy.
Always they are in
enmity with eaoh other#
They feel every good thing
should go to them.
They do not like to see their
friends prosper.
And so one does not like to make
friends nowdays.
Nowdays your ohildren will be your
friends beoause however bad your ohild will be, he
will have sympathy for you whenever things go bad
with you.
If you die he will see about your burial
for people will laugh at him if he leaves your oorp3e
until it smells.
That is the reason I do not have
friends today.

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313
A twenty-year old youth, in regard to his 1first
friend*, states:
We went to school together when young and lived
in the same village.
When I had work to do in my
house ray friend came and helped me, and I went to
his house to help him.
We u sed to pass our exam
inations together; always wo went up the different
grades together, and when we passed the examinations
we were very happy.
After school I went to his
house to eat and from there we went to mine.
If
they sell some sheets in class and I am absent he
will pay for his oopy and for mine too. If I do
anything wrong in school and am given punishment,
such as grass outtlng, he will come and help me out
it. We planned our future together, and aimed at
doing the same kind of job.
So we went together
until we reaohed class IV, and we always oompeted
in the class to see who will be first.
Sometimes
if he was first I tried to be first next time, but
in most cases he beat me. In 1949 his father died;
his mother died when he was very young.
So he had
no one to see about his education,
I then appealed to my parents to help him but
they said the burden is already too muc h on them.
So this boy raised a loan from someone, and we
wanted to go further in education. After one term
he noticed that the amount would be too much for
one year, and he still needed a year more to com
plete his oourse so he said he would go seek
employment.
But he asked me what I would do as he
is going to leave.
This was a big problem to me,
a diffloult question.
So I said alright I must
follow you and write an application to the same
firm. I told my people about this and they said
no, that I oannot be a master of myself.
So my
friend had to write the application alone.
He
was taken as a clerk in the United Afrioan Company.
At the time he goes to work I find time to go to
his house, prepare food and keep it for him.
Then
I go baok home.
Sometimes when there is nothing
for him to eat I will preserve my share of food
until he returns, and we will eat together.
So the
first salary he received he bought two watches and
gave me one and said take this as a token of our
friendship.

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3ib
While we were in school he conceived a girl.
This was one of the reasons that forced him to
leave school and seek employment in order to
maintain the woman and child. He was transfer
red before the baby was born but used to send
chop money to that woman, and each time I go to
that w o m a n s house I reported to him on hovj that
woman and baby are getting on. When he was about
six months in his new station he conceived another
girl.
Then the parents forced him to marry the
girl. Now he is having the girl as his wifej he
paid dowry and everything.
That means he has two
children now, all female, but I have neither
married nor have children. When he was at Fleet
I wrote him this week and next week he will write
me. Now we write fortnightly.
Originally women specialists circumcised boys
ten days after birth, and excised the hymen and the
Upper, external cuticle of the g i r l s clitoris when they
entered the uf)k yfwan yftruh) fattening h ou se .

Nowadays

male herbalists may also undertake the same tasks.

The

implement used in circumcision or clitoridectomy is a


straight-razor.

A foreskin, unclitoridectomized clitoris,

r any uncircumcised or unclitoridectomized individual is


termed edut.
Rather than delay the clitoridectomy until the girl
hters seclusion a tendency now exists for girls to under8 the operation when they are three to six years old in
rder to reduce the pain.

However,

some mothers feel an

^hclitoridectomized daughter represents insurance against


^er becoming pregnant since no man would desire coition

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315
with an unclitoridectomized girl*

Although several

Ibibio groups do not practice clitoridectomy, an uncir


cumcised or unclitorideotomized adult is unknown among
the Efik.
The vagina is appelled etalc or ltit* and the
clitoris is termed )kp) mbobi

'bone of clitoridectomy'.

In clitoridectomy the external cuticle of the clitoris


and the hymen, if not previously ruptured through nat
ural causes, are removed.

The Efik assign two explan

ations for this operation; it is believed to make for


$n easy, quick parturition, and it is supposed to prevent:
females from bocominp licentious by reducing their libido,
Qr>d thereby aiding in the prevention of adultery.

The

former reason is more prevalent, and more widely believed


than the latter, especially among women.
In former times when a girl reached the age of
bine to eleven her parents placed her in the uf)lc yflcuh)
'bouse of seclusion', lcnoiyn in Enplish as the 'fattening
bouaet.

The length of time she remained there varied

f^om two to seven years since it depended upon her


Settlor's wealth and her status in the family.

An eldest

daughter always spent a longer period in seclusion than


k** younger sisters.

Hie longer the period, the greater

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316
was the prestige which accrued to the father since only
a wealthy man could afford to maintain his daughter in
active for as long os seven years.

Although a chiefs

daughter might remain in seclusion for this time, the


averapo period lasted three years.

At present, seclu

sion may extend from a mirimum time of three months to


a maximum of two years, with the nverapo probably boinp
between six to nine months.
Unless the dauphter is affianced to a prospective
husband the responsibility for the p i rl s upkeep durinp
the seclusion period rests on tho father.

Since the

financial burden was often too heavy for an Impoverished


an, a father frequently affianced his dauphter to a
Wealthy man as a "pift" in order to have the intended
Pfoom bear tho responsibility of support durinp her
years in seolusion.

Sometimes a chief who desired to

tarry a specific girl whose parents spurned his opporttmerncnt, seized the girl, had her clitoridectomizod and put in
seclusion simultaneously threatening to charge the parents
for her support unless they acceded to his request,

huch

Qxtremes were seldom needed since most parents were only


k happy to affiance their daughter to a chief.

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317
During the period of her seclusion the girl
dwells in a separate room where she refrains from do
ing ordinary domestic tasks.

Someone else prepares

her food, and her family expects her to eat as often


as possible and to become as corpulent as possible.
Everyday one

of her relatives massages her body, rubs

ashes on her

skin to make her flesh firm and her skin

smooth, and also treads on her back as she lies face


downwards on the ground.

The girl then bathes and

powders herself with white chalk.


A chief or elderly woman might visit the girl
and say, "Oh my daughter, for a long time I have not
seen you eat; I

would like to see you eat before me,"

whereupon the girl must eat even if she has Just fin
ished a meal.

Parents expect the girl to drink a lot

of water and give her a special oup called kwa imuk.


She also possesses a special bowel called b)wut ndom
bowel of chalk' in which she keeps her powdering
chalk.

The girl wears a white dress oalled )f)if ndom

d o t h of o h a l k 1 when she receives visitors.


Tho girl must remain in her room, except for
periodic visits to the latrine, where she nay receive
apeoial female friends and relatives.

Her family

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31 8
exoludes all outsiders so that the villagers will be
amazed at the g i r l 1a beauty and change of appearanoe
when she leaves seclusion and resumes her daily life*
As the girl remains in seclusion her physioal
appearanoe soon begins to change*

Her body softens*

the face beoomeB oily and her belly protrudes*

If her

mother is competent and knows how to feed her ohild


well the girl will change entirely before six months
have passed*
The mother instructs the girl in the prepara
tion of different kinds of food, behavior with the
husband in the house, farming and marketing*

She is

told to bo economical with the food allowance, to


keep the house d e a n and to take good oare of her
husbands property*

She is not to retort if the

husband abuses her, and if she wrongs her husband and


he refuses her pardon, she is instructed to have others
intercede for her*
Ideally a girl in seclusion never Indulges in
sexual Intercourse with her intended spouse, for if she
oonoeives at that time she disgraces both herself and
her family.

If a girl does ooncelve when in seclusion,

therefore, her family promptly discontinues her status


as a "fattener", and make her marry her intended spouse.

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319
Efik apply the niokname ebua 'dog* to a girl who has
either coition while in seolusion or married before
going into seclusion*
When the parents desire the girl to leave seolusion they invite their relatives, friends and
neighbors to oelebrate the occasion*

A small platform

is built from logs, slightly raised from the ground


and shaded by a cloth or oanvas awning*

A group of

young men perform as drummers, and the g i r l fs family


offers liberal supplies of palm wine to the adult aud
ience*

The girl dresses in a loin cloth, wears strings

of brass combs in her coiffure, and wears anklets to


which bells are tied*

She alts in a chair in the

middle of the platform with at least one older female


relative on eaoh side*

A young boy and girl act as

her attendants and frequently fan her*

A man sits at

a table placed before the platfozm and calls the roll


of invited guests, who come forward and give a monetary
donation when their name is called*

The amount of the

gift is recorded beside the name of the donor and then


announced to the assembly who hoot with approval when
tho dorations aro large*

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320
The girl's parents are the first to give gifts*
then the siblings followed by the husband and his
parents* and then the husband's siblings*

Finally*

when all the guests have given their donations* the


girl's mother reoeives custody of the entire amount*
This is called okuk utuak ndom 'money of rubbing chalk*
because* as each donation is given* the female attendant
sitting at the girl's right makes a longitudinal chalk
mark on the middle of the girl's right hand*

After the

donations the girl dances to the accompaniment of drums


while the crowd shouts enoouragement and hoots approval*
Although as much as one hundred pounds m ay be
donated the average amount nowadays is approximately
twenty pounds.
ever she wants*

The girl uses the money to purohase what


Tho debut of a seoluded girl now ooours

on a Friday or Saturday at almost any time of the year*


but formerly ocourred only in December*
The following Sunday* if she is a church member*
her husband and parents escort her to ohurch*

On Monday

the girl reoeives one pound from each of her parents and
from her husband; this money she uses to purchase whatever
she desires in the market*

The next Saturday her parents

give her such household articles as iron pots, basins,

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321
knives, mortars, and pestles, and deoide the day on
which she is to go to her husbands house, if she has
married in the Efik manner called nd) efik fEfik mar
riage
Marriage*

Sexual relations and marriage are

forbidden between members of the nuclear and extended


family, parallel and cross cousins, a brother and the
wives of a deoeased brother or half-brother, and a man
and his w i f e s mother, sister or daughter*

Intercourse

with a fathers wife during the father*s lifetime was


considered adultery and punished by death or banishment*
No proscribed penalty for inoest exists; the only known
case of inoestuous relations within the nuclear family
oocurred at Adiabo Ikot Mbo a few years ago when a
father raped his daughter and subsequently suffered
social ostracism*
In former days a ohief constructed a large com
pound at the rear of which there was a courtyard (Ef.
esg.) where his wives dwelled and where none but the
husband entered on penalty of death*

If a man observed

another man*s wife unclothed above the knee, or stepped


across a w o m a n s legs, both the man and woman could be
accused of adultery and heavily fined, while if a man

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322
aat on tho stool possessed by each wife, he would be
fined for adultery.

Both man and woman were consid

ered guilty of adultery if the w o m a n s breast touched


the man.

Death, or a large monetary fine in a wealthy

m a n s case, constituted the penalty for peeking through


the fence around the w i v e fs courtyard.

No wife bathed

in a spring or ate from the plate of a man other than


her husband.

Indeed, husbands forbade wives from trad

ing in the markets for fear they would find an


opportunity for infidelity.

They purchased for the

wives young female slave attendants, known as lfn mfl)k


S l a v e s of the cooking-stond* since their duties inclu
ded the preparation of food, who attended the women,
remained constantly with them and reported any lapse of
wifely virtue to the husband.
The husband was expeoted to have coition with
his wives unless he was ill or the wives were either
menstruating or nursing a ohild.

Although he might have

coition with any wife during the day, he was expeoted to


sleep in striot rotation with the wives at night in
order to prevent quarrelling and jealousy.

If he only

possessed a few wives, a weekly rotation called urua


Qibrl ebe weekly mat of the husband1 was expeoted,

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323
while a man with two wives performed )fl)yf mbri ebe
'monthly mat of the husband'

If he had several

wives the husband followed usen mbri ebe 'daily mat


of the husband'#

The one with whom he slept prepared

his food and bath water, and washed his clothes#


fik nicknamed wives lban uflp 'jealous women* be
cause of their frequent quarrels and feuds#

The

husband regarded his atal or 'first wife' as the chief


wife.
Men obtain wives either by nd) efllc 'Mflk ma r
riage or udi)yQ

'acquaintanceship',

Md) efik

constitutes the only form of marriage possessing legal


status, and entitles the husband to the wife's services,
to receive his daughters' brideprice and to punish the
wife and her paramour for adultery without revenge or
interference on the part of the wife's family.
In olden days a father frequently betrothed his
daughter to a friend, who gave him wine as thanks and
later provided the girl with food when she entered
Qoclusion.

When the time approached for the girl to

leave seclusion the father requested the groom to come


Qnd give the n d ) olculc 'marriage money'.

Although there

no fixed price in those days, the larger the bride-

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324
price the greater the w i f e s sooial prestige*

In ad

dition to the money the husband gave cloth to all


members of the girl's nuclear family and a box of
dresses plus a female slave to his bride.

Before the

money and gifts were given the groom confirmed the


marriage arrangements by presenting the girl's father
with a turtle and a goat*

The father killed these

before the compound entrance, poured the blood of the


sacrificed animals on the ground, and stuok their
heads on sticks a few yards away until only the skulls
remained*
The parents gave their daughter away at the
ceremony held when the girl left tho "fattening" seclu
sion*

The bride's father alwayB admonished the groom

with stereotyped advice, such as the following*


As from today your wife is yours* Look after
her properly* If she behaves badly let us know.
Both of you should be at peace*
Take her as
yourself.
If she wrongs you beat her with your
right hand and use your left hand to bring her
back*
If she is a headstrong woman let us know*
Let God be with you and may you be in peace and
harmony.
Do not liBten to what other people say
otherwise trouble will come between you.
At the oeremony's conclusion the husband returned
to his house while the bride remained at home*

Two or

three weeks later the husband built an mkpoto or plat


form and invited his friends and relatives to witness

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325
the reception of his wife, a ceremony that was never
delayed for more than a month otherwise people gossiped
that he woo unprepared to marry.

At the rooeption the

husband gave gifts to the bride, including such things


os a box of sewn and unsewn oloths, a female goat, an
iron cooking stand and money.
The husband's father gave the following advioe
to his new daughter-in-law:
We are very pleased to welcome you into our
family. .We believe you will be one that will plant
unity among us. If your husband wrongs you show
him his mistakes with respeot.
But if he does not
pay heed to what you tell him let us know.
There is
your husband. Look after him well, and he should
also look after you well. Let God be with you both
and help you to have good ohildren that will help
to build our family.
Then the b r i d e s father poured water into a native oup,
stood outside the grooms house and threw the water onto
the roof, while the young oouple stood just before the
eaves so that the water rolled off the roof onto them.
This gesture signified the hope that the oouple would
always possess peace and prosperity.
Nowadays when a young man desires to marry he
tells his nuclear family who either approve his choice,
if the girl is known to them, or initiate inquiries con
cerning the g i r l s character and the reputation of her

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326
family.

If they decide the girl is suitable the man

writes a letter to her parents requesting their daughter


in marriage.

The parents then consult their daughter,

and if she agrees to marry tho man, they write and ask
him to oome.

The young man, accompanied by either his

mother or father, goes to the girl's house.

When he

enters he must place before her parents two bottles of


liquor whioh represent the mmln ukop ik)
ing speech'.

'wine of hear

When all adult members of the girl's

nuclear family finish drinking the liquor they listen


to what the young suitor says.

He informs them of his

desire to marry and what type of marriage he prefers.


After the suitor departs the parents ask the girl if
she still wants to marry the man, and then discuss his
reputation and that of his nuclear family.

If they

decide he is acceptable, they write to infora him that


they approve the marriage.
When the suitor reoeives the letter of acceptance
he sends the girl's parents sixteen bottles of liquor
and five guineas, whioh constitute the mmln ek)m 'wine
of greeting'.

The suitor never takes these gifts him

self but employs four or eight women to carry them on


brass trays.

The man always gives each girl two

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327
shillings and, If the gi r l s parents are generous, they
do likewise,
Tho money given to the girls family amounts to
twelve pounds and is oailed ekebe nd)

box of marriage*,

Witnesses from tho m a n s family put the money in a box


and record the transaction in case either later desires
a divorce.

Several ladies then carry the box to the

gir l s family aooompanied by members of the husbands


family.

The girls parents give the money to their

daughter, who uses it to establish herself in trade at


the market or to purchase household articles.
The man also gives the girl native chalk and one
Pound ten shillings, whioh constitute the )kp)n) ndidi
1string of )kp)n),

He must also give an additional sum

of one pound one shilling and threepence to the girl,


which constitutes the okuk ukpan aifaa money of stopping
field'.

Once the latter gift is made the man calls the

woman y(wan ml my wife* and she reciprocates with ebe mi


'my husband*.

Sexual intercourse may ooour and if the

Woman conceives the husband quickly arranges the marriage


before the faot becomes widely known.

If the girl has

ooltion with another man after tho suitor gives the okuk
Pkpan ayfwa she commits adultery.

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328
The girl's parents expect the man to provide her
with food during her seclusion in the 'fattening r o o m 1.
Accordingly, the man gives the mother a gift of two
pounds ten shillings which is called okuk ufop iso eka
eyen 'money of burning the face of the child's mother'
since the mother cooks the girl's food during her seclu
sion.

He also gives the girl's mother an additional sum

of one pound ten shillings, known as okuk ufi)lc uf)lc


money of knowing house', which entitles him to visit the
Rirl at this time.

If the man did not give this gift and

the parents caught him inside the 'fattening room' he


'fould forfeit all the money and gifts which he had prev
iously given.
Usually the husband does not give the ekebe nd)
marriage box' until after the birth of the first child
so that if she proves barren, he may simply leave the
''oman without the loss of his brideprice since barrenness
jse is not grounds for divorce.
If a man and woman live together without the man
living the required series of gifts to the woman's family,
the alliance is termed )dl)/)
,fomale friend'.

'acquaintance* or /wan ufan

Although she performs the wifely func

tions, any children she bears belong to her family and

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329
not to that of the man

Moreover, the husband laoks

any conjugal rights over the woman and possesses no


legal redress If she commits adultery or abandons his
domioile,

Conversely, the woman oannot demand support

from the man.


If a man possesses two wives, one married legally
aooording to Efik custom, and the other an )dl)yf)
alliance, the former Is called akwa ayfaan nd)

'big mar

ried w o m a n 1 and she has more prestige and power In the


oompound than the l&tter,

Offspring of the legally

married wife possess inheritance rights to the fatherfs


estate, while the children of the )dl)?Q allianoe have
none.

If the man desires to legitimatize these children

he must give twelve pounds to the woman's family.

This

money is termed okuk lbuot eyen 'money of the child's


head'.
nd)

The ohild of the legal wife is termed eyen aifaan

'child of a married woman*, while the ohild of an

)di)|{) allianoe is called eyen ufan 'child of a friend*.


Church marriage or nd) mbakara

'European marriage*

ooours primarily among educated Efik usually teachers.


In contracting a Christian marriage the man writes a
letter to the girl's parents asking permission to marry
their daughter.

The parents request him to visit them to

dlsouss the matter.

The suitor does so and infoxms the

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330
g i rls parents he desires to marry their daughter in
church according to English custom.

After he obtains

consent, he purchases an engagement ring, called in


Efik mkpanuen nd) ubup

ring of asking marr i a g e 1, and

a Bible, both of whioh he presents to the girl,

Onoe

the girl receives the engagement ring, which she wears


on the third finger of her left hand, she may not de
vote her attentions to other men.
On the wedding day a large procession of rela
tives, friends and a brass-band accompanies the oouple
from the g i r l s house to the church.

While the band

plays, some people throw rice on the couple.

The m a

jority of Efik interpret this gesture as signifying the


husband is so wealthy he is able to throw food away.
At the church the pastor performs the regular
marriage service, at the conclusion of which the oouple
sign the marriage register.

The procession then goes

to the court hall where refreshments are served.

large umbrella called owuk kls )y{ is carried over the


married couple during this procession.

At the court

hall the bride and bridegroom out the cake, usually


ordered from England, and after the refreshments every
one disperses only to return in the evening when the

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331
band playB danoe musio.
Although ohuroh marriages are Usually confined
to the educated it is not unusual for a oouple to be
married according to Efik custom and then a few years
later to have a ohuroh marriage.
Most Efik do not like a church marriage since
it changes the aboriginal inheritance rules.

In Chris

tian marriage these oome under Nigerian law rather than


Efik customary law, and thus, unless there is a written
will, a spouse inherits the property of the deoeased.
Efik, who believe the relatives try to poison the rioher spouse so that the survivor may inherit the wealth,
cite the following case as justification for their fear
of Christian marriage.
In 1938, a man who worked in the Calabar Educa
tion Department died, and his wife, whom he married in
ohuroh, was suspeoted of poisoning her husband's food.
Although she denied she had killed her husband, a famous
shrine which her in-laws consulted revealed this to be
untrue.

Accordingly they asked her to swear an oath

denying she had killed her husband.


refused to do this.

But the widow

Then the husband's relatives took

Possession of the property.

On the widow's appeal, how

ever, the authorities returned the property to her since,

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332
according to Nigerian law, she was entitled to inherit
it in tho absenoo of a will.
Another reason Efik disliko church marriage is
that they fool it la impossible to obtain a divoroe.
They cite a case which ooourred in 1943 at Duke Town
where a wealthy woman married a toaoher in ohuroh.
She remained with her husband for several weeks after
the marriage and then informed him she was going to
Lagos to pack her belongings.

She novor returned, re

maining there to practice her profession desoribed as


making love to white men* at which she is evidently
adopt since she possesses a fine house and an automo
bile.

She is known throughout the Iblbio-Efik area as

the only Enyong woman who owns an automobile.

She is

still legally married to tho teacher who must send her


money for household expenses every month.

The Efik say

the teacher has no~ redress as long as the woman does


not remarry.

Actually the man oould undoubtedly obtain a


divorce from his wife on the grounds of adultery or
abandonment but presumably he is afraid he will
Jeopardize his employment since his mission-employers
disapprove of divorce.
Irrespective of the aotual
state of affairs, the Efik interpretation reveals the
attitude of the Efik towards church marriage.

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333
A husband may divorce his wife for thievery,
slovenliness, quarrelsomeness, indebtedness, and
adultery

the most serious offense.

In former times

the husband shaved the hair from his adulterous wife's


occiput, an action known as ntaha ek)t 'spoiling the
occiput, and then turned her out of the compound.
The guilty man was either killed or paid a heavy fine,
known os okulc efibl

'money of adultery'.

The woman's

family returned the brideprico they had originally re


ceived from the husband and the husband also confis
cated all his vjife's property.

In olden times the

husband could divorce his wife if she bore twins, but


he was not entitled to the return of his brideprice,
A woman possessed no power to divorce her
husband except for extreme maltreatment or continual
threats to her personal safety.

In the former caso

the wife appealed to a chief or an elder to warn her


husband to look after hor properly.

If the husband

ffcndod the parents-in-law, the dauphtor could return to


tive with them.

The refund of the brideprice depended

^Pon tho type and extent of the maltreatment..

If the

disband was extremely cruel without just cause, or


ften threatened the woman's life, parents refused to
3?fund the brideprice.

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334
If a man informs his wife he wants her to leave
and puts any of her property outside the house, the
woman may legally pack and remove all her belongings
after having her husband's action witnessed.

In this

case the husband is not entitled to the return of his


brideprioe.

If the woman removes her property from the

husband's house herself, however, the man is entitled to


the return of his brideprice.
Death, burial and mourning.

When a high-

ranking f r e e b o m male died in aboriginal times, his


relatives concealed his death from outsiders, rolled the
corpse in a mat and buried it in a room inside the com
pound,

The native explanation for this type of burial

i 3 that the relatives desired to prevent the exhumation


of the corpse by enemies who wanted the deoeased's head
3
either as a trophy or for use In magio-medicines.
Although the deoeased's wives went into speoial mourning
in their area of the compound, other relatives persued

Natives gave a similar explanation for burial


within the house to Danlell (1846, pp, 321-2) who wrote:
"The groves of the kings are invariably conoealed, so as,
it is stated, to prevent an enemy from obtaining their
skulls as trophies, which is not the case with those of
the common people,"

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335
their daily activities as if nothing had happened, and
replied to all Inquiries as to the deceaseds where
abouts that he was absent on a trading expedition.
Six months to a year after the aotual burial,
relatives announced the death to the townspeople by
plaoing a signal drum on top of the roof and drumming
messages.

When the townspeople heard the drumming

they rushed to the compound to learn the melanoholy


news, and the lkpo or mourning began from that day.
A mock burial was held shortly after the commencement
of mourning.

Relatives built and decorated a platform

on which they placed a large wooden coffin decorated


with d o t h and feathers.

Relatives, friends and

neighbors visited the compound and gave the deceased


gifts of cloth, boxes of money, plates, spoons, bars
of soap and other household items.

Although the coffin

was empty the family pretended it contained the corpse,


reserved all the money donated to defray the expenses
Incurred during the mourning period, and put all the
donated household articles inside the coffin.

Then

they nailed the ooffln shut and buried it inside the


house.
During the mourning period relatives and friends
visited the uf)k lkpo mourning house* where they slept

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336
on mats, while inside the house lamps burned throughout
the nights*

At five o'olook in the morning a signal

drum awoke the women who commenced to express their


grief by ritual walling and ohanting of stylized commem
orative praises of the deceased*

This lamentation con

tinued for approximately an hour until one of the


relatives brought water, towels and soap for them to
wash their faces*

They then received ohewstioks and

after cleansing their teeth by chewing on these they


drank wine to wash their mouths, as the euphemistic
Efik expression puts it*

The mourners subsequently separ

ated on their daily business and returned to sleep at the


mourning house in the evening*
Everyone slept on a mat, a custom which Eflk say
honors the deceased.

Anyone oaught sleeping on a bed

had to pay a fine to the other mourners*

Sexual inter

course Inside the mourning house was forbidden although


cases Infrequently occurred; when detected the culprits
were oompelled to give a goat and wine, and received a
stern leoture from an elder on their misconduot*

On the

morning of the last day of mourning, after the lamentation,


all sleeping mats are removed from the house, everyone is
served with wine, and the mourning period officially ends*

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337
In former days the widows of an important man
underwent a 3peoial form of mourning called mbukplsi in
which they remained until the mourning period ended*
They ato with a wooden spoon, used a piece of oalabash
as a plate, never combed or set their hair, and at the
beginning of eaoh day rubbed cow dung on their faoe and
body to show how sorrowful they felt.

They also wore

raffia cloth around their waists and never bathed*


At the conclusion of the mourning period, the
various native aooieties of which the deceased was a
member, performed oeremonies in his honor*
relatives performed utim udi

Finally,

*pounding the grave*, a

ceremony which marks the end of all funeral obsequies*


This ooours anytime from one week to two years after the
mourning perlod*s conclusion depending on the family
financesi a wealthy family may hold the ceremony a week
or two after the mourning period while an Indigent family
may require time to recuperate from the mourning expend
itures before being able to afford an additional ceremony*
At the commencement of the utim udi ceremony the
grave is exoavated to a depth of three to four feet*
p riends and relatives assemble at ten o clook in the morn
ing to drink, Bing songs, and danoe on the excavated portion

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357b
of the grave to the beat of drums#

At intervals dirt

is replaced in the grave and trammeled by the danoers


and the oeremony ends when the grave is completely re
filled in the late afternoon#

The utim udi oeremony

must be held for the parent who dies first before it may
be held for a subsequently deceased parent, otherwise the
ghost of the offended parent will oause misfortune to
surviving members of the family#
Efik always buried the )b)>( or chief of Creek
Town and Duke Town in secret plaoes in the forest#

On

his death several high-ranking members of the Leopard


Society obtained the corpse from his family and buried it
in the bush at night without ever revealing the location
of the grave even to the deoeased's family#

They dug a

grave twenty feet deep, and constructed an ada or tunnel


for approximately ten yards at the bottom#

At least four

slaves were killed and placed in the tunnel with the


oorpse, those usually being the chief's personal attendants
who carried respectively his snuff box, gun, lantern and
machete#

The coffin was placed on the oorpses of the

slaves and the main shaft refilled with earth#

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338
Daniell

mentioned that a blaok silk handkerohief

bound across the forehead denoted mourning, and stated


that an eyewitness to the obsequies for King Eyo In 1820
informed him "that a large pit had been dug, in which
several of the deoeasedfs wives were bound and thrown in,
until a certain number had been procured; the earth was
then thrown over them, and so great was the agony of
these victims, that the ground for several minutes was
agitated with their convulsive throes#11

John Adams,

possibly Daniell*s informant, affirms he witnessed at


least one hundred persons saorifloed at the obsequies of
King Eyo in 1820; they were deoapitated at the boach,
their heads buried until the flesh decayed and the skulls
were subsequently deposited in what A d a m s terms the
11fetiche or devil-house#

Holman

reported that at the

obsequies for the brother of the Duke Town chief two wo


men and three men were hanged and their corpses placed in
the grove, while a young woman was thrown into the pit
alive#

4 Daniell, W.F., 1846, p. 321#


6 Crow, H., 1830, pp. 280-1#
6 Holman, J., 1840, p. 391.

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339
The )(k) sooiety assemblea at midnight to bury the
oorpse of anyone who dies from a disease whioh oauses
the body to swell* suoh as tuberculosis, testicular
hernia or dropsy, and of a woman dying during pregnanoy
with the foetus still Inside the uterus.

