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VOLUME 28, NUMBER 2, 1972

Toward An Understanding of
Achievement-Related Conflicts in Women
Matina S. Horner
Harvard University
The motive to avoid success is conceptualized within the framework
of an expectancy-value theory of motivation. It is identified as an
internal psychological representative of the dominant societal stereotype which views competence, independence, competition, and intellectual achievement as qualities basically inconsistent with femininity
even though positively related to masculinity and mental health.
The expectancy that success in achievement-related situations will
be followed by negative consequences arouses fear of success in
otherwise achievement-motivated women which then inhibits their
performance and levels of aspiration. The incidence of fear of success
is considered as a function of the age, sex, and educational and
occupational level of subjects tested between 1964 and 1971. Impairment of the educational and interpersonal functioning of those high
in fear of success is noted and consequences for both the individual
and society are discussed.

The prevalent image of women found throughout history,

amidst both scholarly and popular circles, has with few exceptions converged on the idea that femininity and individual
achievements which reflect intellectual competence or leadership
potential are desirable but mutually exclusive goals. The aggressive and, by implication, masculine qualities inherent in a capacity



for mastering intellectual problems, attacking difficulties, and

making final decisions are considered fundamentally antagonistic
to or incompatible with femininity. Since the time of Freuds
treatise on the Psychology of Women, the essence of femininity
has been equated with the absence or the repression of (their)
aggressiveness, which is imposed upon women by their constitutions and by society [Freud, 1933, p. 1581. For instance:


. it is highly probable that the undoubted superiority of the

male sex in intellectual and creative achievement is related to their
greater endowment of aggression. . . . T h e hypothesis that women,
if only given the opportunity and encouragement, would equal or
surpass the creative achievements of men is hardly defensible [Storr,
1970, p. 681.
Each step forward as a successful American regardless of sex means
a step back as a woman [Mead, 19491.

It has taken us a long time to become aware of the extent

to which this image of woman has actually been internalized,
thus acquiring the capacity to exert psychological pressures on
our behavior of which we are frequently unaware.
It is clear in our data, just as in Broverman, Vogel, Broverman, Clarkson, and Rosenkrantz (1970), that the young men
and women tested over the past seven years still tend to evaluate
themselves and to behave in ways consistent with the dominant
stereotype that says competition, independence, competence, intellectual achievement, and leadership reflect positively on mental health and masculinity but are basically inconsistent or in
conflict with femininity.
Thus despite the fact that we have a culture and an educational system that ostensibly encourage and prepare men and
women identically for careers, the data indicate that social and,
even more importantly, internal psychological barriers rooted
in this image really limit the opportunities to men.

Maccoby (1963) has pointed out that a girl who maintains
the qualities of independence and active striving which are necessary for intellectual mastery defies the conventions of sex appropriate behavior and must pay a price in anxiety. This idea
is encompassed in the conceptualization (Horner, 1968) of the
Motive to Avoid Success (M-s) which was developed in an attempt to understand or explain the major unresolved sex differences detected in previous research on achievement motiva-



tion (Atkinson, 1958; McClelland, Atkinson, Clark, & Lowell,

1953). When it was first introduced as a psychological barrier
to achievement in women, the Motive to Avoid Success was
conceptualized within the framework of an expectancy-value
theory of motivation as a latent, stable personality disposition
acquired early in life in conjunction with standards of sex role
identity. In expectancy-value theories of motivation, the most
important factors in determining the arousal of these dispositions
or motives and thereby the ultimate strength of motivation and
direction of ones behavior are: (a) the expectations or beliefs
the individual has about the nature and likelihood of the consequences of his/her actions, and (b) the value of these consequences to the individual in light of his/her particular motives.
Anxiety is aroused, according to the theory, when one expects
that the consequences of action will be negative. The anxiety
then functions to inhibit the action expected to have the negative
consequences; it does not, however, determine which action
will then be undertaken. In other words, within this framework,
avoidance motives inhibit actions expected to have unattractive
consequences. They can tell us what someone will not do, but
not what he will do. The latter is a function of which ositiveapproach motives and tendencies are characteristic of t e individual (Atkinson & Feather, 1966; Horner, 1970a).
With this in mind, I argued that most women have a motive
to avoid success, that is, a disposition to become anxious about
achieving success because they expect negative consequences
(such as social rejection and /or feelings of being unfeminine)
as a result of succeeding. Note that this is not to say that
most women want to fail or have a motive to approach
failure. The presence of a will to fail would, in accordance
with the theory, imply that they actively seek out failure because
they anticipate or expect positive consequences from failing.
The presence of a motive to avoid success, on the other hand,
implies that the expression of the achievement-directed tendencies of most otherwise positively motivated young women is
inhibited by the arousal of a thwarting disposition to be anxious
about the negative consequences they expect will follow the
desired success.
A review of the results of the several studies carried out
over the past few years, summarized in Table 1, substantiates
the idea that despite the emphasis on a new freedom for women,
particularly since the mid sixties, negative attitudes expressed
toward and about successful women have remained high and