One member

uses a knife tied to a piece of bamboo to out open the


peritoneum in the oase of dropsy, the uterus in the case
of an unborn ohild, or the scrotum in the oase of testieular hernia.

The foetus and hernia are removed and

buried separately.

Before dissection begins the operator

ties blaok d o t h around the eyes of the oorpse.

After its

burial the sooiety members return to the compound of the


deceased where they beat drums, sing songs, and carry
their magic-medicine into the oompound.
The magic-medicine oonsiats of a drum surmounted
by a human skull over whioh powerful magic-medicine is
rubbed.

Indeed, this is believed so powerful that if a

nonmember of the sooiety accidently glimpses it he will


sicken and die.

Consequently, parents usually initiate

their sons when very young so that the magic-medioine


will not harm them.
The jftc) society members sprinkle the magic-medicine
in all the rooms and out a hole in the roof to let out
all those evil spirits which will be exorcised by the

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340
maglo-medtoines power#

In front of the house, as a

warning to pedestrians to avoid the area, members place


two plantain stems at right angles to the path and on
the day following the oeremony, spread them with ashes
from the cooking fire#

The ceremony then officially

ends#
The father of a newborn or very young baby may
put the corpse inside a plantain stem and bury it along
side a path or junction so that the child*s spirit will
follow someone else and not return to the same family
for rebirth.
Efik remove the eyes from the sookets of a sus
pected witch or wizard, tie black cloth around the head
to cover the eyeless sockets, place over the hoad a
kind of pot oailed eso ntibe, whioh has several small
holes in it and is usually used in drying shrimp, and
then throw the oorpse into the bush#

Sometimes corpses

of suspected witches or wizards may also be burned after


first removing the eyes from the sockets#

This is done

to prevent the deoeased individual may be exhumed, on


the advice of a diviner, to determine the extent of
preservation#

A remarkable state of preservation is

Prlma f a d e evidenoe that the deoeased was a secret

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3U1
witch during hia lifetime, and his corpse is then
burned.
Nowadays, when an adult dies, relatives first
announce the news to a close family friend who informs
others.

If the deceased was a church member the min

ister mipht conduct a burial service in the church and


at: the prove, but in cases where the corpse decomposes
quickly, burial occurs directly from the compound to
the cemetery.

In any event the burial of a church mem

ber need not necessarily be attended by the evangelist


on pastor,
lkpo or mourning commences from the day of death
and continues for at least four weeks.

Widows no longer

Practice the mbukplsl form of mourning, which has been


obsolete among the Ffik since the period 18C0 to 1 05 ,
^he deceaseds nuclear family members, and sometimes
other close relatives wear ulrwa 'mourning c l o th , trans
lated by the TCfik as 'sad cloth', or block cloth for at
^oost one year.

Women wear block dresses, and men wear

8 black smock, or a black loin cloth and shirt,

Uyet

iao sheds and yfwemo memorial houses have not been con8true ted since 105,

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342
The last )b)y{ or chief of Creek Town died in 1931
and was buried secretly in the bush by members of the
Leopard Society.

Since internal slavery among the Efik

ceased in 1914 by offioial fiat of the Nigerian govern


ment, his burial was not accompanied by sacrificed slaves.
The tfk) sooiety oontinues to function and supervises the
burial of any person who dies from a disease whioh re
quires purification of the dwelling compound.
Relatives wash the oorpse before burial, and use
a length of cloth to bind the lower Jaw to the head until
rigor mortis sets in.

Cotton is stuffed in the nasal and

anal orifices to prevent the esoape of effluvium.

Just

before the oorpse is placed in the ooffin relatives


remove the cotton and jaw-binding bandage so that the
deceased will be neither dumb or troubled in breathing
when reborn.
The male oorpse is dressed either in English
fashion with suit, tie and sooks, but never shoes, or in
Efik fashion with a shirt and loin d o t h , while the corpse
of a woman is dressed in her best frock.

After this has

been done a wealthy family may put a large gown called


_)f )

mkpa *cloth of d eath over the oorpse from the

shoulders to the feet.

For the Efik the

cloth of death*

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343
symbolizes the last dress which the relatives give the
deceased; it probably is derived from the European
shroud.
When a church member dies the ohuroh bell rings
at intervals to inform people a member is dead.

Rel

atives of the deceased purchase a coffin and arrange


for a grave to be dug in one of three Creek Town ceme
teries.
On the day the oorpse is buried ohuroh bells
ring a second time.

The coffin is usually decorated

with cloth, and with several dyed feathers attached to


short sticks stuck along the rim.

If the deceased was

an important man Efik secretly bury the corpse in a room


of his house and publioly bury a decorated coffin
weighted with a plantain stem; this is done to evade
Nigerian law whioh forbids burial within the confines of
the house.

After a brief church servioe the coffin is

carried to the cemetery where the pastor, evangelist, or


elder reads the servioe after whioh the coffin is low
ered into the grove.

In the case of pagans the coffin

is taken directly from the compound to the oemetery where


someone usually re'-ds the burial servioe from the Bible
just prior to the interment.

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344
After the burial servioe the mourning period
usually lasts four weeks.

Friends and relatives sleep

on mots In tho mourning house, and women arise at dawn


to wall and reolte biographical ooramemorotlone.

Printed

cords, such as those Illustrated by figure 14, are sent


to the heads of all Important families Inviting their
attendance at the Memorial Service.

On the Friday

night preceding the Sunday on which the Memorial Service


is scheduled relatives hold a woko, and this consists of
neighbors, friends and relatives singing hymns in the
docoasod's compound from evening until early morning*
The choir of the Presbyterian church frequently attends
until midnight.

Formerly tho choir sang at intorvals

throughout tho night, but, because oorno men annoyed the


choir girls on their way homo in the early hours of the
morning, tho dismissal hour was advanced to midnight.
Sometimes an Itombe group of young men perform simulta
neously with the choir, although separated from them.
At one compound tho writer noted the choir singing hymns
while twenty yards away an 1 tembe group song suoh songs
as 'ray girl friend has red on her toes and red on her
private ports' to the vast amusement of their audience*

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345
FIGURE 14
Invitation cards for memorial services

IN

M F . M _O T U-AM
a

Chief Ene BHogan

Bassey &Family

S o r r o w ) a l l y re</ue\/ / / i f C o m p a n y

oi

cm , -c<rr\,
a t / / i f A f r m o r t a l S o r r i e r <>t t / i f

tubom
on

latr

Eaten .13 Dooatt Eaaeci?

Su n t / a vi(>th X ov e n . be r ,

ti /S-

i n Ihe

S. C. (' M i s s i o n C / i n r e h , Creek l i ne n . at m a . m.

R .t .P .
( iit I.

I<iwn,

l\ S- \ I t''

i .iI.!> i

l!

11

th

<*'.

____________c t t r

MFMORUI. SERVICE.
MURI F.KIOM A. I.I-IOM
k
FAMILY
S orrow fully

at

request the eouip.uiy

V l . r.

->

M K M O R 1 A L St KVK'H

V_ w .
o f then

of

.
la te

m other

MADAM NKOYO F U O K OKON


who f e l l asleep in the l o r d on S ir* I n
the b lit J uly . /OS1.
Service w i l l take place a t Creek l o w n ( P. C. H. ) C h urch
on S unday the J~'ih July, /OS1 ,t t 9. a n t .
LAUNCH
w ill
leave F .
I ) . I in rs
w h a rf
at 7 a.in .
Adm ission therein w ill be
by p ro d u c tio n o f In v ita tio n
C a rd at
the (ia te .
Creek Trown,
Calabar.
22nd,

July

R. I. P.

iW.

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CHAPTER XI
SUPERNATIJRALISM
Religious oonoepts,

Efik aboriginal super

natural beliefs are not systematized into a logical


orthodoxy, but include such diverse conceptions as a
supreme god, ancestor worship, supernatural powers,
magio-medioines, reincarnation,

and soul-affinity of

humans with animals*


Religion for the Efik oonsisted in showing re
spect for God by avoiding such evils as adultery, murder,
theft, false witness, and work on the day sacred to God*
In addition, it included respect for the ancestors,
supernatural powers and magio-medioines by appropriate
sacrifices*
Efik denominate the supreme god abasl, and
occasionally use the synonyms ete nyin abasl
G o d , obot

oreator, and )b)y( c h i e f *

our father

They consider

abasl the sole deity of the universe who dwells some


where In the sky and discourages evil and injustice*
Should someone curse another by saying abasl kill this
man today the person cursed refrains from worry for he
knows God always acts justly.

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347
No washing of olothes, marketing, fishing, hunt
ing, or drumming was permitted on akwa ederi, the day of
the eight day week sacred to God,

People remained

inside the house and rested, or feasted and visited


friends*

Efik never oommenoed a war or fought a battle

on "Calabar Sunday" as the day was known to oarly Euro


pean traders*
Supernatural powers called ndem dwell In large
trees, stone outcroppings, pools and parts of the
Calabar River*

Eaoh town possesses a particular ndem

whioh proteots It and to which the townspeople offer


sacrifices, while eaoh ward in Creek Town also possesses
a supernatural power located within its confines*
The names of the prominent supernatural powers
are Anansa in Old Town, Afla Aytwa white field*, Eslet
Obom and Asarl Anyando at Creek Town, Afla Ntan white
sand* at Ikoneto, Nsal Idem at Ifako, Uk)jf Esuk at
Ibunda, Akpando and Uklm Ita at Ikot Esu, Elcanem Abasl
at Adiabo, Esuyfku M)y(ku near Duke Town, and Ndem Efik
in tho Calabar River near Duke Town beach*
Two female supernatural powers are Eka Abasl
'mother of God, and Udomlnyayf living in the river**
Although the name Eka Abasl translates as mother of
God', the supernatural power represented is not believed

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348
to bo an aotual relative of Abasl but is thus called
because she possesses the power of giving children to
ohlldless women who sacrifice to her.

If a mother

neglects to sacrifice to Eka Abasl. the latter may recall the child in whioh case it dies.

Thus, when a

ohlld shakes, gesticulates, and talks in an unknown


language whioh signifies Eka Abasl desires the child
to return, parents hasten to offer sacrifices.

These

usually take the form of seven small, birdnest-like


arrangements of grass containing pieces of food and
ohalk.

The offerings are always put near a path edge

or Junction.

Many parents bury a young child near a

termite ant hill since it is believed Eka Abasl dwells


there.
Udomlnyari epitomizes beauty and inhabits rivers,
at the bottom of whioh she has a fine house and also
fantastio wealth since she obtains everything that falls
into the river from capsized oanoes.

Drawings and tap

ped brass trays depiot Udomlnyajf as a fish body with a


w o m a n s head and upper torso.
Certain female individuals usually aot as leaders
of the ndem worshippers, and own small, thatohed-roof
houses the lower part of which are painted reddish-pink

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3l;c
and the upper port white,

Whenever a ceremony is held

new leaves of the oil palm tree hanp over the solo
entrance to the house which serves as a storape place
for the paraphernalia of the cult,
Every ndem possesses servants, usually female
and lo r, own as olm ndem, who carry messapes to people,
and are the priests and priestesses of that particular
power.

An oleu ndem refrains from coition with a twin,

and never eats the Citrullus vulparis pumpkin,

the kind

of cucumber called ikpan, or tortoise, crocodile and


Manatee flesh.

They dress in white cloth and hold a

special mirror or olcurlao ndem and a ceremorial lonlfe


iloa.

At Ifalco the costume of one deceased ndem

Worshipper consisted of white cloth i^rapped around the


kdy, a rod sash draped over tho left shoulder, and a
white headtie.
Some worshippers, penerally women, become possessQd by the supernatural power who is believed to "catch"
them and compel them to dance,

When a woman is thus

caupht" her relatives immediately send for drummers to


Provide music to which she dances urt.il the supernatural
Power leaves her,

Efik repard this type of possession

011 -w) as a disease.

It is rare amonp the Efik,

^sslbly because it is expensive to obtain musicians to

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350
play while the dancing continues.

During 1952 only one

case of female possession occurred in Creek Town, and


in this instance the possession only lasted a few hours.
Eggs, white fowl, white goats, cows, tortoises,
and a speoial sacrifice basket or ekete, plaited from
the new leaves of the oil palm tree, are the materials
sacrificed to supernatural powers.

Contents of these

sacrifice baskets are usually an oil palm fruit, an oil


palm kernel, pieces of plantain, pieces of mashed yam,
and a species of small croaker.
When a saorifioe is to be made the oku ndem leads
the procession of worshippers to the sacred place where
the supernatural power is believed to reside.

The priest

throws an egg on the ground to determine if the ndem


will accept the sacrifice.

If one half of the egg shell

lies upside down and the other half lies upright it


signifies the sacrifice is aooepted, while if both
shells lie upright with their contents facing the ground
the sacrifice is rejected.

For the same purpose, the

hen lies on the left side whioh signifies acceptance, or


on the right side whioh denotes rejeotanoe.

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351
If tho supernatural power rejects the sacrifice
the worshippers request it to Inform for what reason.
Then, through tho medium of tho priest, the ndem may
tell the worshippers that a certain individual should
absent himself from tho ceremony because he recently
violated one of the powers rules and is thus "unclean".
After tho worshippors learn the saorifioe is
accepted, or correct the reason for its rejeotanoe, the
priest sacrifices a goat or cow by cutting the jugular
vein.

The worshippers then cook the meat and give the

supernatural power the breast, neck, heart and feet,


plus a food dish composed of mashed yam and palm oil.
They eat the remaining food.
Efik formerly sacrificed the type of partial
albino known as afla owo to ndem efik. one of the most
important of tho Efik ndem.^

Thomas Hutchinson, a

trader and one-time British oonsul for the Bight of


Q
Biafra, has written:

^ Certain Efiat towns allegedly cased human


sacrifice to Itabrlnyang only within the last few years.
Itabrlnyang, a powerful supernatural power feared by the
Efiat, Ibibio and Efik, insures a plentiful supply of
shrimps bo the Efiat who specialize in shrimp fishing.
Hutohinson, T.J., 1858, p. 112.

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352
A curlouo superstition Is connected with Parrot
Island, and Is observed with religious punctuality
by the natives of Old Kalabar, on the occasion of
neod arising for its perfo m u n o e . Whenever a
scarcity of European trading ships exists, or is
apprehended, the Duketown authorities are accustomed
to take an Albino child of their own race, and offer
it up as a saorifice at Parrot island, to tho God of
the white man. This they do beoause the island is in
view of the sea,..over whioh the God of the nations
that sent them articles of European manufacture is
supposed to preside, Tho last sacrifice of this kind
was mode within the past year; and every one must
rogret that the increasing trade of the oountry,
together with the teachings of the missionaries and
supercargoes, has not put an end to this brutality.
In aboriginal times every person possessed an
u k p )fi or animal-soul1 whioh dwelled in a particular
animal.

Whatever occurred to the animal-affinity also

ooourred to tho human.

Animals and some species of fish

wore regarded as potential affinities, but never plunts,


insects or rooks,
A very slovj person possessed the python as his
animal-affinity while a filthy person had a pig affinity,
A strong, healthy individual possessed either a crocodile

or spitting cobra and the affinity of one who had many


will to disoolorations on the skin was tnought to be a
speoles of lizard called owu r l ; such people had the
ability to draw money to themselves at night when the
lizard howled.

If an Individual craved oil palm fruits

ho possessed either a monkey affinity or that of a fish

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353
called )f )t

A very powerful Individual has the animal-

affinity of a chimpanzee*
Efik believe that although an enemy cannot steal
or trap an animal-affinity, a hunter could aooidently do
so*

When this happens the afflioted person is usually

able to tell where the trap is looated*

An injury to the

animal causes an injury in the same part of the human's


body*
Many stories of the relationship between an
individual and his animal-affinity serve to reinforce
belief in the ukp)y{*

Once a man felt pain in his neck

and could not close his mouth*

His family summoned a

herbalist who rubbed an ointment on the sore neck and


gave the patient a potion to drink*

This caused the

patient to vomit into a basin from which the herbalist


extraoted many porcupine quills*

He informed the man a

leopard, which was the man's animal-affinity, attempted


to take a porcupine away from another leopard and during
the struggle several quills stuok in his neck*
In 1936 one Creek Town woman began shouting in her
house than an Ibibio man had caught her animal-affinity,
which was the )f)t fish.

She shouted repeatedly Etok

Akpan am)y{ owot m i * Etok Akpan kuwot iyak oro 'Etok Akpan
is going to kill me, Etok Akpan don't kill that fishj'*

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354
Her relatives Harried to tho creole designated by the
woman whore they found an Ibibio fishorman named Etok
Akpan and persuaded him to bring tho fish to Creek Town
where they had money to buy it.

In the meantime the

woman was shoutingi esln mi kubom 'they put me in a


onnoe1.

When the fisherman arrived at Creek Town the

relatives gave him fifteen shillings and replaced the


fish in the river whereupon the woman immediately re
covered,
Horbalist3 substitute another species of animal
if the animal-affinity is believed wounded or near death,
A frequently alleged cause of illness is that the patient's
animal-affinity is wounded, sick, or caught In a trap.
The shoulder of a young man gave him great pain.
His parents touched the shoulder, found it soft, and
oonsulted a herbalist who diagnosed that a hunter had shot
the antelope which was the young m a n s animal-affinity.
Ho then suggested the best cure would be to change the
young man's animal-affinity, and the parents agreed.
The herbalist brought a basket containing the bones of
many different species of animals, but no antelope bones.
The patient reached in and pulled out the bone of o pig,
whioh the herbalist waved over the young man's head seven

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355
times, and then hit him on the sore shoulder*

He told

his patient his animal-affinity was changed from an


antelope to a pig, and then placed the pig bone in the
man's food whereupon the patient sucked the bone in
order to draw the power of the pig into his body and
shortly afterwards reoovered his health.
Belief in reincarnation accounts for such afore
mentioned customs as the denomination by the personal
name )ny)rf coming home* of a child whose siblings have
died before it was born, the burial of a deceased baby
near a path junction, the removal of a foetus or testic
ular hernia from a corpse, and the removal of cotton
from a corpse's nose and mouth prior to burial*

If a

child resembles someone's deceased relative they may


oall the ohild by the some name*

Thus, a young man

who resembled a woman's deceased father was addressed as


ete ml

'my father' by the woman while the youth in turn

addressed her as eyen mi

'my child*.

One Bfik belief postulates the existence of


several worlds, each separated from the other by sky
above and earth below.

A person who dies in one world

becomes reborn in the world below.

The problem of how

many worlds exist is generally solved by postulating


seven worlds of which this present world is number four.

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356
When an Individual has passed through the entire seven
worlds in seven generations he travels on a path whioh
connects world seven with world one.

Before he com

mences another 3evon-world oyclo he renders an account


to God of his aotions during his sojourn in oaoh of the
worlds,
Whilo it is possible that Christianity Influenced
tho idea of rendering an autobiographical accoxint to God
the writor boliove3 it is Indigenous with tho Efilc since
they also possess an analogous beliof known na alcana
vow, and a similar belief about deciduous traos.
Alcana v o w postulates that prior to birth a person
promises God tho number of years he intends to live,
what he will do, and whother he will bo prosperous or
poor.

During Ills lifetime tho Individual must fulfill

his promise,

A saying sometimes used when an individual

dios early in life or just after becoming wealthy states


pnye akpa uyo nkayfa abasi

'ho dies of voice of promise

to G o d 1,
When a deciduous troo sheds leaves in the autumn
kfik say the troo goes for uko/ judgment1, and God will
aak the tree what evils it did.

If any branohes oommitted

avil they will never foliate again, while those that do

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357
are believed to be Innocent of wrongdoing*
Christian Influence has definitely been respon
sible for the addition of two roads oonneotlng world
one and world seven; a wide road which later beoomes
narrow, and a narrow road which later widens*

The

narrow road illustrates the sufferings of Christians


before they enjoy ultimate pleasure, while the wide
road shows that followers of Satan will temporarily
rejoice but later come to a regrettable end.
The defunct ceremony of nd)k constituted a
biennial purge of ghosts of recently deceased inhab
itants from the town, and ooourrod early in December*
In describing the ceremony Waddell wrote:

For somo days preparatory thereto rude figures


of oows, elephants, tigers, alligators, and other
animals, constructed of sticks and grass covered
with cloth, which are called Nablkim were set up
before every door.The night preceding the
strange ceremony a message from the king desired
mo not to bo alarmed next morning if I heard
noises in the town, "because every m a n and woman
would begin at three o clock to knock door."
Notwithstanding this warning the tempest of
noises, which awoke me suddenly at the hour named,
gave me suoh a dreadful start, that I leaped from
my bed confounded, and rushed to the window to
learn the oause,...Everywhere were the rattling
and flashing of musketry: from time to time the

S Waddell, H.M., 1863, pp. 366-7.

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358
cannon on the beach thundered; thousands of voices
were shrieking and howling; the k ings great bell
was all the while tolling; and every yard resounded
with the horrid din of great stioks belabouring the
doors, like the clash of weapons in battle.
All this wild uproar was designed to frighten the
"devil" out of town, and was enought to frighten
everything but the devil,,,,At dawn the houses were
all thoroughly brushed down, from roof to floor, and
the sweepings, old fires and nabikim, carried av/ay
to the river. After that all ghosts and devils were
supposed to have taken themselves off to the shades,
Hutchinson, in writing on the nabikim and nd)k
ceremonies, stntes:^
Those figures are made of sticks and bamboo m at
ting; being moulded into different shapes. Some of
them have an attempt at body, with legs and arms,
to resemble the human form. Imaginative artists
sometimes furnish these specimens with an old straw
hat, a pipe in the mouth, and a stick fastened to
the end of the a m , as If they were prepared to
undertake a journey. Many of the figures are
supposed to resemble four-footed animals; some
crocodiles, and others birds,,,,When the night
arrives for their general expulsion one would
Imagine the whole town had gone mad. The population
feast, and drink, and sally out in parties, beating
at empty c o m e r s as if they oontained tangible
objeots to hunt, and hallooing with all their might
and main. Shots are fled; the "Nablkems" are t o m up
with violence, set in flames and thrown into the
river. The orgies continue until daylight dawns; and
the town is considered clear of evil influence for
two years more.

^ Hutchinson, T,J,, 1858, p, 162,

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359
Talbot mentions the use of nabikim effigies in
the nd)k oeromony of Henshaw Town, and, in reference to

Waddell's mentioning these were in animal form, writes:


Chief Daniel Henshaw, on the contrary, has never
seen any but what he calls 11Judases,"!.e. Guy
Fawkes-like figures roughly resembling human beings
His aocount of the ceremony, whe he had often
witnessed, but which has now been suppressed, runs
as follows: "At about two o clock on the last night
of the old year the inhabitants of each compound
ran round it, oalling: ete mioj eka mioj ekpo yak
)ny)tfj ekpo yak )ny)$l (father minej mother minei
Devils must goj Devils must goj). Gongs were played,
'poom, p o o m j ' Torchers were lighted and the burning
wood knooked against the walls in every corner,
while the cry 'devils must g o , * was oeaselessly
called*
Although Talbot states the ceremony was "surpressed," it
apparently merely ohanged the time of its occurrence,
and either ohanged its name or adopted a previous synonym
for the old name*

A very similar ceremony is now oalled

ubln isua 'driving the year' and occurs as a New Year's


eve celebration.
On New Year's Eve people go about their regular
business, or visit friends and at ten o'clock church
members attend a two hour church servloe.
the church bells are rung*

At midnight

People hurry from their

houses, or from ohuroh, tear the flower and palm leaf

5 Talbot, 1923, p. 246.

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360
leaf decorations from their doors, and run with them to
the town beach; some shout isua kao year g o , others
yell ekpo kao *ghosts g o 1, and still others beat gongs,
sing songs, and blow horns.

On arrival at the beaoh

they throw the deooratlons into the water, and then some
bathe, while others only wash their feet, in order to
wash off the dirt of the old year.
When the writer witnessed this celebration in
Creek Town in 1952-63 the middle-aged women paraded about
town with a large rectangular basket oovered with cloth,
lit on the Inside by oandles,

and with the motto Happy

New Year sewn on the cloth sides of the basket.

Young

rowdies ran in groups and attempted to scare people by


pretending to hit them with large sticks.

On this par

ticular night there was moonlight, and as a result, so


Efik state, there was much less rowdyism than usual.
When there is no moonlight people can easily remain u n
recognized and many ore thrown into the river by the
merrymakers.

One New Year's Eve in the forties several

Calabar policemen were sent to keep order in Creek Town


but, as the night was dork, they too were thrown into the
river by young men.
Formerly children held a oeremony colled nabikim
scarecrow' in early Deoember a few days prior to the

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361
celebration of nd)k*

Thoy fashioned images resembling

the human figure out of dried plantain lonvos which were


tied around small sticks and frequently covered with
rags*

Each child plaood on image before hie house and

threw it into the rlvor on the night of the nd)k cele


bration#
The modern children* s ceremony mbre .1udas *Judas
play* occurs on Good Friday*

Soareorow-liko figures

made from lenveo# cloth# or paper are erected before the


house*

At throo o*clock in the afternoon boys begin

beating the imagos with otlolcs while singing Judos ama


owot Christ Judas ama owot Christ *Judoa killed Christ#
JudaB killed Christ**

Groups of boys march through the

town and destroy tho imnges wherever they find them#


Older Efik over tho mbro judas is tho same play
0B noblklm*

It has not been possible to dote the

commencement of the former among Efik# but it appears


probable that the ceremony was introduced about 1075#

Prayers*

The Efik always address their prayers

to God# ancestors# witohes, or supernatural powers*


Although prayers may sometimes be offered to magical
powers such as Ib)lt or Mblam. the Efik normally cajole#
persuade* or argue rather than pray to them*

An

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362
individual may pray either by himself or as a speaker
in a group.

When a group prays one person says the

prayer while the others remain silent.

Frequently the

prayers are shouted at the top of the voloe, while those


against witches or sorcerers are always shouted at
night so that the witohes and sorcerers, who are believed
to meet at night, may hear them.
The following are examples of Efik prayers:

(1)

Before commencing to drink in a house the Efik always

pour a small portion of the liquid on the ground and pray


to the ancestors.

The house owner says:

Ancestors, I have spread some wine here on the


ground for you.
Please take proper care of me and
my family and all my friends.
Anyone who says I
should not prosper let him drink wine from my left
hand (as the speaker says this he pours wine with
his left hand, and then with his right hand), but
anyone that wishes me prosperity let him drink with
my right hand.
One of the guests then responds:
Ancestors, please we beg that you drink this
small wine that we pour on the ground for you.
Please let good things oome into the house of our
friend. Let him be at peace and harmony with
everyone.
(2) Before commencing to farm a farmer prays to his
anoestors thusly as he sacrifices a goat or chicken:

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363
Anoestors, I beg you, please let things do well
in this farm* Drive all bad animals away* Do not
let Insects eat the yams.
Please, 1 do take your
things (i.e., the sacrifice) and beg you*
(3) On the oocasion a child first visits an ndem shrine
the parent prays:
Please ndem look at your ohild* Do not allow
any bad things to happen to her* Make her have
good fortune, and have things to remember you from
time to time* Make her see a good husband for
marriage and have good children*

(4)

In 1952 when the Efut of Creek Town sacrificed to

their ndem the leader prayed:


God, God, God, voices three are good, four is
bad. As I call you here it is not because I want
to sacrifice to you.
I call you in this being you
created all things also give them power*
Then I
oome and pour wine that I give ndem so that he takes
here, drinks, and hears my request;. Make ohlldren
be born, also give all of us health*
Let all things
be peaceful for us.

(5)

In 1952 when the writer photographed a medicine shrine

the

first Polaroid pictures were underexposed whereupon

the herbalist "talked" to the two powers in the shrine


thusly:
Why is it you do not want to appear nice in the
pioture? Is it because wine is not given you? Do
you feel I have disgraoed you by allowing people to
see you? Please do not be angry.
Take this little
wine at the moment.
More will be given you after
your photograph Is taken* You will be glad when
many people in the world read about you and your
ability to do wonderful things*
Please Udo and

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364
Etok Udo come together and do not be angry anymore*
Do you hear? Thank you.
(6) To prevent witchcraft or sorcery from attacking a
member of the family the following prayer must be shouted
at the top of the voice so that those concerned may hear
and cease their evil plans.

The prayer must be said in

the middle of the night when witches and sorcerers are


believed to congregate.

The necessity of shouting the

prayer is exemplified in the Efik proverb "witchcraft


does not eat the child of a mother who shouts the loudest,"
Witch members, please, I have not offended you in
any way. Let my child alone.
Personally I am not a
witch-person so that you might say I have joined in
eating your child and for that reason you should eat
mine.
Leave my child please.
Instead of eating him
just eat me.
But if you say that you want no one
but him, you will die with him together.
He who says
I am joking should try and see.
(7) A prayer for a business venture:
God, please, this voyage which we want to go on,
please wait for us (i.e., be with us).
Do not let
any trouble happen to us. Let the river be octlm
until we go and return.
Let us have good luck in
this venture of ours, please.
Let us see things to
buy and let us sell them with gain.
Please drive
away all evil.
Please God be in the front and
behind us in this venture of ours.
(8) A prayer for medicine to be effective:
God, please let this medicine be good.
The roots,
stems and leaves you made.
It is just these things
that I use in preparing medicine for this woman in

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365
order that she might get well* I do not do In my
power but in your power*
If it were not in your
power I would not have been able to use it in
curing many people*
All your power should go into
this medicine as it often has done, please Father*
Sooner or later let this woman recover when she
treats herself with this medicine, Father*
Thank
you for hearing m y prayer*
(9)

A woman praying for a child:


Please God, what offence have I committed that
you do not pity me and give me a ohild? All my
friends have children already, some four, some
five, but I have none*
Please God, if someone
causes me to be in this state show him that the
attempt belongs to a person but the reply belongs
to God*
If you give me a child I shall rejoioe
and thank you very muoh.
I shall sing praises to
you*
Whether female or male I shall be glad.
God
please show me mercy*

(10) A prayer said by one whose umbrella is missing:


God, please, you have known the person who stole
my umbrella.
You know I resisted hunger, saved money
and used it in buying that umbrella* God, I beg of
you that you should not let the person who stole
that umbrella of mine prosper*
If I did steal the
umbrella let it be well with him, but if not then
punish him as he deserves and let someone else
steal that umbrella as he did. Honestly, I can
pour mblam for that umbrella but I do not want to
do evil because if I do that the person will die
today without fail* Let me leave it and put it in
the hands of God.

Curses.

Cursing is frequent among the Efik.

Certain curses are regarded as more likely to take effeot,


especially those invoking the name of supernatural powers*

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366
A prayer or ourae invoked by parents must be revoked
immediately for suoh curses always take effect*
If a child beats or insults his mother, the
mother may curse the child, usually with one of the
following:

uwa fo ikatlaba yfkp) if)nke in) fi 'for

seven generations nothing shall be good for y o u 1, se


afo ananam u^we usujl 'let you not see your way in
anything you do*, n d i t ) fo esuk enam kpa ntem 'your
children should do as you are doing now', abasl mm)|{
eba ml eml yfkadade mb )k fi ye lfukl eml ifkadade ilkama
fl eyemla fi ufen 'the God of the liquid of m y breast
which I used in feeding you and the thigh which I used
in holding you will give you punishment'*
When the mother calms down, the child will beg
her to revoke the ourse*

The mother goes and stands

at the very spot where she uttered the ourse, holding


a chicken egg in her right hand, and moves the hand
olookwise around the child's head, starting at the left
eye*

She then drops the egg on the ground, pours a

small quantity of wine into a oup from a bottle held in


her left hand, and pours it onto the ground*

She revokes

the curse by saying one of the following revocations,


depending on the ourse originally used:

'your life

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367
should be good seven times, good things should come to
you',

you will see the way in all you do*,

'your

children should not act like this*, or *Qod voioe


enters voioe goes out, do not do anything to her
please, I have removed my prayer*
The mother should use the egg to revoke the
ourse on the same day the ourse was uttered, but while
she remains angry her revocation will have no effect.
If the ourse is revoked on another day the mother must
saorifioe a hen; she goes with the ohild to the spot
where the ourse was spoken and turns the hen olookwise
around her ohild*s head.

Next the mother rubs the hen

on every part of the ohild*s body while saying *all


that I said should be revoked', and 'voice enters,
voioe goes out'.

She then deoapitates the hen and

throws the body on the ground.

If the latter, after

muscular contraction oeases, lies on the left side it


signifies the ourse is revoked, while If it lies on the
right side the ourse Is not revoked.
In this event the affair may wait for one or two
weeks so that the mother's heart may become tranquil.
If, however, the mother oursed a pregnant daughter the
ourse must be revoked at onoe to prevent the daughter

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368
from dying.

The mother takes a female goat to the plaoe

where she uttered the ourse, pours wine on the ground,


and utters the revocation.
decapitates the goat.

Then she, or a family member,

If it lies on its left side, the

ourse is revoked, but if it lies on the right side it


signifies the curse is not revoked and the child must
suffer the consequenoes,

Should the latter oocur, the

family immediately oonsults a herbalist who will arrange


to remove the ourse.
If a mother curses her daughter the townswomen,
in order to placate the mother so that she will revoke
the ourse, punish the daughter both for offending her
parent and for causing her to spend money on the things
necessary for the revocation.

Either the townswomen or

the female members of the daughter's age grade tie and


whip her.

Similarly, an offending son would be whipped

by the male members of his age grade.


After the ourse is revoked the mother cooks food
for the offending child and they partake of this together
signifying they are once more at peaoe.
her husband,

If a wife curses

the husband refrains from eating any of the

food she oooks, and from having sexual Intercourse with


her until she revokes the curse.

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A person may tell someone *get away, you stupid


thing* to which the stereotyped retort is *look at your
mother with three corns in her vagina*.

There are also

oertain forms of ironical sayings called uflet which


serve as mild rebukes or sarcastic utteranoes but which
are not regarded as curses by the Efik,

A person may

be covertly cursed through the use of the tone riddle,


as previously mentioned in the section on folklore.

In

former days a person who cursed another without just


cause could be compelled to revoke the curse, usually
through plaoation from friendly intermediaries.
Nowadays if a person utters a serious curse such as
*let God kill you* or *let mblam kill you*, he may be
sued before the Native Court, or, if a church member,
he may be reported to the pastor of his church for
blasphemy,
Efik curses Involve reference to future punish
ment by God or other supernatural powers, bodily defects,
some antisocial activity or reprehensible character
defect, harm which should happen to the person in the
future, and disreputable origin or ancestory.

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370
Curses involving reference to punishment by Cod
or supernatural powers are:
Efik

Engllsh

(1)

abasi amia fi ufen

Let Qod punish you*

(2)

abasi owot fl

Let God kill you.

(3)

atabrinyaii ada fi

(4)

ekpo etibi fi

onyln

(5)

oyon unana mbu)t idem

(6)

mbiam owot fl

Let Atabrinyang take


you.
Let ghost make you
blind.
Child lacking faith
(hence, God will pun
ish you).
mbiam kill you.

Curses referring to physical defects are:


(1)
(2)

adat Inua nte etlm


akpa edak

Mouth as red as a
mllliped.
Dying diaphragm.

(3)

akwai^a ek2} v

Twisted penis.

(4)

akwayfa ukot

Twisted leg.

anana mkp) mbre lban

You lack the thing of


female play (i.e. you
lack breasts).

awak *nm)j( inua

Plenty of saliva in
mouth.

enyln nte ek)m

Eyes like ek)m fruit.

enyin nte lsama

Eyes like a lemur.

(7)

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371
(9)

etebe etak

Smelling vagina*

(10)

etebe Idem

Smelling body.

(11)

etebe Inua

Smelling mouth.

(12)

etlbe iwat kedak

White hairs growing


In vagina.

(13)

eyen nd)n) eka nd)n)

Child without-hairon-privates
mother wlthout-hairon-privates.

(14)

lbuot nte akpayi

Head like an ugly


mask.

(15)

lbuot nte mflne

Head like the mflne


animal trap.

^dem nte tfapanuruk

Body like a vine.

(17)

lkpat nte edltlm

Peet like waterbuok.

(18)

Inua nte lnlm

Mouth like a parrot.

(19)

Inua nte oyot

Mouth like rabbit.

(20)

Inua nte oyot ata )k)tl

Mouth like a rabbit


eating beans.

(21)

Iso nte er)jrf

Faoe like a sheep.

(22)

Iso nte ekpony)h)

Face like a destroying


ghost.

(23)

Iso nte etak

Faoe like a vagina.

(24)

Iso y(kp) nte afo

Dwarf thing like you.

(25)

ltlt nte "k"

Vagina like the letter


k" (or any other
letter; said to hurt
the persons feelings
meaning her vagina is
unnatural).

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ava
(26)

odobi ibuot

Heavy head (an in


direct way of
oailing someone a
blockhead)

(27)

odobi jfkp)k inua

Thick lips*

(28)

okpon ikpat

Big feet*

(29)

okpon rfkp) kidem

Everything in your
body is big (i.e..
you are unnatural).

(30)

okpon )kp) usujf

Big ball of fufu (i.e.,


you have a big mouth).

(31)

lkJl k.]t

Bending occiput.

(32)

)kw)h) ib) nte afo

Baldheaded man like you.

(33)

)ni)K ebek

Long chin.

(34)

)ni)rf ekp)r)

Long penis.

(35)

ut)|{ nte edop

Ears like an antelope.

(36)

afo etibe edet eny)j< emi

You with a tooth growing


In the upper jaw,

Curses which refer to the dubious origin of the


aocursed person are:

(D

(2)

even etime nsene

Child of mixed sperm


(i.e., conceived by more
than one father)

eyen )fn nte afo

Child of a slave like you,

w m n m

mmmmmmttm

mmmmmmm

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373
Curaes which oite some antisocial activity or
reprehensible character defeot are:
(1)

akpara >(kp)

Harlot thing,

(2)

in) nte eku

Thief like a rat,

(3)

it)y{ ]rfkp)

Greedy thing,

eyon )fa)A

Lazy ohild,

(5)

eyfwl lml )j( uni a

You flatulate in the


market,

(6)

owo lk)t nte

afo

Bushman like you,

C*)

owofc owo nte

afo

Murderer like you,

)k)l i^ c p ) nte afo

Inept thing like you,

)y)h) mmln urua

Drunk in the market,

)f )t m k p )

Witch thing.

Curses intimating some harm should befall in


the future are:

(1)

efik eylre fl
ek)j{ ebek fi edet

Let testioular*hernla
hang on you#
Let war breaL

tooth,

(3)

ekpe ata

fi

Let a leopard eat you,

(4)

inan anm

fl

May you become blind,

(5)

in) eylp

fl

Let a thief steal your


things,

(6)

inua akwayfa fl

May your mouth become


twisted.

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374
(7)

itut otop fi

**t itut insect bite you.

(8)

mb)m fo

I am sorry for you (i.e.,


because I shall do some
thing evil to you).

(9)

osuk akpa it)

I wish you die impotent.

(10)

mfat ito ata fi

Let smallpox affeot you.

(11)

osuk )d)di)k )n) fi

I wish it should ever be


bad with you.

(12)

osuk )d)/{) mbai

I wish that you suffer the


mbai vaginal disease.

(13)

)ku>( efri fi

Let a spitting cobra blow


on you (It is believed
that if the cobra spits
on a person, the person
will soon die).

(14)

)di)k )n)

fi

(^)

uta itit ata

Let it be bad with you.


fi

Let dysentery do you.

In addition to the more formal oaths used in mbiam


swearing the Efik possess many used in asserting the
truth of some alleged fact.

These oaths are used on suoh

occasions as between friends, husbands and wives, ser


vants and masters,

and during business transactions.

more common oaths or

u j (w

)iO

are:

(1)

ma abasi

By QodJ

(2)

ma ete ke eny )>{

By the Father above i

akpanik) ete

The

By the truth of the father.

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375
(4)

ma enyltf

By the name (of God)]

(5)

mblaifake fl

I don't deoelve you]

(6)

yak okuf)n )n) ml

Let It be bad with me!

(7)

ma ytkp) ke Idem fo

By everything on your
body (i.e., by all the
magio-medicine In outs
on your body)]

(8)

rrm uwem Jehovah

By the life of Jehovah!

(9)

raa mfIn eml

By today]

emanl ml Ikatlaba

Let me not bear a child


for seven generations]

rfkunyene even
(11)

se ub)k lba keny)|{

By both hands that I


raise up]

(12)

mblet eml owot ml

Let this grass kill me]


(other things may be
substituted for grass)

Divination and omens.

The Efik oonsult diviners

to ascertain the doer of an aotion, the cause of sickness


or an unfortunate event, or the truth of an allegation*
A woman accused of harlotry may go to a diviner to
establish her innocence, while a group may consult a
diviner to determine which member revealed a secret.
Several different methods of divination or afia
'trap* exist.

Afia ntuen enyln 'divination by pepper of

eye* involves the placement of twenty Amomum melegueta


seeds in a calabash.

The diviner rubs a leaf called )fu)

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376
on the suspect's eyes.

He then Btands fifteen yards

from the suspeot, and alms the open mouth of the


calabash at him.

The suspeot says, "If I am the person

who stole the artiole let the divination be against me,


but if I am not the person let the divination free me."
The diviner hits the calabash, and if the suspeot Is
guilty he cannot open his eyes because the seeds are
thought to enter them.

A similar dlvinatory method

resorted to more by Ibibio than by Efik, is Afia ntokon


okpo whloh uses a kind of pepper called ntokon okpo
instead of Amomum melegueta.
In

Ikpa 'whip divination' the diviner makes

a small cut on his hand Into whloh he rubs magicmedicine.

He stands before the suspeot, holding a whip,

and If guilty the diviner begins to shake and oommenoes


beating the suspeot.

In the method of divination called

Afia lkpa eml etledetle 'diviner's whip on whloh one


sits' the suspeot completely disrobes and sits on an
antelope skin, which is placed with the outer side lying
directly on the ground.

If the suspeot is guilty the

antelope skin adheres to his gluteal region.


A frequent Ibibio method of divination, used
occasionally by the Efik, is Afia iflet 'broom divination*.
The diviner applies 'medicine* to two small brooms, made

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377
from palm fruit husk, which the suspect then holds
against his neok.

If he is guilty the brooms remain

on the suspeots shoulders and squeeze his neok.


Afia ayajrf broom divination consists in putting
two long brooms opposite each other and pushing them
together so that their sticks mingle.

The brooms are

laid on the ground, while the aooused lies faoe down


wards with his chest on them and two other persons lift
the broom handles.

If the brooms separate, the accused

is innocent, but if they suooessfully lift the man he is


guilty.

Afia ekpln is a similar method of divination

whioh substitutes the fresh leaves of the palm fruit


tree in place of brooms.

Afia lk)y{ okpoho involves

plaiting together eight leaves of a tree called okpoho.


The suspeot holds four stems while another person holds
the remaining four.

If the suspeot is lnnooent the

leaves will part when he pulls on his stems.


Afia aran divination by palm oil' calls for the
suspeot to rub his hands with a speoial leaf and then
wash them in boiling palm oil.
will be unharmed.

If innocent, his hands

In Afia usan ' plate divination*

the

suspect sits on the floor, and a round china plate is


plaoed on his head.

Water, one ntuen pepper pod and a

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378
leaf are put Inside tho plate.

If the person is guilty

the water falls on the suspeot*s baok while, if innocent,


it falls on his faoe,
A method of divination oalled ekewura or ndomo
also exists.

An animal horn with a small bell tied on

the outside is filled with special 'raedioine',

The sus

peot holds the horn, and if he is guilty his hands shake


thus ringing the bell,
Afia ukp)h)re 'key divination1 involves the use of
the Bible and a key.

The key is put inside the Bible

with the handle stioking outside the oover, and the Bible
is then bound tightly with string.

The suspeot says, "If

I am the person who did this thing let the key turn, but
if I am not let the key be steady,"

Most informants

state the key may be placed between any portion of the


Bible, but one informant insisted the key must be plaoed
somewhere between chapters seven and twenty of St, John's
Gospel,

Afia ukp)h)re was introduced within the last

fifty or seventy-five years, and is resorted to only by


ohildren and adolescents over small matters,
Hutohinson6 mentions several other methods of
divination,

Afia ayara consists of rubbing the suspect's

6 Hutohinson, T.J., 1858, pp. 156-8,

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379
eyelids with a solution of pepper and water*

If the

eyes are not burned the accused is innocent*

Afia idet

ibom oonsists of a diviner placing a tooth of the ibom


snake beneath the eyelid of the suspect*

If the aooused

can eject the tooth by rolling his eyes he is innocent*


In Afia lbuot idi )k *divination by the head of a chim
panzee* the diviner holds a chimpanzee's skull and draws
two lines, one with white chalk and the other with oharooal.

If the suspeot is innocent he will be irresistibly

drawn to the white line.

Afia u

'ear divination*

consists of pushing a needle through the earlobe of the


suspect*

If it goes through the earlobe easily the

suspeot is innocent*
Saliva dropping from the mouth signifies the
individual will soon have plenty of fish or meat to eat*
If someone sneezes, or bites the tongue while eating, it
is because people are talking about him and have just
mentioned his name*

When a person goes to a stream and

tries to out a fish with a machete but cuts n^ab in


stead it foretells an unsuccessful fishing day; henoe,
the proverb 'first cutting you cut a crab' said if one
does something whioh is not successful at first*

If the

sun shines during rain a leopard is thought to be giving


birth under a Dracaena tree.

If a bee, or as some say,

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380
a firefly, oomes into the house it portends the arrival
of a stranger, while if there are many wasps living
under your roof you will have good fortune*

It is also

believed if a person kills a wasp he will have no


ohlldren*
Should a person see a fish eagle on his right
side while travelling on the river it means things will
be good for him in the immediate future*

If a pied

kingfisher makes a noise on a p ersons right side It


signifies the person will oatoh many fish during that
day*

In both these instances whether the omens are good

or bad depends on whioh Is the luoky or unluoky side of


the person*

Efik determine this by observing what happens

for several times after having seen the birds} for moat
people the right side is the luoky side*
Vultures ore regarded as good omens if they come
at the end of a ceremony, but as a bad one if they
descend into a market before the market is finished*

If

no vultures come to a place where a new market site is


being started it is believed the market will not prosper*
If the seagull or inuen ekpo 'bird of ghost*
cries just before dusk, someone is soon going to die*
The same is signified if cows bellow loudly during the

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381
night.

The latter is thought to be oaused by the witch

people in order to Infoxra people of a ooming death.

If

the oows bellow and there is a sick person in the com


pound, everyone gets up and sits around him for fear he
will die.
If the right leg is kioked or souffed on the
ground as a person walks along, something good will
happen.

If a person has a quivering (Ef. n t o k ) of the

upper eyelid he will soon see something very nioe, but


if the lower eyelid quivers someone dear has died and he
is going to shed tears when informed of the death.

If a

person hears a ringing in his ears or becomes very weak


and feels unhappy it is a sign a near relative has died.
When a dog is seen digging a hole it means someone will
die and be burled, so the dog Is always driven away and
the hole refilled.
Should a small baby oolleot empty cans, put leaves,
sand and water In them, and pretend many people are having
a dinner, parents fear another ohild will be born to them
soon; it is regarded as bad to have another ohild before
the first is able to walk.
If a person stands with his baok to the coffin and
looks in a mirror so that he oan see the reflection of
the coffin, he will see a little bird.

Should the bird

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382
turn and faoe the onlooker he will die soon#

People

don't try this for fear It might be true#


A person who wakes In the morning and sees
oertaln persons first on that day, will have either a
very happy or very bad day, depending on whether the
persons he saw make him lucky or unlucky#

Those who

bring an unlucky day are known os idl)k okut usen 'bad


sight day* and are usually enemies whose sight is not
pleasing#

They are feared, and if they are heard out

side the house, people usually remain inside hoping to


avoid seeing them#

People who bring good fortune are

called etl okut usen 'good sight day'#

The Efik

believe that if a child is born on a gloomy day the


ohlld may eventually beoome uncouth#
The Efik compare dreams to death since in them
one can visit faraway plaoes, converse and play with
deoeased friends just os in death a person goes to meet
his ancestors and make merry with them#

The Efik do

not possess a stereotyped theory of dream causation but


many believe they are oaused by )kp)suyf eklkere 'strong
thought'} they say if you think of something often you
will dream about it one day#

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383
Certain dreams are believed to portend future
events.

Dreams of illness portend illness to the

dreamer, while if a husband dreams of an unborn ohild


it means the ohild will be stillborn.

Should one dream

of buying fresh fish, plastering a wall, unexpectedly


defecating, or stepping on excrement, it portends the
death of a relative.

If someone is ill, and one dreams

of the sick person dressed in nice clothes it foretells


his death and the family commences to make arrangements
for the ooffin and memorial services.

If one dreams of

losing an upper incisor it means a parent will soon die,


while if the tooth Is other than an incisor it portends
the death of a relative other than the parents.

Should

one dream of the Illness of a relative whom one has not


seen for several months, It means the relative is strong
and well.
Dreams of eating are regarded as exceptionally
bad since they signify someone is putting ikime or
witoh-medioine in food and giving the food to the person
to eat in a dream.

Sorcery and witohoraft.

Two types of sorcery

or witohoraft (Ef. i f ) t ) exist* white witohoraft or

afla if)t and black witohoraft or obubit if)t.

The

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384
possessor of the former never attempts to kill or injure
anyone, but defends people by exposing the possessors of
blaok witohoraft*

Usually middle-aged or elderly

individuals, they will readily acknowledge possession of


their powers, while a blaok witoh will not.

Galled owo

if)t 'witch person1, they always oause death, sickness,


or loss of wealth and are believed to recruit members
by putting witoh-medicine in a person's food.
Witohes join together to form a society whioh
meets at night to cause people harm.

Under ordinary

conditions they ore only visible to possessors of white


witohoraft, but when they congregate at night they are
visible to everyone and reported to be red in color.
This is due to the removal of their skin which they leave
at home to make people think that they are asleep while
they go outside to dance in their raw flesh.
If termites erect an anthill on a grave it
signifies the deoeased was a witch.

However, many Efik

deny the truth of this belief on the grounds that the


number of witches burled in the cemeteries greatly
exceeds the number of anthills.
Witohes possess the power of attracting money to
themselves, although a similar power Is possessed by
people who are not witohes.

Thus, a person with a large

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385
stomach is believed to be able to attract money due to
a power inside his stomach, and such people are called
owo afak u n a m .

People also obtain wealth by becoming

members of a witoh society called unam okuk. literally


translated as animal of m o n e y but translated into
English by the Efik as 'money medicine society'.

person beoomes a member of unam okuk either by sacri


ficing a relative or his material wealth.

If someone

chooses the former he must saorifioe a member of his


nuclear family.

If a person pledges his material wealth

to unam okuk none of his relatives will suffer but he


will lose muoh of his riches through some accident such
as his canoe overturning; after the person has lost his
money seven times he will then become prosperous.
In July, 1952 a family printed and posted a
notioe on the bulletin board of the Greek Town Native
Court stating it disowned one member because he had
Joined unam okuk.

The text of the notioe read:

This is to inform the Public that we the


undersigned members have unanimously washed out
Etim Efiong Ene, the son of Chief Efiong Ene clean
clear from the family whioh he belongs he has no
right on whatsoever that belongs to the family his
brothers and sisters also have denied him flat.
Prom today the said Etim Efiong Ene is responsible
for his property, which belongs to his ohildren.
We have less to do with his ohildren and his house.
The reason for doing this is because Etim Efiong Ene

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386
has joined Money Medicine Society which in future
he will due to shed blood of one member in the
family. Dated at Calabar this 15th day of May, 1952#
The notice referred to a man who was believed to
have Joined a witch society in order to gain wealth.
Every three months when the man returned from a trading
expedition he gave a feast to which he invited his rela
tives.

As is customary, eaoh guest received a basin in

whioh to wash his hands.

The guests suspected their host

of surreptitiously pouring all the water from the basins


into one pot containing magic-medicine, whioh would di
vert the money to himself that would normally oome to the
hands of his guests.

People guestioned the man but he

always denied all allegations.


Every time the man went on a trading expedition
he oarried with him a special magio-medicine sewn in
d o t h , which he tied on his oanoe, and to which he
sacrificed kola nuts, eggs, meat and tobacco.

After the

sacrifice he always said, 1 have given you your sacri


fice; I hope everything will go on well; let plenty
money come to me.

The three brothers who aocompanled

him on these expeditions were his stepchildren, and were


instructed to saorlfloe to his magic-medioine in his
absence.

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387
Members of the man's family realized they had
been losing money from time to time so they oonsulted a
diviner who told them this man was drawing money from
them.

When his relatives questioned him the man denied

the fact.

The man's wife left him because of the

trouble over the money.

The man told his stepchildren

he had no quarrel with them, and they should continue in


business with him, which they agreed to do.
He then sent the three stepohildren on a trading
expedition with several other men but this time did not
aooompany them.

A short time later the oanoe oapsized

and the three stepohildren, who were excellent swimmers,


drowned although all the other passengers who oould not
swim survived.

The survivors returned, and when the

man's family learned of the accident they were oonvlnced


he was a witoh.

They notified the entire town of their

belief and asked the man to attend a meeting of the towns


men, which he did and denied the accusation.

The towns

men then asked him to swear an mblam oath, but the man
refused.

Consequently, the man's family and the

townspeople now believe him guilty of witohoraft.


Believing he would soon saorifice one of his close
relatives, his family disowned him hoping that by so

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388
doing they would prevent the death of any of his
genealogical relatives since they could now deny any
kinship with the man and thus be unacceptable as a
saorifice to the unam okuk society*
The Efik believe the esere or Calabar bean
(Physostigma venemosum) possesses the power of destroy
ing witchcraft, and a person so aooused usually
demanded his right to undergo the Calabar bean ordeal
in order to establish his innocence*

The suspect ate

eight Calabar beans and drank a mixture of ground


Calabar beans and water.

If the suspect was a witoh

his mouth shook and mucus came from his nose*

If he

was innooent he lifted his right hand and then regur


gitated.

Should the poison continue to affect ths

suspect after his innooence had been established, an


antidote was administered consisting of either male
or female excrement, depending on the suspect's sex,
mixed with water which had been used to wash a female's
external genitalia*

This mixture was taken as a drink*

If the suspect is found to be guilty, however, no


antidote is given and he is allowed to die*

After his

demise his oorpse is thrown into the forest*

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38o
According to the Encyclopaedia Brltannioa
(19^7, vol. I4.1 p. 51|2) one percent of the Calabar bean
is composed of two alkaloids known as Calabarine and
physostigmino or oserine.

Physostigmine affects the

salivary, bile, lachrymal and sweat glands, raises the


blood pressure, constricts the pharynx, leads to violent
regurgitation, stimulates the vagus nerve thereby causing
the heart to beat slowly, and later depresses the intraoardiac motor ganglia oausing prolongation of diastole
and paralysis of the respiratory center in the medulla
oblongata.
Christison? states the Calabar bean is a
leguminous seed about the size of a garden-bean but
thicker, with a kernel weighing from thirty-six to fifty
grains*

Christison ate six grains of a seed with little

effect, and the following morning chewed and swallowed


twelve grains.

Fifteen minutes later he began to feel

giddy and immediately drank his dirty shaving water as an


emetic.

Ho comments on the effects of the poison remarking

''...there liras no bodily uneasiness except the single attack

7 Christison, R ., 1855, pp. Ij.70-76.

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390
of siokness

apparently the relics of the action of

my peculiar emetic,

but simply a sense of sinking

vitality, with clearness of mind, and without any


sensation deserving in the slightest degree to bo
called physical distress.

Christison suggested

that the Calabar bean might be used to produce humane


executions.
At present Higerian law forbids the use of the
Calabar bean, and the mere possession of it entails fine
and imprisonment.

However, the Efik frequently keep one

Calabar bean in their pocket book or with a hidden cache


of coins in order to prevent witches from ''drinking'1 the
money*

Tho rainbow signifies a witch is "drinking"

money from someone's house.


Hagic-modlcine.

The Efik believe that the

performance of specific actions will bring about the


occurrence of malevolent or beneficial events.

Further

more, they postulate that man can manufacture certain


magical powers which derive thoir potency from the
correct mixture of ingredients.

Such concoctions are

known as ib)lc and mbiam.


Hblam is a magically potent liquid, used in
S o a r i n g oaths, which kills a prevaricator.

Ib)lc are

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391
classifiable into two types:

medicinal and magical.

Nedicinal magic-medicinos are used to cure diseases,


while the magiool forms are used to assure good fortune,
prevent bad fortune, and kill or severely injure an
enemy or rival.
Although equally powerful the oath modicine
differs from magic-medicine in that it never harms an
innocent person and always gives a sign to a person be
fore it acts as if something were wrong.

Such signs are

a forest bird commencing to build a nest in the compound,


a white vulture, or a rare kind of giant millipod,
Magic-modiclnes act mercilessly and do as their maker
desires.
At present the mblam oath functions in place of
the esere or Calabar bean ordeal, forbidden by Nigerian
law, and may oocur either publicly or in private.
Nbiam is also used to punish thieves.

If something is

stolen the owner frequently hires an olcu mblam or mbiam


specialist to pour mblam for the thieves.

The specialist

pours the magic liquid in the area where the theft took
place instructing it to kill the oulprits.