Schwenn, 1970
Horner, 1970b

Watson, 1970
Prescott, 1971

"Questionnaire format employed.


Horner & Rhoem,


Year Data



Horner, 1968



College Freshmm d Sophomores


All Female
Junior High (7th grade)
Senior High (1 l t h grade)
College Undergraduates
Students at an Eastern University
Female Juniors"
Female Juniors/Seniors
Same Subjects"
Female Law School Students
Female Summer School Students
Male Freshmen
Female Freshmen
Same Females 3 months later



Natureof the Sample



9. 1

Subjects Showing the Response

T A T Format
(StandardVerbal Cue)






perhaps even increased and intensified among both male and

female subjects.

It was hypothesized (Horner, 1968) that the motive to avoid
success would be significantly more characteristic of women than
of men, and also more characteristic of high achievement
oriented, high ability women who aspire to and /or are capable
of achieving success than of low achievement oriented, low ability
women who neither aspire to nor can achieve success. After
all, if you neither want nor can achieve success, the expectancy
of negative consequences because of success would be rather
meaningless. It was assumed that individual differences in the
strength of the motive to avoid success would not be manifested
in behavior unless aroused by the expectancy that negative consequences would follow success. This is most likely to occur in
competitive achievement situations in which performance reflecting intellectual and leadership ability is to be evaluated against
a standard of excellence and also against a competitors performance. Once aroused, the tendency or motivation to avoid success
would inhibit the expression of all positive motivation or tendencies to do well and thus should have an adverse effect on
performance in these situations. It was assumed, furthermore,
that the negative incentive value or repulsive aspects of success
should be greater for women in interpersonal competition than
in noncompetitive achievement situations, especially against male
In order to test our hypotheses about the presence and
impact of the motive to avoid success, it was necessary to develop
a measure of individual differences in the motive. At the end
of the Standard Thematic Apperceptive Test (TAT) for measuring the achievement motive, in which verbal leads rather than
pictures were used, an additional verbal lead connoting a high
level of accomplishment in a mixed-sex competitive achievement
situation was included. T h e 90 females in the initial study
responded to the lead After first term finals, Anne finds herself
at the top of her medical school class. For the 88 males in
the sample, the lead was After first term finals, John finds
himself at the top of his medical school class. T h e subjects



were predominantly freshmen and sophomore undergraduate

students at a large midwestern university.
A very simple present-absent system was adopted for scoring
fear of success imagery. T h e specific criteria used as an indication of the motive to avoid success were developed in accordance
with Scotts (1958) results. His data show what happens in a
T A T when a person is confronted with a cue or situation that
represents a threat rather than a goal, or simultaneously represents a goal and a threat. These can be found in Horner (1968,
1970b). Briefly, the Motive to Avoid Success is scored as present
if the subjects, in response to a thematic lead about a successful
figure of their own sex, made statements in their stories showing
conflict about the success, the presence or anticipation of negative consequences because of the success, denial of effort or
responsibility for attaining the success, denial of the cue itself,
or some other bizarre or inappropriate response to the cue.
In accordance with our hypothesis, fear of success imagery dominated the female responses and was relatively absent in the
male responses.
In response to the successful male cue, more than 90%
of the men in the study showed strong positive feelings, indicated
increased striving, confidence in the future, and a belief that
this success would be instrumental to fulfilling other goals-such
as providing a secure and happy home for some girl. For example, there was the story in which John is thinking about his
girl, Cheri, whom he will marry at the end of med school
and to whom he can give all the things she desires after he
becomes established. He decides he must not let up, but must
work even harder than he did before so as to be able to go
into research. Fewer than 10% of the men responded at all
negatively and these focussed primarily on the young mans
rather dull personality.
On the other hand, in response to the successful female
cue 65% of the girls were disconcerted, troubled, or confused
by the cue. Unusual excellence in women was clearly associated
for them with the loss of femininity, social rejection, personal
or societal destruction, or some combination of the above. Their
responses were filled with negative consequences and affect,
righteous indignation, withdrawal rather than enhanced striving,
concern, or even an inability to accept the information presented
in the cue. There was a typical story, for example, in which
Anne deliberately lowers her academic standing the next term
and does all she subtly can to help Carl, whose grades come