Frequently

when the thieves learn that this has been done they
confess to tho theft and arrange restitution in order

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392
that the owner of the stolen artiole will nullify the
liquid's power.
In 1952 at Creek Town several young men stole
yams from a trader's canoe.

When the thieves learned

the trader had arranged with a herbalist to pour the


magio liquid, they surrendered the money they had
obtained from selling the yams and agreed to repay the
owner for any loss as well os for the fees of the
herbalist.
Some persons are believed to control thunder
and are able to instruct it to kill speoifio individ
uals.

Efik designate three kinds of thunder:

yfkaA yfkart obuma. and obuma i s )fi,

obuma,

Obuma always occurs

during rain, and when it kills anyone it either


blackens the oorpse or shatters it into pieoes; Euro
peans would opine the oorpse was struck by lightning.
tfkarf y ( k a obuma occurs when there is neither rain or
thunder and causes a person to fall dead; a European
doctor would diagnose the oause os circulatory or
pulmonary failure.

Obuma is )yf is the rarest type,

and aots without discrimination.

The other types may

be instructed to kill a particular person in a speoifio


village.

If the thunder visits the house when the

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393
victim is absent it will retire, while obuma is)]rf will
destroy the house and all its occupants*

A speolal ram called efot okuklm is thunder's


messenger and executor.

The ram runs along the road,

and at the sound of thunder jumps and disappears.

When

the ram reaches the house of the victim the latter hears
thunder and dies without seeing the ram.

If, however,

the person possesses the power to stop the effect of


thunder, known as nsuk obuma. the ram will be both
visible and harmless when it reaches its destination.
A person who desires to send thunder must decap
itate a red cook, draw a olrole on the ground and stand
Inside it holding a machete in his right hand and the
cock's body in his left.

When the thunder returns he

sacrifices a white cook.

The maohete symbolizes the

destructive power of thunder, the red cook symbolizes


bloodshed, and the white cook constitutes a sacrificial
reward to the thunder for the damage done.
Sometimes the Efik cook palm fruits and throw
the palm oil on the ground where lightning has struck
since they believe this will prevent the ltlat obuma

Many Efik oompare obuma is )yf to the atomic


bomb, the explosions of which they have seen in
newsreels at the Calabar theatre.

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394
thunder stone* from going deep into the ground.

On

the following day they attempt to dig it out in order


to use it in making magic mediolnes.

The real thunder

stone is probably a meteor fragment and is very rarely


found.

However, the ooramon type usually used in Efik

medicine is oalled itlat obuma ifu)

thunderstone

excrement and is apparently a jelly-like gum exhuded


by the wine palm tree whioh solidifies when struck by
lightning.
Many compounds have old machete blades hidden
somewhere in the front yard which are believed to
prevent thunder from harming the house.

These are rub

bed with magic medicine and then stuok in the ground


where they remain as long as the house stands,
Magioal medicines are usually rubbed into outs
made on the body with a razor or sharp knife.
are made on the ankles, wrists, elbows,

The cuts

shoulders,

area on the chest three inches above the nipples,


the middle of the forehead.

the
and

Normally seven outs ore in

cised in each region exoept the forehead where only one


is mode.

Men interested in magio-mediolnes frequently

possess medicinal formulae written in books, which they


have inherited from their father.

Some oomplle notebooks

of formulae which they have obtained from their father,

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395
f athers brother, or a olose friend.
The following formulae were those of two de
ceased Efik who were renowned during their lifetime for
their interest and competence in magic-medicines, and
were obtained from their male descendants.
(1)

The medicine lb)k ntop ldat

'medicine for throw

ing insanity* oauses an enemy to become insane.

The

root of the nyama fern, one Amoraum melegueta seed, and


a small amount of whiskey are placed in a mortar and
pounded.

Part of the resultant mixture is rubbed on

the bush called eruyf enayf, and the remaining portion


is thrown where the enemy is known to walk,

/fter he

steps over the medicine he will eventually beoome in


sane.
(2)

A husband resorts to lb)k uslak owo 'medicine

for mentioning a person' when he suspects his wife


guilty of adultery and wishes to learn the name of the
guilty man.

The medicine also prevents a woman from

giving birth until she mentions the name of her adul


terous paramour.

The leaf of a speoies of Dracaena

tree, together with fiber from a wine palm tree, the


bark of Alblzzla zyglo, and a small croaker fish are
cooked in a pot until the mixture turns black.

Then

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the root of the Urera manii plant is added, and the


mixture put in a sheep skin bog.
under the door or the pillow.

The bog is placed

When the wife sleeps

the medioine will make her mention the name of all men
with whom she has had coition, but the husband must
stay awake and not sleep before his wife in order to
prevent the medioine from affeoting him.
(3)

lb)k atiya enyin causes an enemy to suffer a

*popeyed* ophthalmio condition.

The juice of the

akpambiet oactus, juioe from the )k)n) uruk vine, three


lime roots, the root of a species of Anchomanes, four
roots of ntabit grass, and seven Amomum melegueta
seeds are ground and put in a bottle.

When the medi

oine is to be used, dip the right index finger into


the mixture, walk up behind your enemy, and flick the
medioine toward him.

The user of the medicine must

refrain from touching his body with his index finger


until after he has cleansed it with the juioe of a
rotten plantain stem.
(4)

Ib)k nyoyf ufene

M e d i o i n e for wandering domestic

animals* was formerly called lb)k mmum ntem lma medi


cine for keeping someone at one p l a c e 1, but when people
began to read and write the name was changed to prevent

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397
a wife from thinking it was for hor if she aooidently
saw the formula.

The following are oolleotedi

the stem

and the root of the ukime plant, the root of a plantain


called uk)m nd l t ) eyen, the root of the uto i s )d grass,
root of the en)l tree, seven large shrimp, seven waterscooting inseots, a piece from the place where a wine
palm tree is tapped, scrapings from the door frame and
wall of your house, the root of any tree which crosses
the road, seven roots growing on a grave, several hairs
of the person on whom the medicine is applied.
root of the )b)ruruk vine to f o m

Fold the

a ring, put the medi

cine into a now pot, and place the pot on the ring.
Grind the ingredients, add a hair from the Individual's
groin area and cover the pot with a mirror.

Spit the

juioe of Amomum melegueta seeds on the pot and say "as


from today you must look at mo os one looks at the
mirror, today you are not to leave this house except
with permission, whatsoever anyone says you must ignore
except what I say,"

The pot is then rubbed with earth

obtained from a grove and buried somewhere in the


compound,
lb)k Qdlm 'rain medicine' is used either to stop
the rain from falling in order to allow a particular

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398
festivity to ooour, or to make the rein fall*

The latter

rarely occurs since rain is prevalent In the Calabar area,


but Informants state rain is sometimes needed when plant
ing begins in Maroh.

To keep the rain from falling, chew

the leaves of Desmodium absoendens with the leaves of


Amomum melegueta, and spit the juice on a handle-less
machete blade previously rubbed with yellow chalk*

Then

spit any alcoholic liquid, preferably whiskey, on the


machete bind and place It over the fireplace.
To make rain fall collect Desmodium absoendens
leaves, bark of the garcinla kola tree, bark of the etofla
tree, bark of the arfwarfka tree, and bark of the etube tree*
Make a small broom from the midribs of oil palm tree fronds,
and put the medioine on the broom*

Then tie strips of

black, red, and white cloth abound the handle and tie the
feather of a fish eagle and of a parrot to the d o t h *
Sprinkle yellow ohalk on the broom, expeotorate whiskey on
the handle, and then tie a root from the ekpaifekpaK tree
to the broom*

Finally, wipe the blood of a cook on the

handle of the broom*


uwot lf)t *medioine for killing witohoraft*
is believed effeotive for ohildren if parents apply the
medioine within a few days of the ohild*s contraction of

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399
witohoraft.

The root of the tulip troo, bark of Cylico-

disoua gabononsis, bark of tho otofio tree, juice of the


aba uk)m plantain, throe Calnbnr boons, and the hair of
a crab are ground together and put into o small ikim
calabash.

This is placed in a refuse hoop for seven days

and then removed very early in the morning to ovoid any


one seeing.

Put the mixture on a stone and grind, add

3even fireflies and the oil obtained from tho soeds of


tho en)l troo.

Give the patient the mixture to oat, but

do not allow the calabash to touch the ground.

(7)

Ib)k uteyfe ikpe

medicine to influence a court-

oase' is composed of a garcinla kola seed, the leaves of


the ifkubla plant, leaves of lmum mbrltern, leaves of ed)|{
enay(. leaves of )k)n) ls)yf and a fresh leaf of Harungana
madagasooriensis.

Add the leaves to the feather of a

dead cock previously dried by fire, a root from a grave,


a hair from a c o w s face, a piece of cloth from the
olothes worn by a dead man, water in which a deadman has
been bathed,

the root from an old bush path, something

left in the market (such as a pieoe of salt), sand from


the market taken when many people ore present, scrapings
from an axe, and an unhatohed chicken embryo.
stone on a folded headpad.

Place a

Grind the ingredients, add

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400
seven Amomum seeds and a oloth previously used by a
woman to cleanse her genitalia after coition*

Go to a

oemetery at midnight and give the person a out on the


oenter of his forehead,

just above the eyebrows*

some of the mixture into the out*

Rub

Then rotate a cook

around the head of the individual, kill the cook and


put it in a grave*

Repeat this process for six days

but omit the killing of a new cook*


(8)

Ib)k ntop idat

'medicine for throwing madness*

oontains botanical ingredients, animal ingredients,


and material objeots*

The botanical ingredients con

sist of the bark of the ekpaylekpajt* ofrlyo and banyan


trees, root of the mbom m b )/ vine, root of Cola rostrata, root of the ekurlku plant, leaf of the efik
efik plant, leaf of the nyanyantet plant, seven spicules
from the oil palm tree, the root of udedebe mm)yf, a dry
loaf of uklm plant, seven leaves of the iso mbukpo
plant, an okra root, the sap of a tree, seven leaves
blown from a tree whioh are oaught before they reaoh
the ground, seven leaves floating on water, the bark of
a tree blown down by wind, leaf from the okut uko

)d)yf

)f )y( briar, leaf of the mfefehe ik) plant, leaf of


Phyllanthus nlurui, leaf of edome unen plant, leaf of
the purple convolvulus, and the loaf and root of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

401
ifkwoyio plant#
Animal ingredients include seven bees, a parrot
head, the head of a pied crow, a bat's head,

a cook's

tongue, seven honey ants, seven fireflies, a snakes


head, head of a mad dog, seven ants from an orange tree,
and the head of a man#
Material objects consist of the clothes worn by
a dead person, the clothes worn by an insane person,
the refuse from a dust bln, sand from the footprints of
a cow, and anything found at a path where people offer
sacrifices#
The ingredients, live animals, and a slave are
taken into the bush where bodies of dead slaves are
thrown#

An old woman is hired to grind the ingredients#

The animals and the slave are deoapitated and the heads
placed with the other ingredients#

The herbalist puts

seven shillings on the ground as a base for the mortar.


Then the woman pounds the Ingredients and plaoes them
on a grinding stone whioh rests on the seven shillings#
/s she grinds the man employing the medioine says,
"Medicine, I wont you to make the person I am using this
on become as naked as this woman,

to tear all of his

clothes and walk about naked like this woman, to be do


ing all kinds of shameful things so that people will

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

402
know he is insane."

The old woman washes her external

genitalia with water and allows the water to fall into


the medioine.

An object belonging to the person who

is to be harmed is then added to the medioine, whioh is


either rubbed on a piece of string or on tho bottom
slot of the door frame of the victim's house.
medioine is rubbed on a string,

If the

this is buried in a

path frequented by the enemy.


The herbalist receives one male dog, one female
dog, one blaok oook, one red oook, one hen, seven
shillings in seven places

(a total of forty-nine shill

ings), forty-nine pennies, and forty-nine halfpenoes


which represents his fee for collecting the plants from
the bush? the live animals and the slave ore furnished
at the client's expense.

If the herbalist is successful

and the desired person actually becomes insane he should


receive an additional fee of ten pounds.
Ib)k ata 'medicine of blow' assures the maker
that he can give a powerful blow with his fist, and is
made by collecting the root of eto akak. the bark of any
tree on whioh ants live, the bark of the eto afla tree,
moss, the root of the efehe nt)k plant, the root of
ntokon pepper, a butterfly, seven bees, seven ants of

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403
tho kind colled odom )lc)k lylp and seven ata ants*
These are put in a new pot and boiled until the mix
ture becomes brown.

Spreod a piece of black cloth on

the ground and have tho person who wants a powerful


blow stop on it*

The herbalist then gives his client

sovon small cuts on the wrists, olbows, shoulders and


on both sides of tho chest into which he rubs the medi
cine*

It is believed that if the person possessing

this mngio-medlcine fights withoomoone ho will cause


sickness to his opponent if he touches him, even though
he may not win the fight.

Should tho power of the

magic-medic Ine become too strong and moke the possessor


begin to shake, out the root of the )k)k edl plant, put
it with coconut juice in a bottle, and give it to the
person to drink oooasionolly in order to keep the power
of the medicine under control*

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

PART III

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

CHAPTER X I I
RFFLF.CTI0T1 OF CULTURE IN EFIK FOLKTALES
All references In Part III to the ethnographic
data Incorporated in the folktales ore coded.

Infer

ences to the present w r i t e r s collection are coded by


number, the initial digit representing the number of
the volume, from 1 to 6, in which the item appears,
subsequent numbers indicating the page of the volume.
Thus, the code number 112 shows that the reference is
oontained in volume one, page twelve.

References to

Dayrell are coded by the letter D, followed by a number


representing the page on which the item appears.
Reference to the folktale reported by Burton is coded
by tho letter B, followed by a number representing the
page on which tho item appears, while references to
Gas ki ns folktale are coded by the letter G,
The code may be summarized as follows:
D, C. Simmons* manuscript collection . . .
Elphinstone Dayrell (London, 1910)
Richard F, Burton (London, l865>)
E, A, Gaskin (Africa. 1^32)

numbers

. . .

................

B
G

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1+06
Material Culture and Industries
Animals,

Animals appearing in the folktales are

frequently endowed with anthropomorphic qualities, which


are described in subsequent sections.

Mammals mentioned

in the tales include the elephant (D$8 , D72, D157, 1Q )


hippopotamus (D79, D101+, D157)# waterbuclc (19), bushbuclc
(D87 , D121), bushcow (D72), two species of bat (D36 , D?l|),
chimpanzee (29), ape (gorilla?, Dl+6 ), leopard (2118),
monkey (D73, 2123), water ohevrotain (1+9), bush rat (D36 ,
D96), rat (2110, 2168), mouse (11$0, 211$), squirrel
(D87 ), hare (670), bushcat (D87 ), and duiker (L+278)
Birds embrace the hawk (Dll+2), orange bishop
(DI33 ), sunbird (Dl5), pigeon (2112), pied crow (1+227,

6I+3 ), village weaver (Dl3), Senegal coucal (D15>3), grey


headed kingfisher (3126 ), francolin (111 ), and herons,
geese, hornbills, bustards and cranes (Dl), as well as
two unidentified birds known as ewep ewep (69) and olcpo
okpo mbomo yflculcu (18 ),
Reptiles include the python (6ll+), crocodile
(DI35 ), tortoise (Dl, D106, G, 228), sea turtle (D106),
end monitor lizard (381 ),

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U07
Althouph fish in penerol ore mentioned
only species named are the catfish

fish fftlOU).

(Pit0 ), the

(6IO 3 ) and the electric

The only molluscs mentioned are the snail

(110 ) and periwinkle (210 ), while the shrimp and crab


constitute the sole crustaceans mentioned

(DI 36 ; 68l|.)

Insects incorporated in the tales comprise red


ants (1120, 29J|), stinpinp ants (3126 ), driver ants (D96),
chippers (D67 ), fleas (l|22 ), flies (D67), prayinp mantises
(D7l|), prasshoppers
roaches

(lll|3 It9), spiders (Dl|0 , llltif), cock

(21)|5 ) and worms (P96 ).


Domestic animals (216) embrace sheep (D.9D, rams

(l.|231 ), poats (2l 6o, 1117), cows (2160, 3196), pips (612),
chickens (2169, D76), cats (D6, 1137), ond dops (D8l,

622 ), while two references are made to horses (l|.293 , 96 )*


Aprlculture,

Althouph it may be situated in the

backyard of a house (617 ), a form is usually located some


distance from town (Dl, D2l|, D70) ond visited by farmers
doily (Dl.|6 ), especially on nice days

(29)

Either sex plants forms; a younp man. a woman and


an old woman respectively plant farms (180 , 278 , 31.
9 9 ),
which may be adjacent to each other (17)*

In form prepar

ation,

(III4O,

the bush must be cleared and burned

BI43I4).

A woman clears the pround for planting yams (Dl]6 ), and one
women planted her farm near on animal path (6 2 ), while an

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lj.08
old woman farmed a large plot even though she was child
less (532)*

Farm produce is usually carried home in the

daytime (622 ).
Planted crops include maize, pumpkin, nny a , sugar
cane, and yams (D7, DI4.6 , 17 38I, BI4.25 ), the latter
being planted near sticks (Blj.26) approximately two months
before the rainy season (Dlj.6 ).

Going to plant yams, a

child carries the yam seedlings in the branch of a tree

(621).
Servants and slaves farm.

An old woman instructs

her servant to collect nnya (618 ), while slaves dwell on


the farms where they act as guards (D, 1|278).
woman cracks oil-palm kernels
Hunting and fishing.

An old

(^89)
Skill with the bow requires

practice and patience, the bow and arrow being used by


hunters to kill suoh small game as birds, squirrels and
rats (D2, D121).
(D121).

A son receives a bow from his father

Arrows may be poisoned, and large animals such as

elephants and bushcows die from the effects of arrow


poison six hours after being shot (D7).
Hunters carry guns (l8lj.), live in the bush (D6 ),
end kill antelope and monkeys for their skins and flesh
(Dl|6 ).

If hunters hunt in the same area, they walk on

separate paths (3I 6O).

In tanning, the skin of a leopard

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1+09
is dried in sunlight and then covered with wood ash (DIO).
Pit traps are dug for animals (D113) and crocodiles
(696 )
Fishermen catch and sell fish (D119, l+2l|.6), and
bait fish traps, constructed from bamboo, with oil-palm
nuts (D119).
Food.

Food consists of fish, meat, and various

agricultural products grown on farms or gathered in the


forest.

Meals are eaten in the morning (D8 , D77 Bl+l8 ),

noon (Bl+18), and evening (2136 , BI4JL8 ), the hands being


washed before eating (63 ).

Food is cooked over fire

d+233 ), a 3 roay be poisoned, as evidenced by one man who


gave a biscuit to a dog which immediately died (535 )
Fish are dried over fire (1123) or cooked and eaten with
pepper, salt and palm oil (D9I+).

Children eat the mbe

crab, which is frequently cooked for them by their


mothers

(681|).

Women gather afay( leaves from the forest

(2151) and, presumably, also elc)m nuts (6102).

Other

foods include orangeB (59), maize (I+237 ), native pears


(D68), yams

(1117), wateryams

h n y a . Bugarcane, and yams


wateryams

(I1.239 ), maize, pumpkin,

(D7, Dlj.6, 17, 381, Blp25, 1117),

(1*239 ), and atama leaves (3152 ).

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1*.10
Recipes, made in pots which are washed after
using (628 ), include food dishes made from yams, soups,
groundnuts, palm oil, fruit, peppers, ocra, pumpkin, and
bread (D86 , 318 , lll).
Yams are peeled before being cooked (JUJU-0), and
are always pounded when used in usuyt (Ult-6 , Df?3)> which is
also called foo-foo"

(21l|.2).

kept in a covered pot

(62).

The lwewe yam food

is

A special stick is used to

withdraw yams from the fire (689), and part of the yam is
discarded in food preparation (21U-2 )
Soup is concocted by boiling water and adding the
ingredients

(D36 ), which may include meat (I4I4-O)

soup, which is simply

White

soup made without palm oil, contains

muoh fish and meat (190).

Mention ocours of

the )t)

food

dish (667)> while ndien is the name of any recipe having


much fish or meat (lll|).
Antelope, after having its entrails washed and
pepper and salt rubbed into the skin, is roasted with yam,
pumpkin leaves, ntokon okpo pepper and palm oil, and then
put into a basket for presentation (lj.279).
are eaten (D5>, 272).

Cows and goats

One hunter ate leopard flesh (DIO).

A male slave (lj.279), an old woman (21JU-2), a servant


(617 ), and, in the absence of her parents, an eldest

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1+11
daughter may cook food

(280).

Someone who aids in food

preparation receives part of the food as a present (1+1+6),


Famine onoe occurred when the yam crop failed,
plantains did not bear fruit, groundnuts shrivelled, corn
remained unripened, and palm oil nuts, peppers and ocras
gave out (D86, 1101),

During one famine a chief offered

money for food (1123 ), sinoe without it one suffers


hunger pains (D3).

Two brothers beg for food after having

sold all their material possessions in order to pay a fine


(1+31 ) while a chief gives money to a poor man, who uses it
to buy food (1+271)

One hunter became impoverished because

he spent too much money on food and drink (D6),


People donate food to the chief three times each
year so that he may give feasts (D1+1+),

A chief may invite

his headchiefs and his favorite wives to dinner (D15).


Quantities of palm wine are provided at feasts and plates
are laid for guests (D?6).

Chief Eyo Nsa invited his sub

jects to a feast held in the Leopard Society shed (D6),


and Adiaha Umo, Queen of Calabar, also gave large feasts
(D66).

Every fex* months a chief issued invitations to his

feasts (D21, D23), but excuses were sometimes sent by the


recipients of the invitations

(D2f>).

Tortoise, wearing a bell (and thus making a noise


like a Leopard Society member), scares an old woman out of

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1+12
her house In order that he might steal her food (1+1+6 ),
Bat tricks lamb out of food by having him return for b a t s
drinking horn (Dl), while tortoise similarly tricks bat
by sending him on fictitious errands (1+229).

By means of

a ruse, cockroach attempts to eat all the food prepared by


lamb and himself (211+8).

Cock and tortoise hunt food in a

town of blindmen (1+220 ).


When a magic drum is beaten, food and drink appear
(D20, 2162), while a magic yam tree provides yams (D26).
People give ghosts seven pieces of goat flesh and
other food at crossroads so that the ghosts will discontinue
searching for a young girl whom they intend to eat (2171+).
A ghost stops at a sacrifice, eats, and returns to ghostland after packing the remainder of the food for his fellow
ghosts (D103).

A g h o s t s leg became very oily when cooked

by tortoise (689 ).

In order to tempt a child, a ghost

became a banana, sugarcane, nnya fruit, pepper, and, later,


a pot of oily fish placed on a pot stand

(321 ).

Tortoise and leopard plan to kill and eat each


others mother (111+1+).

A ghost warns a girl that his

mother is not a good mother as she eats people (211+),

The

heads of people eaten by an animal were saved by the


animal (227 ).

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1+13
Occupations.
include kaplnta

Occupations mentioned in the tales

carpenter'

(I4.36 ), abla lb)k 'herbalist'

(1+70 ), fisherman (D119 ), otop eyop 'plucker of oil-palm


(292 ), atuak uk)t

fruits'
anam us)

'craftsman'

'wine-palm tree tapper'

(281 ),

(used in the tale in connection with

skill in sewing; 387 ), obot eslo 'pot maker'

(639 !/, turn

ata utop 'hunter' (155 ).


Of five siblings who choose occupations, the
eldest daughter sells at market, the eldest son cuts
firewood, the seoond son hunts, the third son works for a
European, and the second daughter sews with a sewing
machine (521).).

People who lack a vocation become fisher

men (lj.256 ).
Markets.

Markets are located on main roads, and

special marlcot days exist (D72).


sitting places at markets

Women possess individual

(313 ), and their goods, which

include bags of dried shrimp and sticks of smoked fish


(DI36 ), are guarded by their daughters

(6111 ).

By throwing palm oil on the water, a boy attracts


potential customers (2105 ).

Houses.

Houses possess doors (1117* 1+235, 663 ),

which are fastened at night (210 ) or whenever the owner

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uiu
goes out (D112), and contain several rooms (DI23 ), some
having doors capable of being locked (3128 , lf33 )

Th

roof, supported by a crosnbar (2100 ), is made of com


bustible material (lf0).

A house may be located near

the main road (!.|.22!.|), and may be of the type denominated


n y )/ which possesses two storeys (23O),

The walls of

the house are made of mud (1 6 ), nnd Q fence surrounds


the house (D2), especially when situated in the forest
(P).

Mention is mode of an uf)k abasl "church (2126).

Illicit entry into a storeroom is mode by cutting a hole


in the roof (068 ),
Inside the house, waterpots are placed in a row
when full (DIO), the water supply beinp renewed each
morninp (DI3I),

Household activities include fillinp

waterpots, polishing walls, making floors hard, ond pull


ing weeds in the yard (P108 ).
In the esa or backyard (D^3# 266), where maize may
be grown,

is located the chicken coop (286 ) where one

chief kept, his drums


c h i e f s backyard.

(2166).

An uten tree gro\-Js in one

The uf)k ebot

goat s h e d 1 is located

hear the house (lj.6^), os is the ise abla

(!|.1.|.0 , 6?R),

Iresumebly a latrine is located in the backyard since it


is mentioned that people defecate there (2 ?3 )

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1*15
The gate to the chi e f s compound is guarded by a
sentury (123 ) and the chief also possessed a houseboy
and a housekeeperj the latter is responsible for all food
under his control and is subject to dismissal if any is
lost (D68).

Clothing and ornamentation.

The chi e f s wife,

dressed in fine clothes and beads, is carried in state


(D19, D 30 ).

Gold and silver ornaments decorate a girl,

while the best beads and finest clothes are worn at a


dance (32I4.) *

A child returning home after long absence

has her olothes changed to those of gladness'

(230 ).

People evidently sleep either in cloth garments or in


blankets, since one pulls the cloth to wake an individ
ual (D$3).
A child wears a costume made of
he will look like a ragamuffin (I4.6I4-),

old mats so that


One child is told

to walk naked to the chief's house early in the morning


(1*250).

A chief wears many shirts when it is cold

(3130 )*

Pockets are mentioned (2127),

shoes

(380 ).

and one girl wears

A hat is kept in the house when not worn

(61).
Oblique mention of a special hairdo for women
occurs in a song (1153 ).

A girl has her hair dressed by a

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14.16
spider (U-15 ) and reference to a mode of dressing the
hair In three tufts oocurs In a song (14-21 )*
Tortoise disguises himself by wearing a goat skin
([414.3 , 626),

People disguise themselves by wearing animal

skins (187 )t and one man has a costume made to make him
look like a leopard (388 ).
Medicine and Disease*

Infirmities inolude lame

ness (1)14-1 ), blindness (1102), and aphasia (315)

child, dectected by divination of killing his mother*s


goat, becomes insane (I4I4.3)

The blood of a decapitated

animal blinds a man (212?)


Diseases comprise febrific diseases (l|.62), yaws
(319) t gangosa (692), inguinal bubo (3I4.), sores (310 ),
and testicular elephantiasis

(32 ).

The sick take enemas, and a husband aids his wife


in taking a clyster by pouring the liquid medicine into
the enema container (2139) after first straining it
through a white d o t h

(2137)*

The juice of cooked oil-

palm fruits is strained and used as an enema (I4.233 ) 5


tortoise, however, takes an enema made from the juice of
cooked oil-palm fruits in order to simulate sickness
(273).
Herbalists are consulted by relatives, who must
give their consent before a herbalist attempts a cure

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14-17
( 3h) f

possess medicine insuring rapid parturition

for which their fee is one cock, one bottle of wine and
one guinea (22, 31).

Herbalists sometimes have coition

with female patients under the guise of treating them


with medicine (35)*
A chief, hit in the eye by a stick, consults a
herbalist (2168), while another chief offers a herbalist
half of his town, seven cows and money if he will remove
a splinter from his eye (DPP).

The juice of special

leaves is used to cure eye trouble (D100).


Chevrotain, saying he is sick, grinds charooal
and rubs it on his body (I4P), while tortoise feigns
sickness by rubbing ashes on his body and then taking an
enema (273)

A girl found guilty by divination of

killing and eating one of her mother*s goats, becomes


insane (Ulp3 )
Material culture.

Items of material culture,

with the exception of food and medicinal recipes,


mentioned in the folktales include:^

Efik names have been supplied for items mentioned


in Dayrell's collection (source D), since the folktales are
only given in English. The page numbers cited in the list
of material culture refer to the present volume and are
merely for convenience since it permits ready ascertainment
of whether or not an item appears both in folktales and In
the ethnography.

Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

I|.l8

1.

abayf

pot (used for storing water or


palm oil; 2106, kll. D108); abayf
mm)yf 'waterpot' (25c); p. 112.
special Leopard Society cloth
(Bynonym: ukara; 375); PP. 26,
2L|.9.

2.

abranken ekpe

3*

ada

l(.*

afia

animal traps, cage traps made


from bamboo (D119, 2112, 696);
pp. 91-92.

5.

akpakaha

chair (61214.); p. 319.

6.

akpan

basket (16, 261, 282, 310, 1^279);


p. 122.

7.

bea in

basin (2137); p. 112.

8.

bet

bed (2136); p. 336.

9*

b)klt

headtie (I4.27I4., 6U 4.); p. 82.

10#

b)n

pound sterling (31)4.1 ); p. 2lj.5*

11.

brut)n

'blue stone1 medicine (228);


P. 25.

12.

ebuk

fireplace (650)

13

efe

shed (165); efe nsibldl 'Leopard


Society shed f Tbli-B, 290); p. 2)4.7.

lij..

efit

machete (D98, 2126, I4.56); p. 117.

15

ekebe okpo

coffin (I4.62); pp. 335, 3^3*

16.

ekete

sacrifice basket (III4.9 , 297);


pp. 123, 350.

17.

ekiml

yam sticker (689); p. 96.

tunnel in chiefs grave (D120);


p. 376.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

18.

ek)m)

drum (2162. 2166. 653): ek)m) ekpe


Leopard Society drum1 (51/* P
179.

19.

ekuri

axe (I4.312); pp. 3U- 119.

20.

ekpat

bap (lj.714-, G) J ekpat )f)jrf ukot


*pantfs pocket* (2x27).

21.

ekpeme

bottle (I4.63); p. 7.

22.

enena

temporary buab hut (51+U*

eny))rf

two-storey house (230); p. I4-8.

2L|..

eaa

backyard (D53* 266); p. 96.

25.

eso

pot (D8U, 2155, 301, 62, 639);


pp. 52, 96.

26.

eto ld)k

stick for digging yams (BI4.28).

27.

eyen urujrf

pestle (I4.2I4.7* 6119); p. 321.

28.

f oto

photo (I13I4.).

29.

lbit

drum (623); p. 180.

30.

Ida/

arrow (D75)l P* 91.

31.

lduot

red chalk (265); P 12lv

32.

lflm

stool (1+31); pp. 222, 253*

33.

If loin

whistle (3138, 68); p. 181.

3U.

lka

ceremonial knife (2156); p. 3^-9.

35>.

ikaji

gun (D7# 181+); pp. 89, 119.

36.

iko

calabash (D27 2156); pp. 112, 376

37.

ikwa

knife (U237, B^25); p. 117.

38.

lkpa

whip (D19)j P. 251.

39.

lkpa ukot

shoes (1+275) i PP. 83, 3^2 .

Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

14-20
14-0

It am

hat (61)j pp. 82, 21|_9 .

Ij-1 .

lt)kr )k

wooden pong ([(.83)4 p. 183,

U-2

m b )b ) ek)/

warrior's sash (2156); p. 272.

J+3 *

mb)k)

secret voice apparatus of


Leopard Society (143148); p. 2I45.

Iplp.

mbrl

sleeping mat (BI4I9 ); pp. 322, 336.

b5*

mfa/

type of costume signifying desire


to surrender (117); p. 232.

lp6 .

mf i)k

iron pot stand (323); p. 325.

1|7 .

mlcpana urult

rope (DI0I4, 635); inference, p. 125.

I48.

mkporo

animal horns knocked together to


attract attention when making
announcements (2166, 28q); pp. 182,
25)4. Drinking-horn (D5l)

1|9 .

mkpoto

platform (188, 2I46); pp. 222, 319,


335.

50 .

mmurua

Leopard Society rattle (I4262);


p. 185.

51 .

moto

motor (I4.25D .

52 .

ndlsa

yam pole (BI426); p. 85.

53 .

ndom

white chalk (I4268); p. 125.

5b

nnuk

antelope-horn bugle (I47Q);


synonym: obukp)yf. p. 181.

55.

nslbldl

ioonographs saored to the Leopard


Society (263); p. 253*

56 .

nauyf ika/

launch (2106, I43I4.) j p. 172.

57 .

nto

latrine (273)J PP* 3U> 317.

50 .

/kanika

bell (2I4O, I4I46); p. 185.

59.

/wed

book

( BI 43O ) ;

p. 18.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

60.

obom

roof crossbar (2100); synonym:


ndori, p. 115.

61.

obodom

signal gong (D103, 117); p. 181+-.

62.

obube

pit (23U, 520, 2117); p. 90.

63.

okuk

money (D2), p. I4.0

6lw

okpojf

gourd container (3127); p. 112.

65.

otu

two-handled pitcher (U.227 6I4.3)

66.

)f)rf

cloth, dresB (3130); p. U+5.

67.

)f)yf etak ubom

sail (3121); p. 119.

66.

)f)jrf idem

shirt (3130); p. 82.

69.

sasa

saucer ( \ ] 267) ; p. 25.

70.
71.

ubom

canoe (1^86); pp. 93, 118.

72.

ubrukebe

enema pot (2137); p. 51.

73.

ud)k

hoe (181|. BU25); p. 119.

71+.

uf )k

house (D113); p. 115.

75.

uf)k abaai

church (2126); p. 330.

76.

uf)k ifu)

latrine (2137); synonym: nto,


p. 3U

77.

ukwa

mourning cloth (I4.62); p. 3I4.I.

70.

ukw)h)re inua

handkerchief (391); p. 338.

79.

ukpak

drinking cup (I4.23D J

80.

ukpe

pit, well (D113, 2116); p. 90.

81.

ukp)h)re

key (U33); P. 377.

ro
.

CD

three (31-35); p. 25.

uruk

rope (296, 2115); by inference,


p. 125.

83.

uru/f

mortar (U-21+7 Blf-29); pp. Ill, 125

p. 112.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

plate (6I4-O)s usan Ida/ 'brass plate*


(111*2)} pp. 957377.

u\
CO

usin au)p

soap dish (2137 )? p. 26.

86

usufi

road, door (61, 3128, 3 II+9 1+38 ,


1+235)1 syn. efak (1+221+). )kp)
usu/( (518, 1+221+) j P 127*

-'J

utajrf

fireplace shelf (1*90)

88.

utiha

bow (D75, 216, 2102, 3136); p. 91.

89.

utuen ikajrf

lantern (2137 ); p. 23 .

90.

wac

watch (373).

CD

usan

81*.

SOCIAL LIFE

Kinship terminology.

Consanguineal terms include

ete 'father1 (370), eka 'mother' (11*6), eyen 'child'


(15>2 ), ndlt) 'children' (370), eyen a/wan 'child of
father's wife' (lj.ll), ndlt) ete 'father's children* (370),
eyen eren 'male child' (51), eyen eren owo 'male child*
(216), akpan 'eldest son' (383* ^30, Blj.32), ud) 'second
son* (385, 1+31, Bl+32), ud) ud) 'third son' (521+), adlaha
'eldest daughter* (258, 27q BI432), and uruwan 'second
daughter* (279, I+236, Bl+32).
Affinal terms comprise ebe husband (216, 51+5),
?(wan 'wife' (lj.51+), eka ay(wan 'wife's mother* (11+8), and
ukot in-law' (father, brothers and sisters of a wlfej 351+)

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W3

One wife addresses her husband by the term etete


(ete ete) 'paternal grandfather* (1+58).

The term eka

uf)k 'mother of the house' denotes the woman who has


charge of the house or compound (23I).
Marriage.

Sexual Intercourse should not take

place if a girl is too young (33).

Children may refuse

to marry a partner selected by parents; a son refuses to


wed the girl whom his father suggests and prefers to
exercise his own Judgement (361), while a girl rejects
offers of marriage in spite of her parents' desire that
she accept (D38).

Individuals may fall in love at first

sight (D2 , 390), and a heartsick chief's son recovers


his health when he finds the girl whom he loves (3113).
One girl refuses to marry except by church law (2121+).
Possibly the village is exogamous, since a
husband's house is located a long day's march from the
wife's village (D127) while another husband desires to
take his wife to his village (D3Q ) and the person who
marries tortoise's daughter takes her home to his town
(311+8, 1+39).

Furthermore, a father-in-law lives a day's

march away (D5>1).

On the other hand, women should never

marry strangers (D3), and one chief passes a law that


parents should not allow their daughters to marry men
who come from a far country (Dl+l).

One woman takes her

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14-2U-

eldest daughter to ghost town in order to find her a


husband (655) while another woman marries a bad animal
in the bush (221).
Incest occurs in the legend of the world's
creation in which the sons and daughters of the first
man in the world intermarry (Blj.33).
In order to seoure the girl's betrothal, the
prospective groom gives her parents a brideprice, which
consists of six puncheons of palm oil, money, clothes,
and yams (D3, Dlj.2, 2133 3113)

Th actual amount of

the brideprice, only returnable to the man if the woman


refuses to live with him, is determined by consultation
with the bride's parents (D63).

A husband sends a

Jealous wife home to her parents, who sell her as a slave


in order to obtain the money necessary to refund her
brideprice (D8I4.).
Attributes of female beauty are perfect composition,
health, graceful carriage, good bearing, and good manners

(DIO?)
Adolescent girls undergo yftcuh) 'seclusion'.

mother places her daughter in 'seclusion' (61|6, 660), as


does one father (G), while a girl abducted by a female
supernatural power is also placed in seclusion (I4.I3 ).

An

eldest daughter always enters seclusion before her female

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siblings enter (Ij236),

A wealthy father kept his daughter

in the fattening house1 for seven years (D126),

A girl

may be placed in the y(kuh) eyen )w)ji seclusion of young


children until she becomes big; then an mkpoto platform
is built, and the girl put on it and rubbed with white
chalk while receiving monetary gifts (2lj.6 ).
A feast is given for the bridal reception (D127),
and one such feast lasted fifty days during which time
they killed five cows, made a great quantity of mashed
yam and palm-oil chop, and plaoed pots of palm wine in
the streets for everyone to imbibe (D5).
Polygyny is practised since one man, two chiefs
and King Offiong each possess many wives, while King
Eyamba and King Efflora respectively have 200 and 250
wives with the latter desirous of even more (D29, 29, 293,
2150, 638), especially since a poor man cannot resist the
chiefs order to send his daughter for marriage (Dij.2) A
polygynoua wife is called fiwan ufip jealous woman ( I4 .ll,
838),

One wife becomes angry beoause the child of another

wife draws water from her pot (lj.ll); however, a wife some
times draws water for her co-wife (639).

Wives may

beoome jealous of a new wife if she does not help with


firewood collecting and water fetching (D83).

Wives also

do farm work (D8I4.) *

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k26

The ohief has an akwa arfwan or chief wife (Dll,


283), also called atai (BI4.IS), whose orders cannot be
disputed by a wife of lower status (287)*

A headwife

may become jealous of the beauty of her husband1a other


wives (Dll) and connive against them (Dl6)j Bhe may also
be jealous of a wife who has given birth to the husband's
only son (DI3 ).

Neglected wives become jealous and hate

a wife favored by their husband (DJ+3 , 283), and may


attempt to make their husband divorce her (25>7)

One

jealous chlef-wife hid the baby of a co-wife and pre


tended it had died (288),
Wives live in separate rooms (Dll), and visit the
husband in the evening whenever he requests, returning
home at cockcrow (DI3 ).

A wife helps her sick husband to

the backyard (273)# and a husband may escort his wife to


the backyard latrine if she desires to take a olyster
(2136),
Men are jealous of their wives and one husband
accuses his wife of loving another man (2133).

A man

oan divorce his wife if she commits adultery (358)# and


his wife and her lover can each be oompelled to pay twelve
pounds as damages to the husband (3^9)*

A chief sends a

jealous wife baok to her parents without her clothes and

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14-27
gifts, and they, sorely annoyed at the economic loss,
refused her admittance, compelling her to walk the
streets until she died (Dlj.5),

A husband called his

in-laws together as witnesses that his wife would be


either killed or shamed if she ever committed adultery,
and the in-laws advised her to be faithful (356)*

The

punishment for adultery with a chiefs wife is death


(D30 ), and the wife and her lover are tied to trees

whereupon Leopard Society men extirpate their mandibles


(D31).

One wife, annoyed by the frequency of her


jealous husbands false accusations, deliberately
commits infidelity in order to teach him a lesson
(213I+)

A woman who is married to an old man desires a

young lover (D29), but another woman, who is fond of her


husband, repels a suitors amorous advances (D!;7)

neighbor Informs a husband about his wifes infidelity


during his absence (Dlf0 ).
Divorce occurs, and one chief dies of grief
because he had sent his favorite wife away (Dl|^)

Wives

sometimes put love medicine into a husbands food (28)


and, due to this, one husband made his wife live inside a
chicken coop (28).

One man does not want his paramour

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14.28
to divorce her old husband for fear of trouble and,
instead, plots to murder him (l|.55 )*

A wife surrepti

tiously kills her husbands animals in order to eat


them (I4I4.O), but her neighbor tells her husband to hide
in his house and spy on her? the wife, when apprehended,
beps her husbands pardon (14|.2 ).
Desiring to learn if his wives really love him
a chief plays dead, listens to their comments, and
then drives the unfaithful from his house (29 ).
Children.

Anxious for a child, a husband sacri

fices to a magical-power (Dllj.5)


will die and "close her doors"

A woman fears that she

(e.g., akpa okuk ud)k

dier closes d o o r s meaning the individual dies childlessj


262),

A childless wife, forsaken by her husband, receives

help from God and beoomes pregnant (286).

To announce

pregnancy, a woman informs her husband that )fl)y{ ebe


month pas s e s (256 ).
Pregnancy lasts nine months (287 , 3153)*

herbalist is consulted if parturition is difficult (31 )#


One woman, giving birth in the bush, sat on the ground and
loosened her headtie, while an old woman acted as midwife
(289),

One girl gave birth to twins, as her mother had

done (DI33 ), and the twins were killed (DI 3I4-)

One c h i e f s

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i+29
daughter is born with a deformed left hand (2l|6 ).
Some children attend school (3130).
A boy sees an old woman carrying firewood and
carries it for her; she prophecies that he will marry a
chiefs daurhter, then she builds a box and smuggles him
into the chiefs daughters room (i+36 )

A child who

keeps a promise is rewarded, but bad children are


punished with death (235).

A successful child is rich

and consulted by a big chief (21+3).

A mute child speaks

and tells who the real culprit is; he is reworded by the


family of the one found innooent (3166 )
A
wrinkles

girl, seeing the foul body of a g h o s t s mother,


her nose and expectorates, and does not even

desire to look at the


what his

old woman (332 ).

master tells him

A good boy does

to do (3ll+).A good child is

warned to select an old lantern when she is offered the


ohance (1+21+2 ).
Family relationships.

A son is loved by his

parents and his requests are usually granted

(362 ),

especially since a mother rarely hardens her heart against


her children (312).

However, children must obey parental

commands; a mother beat3 her daughter ond threatens to


exclude her from the house if she continues to be

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1+30
disobedient, (320)*

A father and mother cut their son on

the face with pieces of a broken saucer and send him out
of the house because he broke the saucer in spite of
repeated warnings (1+267 )
A good child makes a happy home (1)107), and the
parents of an only-child aro very proud of his good build
and fino appearance (D29),

A child does not mind his

m o t h e r fs advice to emulate his agemates and refrain from


hunting (315>9 217 ), and one mother repeatedly advises
her son to beware of jealous playmates (DIOfl).

A daughter

loves to follow her mother in spite of the m o t h e r s


objections (36 ), and one son is both greedy and onvious
(D26)*

A good child does not take what does not belong to

him, especially food (321),

A child may be disobedient

without being a thief (323 ),


An old woman acts as an edep eyen
(266),

nursemaid

One paralyzed child walks only when her paronts

are absent from the house, but her parents learn of her
strange behavior from a neighbor (266),

After his wife

died, a father abandoned the oare of his daughter to


another wife (I+7U)*

If pretty, daughters may become

members of the chiefs entourage and thus obtain great


Wealth (D),

Soft animal skins were spread on the

ground so that a returned daughter might not soil her

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feet (Dl|l).

An eldest daughter is left in charge of a

house when parents go to the farm (280 ).


A stepmother beat her stepdaughter ovorydoy,
made her carry the largest waterpot, put her finger in
the fire, burned her body with brands, and starved her
(D128),

A daughter v'pose mother is dead stays near the

fireplace and is treated like a slave; she must cook


food for the other children, w a 3h clothes, empty the
excrement pan, and fetch water (370).
On the death of hiB father a ten-year-old boy
became head of his house with authority over the slaves
(D121).

An orphan goes to live with a chief from a

different town and agrees to work for three years but


without first settling the foe for his labor (3133 )
An orphan has as his father the first leaf that hits
him on the leg (3 ^7 ), and is spoken of as lacking a
"hook sinoe he has no parents to help him (3133)*

The

father of a child dies and leaves his child with his


wife (2102).

Children may be borrowed if needed to carry

loads (D2).

An eldest son is sent to draw water for an

old woman, but he refuses to do so and curses her, where


upon the second eldest son oonsents to go (517 )*
A mother disobeys her son and follows him to a
magic biscuit bush where he discovers her and puts her in

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k32
a pit (I83 , lfl9).

A mother becomes frightened when her

long-lost daughter returns from ghost town, but the


daughter's father is very pleased (1^16).

A son forbids

his mother from entering his house because she gave his
valuable magic stone away (2111 ).
One chief has twelve daughters all alike in
physical appearance (391).
After the mourning period ends, a widow is en
titled to her husband's property if he lacked brothers
(Dll+6 ).

A son must pay his share of funeral expences

before he receives his inheritance (385)

A younger

brother poisons his older brother in order to inherit his


estate (Dll|.0).
Two brothers fight with their father in an attempt
to restrain him from making magic medicine to kill their
mother (I4.3I).

A man kills his eldest daughter due to

magic medicine administered by his new wife (26I4.).

father decapitates his son and rubs the blood on his


blind friend's eyes in order to restore his sight (2131 ).
A stepmother wants her husband to kill his eldest daughter
(2>9 ), and a father kills his daughter to escape a chief's
law (Dl).
Lizard kills his mother due to annoyance over the
fact that cooked pumpkin does not fill the pot (381 ),

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1+33
Tortoise and leopard plan to kill and oat their mothers
(1114-0 ).
Names.

Single names applied to men include Adam

(D153), Akpan (D126), Ansa (D68 ), Asulcwo (lp66 ), Effiom


(DI4.2 ), Effiong (Dllj.0), Ekpenyong (Dll, lj.59), Ekpo (D76),
Etim (D76 ), Eyo (Dlj.9, DI 36 ), Ikrikong (U218), Ituen
(D29), Habondo (1151, 1*18), Offiong (D29), and Okon (D6 ,
2103).
Compound men's names comprise Akpan Ata Efit Edet
(2151), Ama Ukwa (D76), Edem Effiong (DI4.6 ), Edet Etim
(DII4.6 ), Effiong Edem (D38 ), Ekpenyong Abasi (2150),
Ekpri Ekpenyong Etinyin Abasi (290), Ephraim Duke (D20),
Ininen Okon (DljJ), Okon Archibong (DI4.6), Okon Endok Ubi
(268), Okpon Esip (DI38 ), and Udo Obong (l|-32, 6111).
Single female names comprise Adet (D3), Adiaha
(D12), Akpong (3 II4.8 ), Arit (329), Attem (D2Q), Emme
(D126), Nkoyo (DI46), Okpong

(689),

and Titi (5100).

Compound female names Include Adiaha TJmo (D166), Affiong


Any (D38 , DII4.5 ), Ekanem Abasi (2150, I432, 6109), Elcprl
Elcanem (2150), Ekpok Angwan (371) > Ndem Ingwang ( 533),
and Ndem Ubong ( 533)*
Foreign names include Otong Ama (lf309), an Ibibio
female, Okrivo (1(309), a male Ibo, Oyoikan (D33 ), an Itu

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klk
female, and the Ekoi names: Akon Obo, Odeng, Yambl, Atuk
(D119), and Oborri (DI33 ).

The names Ejuqua (D76),

Essiya (Dl6 ) and Mbotu (D33) are probably Efut.


Chief Abasi A kale Idomo's son is named Ekpenyong
Abasi Aleak Idomo thus showing that a son takes the
f ath e rs cognomen plus a personal name (3 61).

Similarly,

a slave of King Archibong is named Okon Archibong,


evidencing that slaves take their m a s t e r s surname (Dl*6 ).
The parents of an unmarried mother do not name the child
after the biological father, a herbalist who impregnated
the girl through trickery, but after the girl's brother
(38).
Certain names involve the morpheme abasi
Abasi Ama Ata Owo 'God loves a real man'
Akak Idomo 'God conquers proposition'
Eyen Abasi
Abasi

'Knows child of God*

'God':

(3S>9), Abasi

(229, 361 ) Ifiok

(1*214-6 ), Ofiolc Mkpo Eyen

'Wise child of G o d (6119), and Abasi Esin ITfot

'God stays middle'

(29).

A child grows up and tells his parents that his


name is Ekpenyong; his parents become afraid at learning
this since their chief has decreed all children so named
must die (1*60 ).
Shouting a name is a breach of etiqtiette (1*20),
and one woman requests that her name not be shouted

(260 ).

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U35
Neighboring groups named in the folktales are the
Ibibio (D107, U309), Ibo (lj.309) and Efut

(U3U6, 1^18).

Neighboring towns mentioned are Oku, an Ibibio Town (D126),


Henshaw Town (Dllj.5), Itu (DI33 ), Ndarake (D121), Inde
(D121), Ibom (1+310) and Cobham Town (D38 ).
Plays and games.

Plays are held in town at which

people dance and sing all night (D33 , D U O ) .

Women some

times bring a big play, in which there is much singing


and dancing, to the chiefs compound (D5).

A chief

calling for plays to visit him, said that he would reward


the finest (2158).

A father celebrates his daughters

return from ghost land with a play at which the daughter


sat in the middle of the dancing ring and was later
carried on the shoulders of a slave (DI33 ).

Participants

sing and dance in plays (653 ), while men drum when girls
dance (Dllj.6 ).

Boys dance with girls (I4.27I1), but girls

sometimes dance alone (Dllt-6 ).


All strong men attend the weekly wrestling matches
held by young men in the market place where winners
receive prizes of money or d o t h from the chief, losers
sometimes suffering broken arms and ribs (Dl).

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11-36
In the nyori marble game an opponents seed is
removed from play if struck by a player (3 &3>) unmarried
girls play nyori with the winner being betrothed to the
chiefs son

(363 ). Hare and tortoise hold a race (2l!j-3)

whilo tortoise and

cow race to

seo which isfaster (668 ).

Hippopotamus and elephant waper concerning who will be


victor in a

tup of war (636 ). Allusion to a

colebration

occurs in one tale

Folklore.

new yam

(DlOb).

Folklore, as depicted in the folktales,

comprises tonpue twisters, animal and explanatory folk


tales, stories, legends, songs, proverbs, greetings, and
nicknames, while allusion is made to a form of recitation.
Tortoise suggests that animals toll folktales (ke
yflce) and, desiring to trick them, composes a folktale
concerning a cow bothered by fleas solely in order to be
able to slap himself and thus, In a town where killing
fleas is a capital crime, kill the fleas pestering him
(lj.23).

Reference is made to an uflet, which is some form

of recitation (2175 )* and two tongue twisters occur in


one folktale:

Ibibio lbuo ye iblo ibuo

'Ibibio nose and

small n o s e and kpukpuru nyin ldla udla urua udia urua


all of tvs eating food of the market food of the market'
(535).

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k37
Thirty-one songs occur, sung by such characters
as herring (2lj9 ), chicken (210 ), periwinkle (211 ),
tortoise (296 , I4J+6 , 3151 ), snail (2100 ), catfish (6IO 3 ),
grasshopper (I4.IO), ndem supernatural power (I4I1.), ghosts
(6lj.7 , 661, 66^), a child (685 ), a boy (523 ), and a girl
(267, 2170).

Tortoise sings a magic song which compels

his hearers to dance (3151 )*


Curses are used, and cursing by Efik of the
Ibibio chiefs caused the quarrel which commenced the war
resulting in Efik emigration from the Ibibio area (1^-315)
A boy ourses an old woman with the phrase )di)k )n) ft
b a d n e s s to you' when sent to draw water for her (517 )
and a wife says to her husband nyenam f 1 *1 shall do you*
(3153)*

Tortoise cursed spider as one who defecates

exorement like charcoal and white chalk (llj.5 # 295)*


Twonty-two proverbs occur in the folktales:
Baba mkp) tlet llcanke abasi.
aod*

'Nothing conquers

(lj.60 ).

Ekik) eke edi akpan ldidi)yf) ke usiere. *Cock


which is first-born is known at dawn*

3.

(3130 )*

Ekot etujfao eslt edik, efik efik enam idut, idut


enam efik, efik etuak i t e f i k

eburutu.

*Creek

Town heart of creek, Efik alone does a foreign


town, if a foreign town does Efik, Efik breaks

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1*38
(their) neck, Efik eburutui

(I4.80 )

Ek)y( aka ulQjrf )ny)y( ek)yf lslk)mke ek))rf elc)m.

'War

goes to war, returning home, war doesn't greet


war'

(35).

A variant of the aarne is adla ata

ek)yf aka ek)yf )ny)/ ek)yf lsik)mke ek)m 'Eater of


real war goes to war, returning from war he doesn't
usually greet war'
5*

(263 ).

Kukere idl)k uba/a owo mbak owo edllcere ldi)k


ebayfa mbu f o .

'Do not think bad of someone so that

they may not think bad of you*

6,

(368 ),

Etuj( etuy{ ete ke/wan edl ldl)k mlrp)y{.


says that fighting is a bad thing*
Idl)k mkp) adada eti jrflcp) )n) owo.
take good thing and give person'
Mf)n owot Aya Iyo.
(U-280).

'Kingfisher

(3129 ).
'Bad thing does

(326 ).

'Goodness kills Ayo Iyo*

See page U 4.7 for the explanation of this

proverb.

5*

Mikpldihe edisak mm)yQ mkpenam didie ndi)y) inem


mfat.

'If it were not for laughing how would I

know the sweetness of krawkraw?'

(212 ).

10 . M k p ) emi oketlbede lmf)k ebot editebe kuf)k u n e n .


'Thing which happened in house of goat may not
happen in hotise of fowl' (1;8).

Evil may strike

twice, so be alert.

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1+39
J'llcp) I f )jtike mma lnua.
(with) mouth'
*2.

(2117 ).

Wsuh)de idem ebem ub)yf iso.


supremity (]f.68).

13.

*Thing is not good boasting

'.Patience goes before

Practice makes perfect.

Owo Iculca mkp) kuson ibot.

'Person does not go

somewhere or 9 forbidden day'


Owo isuaha owo ima.
finish'

(286).

(lj.239 ).

'Person does not hate person

A person who hates someone will

attempt to harm him.


15.

Owo mlkopke item )d u )k idem.

'The person who

doesnt listen to advice, throws himself away*

(G).
16 .

Oyom akwa mkp)

)k)yf) mbajrf enajrf.

'Wanter of big

thing hangs jaw of cow (around his n e o k ) (336 ).


A person who desires the impossible makes himself
miserable.
*7 .

)buyQ

)kp) adak ekara, eketlbe enyln k)k)jrf).

'Broken leg puts on headpad, broken eyes in


hammock'

(3 61).).

A proverb meaning everyone must

do something irrespective of the circumstances.


)f )n owo ndlda se enye okutde kenyln yfkan se enye
okopde kut )yf.

'It is good for a person to take

what he sees rather than what he hears*

(537 ).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Mt-0
l0*

)n)k It aha owo edl owo )s) 1 nsada/f oklm ibuo.


Gangosa does not affect
sharpens bamboo

20,

the person, but person

and pins (his)nose'

Sitodo klfia unen )y)k)yf.


hen will pick* (311).

(33&)

What is from firewood,

People act according to

their nature.
Utu ke ek)yf ada

eyen yak uyari

ibuot atak.

Instead of war

taking a child

let the headcover

be lost'
22*

(277)*

Do not make trouble over a trifle.

Ey) Nsa klk)t, Ey) Nsa kuf)k. Ey) Nsa owot eny )]rf
)n) itu, Ey) Nsa owot itu )n) enl)yf.

*Eyo Nsa in

the bush, Eyo Nsa in the house, Eyo Nsa kills


Enyong for Itu, Eyo Nsa kills Itu for E n y o n g 1
(Lf.79)

A cheer to onhoarten warriors by proclaiming

the exploits of one of the bravest Efik heroes.

Several tales purport to explain natural phenomena


while others offer etiological observations on either
human characteristics or Efik behavioral norms.