up. She soon drops out of med-school, they marry, and Carl
goes on in school while she raises their family.
Some girls stressed that Anne is unhappy, aggressive, unmarried, or that she is so ambitious that she uses her family,
husband, and friends as tools in the advancement of her career.
Others argued that Anne is a code name for a non-existent
person created by a group of med students who take turns
taking exams and writing papers for Anne. In other words,
women showed significantly more evidence of the motive to
avoid success than did the men, with 59 of the 90 women
scoring high and only 8 of the 88 men doing so. (The chi
square difference of 58.05 was significant at p < .0005).
The pattern of sex differences in the production of fear
of success imagery found in the first study has been maintained
in the subsequent samples of (white) men and women tested
since that time (see Table 1). The major difference has been
an increase, noted over the past two years, in the extent to
which fear of success imagery or negative consequences are
expressed by male subjects in response to cues about successful
male figures, who have come increasingly to be viewed as lacking
a social consciousness and having Waspish or selfish personalities; e.g., John will finish med school with very high honorsmarry the fattest woman in town and become an extremely
rich and self-centered doctor.
The fact that college students of both sexes, but especially
the men, are currently taking an increasingly negative view
of success as it has been traditionally defined is reflected in
another set of recent data collected in the winter of 1970 (PreScott, 1971). Forty-seven percent of the 36 male freshmen undergraduates in this sample responded with negative imagery to
the cue. This was a significant increase with respect to previous
male samples. Even in this sample, however, significant sex
differences in the presence of fear of success imagery were
maintained. Thirty, or S8%, of the 34 women tested scored
high in fear of success compared with 17, or 47%, of the
36 men tested (x2= 13.43, p < .01). Furthermore, the content
of the stories differed significantly between the sexes. Most
of the men who responded with the expectation of negative
consequences because of success were not concerned about their
masculinity but were instead likely to have expressed existential
concerns about finding a non-materialistic happiness and satisfaction in life. These concerns, which reflect changing attitudes
toward traditional kinds of success or achievement in our society,



played little, if any, part in the female stories. Most of the

women who were high in fear of success imagery continued
to be concerned about the discrepancy between success in the
situation described and feminine identity. In the past two years,
the manifest content of this concern has been demonstrated
in several new themes that were not evident in previous work.
Take, for example, the story in which Anne feels out of place
and has a fear of becoming a lesbian . . . maybe she shouldnt
have cheated on the exam, then the other men would have felt
better about her being stupid; or that in which she wants
to go on to a career in law and doesnt particularly want children:
Her husband wants to do as well as she is, but feels unable
to. She will go on in law school. He will substitute sugar for
her pills so she gets knocked up. She has the baby-in between
lectures-and an hour later is back at the books. He hits his
head against the wall.
One of the objectives of several studies done was simply
to observe the incidence of Fear of Success imagery in female
subjects at different ages and at different educational, occupational, and ability levels. The specific content of the verbal
lead used in each sample was altered so as to make the situation
described more consistent and meaningful with respect to the
age, educational level, and occupation of the subjects being
tested. For instance, in the junior high and high school Ievels
the cue used was Sue has just found out that she has been
made valedictorian of her class. The results summarized in
Table 1 show that the incidence of M-, in the samples weve
tested has ranged from a low of 47% in a 7th grade junior
high school sample to a high of 88% in a sample of high
ability current undergraduate students at a high ranking eastern
school (see Table 1). The incidence of fear of success found
in a sample of administrative secretaries in a large corporation,
all of whom were able high school graduates, was also high
(86.6%). In each of the female college samples tested so far,
fear of success imagery has ranged from 60%-88%.