Explana

tions of natural phenomena include why the village weaver


only builds its nest near human habitations
_usay( ob)k bird always follows monkeys

(DI3I1-)# the

(2160), kingfisher

says fighting is bad (3127 ), fish eagle never comes to


market

(D32 ), sunbird is chief of small animals (Dl),

cock dies if his neck is twisted (l|222), pigeon

has red tail

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14j.1
feathers (2112), coolc stays near houses (21^3, 212), the
electric fish has a particular spot on Its body and lacks
scales (2^2, 6l0l|.), and worms live underground (D56),
Meteorological explanations include why the sun and moon
are in the sky (D65, 215), the moon waxes and wanes (D92),
the tide ebbs (215 ), and thunder always follows lightning
(D71).
Explanations involving animals comprise why
tortoise lives alone (D90), cat and rat are unfriendly
(D69 , 1139, 61+), rat steals (2110), )k)n) rat possesses
three stripes on his fur (1150, 2115 ), monkeys live in
trees (2123 ), fly follows cow (D67 , 385 ), monitor lizard
vocalizes at sunset (383 ), bat comes out at night

(D37*

D51+), hippopotami dwell in water (D80 ), tortoise lives


beneath tie-tie palm (D28), bush rats have white spots
(097), elephants have small eyes (D61), elephant and bushcow always fight when they meet (D75), sa turtle is
bigger than tortoise (D106), leopard runs when he hears
drumming (198), leopards slash people (2168), fish live in
water (DijQ), apes and monkeys fear humans (Dl+8), and why
hawks kill chickens

(D63 K

Explanations of social customs include why the


groom is always present when his bride emerpes from the
fattening seclusion (so no girl can falsely pretend to be

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1+1+2
shej D 132 ), none should marry a bird or animal (Dl+5),
men no longer must select the eldest daughter when
marrying (391+), one ties fowl with string when taking
it home from market

(1101+), some people are named

Ekpenyong (1+68), prayers do not stop rat from stealing


(2111 ), no one is now killed for funeral sacrifices
(21^7), people who killed cows were once hanged (3155),
ghosts no longer come to daily markets (255 ), one sacri
fices food at crossroads if a diviner says that a ghost
wants to kill him (2171+), a person who does something
criminal is locked up (I+236 ), we now may argue among
ourselves

(311+7 ), one should not attempt to kill because

of jealousy (D111+), and Efik have fire and cook meat


(I+89 ), and possess the Calabar bean ordeal (D125)*
Greetings*

The phrase tiedo you sit there* is

used as a greeting (190 ), as are the expressions o da


(2121) and mm) ek)m they greet y o u (1+225).
an older man with the phrase kaka

A boy greets

you are going*

(3136 ).

A query frequently asked of someone is afo aka mm)y( where


are you going?'

(1+225, 1+21+0, 639 ).

Monkey addresses

leopard by the honorific title ete lfn mi


slave*

father of my

(2119 )*

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Mill
! 11
When an individual dies, Efilc put the corpse into
a coffin, bury the coffin in a grave, and then wear ukwa
cloth (ij.62).

Aside from burial, however, a corpse could

be disposed of by simply throwing it into the forest


(Dl)

The corpse of a chief was buried in a hollowed-out

pit with two live slaves, who were tied to prevent escape,
one holding, a native lamp of palm-oil and the other hold
ing a machete (D120).

The bodies of persons dying as a

result of undergoing the Calabar bean ordeal may be


buried, but because it is believed that such people
possess the power to emerge and suck blood, they may be
exhumed and, if the body appears abnormally undecayed,
cremated (DI2I4.) .

The body of one child was buried in the

evening (I4.6I4.), while the corpse of a murdered husband was


buried secretly by his wife and her lover (l|57)#
A mother mourned a son whom she thought dead (I4.6I ) ,
while another mother raised a cry at cockcrow (Dll;?)? this
latter also wore mourning clothes for her deceased son
(Dll|9)*

One wife mourned her husband for seven years

(Dllj.6), while one mother mourned her son for three years
(D13).
The sons of a drowned man summon their agegrade
together and play, dance and sing for twelve days (D120).
An agegrade curses a hunter because, although he went to

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m
many memorial feasts given by others to honor their de
ceased relatives, he never held a feast to honor his own
relatives

(186 ).

Chiefs, government, orlme and punishment.

Chiefs

(11 , 1+2^ 9 , 519, 6122) possess attendants (D3 ) and


compounds (D3>), the gates of which are guarded by
sentrys (11214.)

Chiefs are not always so rich (2102),

however, os one chief is a farmer (2168).

A son of the

chief succeeds to chieftainship on the death of his


father (D*?, D19)*

Headchiefs are appointed to get work

done quickly (D156 ),


Chiefs have power over life and death, and make
laws (D2), which they can canoel at will (Dl|).

A chief

forbade songs, lamentation and plays until the girl


whose foot fitted a special shoe was located, and com
manded that all towns be searched to find the girl (3102 ,
3105)*

One chief ordered all animals to work for him

(298), one banished lightening and thunder (D70), and


another commanded every town to send unmarried girls to
play the nyori game (363 ).
Chiefs settle disputes for those who cannot
settle them among themselves

(D?2 ), and any aggrieved

individual can request a chief to summon everyone to

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10*6
hoar hia case, a day being appointed for the hearing
(D16).

The chief can order everyone to assemble at the

marketplace (D3 ,

18 ), where he and his head-wife

sat either on stones in the middle of the square or on a


throne (D17 , DlOl), at ten o clock in the morning (Dl0*)
Sometimes an Individual who loses his case becomes
ashamed and hides (D5>1*)

Murder cases are judged in a

shed near the village square (3165 )# and cases of


adultery, especially those involving the chiefs wife,
are likewise heard in the palaver shed (D3D

It is a

serious crime for the chiefs wife to steal food (D22).


A chief can issue decrees by beating a drum
(DIO3 ), although his announcements may also be issued
by ringing bells throughout the town (2i|.0 )*
Poor poople are not invited to town meetings
(217 ), at which young men can be hushed by their elders
(66 ) and ordered by the chief to sit at the meeting on
penalty of being flogged (Dl^O).

At these assemblies the

chief deals with such cases as betrayal of trust

(D0),

the shooting of a boy by a hunter (3162 ), beating of a


woman (18 ), and a parental protest over the killing of
of their daughters

(DlH^.),

Complaints are always in

vestigated before the verdict is decided (3162 )*

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bh7
When the canoe of an Usak Edet chief passed the
canoe of Eyo Nsa, the latter harpooned the steersman
and killed the first and second chiefs, although
sparing the former's wife (l|86).

Chief Archibong Edem

of Duke Town also possessed the reputation of one who


liked to kill people (I4.88).
include:

Other chiefs mentioned

Idoko of Usak Edet (I4.3I4.6), Inkite of Nde

(D121), Ndarake of Itu (DI33 )* Effiong of Calabar (Dllj.2),


and, all of Calabar, Etim Ekeng (DHj.>), Adam Duke (D153),
Eyo (Nsa?} Dlj.9), Ephraim Duke (D20), and Eyamba I (Dll).
Capital punishments comprised decapitation, flay
ing, flogging, drowning by being tied to posts In the
river, hanging, and being beaten to death with sticks
(Dl2, 18, 3114.5 ).

Imprisonment also oocurs (612).

Criminals may be executed in a special bush (3157)*


Theft is punished by flogging (llj.), whioh Is the usual
penalty Inflicted in most oriminal cases (D20)j the
chief's servant girl is flogged because she reoeived
food stolen from the chief (D68).

Certain criminals

were sentenced to die at the beach where they were tied


to posts and guarded} drums were beaten throughout the
night and at four o'clook in the morning a large wooden
drum, placed on the roof of the palaver house, was
beaten to announoe the criminal's death (D151).

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I4t6
Instances of murder occur.

A w i f e s lover

decapitates her husband with a machete (l|.6 ), and a


hunter kills a youth in order to obtain a bag contain
ing the head of a "bad animal for which a chief had
offered a fabulous reward; the murder is later exposed
and the murderer executed (3126).

A chief decapitates

his eldest daughter (2 9 ), and one man was allowed to


go free oven though he decapitated his eldest daughter
since he acted under the influence of evil magic
medicine administered by his wife (261|).

One father

digs a deep pit, putting at the bottom dried palm


leaves and sharp stakes; when his daughters fall into
the pit, he throws hot ashes on top of the girls, thus
setting fire to the palm leaves (D113).
A boy who accidently shot the chiefs son while
hunting is sentenced to death (3167 ).

Two sons are

Judged guilty and fined into bankruptcy because they


fought with their father over his making magic medicine
to kill their mother (1^31).

An orphan is expected to be

judged guilty since he lacks defenders (3165?).


In addition to previously mentioned laws against
murder, adultery and accidental homicide, capital punish
ment is also prescribed in certain folktales for
defecation within the town limits (31)4-8 ,

argument

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101-9
(3 II4-I+) anyone named Ekpenyong (lj.f?9), keeping peta (D78 ),
killing cows (3157 )# and killing fleas (I422), while
imprisonment awaits the individual who finds only one
thing at a time
War,

(l|2lj.7, 6118),

The chief leads in war (D33 , D 77 ),

although the strongest and best warrior may also lead


(1+7 I480),

Soldiers wear three long fisheagle feathers

in their hair, one on each side and one in the middle,


which impart courage and skill (Dl 8 ).

in war, farmers

are summoned to defend the town from attack (D77).


In a war with the Efik, Olcoyong warriors mounted
two drums In a hut on top of a largo silk cotton tree
where they sent messages to their compatriots giving the
Efik hiding places.

One Efik, conversant with the

Olcoyong language since he had lived among them as a youth,


joined an Olcoyong war party, learned of the men In the
tree hut, and then told the Efik, who went at night and
killed the drummers.

Then the Efik attacked and routed

the Okoyong causing them to bring mfayf and sue for peace.
Efik, however, caught all Okoyong chiefs and killed them
(117).
Internecine strife occurs between extended
lineages as shown in the case of Archibong's slave killing

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his wife, a Duke slave? King Archibong summoned his


warriors as he knew King Duke would make war, and over
fifty men were killed in the melee which followed in
the market square (Dlj.8 ),

Such battles, however, could

be stopped by Leopard Society men sent out with special


drums (D78 )
Canoes tisually had twelve young men as paddlers
plus one steersman and one i t )k r )k drummer (^83 ),
On return of her husband from battle, a wife must
make a magic-medicine in order to prevent the blood of
slain enemies from harming him; she throws the liquid
medicine on the roof and it drains off onto her husbandfs
head (I4.8I) *

Other types of war medicines are mentioned

in the section on magic-raediclne.


Secret societies.

While spreading a fishnet,

a woman named Ata Iroko heard the sound of a play; she


hid and watched, later taking the abandoned noisemaker
to her husband, who informed her that the players were
evidently supernatural powers.

The husband then showed

the mb)k) to his chiefs, who promised him great wealth


if he would kill his wife, since the Leopard Society
did not want to share any secrets with a female.

Act

ing on his chiefs suggestion, the husband killed Ata

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u?i
Oroko

1j31).G),

Subsequently, Leopard Society

members, when sounding the mb) 1c), always first sound


the nhroce ntn Iroko okoyom m f ) n , inf)n )r.) mm) mmurua
'Ata Iroko won tod roodnosc, goodness rives them LeopnrdSociety rattle* in honor of the woman who first discov
ered the mb)It) 04.262 ),
Initiates in the ftkanda grado of the Leopard
Society always wear a peacock feather (3)

The ok)m)

elcpe commands by drum boot when children are to be


initiated (1 ), the father of a boy helping him become
a member (53 )*

An orphan, whose lament was overheard by

a chief, was initiated on the chief's order (53 )*


Poople asoomblo at the Leopard Society shed for
news (2 0 ); a pillar stands before the shed (2151|)*
The Leopard Society enforces laws and its
members are always disguisod

(I4263),

People run when

they hear the sound of the bell worn by a Leopard man

0046).

The Leopard Society decapitates criminals on

special stones (D17 )> and the phrase spoken by the


chief when sentencing a culprit to decapitation was
nslbidi oyosio fi it)yf 'let nslbidl take out your neck*
(l|3fi>)*

Condemned criminals are executed in a special

bush (3157).

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l|5 2
Tho chief told the Leopard Society to behead a
woman who used love-modicine on her husband, causing
him to kill his eldest daughter (263 ).

The Leopard

Society also put to death criminals by extirpating the


lower jaw, thus causing a slow death (291, 3163 ), while
a servant might bo blinded (D31).
Leopard Society men intercede in battles between
patrilinoages and attempt to settle such disputes (Dlffl).
The quarrel between the Archibong and Duke Houses was
arbitrated by the Leopard Society, which ordered Archi
bong to pay 6,000 rods to King Duke; in addition, the man
who started the quarrel was flogged two hundred lashes
and then decapitated.

Flogging by Leopard men is also an

Hfilc punishment; three hundred Leopard men flogged


tortoise and his guests (D2).
A society named )b)n exists, whose chief once was
a woman, but after she disclosed the society's secrets to
her husband when inebriated, townsmen murdered her in
order to prevent women possessing )b)n (]|0 ).

Age grades.

Boys and girls join age grades, which

are composed of all individuals born within the same year


(D107).

Youncr female members frequently hold plays and

feasts at which they dance (D107).

Sons summon their

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U53
agemates together to play, dance, and sing in honor of
their deceased father (D120).
Terms denoting relative age are akanl

o l d 1 (110,

ij36 ) and alcparawa 'young m a n 1 (l|37).


Slaves.

F.fik enslaved able-bodied men and

women of conquered groups, and the slaves worked on


farms until they died (Dll).

One chief owned many slaves

(1|278) and a chief's wife possesses servants (D2Q).


Parents could sell their children as slaves, and one
father purchased a slave girl, who had just come from
the fattening-house, as a handmaiden for his daughter
(D126).

Two parents enslaved themselves in order to

earn a basket of seven flies (262),


trafficked in slaves (DI23 ).
slave (D13*>).

Arochuku Ibo

Each canoe had one head

TTurder of a slave by another slave must

be avenged by killing the murderer, otherwise trouble


would arise between the slaves' owners (DLj?).
woman possessed an eyen uf)k 'servant*

An old

(616).

Slaves sometimes plot revengo, as evidenced by


those who planned to kill thoir young master (D121), and
tho slave girl who pushed her mistress into a hole in
order to assume hor mistress' status (D127).

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k&r
Friendship,

A man possesses many friends (1+218),

who eat together and may even join in building a house


(2123)#

A "best-friend" is mentioned in connection with

a hunter (D6 ), while leopard and tortoise were ata ufan


real friends who joined together to build a house
(19U-)

A friend of Chief God calls him da (Hi)# which is

evidently used by members of the same age grade (191# G),


Leopard and ram, who are friends, also oall each other da
(2116),

Tortoise and ram walk together in the evening

(lp23l),

A hunter makes friends with leopard and bushcat

in the forest and with goat and cock at a farm (D6 ), while
a girl desires to make friends with spider so that he will
awaken her on time in the morning (lj.251 )
A man urinating in the bush hears a voice asking
him if he loves his friend as his friend loves him and
then warning him about a bad an i m a l which will attack

his friend; the man saves his friends life at the cost of
his own eyesight and his friend, through the use of
medicines composed of the blood of his decapitated child,
eventually restores his eyesight (2132 ),
Two friends quarrel over food because one of them
eats faster than the other (lj.220).

Friends catch a woman

who is shouting and crying, and attempt to console her


(262),

Friends, however, may bo false as evidenced by two

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bad boys who desorted a smaller child in a forest filled


with wild animals (218 ), and the instance of friends who
gave a woman to a 'wicked animal* (226 )#
Individuals who swear a blood-oath by cutting
each other*s body and sucking tho blood will always remain
loyal to one another (5l|2 )#
Supernatural1s m ,

Supernatural beliefs of the

Efik include belief in a supreme deity, animal-soul, super


natural powers, prayers, oaths, curses, divination,
witchcraft, magic-medicines and ghosts#
Supreme deity, vow and animal-soul.
also known as etinyln abasi

Abasi

'God',

*our Father G o d 1 (283 , 215>8,

600), created tho world and man (D8l, BI4II4.), and inter
cedes whenever people need help (D8l, 2121)#

The

childless request God to have mercy and grant them


children (25, 1|60).

God sent doath to mankind 00 that

the human population would never grow too large (BI4.36 ),


although some believe that God never planned death for
mankind but that God*s messengers, dog and sheep, forgot
to deliver God's instructions as to correct burial
procedure (Bl|3M#
Vows are made,

A girl tells her mother not to

blame her for contracting paralysis since it was duo to

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lj-56
the akayta vow' she had made (268),
A medicine man changes into an alligator (Dll].8 ),
and one woman possesses a goat as her ukp)/t 'animal soul'

Work on alcwa ederl day is mentioned (29).

Supernatural powers.

Supernatural powers

exist in trees and rivers and possess prohibitions which


must be obeyed (D98)*

Certain days are usen ibet 'for

bidden days' on which one must not go to the spring.

At

Efut Ifako no one cuts wood or does strong work on Alcwa


)fl)y{ because of the asari anyando supernatural power? a
hunter attempting to follow an antelope into the grove
sacred to asari anyando received forty stripes through
some supernatural agency (155)

A supernatural power may

give a special sign so that people may reoognize its


sacredness and sacrifice to It (Itljij.).

The law of one

supernatural power was that if it did not receive a sacri


fice of food whenever anyone crossed the river, It dragged
people down to the riverbottom where they became slaves to
the supernatural powers (D109)*

Parents refrained from

informing a daughter of a supernatural power's law as they


thought that she would never

have ocoaslon

to obey it ( D U O ) .

One water supernatural power

saves a boy who had been

thrown

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hSl
into the water and takes him homej later, the same super
natural power

saves a girl (Dll|),

catches a boy

in the water (I4.69 )

Sacrifice,

Onesupernatural power

Efik make animal, vegetable, and

human sacrifices to supernatural powers, using a sharp


knife to cut the throats of slaves, goats and chickens
(DI30 ),

White animals are

and an albino

especially valued in sacrifice,

slave, white goat, white chicken, white

cloth, and a basket of eggs are used to sacrifice to a


supernatural power of the water (D112, DI 30 ),
One sacrifice includes seven baskets of flies, a
white goat, a white ohiclcen and a piece of white cloth
(Dbo)#

a saorifice made to prevent ghosts from entering a

town included maize, a pig, sheep, goat, dog, chicken, and


seven eggs, all divided into seven parts (D102),

A sacri

fice to the power named asari anyando included a goat,


chicken, eggs, wine, and white, yellow and red chalk ( 1 5 D ,
Prayers,

Prayers are powerful,

A chilaiesa chief

prays that God will give him a child (2)..

In praying,

the hands are beaten together and then lifted upwards (2 ? 1 ),


A goat prays when beaten by a woman and the woman later dies
(1118),

Rat wants a boy to pray that rat will always escape

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1*50
being harmed by anyones prayer when he steals (2110).
Oaths.

When swearing an oath, the hands are

beaten on the thigh and lifted upwards, the individual


saying, "God, I did not do bad" (2121).

Accused of

fratricide a suspect swears an oath that he did not try


to kill his brother (D139).
Divination.
called

Diviners or idl)y( (281j), also

'juju men' and

witch men*, make spells and

cast lots (Dll, D c o ) in order to discover such things


as what happened to a missing daughter (D12), who ate a
w o m a n s farm produce (189), who ate someones goats
(l|J;3 ), why a father killed his eldest daughter (263 ),
the cause of sicknoss (275 )# and the reason for a woman
dying in childbirth (1118),

The reason given by a

diviner to explain the demise of a woman in childbirth


was that a goat prayed sho would die because she had
beaten it (1110).

A diviner also determined that a

girl's husband was actually a ghost (D3h).


Atakpot

lizard is the animal which frequently

assumes the role of a diviner in folktales (275# 201*# l 8o,


1*21*5, 61*9).

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k$9
Ordeals are used to determine guilt or Innocence,
and one such is the afia aran oil divination which
involves boiling palm oil (113),
is termed asana

clean (113).

A person found innooent


In order to determine who

ate something, suspects rinsed their mouths with fresh


water into a clean oalabash (D>lj.).

Fish enter the ordeal

of jumping a pit to determine the individual fish guilty


of taking an nyori seed (2 l), and enter fire to ascertain
which stole a drum (6IO 3 ).
Juju men point out fifty of a m a n s slaves as
witches, who would try to kill their master, and these
are given the esere

Calabar b e a n ordealj since they

could not regurgitate, they died (D121].)


An ordeal by combat is fought by birds to choose
their king (D157).
Witchcraft.

Witches exist.

An old woman named

Oyaikan turned herself into a beautiful young girl and,


after giving King Mbotu a potion to make him sleep,
decapitated him and put his head in a bag (D33 ).

A small

boy sees an old woman who is so ugly that he thinks she


must be a witch (D122).

A wicked witch changes herself

into a bird and then into an ant, and dwells in ghost town
(58).

Chiefs conclude that a man is a witch and poisoner

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14-60
of his eldest brother because he squanders the deceased
brothers estate (DU 4O).
Important chiefs joined an alligator society so
that they could protect their own trading canoes and
destroy the oanoes of nonmembers thereby obtaining their
money and killing their slaves (Dllj.6 ).
Magic medicines.

Practitioners of magio

medicines receive large fees; a herbalist, offered 200


rods as a fee, haggled until offered 35>0 rods to make a
potion that would compel a chief to forsake one of his
wives (Dll).

Magio medicines are made secretly (I4.7I).

A poisonous mixture containing limestone, brut)n and


kernel oil is used as a potion to kill a wicked animal
(228),

An old woman poisons her neighbors children

(523),

A herbalist is bribed to obtain poison, which is

put in soup so that a younger brother might poison his


industrious older brother (DI38 ).
wife due to the ib)k ima
pot by his wife (258)*

A chief marries a new

love medi c i n e put in his waterMedicines are also frequently put

in food dishes (Dll), or rubbed in cuts made on the


epidermis

(I4.7I),

After a bird calls him, a husband consults a


woman who enters a medicine-bush and concocts medicine

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1*61
which enables the husband to see his missing w i f e s head;
he makes a calabash containing a magio-medlcine and, when
the calabashs cover is removed, the medicinal gas kills
the man who captured his wife in order to sacrifice her
at his fathers llcpo (2l 6 ).
A husband injects medicine into his w i f e s body
which causes hor lover to be unable to withdraw his penis
from her vagina; the woman shouts and people prevail upon
her husband to administer the antidote (3 ^ 6 ).
Medicines can give strength in wrestling (Dl),
cause a chief to have amnesia and throw his son and
daughter into the river (DI3 ), call the winds to carry
someone home (DljO), and make music compelling all hearers
to dance (197)*

When her husband returns from war, a wife

must make a medicinal potion for him to drink in order to


insure that the blood of the slain warriors will not harm
him (1(81),

War medicines or ib)lc ek)yt can make enemies*

gxms burst or fail to fire, while the medicine uteyfe ek)yf


supreme w a r compels enemies to floe (1*70 ),
A magic bow hits everything it is aimed at (3138 )
while everyone must dance when a magic whistle is blown
(3138 ),

A magic song causes its hearers to forget what

they were about to do (16).

A magic drum provides food

and drink as long as the owner never steps over a stick or

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1+62
fallen tree (D20)j If the law of the drum la broken, 300
Leopard Society men appear with sticks and whipB to beat
the owner of the drum and his guests

(D20)

The law of

another magic drum, which also produces food, is that it


can never be passed over cow excrement (2161+)

A magic

stone gratifies its owners* wishes provided that it is


always

kept in a special room (D122). A magio lantern

builds

houses, shops and cars (1+21+1+). Ghosts give

a girl

mm)jrf okuk 'water of money* and she will always have money
as long as the
A snake

water never evaporates


plucks medicinal leaves

from the pot (325 ).


and revives his

dead companion; a child plucks the medicinal leaves, puts


them inside a bottle and adds water (1+63).

Another snake

plucks medicine from a bush and rubB it on a dead snake


which then recovers; a dog does similarly for its dead
master (3125)*

A bird tells a man to go to a certain town

in order to save his wife from being sacrificed (21^5)*

man bought a dog that had previously revived his friend*s


wife, and then killed his wife but the dog was unable to
revive her (1+210 ).
A white stone defecates a big town and gives it to
a boy requesting that he place the stone in the topmost
part of the biggest house and wear white cloth when greeting
it at sunrise (2103).

When the stone is stolen, a pigeon

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1+63
tells the boy the whereabouts of the stone, and bargains
to return it if the boy will initiate him into the
Leopard Society (2108),
A bird informs a g i r l s parents what a supernatural
power did to their daughter at the instigation of seven
jealous girls (Dill),

A decapitated head ories (260), a

skull talks (D101), and excrement tells who defecated it


(3101 , J+26)
An orphan goes to her m o t h e r s grave in the back
yard, beats a leaf and calls her mother; the grave opens,
the mother catches her and takes her into the grave (373 )*
An old woman plucks a stalk of gourd leaves, puts it on her
fireshelf and then departs for her farm; in her absence,
the leaves prepare food (533 )
Ghosts,

Ghosts live in their own town, which is

separatod from the living by a gate (1^.21 ), and pursue


dally tasks such as firewood collecting (2172 ) and winepalm tree tapping (660).
and most are cannibals

Some ghosts have tails (25>2),

(Dlj.0), while one is an abla lb)lc

herballs t (2168 ),
A ghost takes a girl's yam at night (623 ), another
catches a fattening girl and kills her (lj.8 ), a third
scares people by telling them night is now day and

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therefore they should sleep In the daytime (l*22), while


a fourth opens a door by saying "I will give you some
thing (663 ).

A ghost refuses wealth because he wants

to kill a girl who went outside on a prohibited day


(1*239).

Another ghost catches a fattener and tells her

to cook food for him (666 ).


Ghosts practice metamorphosis} one beoomes
successively a spring, pepper and leopard

6113 ).

(326 , 1*32 ,

A skull, which is a ghost, borrows body parts

from friends in order to simulate a human being (D38 , 3^ 9 ,


655)*

A skull warns a girl not to eat food in phostland,

but only to eat chalk (271 ).


Ghosts give krawlcraw sores and sickness to a bad
child (336 )> but appreciate a girl who has good manners
(323 ).

A girl is tempted by a g h o s t s mother so that if

she makes a mistake she will be killed and eaten (320 ).


The love of a ghost for a child is reciprocated by the
child (3 ^ 3 )

One girl did not hate a g h o s t s mother be

cause of her filthy body but treated her sores until she
became well (320).

A girl is warned not to leave the

house on the day of the ghos t s market

(1*237 ), and a

fattening-girl is told by her mother to remain Inside as a


ghost had come to tap wine (61*6).

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1+65
A law In phost town la t'uat nobody returns to the
land of the living until after seven years (33l+)

special shoe did not fit anyone except its owner since
it came from ghost town (3 IO 7 ).
(1152).

A child hushes a ghost

A ghost catches a woman on the way to her farm,

but she sicks her dog on him (279), and a girl overcomes
a ghost by use of her dog (62lj.)*

Tortoise catches a

ghost's leg in a trap (689 )#


Number seven.
in Efik folktales*

The number seven occurs frequently

A mother is informed she needs a

basket of seven flies to make a sacrifice for the return


of her lost daughter (282).

A girl is thrown out of the

water seven times but if her father fails to catch her


she will disappear forever (D112).

Another girl lives with

a ghost-mother for seven years before she can return home


(322),

Seven baskets of flies are included in the

ingredients of one sacrifice (D99), and another sacrifice


must be divided into seven parts (D102).

Seven eggs must

be given to a python in order to 'steady him*

(6 H 4- )

One

woman lived with seven children (516), and a child


requests that her mother give her seven baskets of peri
winkles otherwise she will disappear (687 )*

A rich father

maintains his daughter in seclusion for seven years (D126),


The magic number of diviners is ten (D12l|).

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1*66
Dreams.

An old woman appears in a m a n B dream

and tells him to return a magic stone (D123).

A father

appears in his s o n s dream and tells him the location


of a buried treasure (D122).

A man dreams

to his chief and tells him it is he

that he goes

and not the chief

who is the rightful owner of the town (1*271 ).


History.

The historical origin legend of the

Efik is the same as previously delineated in Chapter IV,


pages 3l*-35.

Efik first lived in Ibom, Arochuku where

they were called Ibolcu and next in Uruan, where the


trouble over

Abasi borrowing an axe caused

them to move

to Ikpa Eno.

A quarrel at Ikpa Ene caused

them to move

to the present Efik villages


Property and wealth.

(1*309).
Honey in the form of cloth

and brass rods existed (D2, DIOl*, D123).

At a play for

his daughter, a father presents her friends with brass


rods (D113).

Mentioned also are afu h a l f p e n c e (3135)#

t r ) threepence (3135 ) and b)n pound*

(3138 , 311*1 , 68 ).

Loans are made (D7# 067)# a lender wanting as much


as one-half the profit realized from a venture (2158).

man who borrowed 200 brass rods from a friend, promised to


repay the loan by a specific date (D7).

However, money

loans create animosity (DIO), and borrowers sometimes

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U67

default by leaving tovm (D137)


Women own property and keep it distinct from that
of their husbandj one woman owns many goats

(272).

queen gives her lover 300 rods and yams, pepper, salt,
tobacco, and cloth (D30 ).
Property may be owned by individuals, and owner
ship is not alienated through loss (2161).

Trouble

occurs over a coconut being given to someone other than


the owner (D21 ).
A man buys many slaves as he becomes wealthy
(D119), and a wealthy man owns many farms, hundreds of
slaves, large storeB of kernels, puncheons of palm oil,
fifty wives and many children (D20), as well as many
animals (i+39) i he is also a member of the Leopard Society,
and Is one of the t o w n s chiefs (D119).

Wealthy individuals

may boast of their riches (D2lj_).


Not everyone is wealthy, however, sinoe an old
woman starves in the bush (D92), an only child must work
to aid his poor parents (0108 ), while a poor man must
climb coconut trees himself (D21 ), and a poor boy walks
with only his dog as a companion (3123 ).
Wagers occurj tortoise and hare wager over the out
come of their footrace (6?0).

A child receives threepence

as wages for three y e a r s labor (3135 )

One chief usually

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lj-68
gives a poor man money (1|223 ), and a town council offers
a man five pounds if he will drive rats out of the town

(68).
A boy has a magic whistle which compels all
hearers to dance, and a schoolboy pays forty pounds in
order to make him stop blowing it; later, the boy obtained
I4.OO bags of money and became a wealthy chief (3II43 ).

poor child rescues an old woman from drowning and cares


for her until she recovers, whereupon she gives him goats
and chickens, and his own mother gives him many things
when he arrives home (I4.28 ).

An orphan befriends an old

woman, who directs him to great wealth (519).

A chief

gives 300 slaves and half his kingdom to tortoise (D),


A chief offers to divide his town if a boy can restore
life to the chief's dead son (I4.6I4-)

A boy correctly

selects the chief's daughter, pays no brideprice for her,


and receives as a gift part of the town, domestic animals,
a two storey building, and slaves, and is also made the
second-chief of the town (393)*
Trickery.

Trickery frequently occurs in the

folktales, especially in connection with tortoise who is


the Efik trickster, but also in prosaic human affairs as
well.

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A thief of food is trapped when the owner hides
in the house after cooking (33>2).

A son discovers the

whereabouts of his father's magic yam tree by following


ashes which spill from a calabash carried by his father
(D27) and a daughter trails her mother using the same
method (310).

A herbalist, who suffers testicular

elephantiasis, has coition with a female patient by


deceiving her that

'birth-medicine' must first be rubbed

on his penis (3 2 ).

A woman tells an animal that he can

continue eating her farm produce if he will pick up all


his footprints (69J4-)

Children deliberately lie about a

companion's whereabouts in order to get him in trouble

(220).
A woman oatches tortoise stealing food by protending to go to market but actually hiding in her house
instead (tflf-U).

Tortoise tricks elephant into capture by

telling him to bring his play to the chief (65>2 ), dis


guises himself by wearing a goat skin djlj.3 ), when caught
by a woman tells her to put him in a pit for two weeks so
that he will die (but actually, so that he can escapej

353 )# defecates in the yard of the chief's eldest son in


whose town the law is that none should defecate on
penalty of execution (35l) tells on old woman and blindmen to tie him up and throw him into a thornbush so that

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1^70
he will die (193, H 03 ), catches fish through the game
take-throw-roll-roll-splash*

(III4.6 ), puts fish in a

basket and tells leopard it is the corpse of his w i f e s


mother (llij.8 ), schemes to get one of his w i f e s goats to
eat (272 ), deceives elephant and hippopotamus over a
wager as to who is stronger in a tug of war (63^), kills
leopard through trickery in the

tie-tie-loose game

(D9l|) and deceives leopard into releasing his grasp on


monkey by asking him to swear an oath and beat his hands
on his thigh (2121 ).
Cockroach gives lamb an enema, plugs l a m b s anus
with a palm kernel and then places him on a shelf (21)4.8 ).
A poor man puts a bag of money in a tree growing
in his backyard, pretending the tree is magic, and a
chief trades a house for the tree (I4223).

A girl kills

her m o t h e r s goat and rubs the g o a t s blood on her


siblings in an attempt to escape detection (lji|.3 )
Emotion.

Fear of wild beasts is mentioned once

(D66 ), as is pride (2159).

One mother expresses amaze

ment at seeing her daughter at the market in ghost town


(311).

An eldest daughter does not want her husband,

who is a ghost, to be seen by her sister for fear that her


sister will laugh (656).

A boy becomes afraid when a stone

defecates a large town (2IOI4.).

A leopard begs passersby

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14-71
to be freed from a trap (2112).

When she finds her farm

produce eaten, a woman shouts, "What oats things In my


farm?"

(1?).
Gladness Is expressed when Chief Eyo Nsa trium

phantly returns (lj.81), a boy recovers his lost magic


stone (211 ), someone kills a wicked animal which ate
eldest daughters

(3I 2I4.) * a young man correctly selects the

eldest daughter from amidst her sisters thus becoming


entitled to marry her (3q 3 ) a wealthy and beautiful girl
returns homo after a long absence (326 ), end a chief's
son locates the girl who lost a slipper at his dance
(3110).

In this lost instance,

joy is expressed by shoot

ing guns and making music while the girl is carried on


someone's shotildors.
A child weeps on being loft alone in a bush where
danger lurks (219), an old woman weeps because tortoise
escapes from her through trickery (35>3 ), and lizard sheds
tears when he learns that he killed his mother over some
thing for which she was blameless
violently because his child dies

(383 )*

A father cries

(lj.6l|), a mother cries for

her lost child (3llj), and both parents weep for a lost
child (22Q).

a husband weeps for a missing wife (2191*.),

and a woman weeps when she learns that she has given birth
to a stick (288).

A woman weeps and refuses food because

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U72
ahe is tied to a pillar as punishment (2l5>lp).

A b o y s

parents weep when their son tells them his real name is
Ekpenyong, since anyone so named must be killed (1|60).
A boy sheds tears when he cannot locate his magic
stone (2108).

A girl weeps when her male companion, a

ghost, changes successively into a spring, red pepper,


leopard, and skull (315, 319).

A daughter cries when she

sees her father in the town which has a capital law


against excrement, since she believes that her father will
defecate and thus be executed (3150 ).

The eldest daughter

of goat cries when she learns her father has died (G).
Because of hatred for her stepdaughter, a step
mother tells servants of the chief that there is no one
else in the compound on whom they can try the Bpecial shoe
(3109).

A bad girl hates an old woman because she is dirty

and odoriferous (332 ), while a woman hates a child because


she is jealous of her mother and because the child is
prettier than her own daughter (360 ).

Girls are jealous

of another girl because of her beauty (D107).

Chief Eyo

Nsa is Jealous of an Itu warriors fame and wants to kill


him (1+73 )

A poor man, jealous of two wealthy brothers,

tries to make trouble between them by telling false tales


(D76),

A woman became jealous of another family's wealth

(327)% and even God became Jealous when he learned that

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U73
one chief owned something which he lacked (11 )#
Monkey becomes annoyed when cow kicks tortoise into
the bush (632 )#

A master, annoyed with the thought that

his form slaves dine better than he, has a slave killed
().|2fl0).

Tortoise becomes annoyed with cock because cock

eats faster (l|221 ), and leopard is annoyed with tortoise


for aiding monkey to escape (2122).

Tortoise beoame angry

because he had to share food (lll|)#

Eldest daughter of

tortoise is annoyed at finding her father a visitor in the


town with a law against exorement (lj.2 l), while a husband,
annoyed because some of his animals are missing, suspects
his wife of having killed and eaten them ( M l ) .

Annoyance

is also expressed because an individual did not return a


visit (213).

Efik chiefs in former times became greatly

annoyed if another canoe passed theirs on the rivor, and,


if this occurred, they attempted to kill the other canoe's
steersman (I4.GI4.)#
People who keep silent when injured should bo feared
since they ore plotting revengej thus, owls plan some
cruel revenge for hawk since they said nothing to him when
he stole an owlet (DII4.3 )#

Mother sheep determines to

revenge herself on bat for the treatment he gave her lamb


(D3>2).

Animals fear to extricate leopard from a pit as

they suspect he will bo ungrateful (211P).

Snail

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1+71+
avenged himself on elephant because elephant maliciously
crushed him (299 ).
Evidence of aoculturatlon.

The evidence of

acculturation in the folktales consists of English words


which have been adopted into the Efik language, appearance
of Ibibio words or phrases, compound Efik words denoting
innovations, mention of Euroameriean institutions, and
folktales which derive from a Euroameriean source,
English words adopted by the Efik include afu
halfpence (3135 ) besin
bodlsl

'police'

'basin* (2137 ), bet

(311+1 ), b)klt

'pound' (3ll|l), brut)n

'headtie'

'blue stone'

(2Lp9 ), foto 'photo' (I4.3I4.), kaplnta


(lj.251 ), sasa

'motor'

'soldier'

(3119), wac

(I4.27I+), b)n

(228), edlyf 'herring'


'carpenter'

'saucer' (I4.267 ), soya

(3IO 3 ), t r ) 'threepence'

b e d 1 (2136 ),

(I4.36 ), moto

'soldier'

(3I3.I), udl

'July'

'watch' (373).

Ibibio words oceuring in the folktales are:


'friend'

(Ff, da; 2100), emfo 'yours'

odom lya 'husband of love*

ada

(Ef. okuo; 2100),

(an old Ibibio word for husband;

6II 3 ), dl beye 'come poos' (Ef. dl belso; 2100), and the


phrase ud)lc bere nnya nnyan) mlcp)

'door open I will give

Compound Efik words denoting Innovations include


ekpat )f )yf ukot

'bag of cloth of leg' pants pocket

(2127 ),

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enayf mbakara

'cow of European' horse (373)# any)/ two-

storey house' (230 ), eyen )w)y( uf)k yfwed 'child of house


of books' schoolboy (3138 ), )f)y{ Idem 'cloth of body*
shirt (3130 ), uf)k abaal

'house of God' church (2126),

and ltuon lkay( 'lantern'

(221\2).

Euroameriean institutions mentioned in the tales


are the church (2126) and school (inferred from the
phrase designating a schoolboyj 3138 ).
Three tales in the collection are believed by
the present writer to be ultimately derived from some
Euroameriean source

probably learned by Efik at

school; these, designated by their common English name,


are All Bobo

(531), Cinderella (370, l|27li), and Plod

Piper (65).
Ftirther evidence of Euroameriean acculturation is
provided by two references to time reckoning, and one to
calendricol reckoning; thus, the phrases yflcanlka ltloklet
'bells six* (lj.252 ) and yfaanlka ltlalta

'bells eight'

(1|250 ) indicate respectively six and eight o'clock, while


the phrase udl usen inayf 'July day four'

(3119 ) designates

July Ijth.

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PART IV

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CHAPTER XIII
C OK PAR IS or OF EFIK CULTURE REFLECTED IN FOLKTALES
WITH ETHNOGRAPHY
Efik culture reflected in the folktales will now
be compared to ethnographic data in order to ascertain
similarities, differences and omissions.
AnimalB.

Mention of geographical features and

metereological data rarely occurs, although flora and


fauna receive frequent citation.

Omitted in the realm of

fauna are the potto, galagos, pangolin, manatee, porcupine,


whale, two species of snakes, two species of lizards, at
least twelve bird species, and a minimum of eight fish
species.

Allusion to all Efik domestic animals, however,

occurs in the folktales.


Animals are anthropomorphized in many folktales,
but there does not exist any correspondence between the
roles culturally assigned animals by the Efik, especially
in connection with the ukp)yt animal-soul beliefs and
various omens, and those roles relegated to them in folk
tales.

The fact, for example, that tortoise is repeatedly

depicted as a folkloristic trickster does not prevent the


Efik from sacrificing him to supernatural-powers.

Simil

arly, although the atakpot lizard possesses the folkloristic

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14-78
statue of a diviner, it lacks nny divinatory function in
ethnography.
Agriculture.

The main agricultural pattern

receives accurate delineation, especially the details of


farm making and yam cultivation, in the folktales.

The

information includes the location of the farm outside the


town, preparation for planting by clearing and burning
the bush, and the crops of maize and yams, the latter
being planted with ynmsticks in February.

The absenoe of

reference to manioc, bananas, plantains, and taro is note


worthy in view of their importance nowadays.

The absence

of reference to manioc is probably due to the recentness


of its importance in Efik agronomyj possibly the same
reason explains the fact that taro is unraentionod.
The reference to farm produce being transported
home in the daytime might indicate danger in travelling
at night, especial! y u.*tudl* aboriginal conditions of
ubiquitous slave catchers, warfare with the Okoyong, and
voracious wild animals.

Of more interest, perhaps, is

mention of the woman who planted a large farm even though


she was childless, thus permitting an inference that farm
size may have been positively correlated with family size.

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1*79
The mention of slaves as farmers refers to condi
tions extant prior to lhllj. when the status of slave
existed end the majority of slaves were employed as
farmers by their Efik masters.
Hunting and fishing.

References to hunting and

are in Inverse proportion to actual importance, since


fishing is seldom mentioned.

Accurately portrayed is the

use of the bow for small animals, the gun being reserved
for larger game, such as antelopes and monkeys.

Arrow-

poison is mentioned in one folktale but does not now occur


and undoubtedly refers to a time prior to the introduction
of guns.

Because of their use of tephrosia fish poison,

their varied materia medica and the widespread use of


arrow-poison among neighboring Ibibio, Ekoi and Ibo, it is
extremely probable that Efik once utilized it also,
although memory of its use is now forgotten by informants,
the bow Itself nowadays being a mere childs toy.
Although trapping is mentioned in the form of pit
traps and bamboo fish traps, the diverse types of animal
traps are omitted, as is mention of the crossbow.
Tanning is mentioned in one folktale but receives no
reference in the ethnography

this simply representing a

minor omission since tanning does occur in small, outlying


Efik villages where hunters are more frequent.

Unlike the

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folktale, however, skins are not dried in sunlight since
then they would be too dessicated; possibly wood ash
might be used in the tanning process but tanners usually
use the animal's brains to insure a uniform smoothness.
Food and food processing.

The information on

food and food processing depicts the general ethnographic


pattern but omits most of the detailed recipes found in
the ethnography (see pages d6 to 112).

The folktales

reveal, however, the importance and diversity of food, the


pattern of feasts given by the chief, and the human desire
to possesses an always-available supply of food as shown
in such tales as the magic drum and the magic yam tree.
Needless to relate, such magic drums and trees have no
real counterpart in Efik material culture.
The mention in one folktale of poison being put in
food undoubtedly reflects the Efik belief that usage of
poison is widespread.

Whether poison is actually wide

spread is a moot question, but it is believed to be so by


the Efik, who frequently warned the present writer not to
drink palm wine always at the same time and place in order
to obviate any attempt at poisoning him.

Occupations.

All occupations mentioned in the

tales currently occur with the exception of the obot esio

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lj.61
pot m a k e r .

At present, pots are imported from Ibo

villages located in the Aflkpo region of the Cross


River.

It is not improbable, however, that Efik slaves

were once employed as pot makers.

Markets.

Data on markets is ethnographically

accurate (see pages 126 to 128).

Special market days

existed for each market, and women who traded regularly


at a market possessed their own stalls.

The goods

displayed for sale at a market, however, are much more


extensive in type than indicated by the few references
in the folktales.

Moreover,

there is no reference in

the tales to the fact that markets never occur on akwa


ederl

Calabar S u n d a y 1.
Houses.

The information on houses contained in

the folktales presents an accurate picture of an Efik


house since doors, crossbar, roof, mud walls and yard
area receive mention.

Chicken coop3 and goat sheds ore

located in the backyard, as is the latrine, while fences


frequently are built around houses.

The only accultxir-

ative Influence In housetype noted in the tales Is the


eny)y{ two-storey house, which, however, has probably
been present among Efik since at least 1785 (see page lp8).

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14-82
No mention occurs of recent acculturative housing
developments, consisting of concrete blocks and tin
roofs, nor are shutters mentioned.

Shutters are

probably a recent development, since they are lacking


In the houses of many neighboring groups which have
had less European contact than the Efik.
Clothing and ornamentation.

The patterns of

Efik dress are fairly-well delineated, and clothing


differences due to status are indicated, although no
conclusions can be drawn as to the exact type of
everyday dress.

Aside from mention of gold and silver

ornaments, there is no indication of change in cloth


ing due to acculturation.
Medicine.

Main diseases, presence of medical

specialists and the use of clysters are indicated in


the folktales, but the majority of herbal modications,
as well as their specific composition, receive no
mention.

Indeed, simple comparison of Table II, pages

&7-73* shows that the ethnographic data give a much


superior picture of actual remedies than can be
obtained from folktales.

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1+83
Material culture.

The items of material culture

incorporated into the folktales reveal that materiel is


veil-reflected.

Each of the items mentioned in the list

on pages 1+17 to 1+21 has definite ethnographic existence.


The following list includes all material items
mentioned in the ethnography but omitted in the folktales,
except for those acculturative items listed on pages 16 to

27 , and food and medicinal recipes; the page on which the


item occurs in Part II is also cited.

1.

oba/a

chisel; p. 117.

2.

abasi ud) ekoi

kind of costume; p. 270 .

3*

afnra

sail; p. 11.

1+.

afia ebi)/

porcupine trap; p. oi.

5.

afia inuen

kind of bird trap; p. 92 .

6,

afia ndlduok

kind of bird trap; p. 02 ,

7.

afia iyok

kind of automatic fish trap; p. 93 .

8.

akarfkajrf

double-headed iron signal gong;


p. 181+..

9.

nkpatfkpatf

brass tray; pp. 17 , 120 .

10 .

alcpara

pennant; p. 23l+.

11 .

a tat eboxflco

Leopard Society costume; p. 21+9,

12 .

large broom; p. 377.

13.

ayara

gourd cup; p. 112 .

11+.

b)wut ndom

special bowl filled with chalk used


by prilcuh) girls; p. 317.

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1+81+
15.

ebeltpo

European-type throne; p. 221+

16.

ebia

seine needle; p. 126,

17.

ebomo

yam hill; p. 85.

18.

eboj(ko

Leopard Society costume; p. 237.

1.

oduat

spear; p. 251+

20.

edu lban

bend knot; p. 125 .

21.

ekak

ring used in ekak game; p. 152.

22.

ekanem )b)n

kind of sodality costume; p. 267.

23.

ekajf

kind of sodality costume; p. 273.

21+.

ekara lta

loop knot; p. 125 .

25.

ekorf

kind of headdress; p. 270.

26.

okojrf ulcwa

headdress of ulcwa society; p. 272

27.

ekojrf unana eka

costume of unana eka society;


P. 273.

28.

ekojrf it)k

costume of a boy's play; p. 171+.

29.

ekpat )b)n

sacred rattle of )b)n society;


p. 186.

30.

ekporoko

costume of Elcpri Alcata society;


p. 270.

31.

ekpulc urulc

knoblmot; p. 125 .

32.

osik ata abael

shrimp net; p. 9l+.

33.

eslk obu

trawl net; p. 9l+.

31+.

eslk ulcol iyak

scoop net; p. 9l+.

35.

eso ntlbe

kind of special pot; p. 31+0 .

36.

etimai

kind of knobknot; p. 125 .

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

37.

etl)r)

small bells used on leglets;


p. 185.

38 .

ewat

Turk*s head knot* p. 126.


property mark; p. 280 .

39.

1*0 .

if lot

kind of broom; pp. 273* 376 .

1*1 .

ifim mb)k)

special Leopard Society stool;


P. 253.

1*2 .

ike/

fish gaff with one hook; p. 95 .

1*3.

ikim

hollowed gourd; p. 112 .

Mi.

ikon

compound xylophone; p. 183 .

1*5.

llrpafak

wedge; p. 179.

1*6 .

ikut

boys* play costume; p. 173 *

1*7.

ikpari

wicker bosket; p. 123 .

1*8.

lsim

Leopard Society costume; p. 255*


see also ublo lsim, p. 255 .

1*9.

iso ekpo

mask; p. 118 .

50.

itiat uwam

kind of fishing apparatus; p. 93

51.

itam mb)/

sleeping mat; p. 117 .

52.

itembe

kind of membrane drum; p. 180.

53.

it)/

automatic-door fishtrap; p. 9l*.

51*.

iwomi ib)k

kind of trumpet; p. l8l.

55.

kwa irnuk

special cup; p. 317.

56.

mbofat

patchwork cloth; p. 121.

57.

mbutu

sansa; p. 180.

58.

mfine

deadfall; p. 90.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

mkpanuen nd)
ubup

engagement ring; p. 330 .

60 .

mkpete

conical fishtrap; p. 93*

61.

mkp)k)bi

chain sinnet; p. 126 .

62.

mkp)h)

conical basket fishtrap; p. 9lu

63.

m k p )k p )r )

b o y s play costume; p. 173 .

6lj..

mukana

large fish netj p. 95.

6,

nabikim

human effigies used in b o y s


play? p. 359.

66 .

ndldo uruk

musical bow; p. 181 .

67.

nd)

kind of large bead; p. 225>.

68 .

nlmba

conical fish trap; p. 93 .

69.

nsa

cup-like depression of game;


p. I3I-U

70.

nsa eb)lc

seed anklets; p. 186 .

71.

nsa nsadarf

bamboo sticks used in game; p. 13

72.

nsalc

rattle; p. 186 .

73.

n3an

pitfall; p. 90.

71+.

nslhede ntat

loop knot; p. 12.

75.

nslm

conical fishtrap; p. 93 .

76.

ntarf

fish weir; p. 9lu

77.

ntlml

gourd stamping tube; p. 186 .

78.

ntinya

Efilc crown; p. 222.

79.

ntiyf )b)n

kettle drum; p. 180 .

80 .

nyamkpe

Leopard Society costume; p. 237 ,

CD
H

jrfkene

iron announcement gong; p. 185 ,

59.

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14-67

yfklkan

kind of tray; p. 122.

63

yfkoyf

iron gong; p. 185.

et4.

yfwemme

memorial shed; p. 3U1*

85.

obufim

round basket; p. 122.

86

oku akama

Leopard Society costume; p. 237.

okurlso ndem

ceremonial mirror; p. 3^9.

okpo

boya * play costume; p. 173*

89.

okpo

game apparatus consisting of sand


wrapped in cloth to which raffia
streamers are tied; p. 13^.

90.

olcpoho

Leopard Society costume; p. 237.

91.

okpoho ub)k

bracelets; p. 119.

92.

okpoyforoyf

special costume; p. 280.

93.

omum lkpat

kind of animal trap; p. 0.

9k*

omum It )j/i

kind of animal trap; p. 90.

95.

otl

circular gong; p. 185.

96.

owulc I d a )/

large umbrella; p. 330 .

97.

)f)fi lain

loin cloth; p. 82.

98.

)f)/ mkpa

shroud; p. 3l|2.

99.

)k p )r )

kind of fishhook arrangement; p. 93*

)t)mbe

cannon; p. 22k*

)t )nyuin

kind of costume; p. 27!+.

sitlm

copper wire currency; p. Lj.0.

ud)k is)yf

kind of animal trap; p. 01.

82

67.

88

100
101
102

103 .

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U-88
loll.

uf)k )b)n

)b)n society shed; p. 266.

10s.

ulcwa

sword; p. 272.

106 .

ukw)h)

tin grater; p. 96.

107 .

umen abatf xnmln

combination knot; p. 125.

108 .

umia obot

flat-sided wood tool used for


smoothing mud; p. 116.

ion.

unana eka

sodality costume; p. 272.

110.

urulc ebot

buntline hitch; p. 125 .

111.

usam

fish gaff with 2 or 3 hooks;


P. 95.

112.

uruk uylt owo

hangman's knot; p. 126.

113.

utlha elcwa

orossbow; p. 92.

llij.

uto

yellow chalk; p. 12lu

115.

uyet iao

mourning shed; p. 3lfl.

116.

uyo elcprl alcata

kazoo; p. 269.

117.

uyo enaji

bullroarer; p. 269.

116.

uyo lkw)t

toad-sound sirnilator; p. 269.

119.

uyo nsek eyan

mechanism simulating sound of


crying baby; p. 269.

120.

uyo ilcw)k

mechanism simulating buzz of


bees; p. 269.

121.

uyo )b)n

kind of sacred rattle; p. 267

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1*89
Kinship terminology.

Kinship terminology used

in folktales contains all consanguineal terms except


those for maternal grandmother, maternal grandfather,
paternal grandmother and grandchild.
include terms for

husband and

Affinal kin terms

'wife' and the correct

term for 'in-law' but omits tho descriptive termB which


can distinguish the various types of in-laws.

From the

torms incorporated in the folktales, however, it is


possible to determine correctly that Efik kinship term
inology is of the Sudanic type.
There exists a notable lack of data on lcinrhlp
groups such as the okpulc, ubon and u f ) k .

Creek Town

ward names occur only in the historical legend, and it


would be impossible to determine what they actually
represented solely on the basis of their occurrence in
the folktale.

Consequently, information on kinship

groups contained in folktales permits the inference that


the basic kinship unit is the polygynous family, but does
not allow any inference os to whether more extended
kinship units exist.
The expression etete, used in one folktale by a
wife to address her husband, probably represents respect
on the part of a wife younger than her husband, but it
has no known ethnographic counterpart.

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1+90
Harrlapo.

Reflected In the folktales are the

girl*s right to negate a parentally-chosen spouse,


payment of brideprice by the groom which is later re
funded to him if the woman commits adultery, polygyny,
capital punishment for adultery, ideals of female
beauty, ytkuh) seclusion, jealousy of co-wives, divorce
patterns, the use of love-medicines on husbands, and
the Jealousy of a husband for his wives.

It is unclear

from the data whether or not the village is exogamous;


in actuality, neither village- endogamy or exogamy is
prescribed and both occur.
Only one Instance of incest is recorded, and this
in the creation tale recorded by Burton

a tale u n

doubtedly the product of an Efik acquainted with the


Christian origin myth as introduced by Presbyterian
missionaries; indeed, Burton obtainod the tale, as well
as all other Efik material cited in his book, from
Reverend Hugh Goldie, a pioneer Presbyterian missionary.
In this particular tale, brother-sister incest ocours
and represents a logical explanation of how the off
spring of the first man and woman found marriage partners.
It is extremely probable that the creation legend cited
by Burton is idiosyncratic and not part of normal E f i k
folklore, especially since the present writer attempted
in vain to obtain a creation legend from his informants.

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lj.91
Unmentloned In the tables are incest prohibitions,
detailed procedure of brldeprico prestations, coition
rights of polygynous wives, sex practices,

)di)y{)

acquaintanceship* alliances, and clitoridectomy.

The

absence of this latter practice is noteworthy.

Children.

The folktale data corroborate the

ethnographic information on ohildron.

Efik fear to die

childless since then there will be no descendants to


sacrifice to them; moreover, a childless wife frequently
looses her husbands love and interest.

Pregnancy also

represents a time of anxiety as shown by the instanoes


gleaned from folktales.

Although twins were alwayB

killed, twin infanticide is mentioned only one In the


tales.
The use of folktales as a medium of moral instruc
tion Is clearly shown in the tales which concern rewards
for good actions and punishments for bad actions of
children.
Family relationships.

The Information on family

relationships reveals the normal love for children felt


by parents and also the conflict which family life can
engender.

The instanoes of poisoning of an older brother

by his younger brother with Inheritance as a motive, and

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the instances of murder within the nuolear family are not


representative of normal Efik behaviorj the reason for
their occurrence in folktales undoubtedly lies in the
realm of psychology and such acts presumably instance
wish-fulfillment of desires normally repressed*

Also re

flected in the tales is the Efik realization, frequently


referred to in proverbs, that anyone without a family must
fend for himself.

The familiar stepmother motif is

present, the stepmother being depicted as partial to her


own children and frequently maltreating the children of a
deceased co-wife.
Names.

The denomination of individuals based on

the name of the day on which they are born, is represented


in the folktales, all of the male day names occurring, but
two of the four female day names, Ikw) and A f i M , being
omitted.

Many of the names of individuals in the folk

tales boar common Efik personal names, but a few, such as


2krlk)y{. are uncommon.

The female name Titi, most unusual

for an Efik but more common for an Ibibio, derives from


the English slang word 11titty," whioh refers to female
breasts

European sailors on the West African coast

habitually calling nubile native girls by this word until


it has now received the dignified status of a personal
name.

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14-93
The names Involving the morpheme abasi God*
are not actually names used by real individuals, but
simply humorous cognomens.

The custom of disliking to

have o n e s name shouted appears to be roflected in one


tale.
Host of the neighboring groups are represented
in tho folktales, although the Or on, Elcoi and Efiat are
unmentioned.
Flays and games.

The Efllc propensity for plays

and games is depicted in the plays, dances and wrestling


matchos mentioned in the folktales.

However, no refer

ence is made either to the many ceremonies held by Efik


sodalities or to the fourteen out of fifteen childrens
and adults* games mentioned In tho ethnography.
Folklore.