OF M-,
In light of the vast sex differences found in the presence
of Fear of Success imagery it seemed very important to study
the differential impact of individual differences in the motive
to avoid success on performance and levels of aspiration in



achievement-oriented situations, and, furthermore, to understand what personal and situational factors are most effective
in arousing the motive or in keeping it in check.
In accordance with the theory, the motive to avoid success
is believed to affect performance only in situations in which
it is aroused. The assumption that fear of success is aroused
in situations in which there is concern over or anxiety about
competitiveness and its aggressive overtones was tested and received support in the first study (Horner, 1968). For 30 male
and 30 female subjects it was possible to compare the level
of their performance on a number of achievement tasks in
a large mixed-sex competitive situation with their own subsequent performance in a strictly noncompetitive but achievementoriented situation in which the only competition involved was
with the task and ones internal standards of excellence. This
was the best group on which to test the hypothesis because
each subject acted as his own control for ability effects. Thirteen
of the 17 girls in this group who had scored high in the M-,
performed at a significantly lower level in the mixed-sex competitive condition than they subsequently did in the noncompetitive
condition. Twelve of the 13 girls in the group who had scored
low in fear of success on the other hand did better under
the competitive condition, as did most of the male (2/3) subjects
in this group (Horner, 1968). In other words, in accordance
with the hypothesis only 1 of the 13 girls low in fear of success
showed the performance decrement under competition which
was characteristic of the girls high in fear of success. (The
chi square difference between the groups was 11.37, p < .01).
Anxiety about success was the only one of the four other
psychological variables for which individual differences were
assessed in the study that predicted female performance. It
is important to note that the motive to avoid success showed
no relationship with the strength of the affiliation motive nor
did the latter predict to the performance of the female subjects.
The results of this part of the study clearly indicated that young
women, especially those high in the motive to avoid success,
would be least likely to develop their interests and explore
their intellectual potential when competing against others, especially against men.
These conclusions, drawn from the preceding within subject
analysis, were supported by comparing the questionnaire
responses of all 90 female subjects who had been randomly
assigned between each of three experimental conditions, two com-


M A T I N A S. H O R N E R

petitive and one noncompetitive. Following her performance

in one of the experimental achievement-oriented conditions,
each subject was asked to indicate on a scale, How important
was it for you to do well in this situation? In both competitive
conditions the mean level of importance reported by subjects
high in anxiety about success was significantly lower than for
subjects low in anxiety about success ( p < .05). In the noncompetitive condition the difference, although short of the conventionally accepted level of significance ( p < .lo), was in the
same direction. For subjects high in motive to avoid success,
differences in mean level of importance between the noncompetitive condition and each of the competitive conditions were
significant ( p < .05); but no significant differences were found
between the conditions for the subjects low in motive to avoid
success. A more complete discussion of these results can be
found in Horner (1968).

Arousing or Minimizing M-,

Schwenns (1970) results in a small pilot study of 16 women
at an outstanding eastern womens college began our exploration
of the elements of both a personal and situational nature present
during the college experience which arouse the motive to avoid
success. Most of the students arrive at the highly select school
dedicated to the idea of distinguishing themselves in a future
career, even if they are not sure what it will be. According
to Schwenns data, by the time these women are juniors most
have changed their plans and aspirations toward a less ambitious,
more traditionally feminine direction. This is similar to Tangris
(1969) findings at a large midwestern university. Although
Schwenns sample was small, approximating a case study approach, the findings were useful in raising a number of important questions for further exploration.
Schwenn used a questionnaire and intensive interviews to
explore the impact on behavior of the motive to avoid success.
Particular attention was paid to how this motive influences the
educational and career aspirations of these very bright and
highly motivated young women especially at a time in our society
when self-actualization and the equality of women are drawing
much public attention. All the girls in the sample were doing
well and had grade point averages of B or better. Nevertheless,
12 of the 16 girls showed evidence of fear of success on a
modified questionnaire version of the TAT cue. In this version
subjects are not asked to write a thematic story but are asked



instead simply to describe the person represented in the cue.