The folklore abstracted from the folk

tales shows the existence of tales, stories, proverbs,


songs, tongue twisters, nicknames and curses, and some
type of recitation, although failing to notice riddles,
tone riddles and commemorative poetry.
Thirty-one childrens songs, none being previously
recorded in the ethnographic collection of 33-8 songs,
reveals that tho folktales represent an excellent souroe
for obtaining examples of childrens 3ongs, which,

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U9l|incidently, occur solely in folktales.

Twelve of the

twenty-two proverbs contained in the folktales do not


appear in the collection of 655 proverbs, but nine do
appear either in exactly the same form or with slight
textual variation} thus, the proverbs numbered 6 , 7 , 8 ,
9, 12 , 16, 19, 20, and 21 on pages lp38 to lji|0 correspond,
respectively, to the following proverbs as numbered in the
present w r iters proverb collection:^

129, 165 , 251-I-, 262,

a. 8 , 356, 378, 392 , and Itflu


The explanations of natural phenomena which occur
in folktales are Incorrect from a scientific viewpoint,
while the explanations of Efik sooial customs shed no
information on the origin or rationale of the behavioral
nor m s .
Three of the eight customary greetings appear in
folktales, although the etiquette pattern requiring
inquiry of the individuals health is totally ignored.
The presence of the few nicknames is adequate
evidence of their occurrence in everyday life, although
it would be impossible to determine their relationship

^ Ms. entitled Efik Proverbs and Riddles (typed in


p p .), p p . 12^,-'l'6'5,''25^,"?6Fr^;31i8.

1953, 251

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i*9S
to drum-signalling solely on the basis of their occur
rence in the folktales.
Funeral> burial and mourning.

The folktales

reflect the human -sacrifices which formerly accompanied


burial of a high-atatused individual, special Inhumation
practices for the chief, memorial feasts, disposal of
slaves 1 corpses by simply throwing them into the bush,
and ritual wailing of female mourners (undoubtedly
alluded to by mention of a woman raising a cry at cockorow)
Unmentioned in the tales are burial of freeborn
males in the house, mbukpisl mourning for widows, the
utim udl ceremony, Kk) society burial ceremony, erection
of yfwemme memorials and uyet iso sheds, and the modern
burial practices of Efik Christians.
Chiefs, government, crime and punishment.

The

portrayal of the chiefs duties in enforcing laws and


adjudicating disputes before the Leopard Society shed,
his wealth and power, 1 b accurately depicted, as are the
various capital punishments employed.

The chiefs Eyo Nbs,

Arohibong Edem, Efflong, Adam Duke, Ephraim Duke and


Eyamba are known to have been actual individuals, and
this is also probably true for the other chiefs

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14-96
mentioned, except for* such chiefs whose existence is
oonfined solely to folktales and who hear some form of
the name A b a a i .
Laws against murder, adultery and accidental
homicide ooincide with ethnographic reality, but such
laws decreeing capital punishment for defecation within
town limits, argument, anyone named Ekpenyong, and the
like, are simply to provide plots for the tales and
completely lack any ethnographic counterpart.
Murder is very rare among the Efik, but occurs
frequently in the folktales; the explanation for this
greater frequency undoubtedly lies in the realm of
psychology, especially since the victim is usually a
member of the same nuclear family as tho murderer.
The coronation ceremony of the chief receives no
mention in the folktales.

Warfare.

The data on warriors and warfare is

oorreot, although Information on the ekpa women's


ceremony, the warriors' ediy)r) ek)y{ ceremony, and the
patterns of surrender and treaty-making are absent.

It

may be noted, however, that the number of fisheagle


feathers worn in the warrior's panache is given as three
in the folktales but is not mentioned in the ethnography.

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Also unmentioned in the ethnography ie the practice of


throwing magic-medicine on the roof so that it can drain
off on the warrior *b head

similar customs are noted

in the ethnography only for tho chief's coronation and


the aboriginal marriage ceremony (see pages 223 and 32).
The use of drums as signalling devices is clearly
demonstrated in the folktales.
Secret societies.

The importance of tho Leopard

sooiety is reflected in the folktales,

the society being

assigned the functions of enforcing the ohief's commands


and inflicting punishment.

However, mention occurs only

of the Xkanda Leopard grade, the four other grades being


omitted.

Description of the various costumes worn by

members is also lacking, although the wearing of a


peacock feather to symbolize Leopard Society membership
and the origin myth of the m b ) k ) . the secret noisemaker
which simulates the leopard's roar, are correctly
indicated.
The )b)n society is mentioned, although Its
function is obscure, but the various gradeB and costumes
of the society are omitted.
No reference is made to the men's societies Ekpri
Akata. Ulcwa, Enana E k a , and Ekayt, or to the Iban Is)y(
women's society.

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U-98
Ape grades,

The folktale data indicato the

presence of age grades, and reveal how tho agematea of


an individual aid in mourning a me m b e r s deceased
relative,

Tho use of the morpheme da between members

of the same age grade does occur in the taleB, but its
usage probably would not be discerned by anypne not
previously acquainted with it; indeed, Heverend Hugh
Goldie treated the word as an interjection meaning

h e r e

thus showing that he, in spite of many years experience,


was Ignorant of its correct meaning.3

Slaves,

The two major classes of freeborn and

slave are mentioned in the folktales and, although the


former are not specifically designated by the customary
term of eyen ls)yf child of the s o i l , the inferior
status of tho latter is apparent in the tales, which
reveal that tho possession of slaves indicated wealth,
parents could enslave a child or themselves, slaves were
used in canoes, the murder of a slave was interpreted as
an Insult to the slaves owner, and the fact that slaves
sometimes plotted against their masters.

3 Goldie, H., 18?1|., p. 36 .

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14-99
Friendship.

The best-friend pattern ia reflected

in the tales, which indicate that one's hest friend is


usually a member of the same age grade.

The

'blood oath*

to insure faithfulness and prevent treachery among


friends also receives mention, as does the Efik realiz
ation that friends may quarrel and even prove false.
Religion.

In the folktales appear data on

belief in a supreme deity, supernatural-powers, alcana


vow, magic-medioine, soul-affinity of men with animals,
two types of divination (afia aran and esere), saorifice,
oaths, prayers, witchcraft, importance of the number
seven, belief in ghosts, and the saoredness of certain
days on which work is forbidden.

Although there is a

paucity of information on variant types of divination,


and omens and reincarnation remain unmentioned, most of
the major Efik supernatural ideas can be successfully
reconstructed from the folktale data.
Mentioned in the folktales but absent in ethno
graphic reality, are work on akwa ederi, various magical
items of matoriel such

ub

magic trees and drums, and a

lizard associated with divination.

Work on akwa edorl

is strictly forbidden by supernatural sanctions, and the


explanation of the breaking of this taboo in a folktale
lies in the realm of psychology.

Tho lizard has no

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500
known connection with divination among tho Efik; ono
speculative suggestion is that tho ldi)yf crown worn by
Ibibio diviners is covered with lizard skin

however,

informants were unable to state what typo of skin


aotually covers the crown.

Incidents involving dreams

are rare in the folktales, which possibly may correlate


with tho difficulty the present writer encountered in
his attempt to elicit information on informants* dreams.
History.

The Efik historical legend agrees with

known linguistic and historical facts except that there


is no evidence for tho assertion that Efik wore originally
Ibo x-Jho came from Ibom, Aroohulcu.

Unfortunately tho

information on the Ibibio and Aro inhabiting the Arochuku


area is scant, but there is a possibility that Efik
represent the Ibibio group driven out of the Aro country
by tho famous Ibo warrior Oke NnaohiJ*
however,

It Is improbable,

that Efik were over speakers of the Ibo language

(see pages 35 and 3&).


Property and wealth.

Efllc pecuniary interests

find reflection in the folktales whore mention occurs of


aboriginal rod money, loans, Individual ownership of

^ Simmons, D, C,, 1958b, p. 27#

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$01
property, and concepts of wealth, especially as a
criterion of high or low social status.

The ethnographic

correlation of wealth with high social status and pres


tige undoubtedly accounts for the Efik Horatio Alger*

Buccess motifs where poor orphans obtain wealth through


the beneficence of some chief, stranger, or old woman.
Absent in folktales is mention of such customs as
ukpe okuk, property marks, incorporeal property, acknow
ledgement of debts before witnesses, udu)k m m ) / , and
etlbe saving societies (see pages 279 to 2810.
Emotion.

Tho data on Efik emotions depicted in

folktaleB sheds some insight into acts which occasion


fear, gladness, sadness, hatred and annoyance*

Although

no specific recognition of emotion occurs in the ethnography,


Information can be gleaned concerning annoyance (p. 3I4.),
anger (pp. 138 , l, 160 , 178 , 197, 366 , 370-710# jealousy
(PP* 303, 323 ), insultive behavior (pp. 177# 201-03),
sadness (pp. 176 , 336 ), contempt (pp. 198 , 201 , 3^ 2 ),
embarassmont (p. 15>10, and different personality traits
(pp. 78-9).

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Acculturation*

The presence in the folktales of

English and Ibibio words, compound Efik words denoting


obvious innovations, Euroamerican institutions of church
and school, and folktale plots undoubtedly derived from
some Euroamerican source confirm that Efik have exper
ienced acculturative contact with members of at least
one African group and with some English-speaking group.
Further, certain non-Efik non-English words contained in
the folktales can be correctly analyzed as words which
belong to a group the members of which probably speak a
language closely related to the Efik language.

The data

on acculturation refleoted in the folktales is, however,


much less extensive as that found in the ethnography.

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CHAPTER X IV
ANALYSIS OF THE REFLECTION OF CULTURE IN EFIK FOLKTALES
Comparison of the culture reflected in Efilc
folktales with Efik ethnography reveals that the folkloristic data nay be grouped into three main categories:
(1 ) similar to ethnographic data,

(2 ) present in folktales

but absent in ethnography, and (3 ) present in ethnography


but absent in folktales*
If ethnographic information were unavailable,
the folldorlstic data on Efik culture would appear to
constitute a veritable ethnographio treasuro-trove illumin
ating many phases of Efik culture previously obscure, since
reflected in the tales are numerous traits concerned with
such cultural aspects as agriculture, medicine, hunting,
domestic animals, food processing, crafts, economic life,
folklore, musical instruments, kinship terminology, sooial
stratification, political organization, and events of the
individual life cycle from birth, through childhood,
marriage and death.

Indeed, comparison of the ethnographic

information obtained from folktales with Efik ethnography


as known in 19E>0 shows that the folklorlstlc source is
superior to the ethnographic source**^

Cf, Forde and Jones, 195>0, pp* 89-92.

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Soli.
Incidents occurring in folktales but absent in
ethnography are the assignment of anthropomorphic roles
to animals, capital punishment decreed for suoh crimes
as defecation and argument, several humorous cognomens
utilizing the morpheme ahasi ,G o d f, rapid success in
wealth and status by poor orphans and good children,
homicide within the nuclear family, and work on akwa
ederi.
The anthropomorphic roles assigned to animals
require little explanation in terms of Efik ethnography;
such roles are widespread among Ibibio groups, who are
the closest relatives of the Efik, among other African
societies, and among Euroasian societies.

Efik customs

do not explain why such roles should be assigned animals,


and tho explanation presumably lies in the realm of
cultural diffusion since it is a phenomenon of consider
able distribution in the Afrioo-Euroasiatlc folktale
area.
The folkloristlc laws, which possess no ethno
graphic analogues, are explicable solely on the basis of
either humor or usefulness in plot development.

Certain

of theso foll&oristic laws reflect sarcastic jibes at the


propensity of chiefs to pass proclamatory laws.
Similarly, tho names Involving the morpheme abasi *God*

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also represent a sublimation of aggressive sarcasm


against chiefs by attributing both humorous names and
stupid actions to chiefs extant only in folktales*

In

ethnographic reality, no Efik would dare make Bport of


his chief; only in folktales can a chief be portrayed
as stupid, humorous, and the possessor of such a typic
ally human proclivity as jealousy*
The motifs of rapid success in accumulating
wealth and high status undoubtedly owe their existence
to daydreams and wishful-thinking; every society, such
as tho Efik, which places a status-premium on wealth
will undoubtedly possess such motifs so that its members
can vicariously enjoy what, in actuality, is seldom
experienced.
The frequent references to homicide within the
nuclear family are likewise explicable as outlets for
aggressive feelings ordinarily repressed in actual life.
These homicidal incidents usually occur in children*s
folktales and probably provide a sublimated outlet for
aggressive impulses directed towards parents and step
parents.

The ethnographic facts similarly contradict

the folldoristic incident mentioning work on akwa ederi


the Efik religious day on which work was expressly
forbidden; this violation of a well-established taboo

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f?06

presumably gives an emotional shook to the hoarers,


possibly even representing a psychological outlet for
a suppressed desire*
Many culture traits lack mention in the folk
tales*

Completely omitted are references to growing

manioc, bananas, plantains and taro, details of many


Efik food, reoipes, the majority of herbal medicinal
recipes, one hundred twenty-five items of materiel, the
elrpuk* ubon, and uf)lc extended kin groups, fourteen of
fifteen childrens games, incest prohibitions, details
of the brideprice prestations, coition rights of polygynous wives, )di)>0 marital alliances, circumcision and
olitorideotomy, sexual practices and ideals, riddles,
tone riddles, oommemorative poetry, house burial,
mbukpisi mourning for widows, utim udl memorial ceremony,
Kk) society burial, yfaomme memorials and uyet iso memor
ial sheds, modern burial practioes of Christian Efik,
coronation ceremony of the chief, ekpa ceremony, warriors
ediy)r) okoyf ceremony, patterns of surrender and treaty
making, four Leopard Society gradoo and their respective
costumes, the ekpri akata, ulcwa* enana eka* ekay( and iban
is)y{ sodalities, omens, belief in reincarnation, and
several kinds of divination*

Also unmentioned are the

economic concepts or practices of ukpe okulc, property

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507

marks, Incorporeal property, acknowledgement of debts


before witnesses, udu)k mm)yf and etlbe saving-societies*
Various hypotheses may serve to explain the
reasons so many culture traits lack mention in Efik folk
tales:

(1) the sample of folktales is inadequate, (2)

unmentioned traits are regarded as unimportant by the


Efik, (3 ) unmentioned traits constitute recent innovations,
(I4-) unmentioned traits are simply behavioral norms which

Efik take for granted, and (5) unmentioned traits are


unsuitable material for folktales.
The hypothesis of inadequate folktale sample
asserts that omitted culture traits would have received
mention If additional folktales had been collected.

The

implicit assumption of this hypothesis is that folktales


accurately reflect ethnography, and, hence, the omission
of traits is prima facie evidence that the folklorlstic
sample is too small.

This hypothesis, at present, can

neither bo confirmed or denied since It has not yet been


determined what constitutes an adequate sample of folk
tales.

It appears a priori obvious that the greater tho

opportunity for culture traits to be mentioned, the


greater Is tho probability that they will be mentioned.
However, since there does not exist any agreement as to
what constitutes an adequate sample in the study of

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508

cultural reflection In folktales, the only scientific


method is simply to state that the conclusions represent
the results of analyzing a specific number of folktales.
The hypothesis that cultural traits unmontloned
in folktales are unimportant, with its implied corollary
that mentioned traits are important, is susceptible to
verification; the corollary was evidently first enunciated by Boas, who stated*

The underlying thought of this attempt was that


the tales probably contain all that is interesting
to the narrntors and that in this way a picture of
their way of thinking and feeling will appear ttiat
renders their ideas as free from the bias of the
European observer as is possible.
The only previous challenge to the verity of this hypoth
esis has been by Wittvogel and Goldfranlc on the basis
that Pueblo mythology did not reflect the culturally vital
factor of irrigation.^
Efilc traits omitted from mention in Efik folktales
reveal that many Important items, as well as many items
of lesser and minor Importance, lack mention in the folk
tales.

As for the "importance" of some unmentioned traits,

it may be noted that Efik have successfully resisted both

^ Boas, F*, 1925* p. v.

3 Wittvogel and Goldfranlc, 19^3 P* 23.

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$09
missionary and governmental opposition to clitorideotomy,
and thoir resistance signifies that the trait is evidently
of importance to them*

Similarly, many Efllc still adhere

to house burial and now resort to the subterfuge of burying


an empty coffin in the oemetery in order to obviate any
difficulty with the authorities over their retention of
this illegal custom; the subterfuge which the Efik feel
compelled to practice argues that this custom is highly
valued by them.

Other oustoms which lack mention in the

folktales and yet are of undoubted importance to the Efik


include extended kin groups, incest prohibitions, brideprico prestations, coition rights of wives, sexual
practices and ideals, the utim udl oeremony, and the Kk)
burial society*

Consequently, it may be concluded that

the hypothesis of cultural traits being unmentioned in


folktales beoause of their unimportance lacks universal
validity since some unmentioned Efik traits are definitely
important.

Mention or lack of mention of a trait in

folktales does not ipso facto imply its importance or


unimportance.
The data do not substantiate the hypothesis that
traits mentioned in folktales represent traits which are
older than unmentioned traits.

As regards the age of

traits, three chronological periods can be conveniently

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10

distinguished for the Efllc:

The first is the time prior

to the occupation of the Calabar area which commenced


about 160 a.d., plus or minus fifty years; this period
will subsequently be referred to as the 11archaic period*
The second period represents the interval between l60
a.d. and the advent of the Presbyterian missionaries in
l8lj.6 a.d*

The third interval is that demarcated by the

arrival of the Presbyterian missionaries in 18^6 a.d.,


continuing until the present time.

It is frequently

possible to assign traitB to the appropriate chronological


category on the baBis of (1) distributional evidenoe of
the trait, (2) nature of the trait, (3 ) historical
documentation, and (Ij.) native tradition and testimony.
For example, judgipg from their present distribution among
Ibo, Ibibio and other societies of the lower Niger area,
such unraentioned traits as circumcision, clitorideotomy
and house burial definitely represent Efik customs of
considerable antiquity, undoubtedly possessed by the Efik
prior to the occupation of their present position in the
Calabar area.
Of the nonmaterial oulture traits mentioned in the
folktales, the majority represent traits present in the
archaic oulture.

Traits which entered the cultural

inventory between l60 a.d. and 181^6 a.d. include the

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5n
use of cloth for clothing, the various Leopard Society
costumes and grades, and, probably, the eBere Calabar
bean ordeal.

Modern traits include the churoh, school,

English words, and English mode of calendrical reckon


ing.

The majority of nonmaterial Efik oulture omitted

from reference in the folktales similarly stems from the


archaic period, while only the coronation ceremony
(some elements of which are undoubtedly archaic) and the
Leopard Society grades, entered Efik culture in the
interim between 160 a.d. and I8I4.6 a.d.
Of ninety items of materiel mentioned in the
folktales, and enumerated on pages I4.I8 to 1*22, sixtyeight represent items possessed by Efik in the arbhaio
period,

eighteen (items numbered 2, 7, 15, 20, 21, 23,

3, 39,

It-3#$9, 67 ,

77, 78 ,

81, 81*, 85, 89 and 90 > were

introduced into the oultural inventory between 1650 a.d.


and I8I4.6 a.d., while four (items numbered 11, 51, 6 and

75) entered Efik culture subsequent to I8I4-6 a.d.


Of one hundred twenty-one items of materiel
unmentioned in the folktales, and enumerated on pages 14.83
to I488, one hundred one represent items possessed by the
Efik in the archaio period,

sixteen (items numbered 3, 9,

10, 11, 15, 18, 1*1, 1*8, 56,

80, 86, 87, 100, 102, 105 and

113) entered Efik culture during the interim between 1650


a.d, and 181*6 a.d., while four (items numbered 2, 30, 59

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>12
and 98) constitute recent introductions.
Concerning the hypothesis that traits which are
unmentioned in folktales represent behavioral norms which
are simply taken for granted, Spencer writes:^That important aspects of culture should be treated
thus in myth is a priori somewhat unconvincing and is
certainly not consistent' with the conclusions of
empirical investigations, Malinowskis analysis of
Trobriand origin myths shows that they convey and
express "the fundamental fact of local unity and of
the kinship unity of the group of people desoendent
from a common ancestress."
Actually, however, this hypothesis is not ia priori
unconvincing to the present writer, who thinks that it may
occasionally be valid for certain traits.
In every society there exist some traits which are
applicable to every member, as well as other traits which
apply only to a major or minor percentage of the group.
It Is precisely in the area of universal behavior norms
that the taking-for-granted of traits, if any traits are
ever taken for granted, would be expected.

Thus, for

example, the fact that all male and female Efik are
respectively either circumcised or clitoridectomized may
account for the absence of any referenoe to circumcision
and clitorideotomy in Efik folktales

Efik simply

assuming these traits for the personae of their folktales,


A similar explanation would account for the absence of
incest prohibitions in the tales.

^ Spencer, K,, 19li-7, p# 127#

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The hypothesis that certain traits remain


unmontioned in folktales due to their general unsuita
bility as follcloristlc material, together with its
corollary that mentioned traits constitute suitable
material, is very difficult to prove or disprove.

It

probably can best be investigated by crosscultural


comparison of mentioned and unmentioned traits in order
to determine if there exist some types of traits whioh
are consistently excluded from mention in folktales.

If

a trait frequently appears in the folklore of many soc


ieties, it evidently constitutes suitable folkloristio
material.

The converse also is truej if a trait is

frequently unmentioned in the folklore of many societies


known to possess the trait, it is probably unsuitable as
folkloristio material.

In general, what types cf traits

are suitable or unsuitable material for folklore will


probably be found to constitute a statistical question
once enough comparative studies of reflection of culture
in folklore have been made to permit percentage computation
of presence or absence of traits.
The ethnographic data incorporated in Efik folktales
reflect many facets of daily life with aocuraoy, especially
the realms of economic activities (agriculture, domestio

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5il*
animals, food processing and hunting), kinship terminology
and family relationships, folklore,

social stratification,

political organization, behavioral norms of the life


cycle, and supernatural concepts.

With the possible excep

tion of folklore, these categories are similarly welldocumented for the Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, Hawaiian, Navaho
and Crow societies.^
Kinship terminology may illustrate a single trait
which consistently appears mentioned in the folktales of
societies.

While not all terms may bo reflected, the

majority of a society!s kinship terms, especially those


concerned with the nuclear family, will occur in its
folktales.

This has been found true for the Efik, and for
L
the Tsimshian, Hawaiian, and Navaho societies.
The explana
tion of the apparently universal appearance of kinship
terms in societies' folktales presumably lies in the

functional importance of kinship for social relations.


Folktale characters evidently do not act in a cultural
vacuum, but are placed in typical social settings of the

^ Boas, 1916, pp. 398-561}.; 1935>


Spencer, I9l}.7. Ehrlich, 1937.

Elbert, 1956-7.

6 Boas, 1916, p. 595. Elbert, 1956, pp. 106-112.


Spencer, 19U7, pp. 9.5-51}.. Boas (193?) does not list
Kwakiutl kinship torms, but their occurrence may be
inferred, especially from pp. 28-29. Similarly, Ehrlich
(1937) does not list Crow kinship terms, but their
occurrence may be inferred.

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$1$
society*

Since reflection of kinship terms in folktales

occurs in all analyses which have specifically given


recognition to the category, it would be of exceptional
interest if the folktales of a society failed to reflect
its kinship terminology, and such a failure would require
a special explanation phrased, presumably, in terms of
some special aspeot of the society!s oulture*
As regards nonmaterial traits which apparently
are unsuitable for folktales, it may be noted that
manufacturing and technological processes are rarely
described in Efik folktales; a similar observation has
been made by Elbert for Hawaiian folktales.7

The probable

reason for this lack of mention of manufacturing and


technological processes is simply that they lack the
dramatio quality necessary to capture and hold the
audiences attention; a surfiet of descriptive matter on
commonplace technological processes would bore the
audience*

7 Elbert, 1957, p. 319.

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$16
Systematization of cultural data reflooted in
Efik follctalos does not approximate, in any sons, an
ethnography of the Efik,

Comparison of the folkloristio

oulture with ethnographic data clearly reveals that the


latter is by far the better source for description and
understending of Efik customs.

If, as Ehrlich once

suggested for the Crow, ethnographic data on the Efik


were lost and the abstracted cultural information obtained
from folktales was retained, the general culture pattern
of the Efik might be reconstructed with some accuracy, but
much interesting and important data would be missing due
to its omission in the folktales.
The fact that so many traits, important and minor,
can be omitted from folktales, emphasizes the general
principle that suoh omission per ae can never constitute
valid ethnological evidence.

Thus, for example, Elbert

states that the rarity of infanticide in Hawaiian myths


is evidence that infanticide was infrequent in ancient
ft

Hawaiian oulture,0

No doubt exists that Efllc deliberately

murdered all twins, but mention of twin infanticide occurs


only once in E f i k folktales; without knowledge of the

Elbert, 196, p. 39U#

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517
actual occurrence of twin infanticide, it would tie
impossible to determine whether or not the folkloristio
instance represented ethnographic fact since it might
simply be another instanoe of folkloristio murder within
the nuclear family.

Even if it were correotly interpreted

as evidence for the occurrence of twin infanticide, its


occurring only once would probably lead to the erroneous
conclusion that it represents idiosyncratic behavior.
Consequently, it may be stated as a general principle
that omission or infrequent occurrence of a trait in
folktales does not ipso faoto represent valid evidence for
ethnological inferences.
Possibly explanations for the discrepancy between
the results of the analysis of cultural reflection in Efik
folktales and Ehrlloh's conclusions respecting cultural
O

reflection in Crow mythology,0 are:

Firstly, it may be

that just as societies vary in culture, world view and


emphasis, so do they differ in the amount of culture
reflected in their folktales and, consequently, the answer
to the question of the amount of folkloristio cultural
reflection differs from sooiety to society, ranging along

9 Ehrlich, C., 1937, p. 388.

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518
a continuum of variability, from a small amount to a
rolatively large amount of cultural reflection*
Secondly, possibly societies which possess elaborate
mythological systems are predisposed to include a
greater amount of folkloristio cultural reflection than
do societies, such as the Efik, which lack elaborate
mythologies*

Thirdly, perhaps there exists a process

which for want of an appropriate term may be desig


nated "folkloristio feedback"

simply meaning that

mention of a trait in folktales may insure it greater


ohance of remembrance under conditions of radical
culture change than possessed by an unmentioned trait*
Thus, under conditions of extensive culture change,
such as has occurred to the Kwakiutl,

Tsimshian, Crow,

Hawaiian and Navaho societies, a narrator of folktales


might be forced to explain a trait occurring in his tale
in order to make it intelligible to hearers of a younger
generation*
A few statements by Boas concerning the Tsimshian
mythology rooorded by his informant, Henry Tate, tend to
support the concept of folkloristio feedback, for Boas

noted:'*'

10 Boas, P., 1916, p* 393*

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It fleema lilcoly that there is a distinction


between the way in which the stories were told to
the older generation, that followed tho old way of
living, and the manner in which they are related to
white people or to the younger generation that has
forgotten many of the old ways* It is not unlikely
that some explanatory matter has been included in
the tales that in olden times would not have been
present. On the whole, however, my impression is
that only a slight amount of descriptive material has
been introduced in this way*

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T 7= 3U:--------------------------

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An Abstract of a Thesis entitled Analysis of the Reflection of


Culture in Efik Folktales by Donald C. Simmons,
The problems of whether the cultural content of folktales
accurately reflects ethnography and whether all cultural aspects
are reflected in folktales with equal emphasis are investigated
by comparing the abstracted cultural data contained in 176 Efik
folktales with ethnographic data on the Efik, a West African
society located in Eigeria, obtained by field investigation.
The comparison revealed that the folkloristio data
could be grouped into three main categories:
(1) similar to
ethnograpnic data, (2) present in folktales but absent in
ethnography, and (3) present in ethnography but absent in
folktales. Reflected in the folktales are numerous traits
concerned with such cultural aspects as economic activities,
kinship terminology and family relationships, behavioral norms
of the life cycle, folklore, social stratification, political
organization, and supernatural concepts.
Incidents occurring in folktales but absent in ethnog
raphy ore the assignment of anthropomorphic roles to animals,
capital punishment for defecation and argument, rapid success of
poor orphans in obtaining wealth and status, and homicide within
the nuclear family. Explanations of these deviations from ethnog
raphic fact presumably lie in the realms of plot development,
historical diffusion and psychology.
Many important culture traits do not receive mention in
the folktales, and various hypotheses to account for this are
discussed with the conclusions that it is impossible to regard
certain unmentioned traits either as unimportant or as recent
innovations, while some traits may be unmentioned either because
they are simply taken for granted or because they constitute
unsuitable material for folktales.
Suggested explanations for the discrepancy between the
results of the analysis of Efik folktales with the results of
previously published studies include the possibility that
societies vary in amount of folkloristio cultural reflection,
societies which possess elaborate mythological systems may be
predisposed to include a greater amount of folkloristio cultural
reflection than societies which lack elaborate mythologies, and
the possibility that there is operating what may be termed
"folkloristlc feedback'1 meaning that mention of a trait in
folktales may insure it greater chance of remembrance under
conditions of radical culture change than possessed by unmentioned
traits.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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