The same scoring criteria are used for both forms and evidence
of fear of success from both is highly correlated (Horner, 1970b).
Subjects whose descriptions indicated the possible presence of
a motive to avoid success manifested their anxiety in several
ways. To begin with, they prefer not to divulge the fact that
they are doing well or have received an A to male peers,
preferring instead to make their failures known. The more
successful they were the less likely they were to want to say
so. All 3 of the girls who had straight A averages would prefer
to tell a boy that they have gotten a C than an A. Most
of the girls with Bs preferred to report an A. Whereas all
4 of the girls whose descriptions manifested low fear of success
said they were more likely to report an A to a male friend
(sometimes coupled with an explanation), only one-third of the
12 girls indicating high fear of success were likely to do so.
Even more important perhaps is the fact that only 2 of
the 16 girls in the sample had in fact after three years of
college changed their plans toward a more ambitious or more
traditionally masculine direction. The rest report changes in
their majors and future career plans toward what each of them
considered to be for her a more traditional, appropriately feminine,
and less ambitious one, i.e., to work for a politician instead of
being a politician, to teach instead of going to law school, to
become a housewife instead of any number of things.
Individual differences in evidence of M-, were very effective
in predicting these patterns of behavior. Eleven of the 12 girls
in the study whose descriptions suggested the presence of high
fear of success had actually changed their aspirations toward
a more traditional direction. Only one of the four evidencing
low fear of success did so. A Fisher test showed this difference
to be significant at better than the .05 level.
Just how important it is to attend to an individuals subjective
expectations and evaluation of certain careers was clearly emphasized by the subject who changed her career goals from medicine
to law because Law School is less ambitious, it doesnt take
as long . . . is more flexible in terms of marriage and children.
It is less masculine in that it is more accepted now for girls
to go to law school. The others who changed their aspirations
from law school to teaching or housewife apparently did
not hold the same expectations about a law career.
Although several of the girls had started out majoring in
the natural sciences with the intent of pursuing a medical career,



all were now, as juniors, majoring in traditionally female areas

like English, fine arts, French, and history. These findings reflect
the idea that no one seriously objects to higher education in
a woman provided the objective is to make her a generally
educated and thus a more interesting and enlightened companion, wife, and/or mother. The objections arise only when the
individuals objectives become more personal and careeroriented, especially in nontraditional areas. These findings are,
furthermore, consistent with a subsequent analysis of data gathered from the 90 female subjects in the initial study (Horner,
1968). This analysis showed that 88.9% of the 59 girls high
in fear of success were majoring in the humanities and 56%
of the 31 low in anxiety about success were concentrating in
the less traditional natural sciences like math and chemistry.
Two factors explored by Schwenn in her study as the ones
most likely to arouse the motive to avoid success and thus
to negatively influence the achievement strivings of these girls
were the parental attitudes and those of the male peers toward
appropriate sex role behavior.
The 16 girls in this sample lend support to Komarovskys
(1959) argument that in the later college years girls experience
a sudden reversal in what parents applaud for them; i.e., whereas
they have previously been applauded for academic success these
girls now find themselves being evaluated in terms of some
abstract standard of femininity with an emphasis on marriage
as the appropriate goal for girls of this age.
This is again consistent with the results of a follow up
analysis of data gathered in the initial study which showed
that 78% of the 59 girls who scored high in fear of success
came from predominantly upper middle and middle class homes,
with fathers who were successful business or professional men.
Their families placed a premium value on competence and
independence, and this is just the kind of background that
McClelland and others (see McClelland, 1961) have shown to
be conducive to the development of high achievement motivation, the expression of which is subsequently viewed as inconsistent with a feminine sex-role stereotype. This provides the basis
for the conflict manifested in the motive to avoid success. Only
33% of the 31 subjects who had scored low in fear of success,
on the other hand, had backgrounds of this type; the rest
of the low fear of success girls came from primarily lower
middle class homes.



There was apparently no relationship in the Schwenn study

between shifts in the attitudes of the parents and fear of success
in the girls, nor did there appear to be any direct indication
that parents had influenced anyone to turn away from a role-innovative type of career. If anything, the unintended effect appears to be in the opposite direction-as in the case of the
girl who said, There is a lot of pressure from my mother
to get married and not have a career. This is one reason I
am going to have a career and wait to get married.
Some girls even report being motivated for careers by the
negative examples set by their mothers:
My mother is now working as a secretary, but she didnt work
until now. I dont want to end up like that.
Another reason I am going to have a career and wait to get married
is a reaction to my mothers empty life.

How much of this is a pattern really restricted to this

sample or one that can be generalized is an important question
which remains to be seen in later studies.
Attitudes of Male Peers
The attitude of male peers toward the appropriate role
of women, which they apparently do not hesitate to express,
appears to be a most significant factor in arousing the motive
to avoid success. In the Schwenn Study (1970), the girls who
showed evidence of anxiety about success and social rejection
and had altered their career aspirations toward a more traditional
direction were either not dating at all (those with the all A
averages) or were dating men who do not approve of career
women. When asked, for instance, how the boys in their lives
feel about their aspirations, frequent responses were they
laugh, think its ridiculous for me to go to graduate school
or law school, or say I can be happy as a housewife and
I just need to get a liberal arts education. Several indicated
they were turning more and more to the traditional role
because of the attitudes of male friends whose opinions were
important: I need someone [a man] to respect me and what
I want to do, to lend importance to what I sense is important.
This is consistent with the idea, frequently reported in the
literature, that women are dependent on others for their self-es-



teem and have difficulty believing they can function well autonomously.
Those girls on the other hand who had scored low in
fear of success or those who had scored high in fear of success
but were continuing to strive for innovative careers were either
engaged to or seriously dating men who were not against nor
threatened by their success. In fact, they expected it of their
girls and provided much encouragement for them: I would
have to explain myself if I got a C.
One of the factors distinguishing the couples in this second
group from those in the first is a mutual understanding, either
overt or covert, that the boy is the more intelligent of the
two: Hes so much smarter . . . competition with him would
be hopeless. This fact or belief seems to be sufficient to keep
the motive from being aroused and affecting the behavior of
the girls in this second group. Tension exists between the couples
in the first group rooted in the fear that she is the more
intelligent one.
The importance of male attitudes is being further tested
in a current study which looks at how fear of success influences
the expectations and performance of young (college) girls when
competing against their own boyfriends, as compared to how
well they have done in a previous noncompetitive setting. The
attitudes of the boyfriends toward achievement in women are
assessed prior to performance in this situation. It is hypothesized
that negative attitudes on the part of the men will be significantly
correlated with arousal of fear of success in their girl friends,
which will be manifested in performance decrements by the
girls when competing against their boyfriends.
As our work has progressed it has become increasingly
clear that the problems of achievement motivation in women
are more complex than simply the matter of whether or not
women have internalized a more or less traditional view of
the female role. A complex relationship or interaction appears
to exist between the girls internal personality dispositions or
motives and certain situational factors which determine the nature of the expectancy a girl has about the consequences of
her actions and the value of these consequences to her in that
situation. It is these latter factors which determine whether
or not internalized dispositions will be aroused and therefore
influence behavior. Does, for instance, the girl care about the
male competitor and possible rejection that may ensue if she
does better than he does?



As indicated, our data argue that unfortunately femininity
and competitive achievement continue in American society, even
today, to be viewed as two desirable but mutually exclusive
ends. As a result, the recent emphasis on the new freedom
for women has not been effective in removing the psychological
barrier in many otherwise achievement motivated and able young
women that prevents them from actively seeking success or
making obvious their abilities and potential. There is mounting
evidence in our data suggesting that many achievement-oriented
American women, especially those high in the motive to avoid
success, when faced with the conflict between their feminine
image and developing their abilities and interests, disguise their
ability and abdicate from competition in the outside world-just
like Sally in the Peanuts cartoon who at the tender age of
five says: I never said I wanted to be someone. All I want
to do when I grow u p is be a good wife and mother. So
. . . why should I have to go to kindergarten? When success
is likely or possible, threatened by the negative consequences
they expect to follow success, young women become anxious
and their positive achievement strivings become thwarted. In
this way, their abilities, interests, and intellectual potential remain
inhibited and unfulfilled.
A subsequent analysis of the data in the initial study
(Horner, 1968), together with that of our most recent studies,
shows however that these processes d o not occur without a
price, a price paid in feelings of frustration, hostility, aggression,
bitterness, and confusion which are plainly manifested in the
fantasy productions of young women. This was made clear by
a comparison of the thematic apperceptive imagery written in
response to the cue Anne is sitting in a chair with a smile
on her face by women who had scored high in fear of success
with that by those who had scored low. In response to the
smile cue, more than 90% of those low in fear of success
imagery wrote positive, primarily affiliative stories centering on
such things as dates, engagements, and forthcoming marriages,
as well as a few on successful achievements. O n the other hand,
less than 20% of the 59 women who scored high in fear of
success responded in this way. T h e rest of the responses, if
not bizarre, were replete with negative imagery centering on
hostility toward or manipulation of others.
Stories characteristic of the girls low in fear of success



are exemplified by the following:

Her boyfriend has just called her . . . Oh boy. Im so excited what
shall I wear . . . Will he like me? I am so excited. Ann is very
happy. Ann will have a marvelous time.
Anne is happy-shes happy with the world because it is so beautiful.
Its snowing, and nice outside-shes happy to be alive and this
gives her a good warm feeling. Well, Anne did well on one of
her tests.

In comparison, the stories written by girls high in fear

of success were dramatically different and distressing. Consider
these examples:
Anne is recollecting her conquest of the day. She has just stolen
her ex-friends boyfriend away, right before the High School Senior
Prom because she wanted to get back at her friend.
She is sitting in a chair smiling smugly because she has just achieved
great satisfaction from the fact that she hurt somebodys feelings.
Gun in hand she is waiting for her stepmother to return home.
Anne is at her fathers funeral. There are over 200 people there.
She knows it is unseemly to smile but cannot help it . . . Her
brother Ralph pokes her in fury but she is uncontrollable . . . Anne
rises dramatically and leaves the room, stopping first to pluck a
carnation from the blanket of flowers on the coffin.

At this point we can only speculate about how much of

what was expressed in the fantasy productions of these girls
was a true reflection of their actual behavior or intents, and
secondly, if it was, what repercussions there might be. The
psychodynamic causes and consequences of these differences
are among a number of yet unanswered questions.
The results from data gathered by Watson (1970) as part
of a larger study show a significant relationship between presence
of the motive to avoid success and self-reported drug taking
which is relevant to the psychodynamic issues raised. The drug
taking measure involved a questionnaire estimate by the subjects
of their frequency of use of drugs such as marijuana, LSD,
and speed. Of the 37 college women in Watsons study, 24
(65%) scored high in fear of success. Of these, 13 described
themselves as using drugs frequently, 6 moderately, and 5 never.
Of the 13 girls low in fear of success, only 1 was a heavy
drug user, 5 were moderate, and 7 never used them. The
chi square difference between the groups was 8.12, with df



= 2, p < .05. Whereas 54% of the high fear of success girls

reported heavy drug usage, only 7.7% of the low fear of success
girls did so.
The causal direction of this observed relationship can only
be a matter of speculation at this point. Just what the functional
significance of heavy drug use is for high fear of success women
remains a question that must be considered along with the
rest of the data showing that negative consequences for women
ensue when the expression of their achievement needs or efficacious behavior is blocked by the presence of the motive to
avoid success.

It is not unreasonable now to speculate that what we have
observed in the laboratory does in fact extend into and influence
the intellectual, professional, and personal lives of men and
women in our society.
In light of the high and, if anything, increasing incidence
of the motive to avoid success found among women in our
studies (see Table l ) , the predominant message seems to be
that most highly competent and otherwise achievement motivated young women, when faced with a conflict between their
feminine image and expressing their competencies or developing
their abilities and interests, adjust their behaviors to their internalized sex-role stereotypes. We have seen that even within
our basically achievement-oriented society the anticipation of
success, especially in interpersonal competitive situations, can
be regarded as a mixed blessing if not an outright threat. Among
women, the anticipation of success especially against a male
competitor poses a threat to the sense of femininity and self-esteem and serves as a potential basis for becoming socially rejected
-in other words, the anticipation of success is anxiety provoking
and as such inhibits otherwise positive achievement-directed
motivation and behavior. In order to feel or appear more feminine, women, especially those high in fear of success, disguise
their abilities and withdraw from the mainstream of thought,
activism, and achievement in our society. This does not occur,
however, without a high price, a price paid by the individual
in negative emotional and interpersonal consequences and by
the society in a loss of valuable human and economic resources.
The issues addressed here are particularly important in



light of the population problems now facing society and the

appeals being made to women to have fewer children. Inasmuch
as having children is one of the major sources of self-esteem
for women, it becomes necessary to have other options for
enhancing self-esteem available to those who will respond to
appeals to avoid overpopulation. Achievement in the outside
world is one such possibility, but one which we have found
is not at present a viable option because of the presence of
psychological barriers like the motive to avoid success. It is
clear that much remains to be done to respond fully to the
issues raised and to understand the factors involved in the
development and subsequent arousal of a motive to avoid success.
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