Death Studies, 36: 253269, 2012

Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

ISSN: 0748-1187 print=1091-7683 online
DOI: 10.1080/07481187.2011.553338

A LIFE HISTORY OF A KOREAN ADOLESCENT

GIRL WHO ATTEMPTED SUICIDE
SUNGEUN YANG
College of Human Ecology, Inha University, Incheon, South Korea

The present study explores the life history of a South Korean adolescent girl who
attempted suicide. The study focuses on how sociocultural values affected her
suicide attempt and how she made meaning out of the experience. The results
revealed that her life history was a process of seeking independence and autonomy,
and freeing herself from social stigmatization. The study highlights the need for
professionals to examine the sociocultural context of adolescents, along with a
consideration of their developmental characteristics and family relationships in
order to understand adolescent suicidal behaviors.

The World Health Organization (2002) suggested an ecological

model as a conceptual tool to understand the multifaceted nature
of suicide. The ecological model assists in examining factors that
influence suicidal behaviors by dividing them into four levels:
the individual level, including biological and personal history
factors; the relationship level, including family and friends; the
community level, including schools, workplaces, and neighborhoods; and the societal level, including cultural norms and policies.
The focus of the ecological model is that suicide is a complex
phenomenon, which has its roots in the interaction of many
factors. Although there has been an increasing study of these
factors at the individual and relational level, there has been a lack
of study at the sociocultural level (Leenaars, 2008).
There is some evidence that the theories of suicide proposed
by Western scholars may not be applicable to other cultures and
nations. For example, a study by Rao and his colleagues (1989)
Received 6 April 2010; accepted 16 November 2010.
Address correspondence to Sungeun Yang, Inha University, College of Human
Ecology, #253 Yonghyun-Dong, Nam-Gu, Incheon 402-751, South Korea. E-mail:
syang@inha.ac.kr

253

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S. Yang

showed that Western theories of suicide may not be sufficient to

explain the causes of suicide in Indian people who kill themselves.
For another example, Lester (2005) studied 17 industralized nations
to predict their suicide rates using variables derived from different
theories of suicide and concluded that Western theories of suicide
do not apply to non-Western cultures. However, cultural issues
have been marginalized by the dominant frameworks of suicidology. Neimeyer (2008) criticized this practice of research and
therapy, saying, Although White middle-income people constitute
only 5% of the worlds population, nearly all approaches to suicide
assessment and intervention derive from the assumptions of, and
research upon, this restricted segment of humanity (p. ix).
Leenaars, Maris, and Takahashi (1997) also stated, To be unaware
of the international perspective would result in ones understanding
of the individual being overly barren and misleading (p. 2). Scholars need to examine more closely their understanding of suicide
internationally in order to glean ideas for theory development.
According to Lester (2008), culture can have an impact on
both the phenomena of suicidal behavior and on theories of suicidal behavior, and even on the definition of what is a suicide. Leach
(2006) emphasized the need to understand the role of culture on
suicidal ideation, attempts, and completions because culture offers
the lens through which individuals view coping styles, buffers,
emotional expression, family structures, and identity. It is through
culture that researchers and therapists begin to understand the personal meaning people give to situations that may lead to suicide.
Personal meaning or the subjectivity of causes, buffers, and reasons
for suicidal behavior are in need of further study.
Worldwide, at least 100,000 adolescents die by suicide every
year (American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, 2009). Existing
studies about adolescents tend to reduce youth suicidal behaviors
to problems of individual psychology. Researchers rarely analyze
how cultural values, social norms, and historical traditions affect
youth suicidality, although psychopathology alone is not sufficient
to explain it. They seem to suggest a reductionistic model in understanding a complex event. In order to achieve an in-depth understanding of youth suicidality, it is necessary to pay attention to
culturally relevant processes (Tanaka-Matsumi, 2001), which can
explain how macro-level factors affect adolescent suicidal behavior
at a micro-level.

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255

The present study analyzes the life history of a South Korean

adolescent girl, Kim (pseudonym), who attempted suicide. Specifically, the study explores why she attempted suicide, what changed
or remained after the suicide attempt, and what meaning she constructed from the suicide attempt. The study aims to highlight the
sociocultural themes that affect suicide attempts by Korean adolescents. Although the study focuses only on Korean context, it could
contribute to a cross-cultural perspective that informs scholars in
other nations of multiple realities, cultural awareness, and complex
cultural interrelationships.
The Sociocultural Frame of South Korea
To gain an understanding of a human beings life, one needs to
understand the context within which that persons life is situated
and interpreted. Context is critical to the eventual understanding
of a life, an event within a life, or a particular experience (Cole &
Knowles, 2001). When examining suicide among Asians, the traditional Confucian beliefs and values are important factors (Leong,
Leach, Yeh, & Chou, 2007). Confucianism in South Korea remains
strong, especially for family relationships, even though the country
has been modernized and globalized (M. Park & Chesla, 2007).
There are two key Confucian values that affect issues relating to
Korean adolescents: the value of family cohesion and the value of
academic success.
Confucianism places a significant emphasis on family
cohesion, social integration, and collectivism over individualism
(Mingzhao, Congpei, Jueiji, & Enyu, 1992). The Confucian model
of parentchild relationship consolidates attachment, intimacy,
and reciprocal reliance via childrens obedience and parents
sacrifices. Confucius emphasized filial piety, which is described as
childrens compliance with and respect toward their parents. If filial
piety is the duty of the children, the parents must devote themselves
to their children.
Furthermore, Confucianism describes an ideal parental model
as uhm-boo-ja-mo (the father should be stern and the mother should
be benevolent). The principle of uhm-boo-ja-mo divides parental
roles by gender and needs two parents to balance discipline and
permissiveness. It emphasizes the role of the mother and the father
as a team to raise their children. Because an intact two-parent

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S. Yang

family is still the norm in Korea, social stigma against single-parent

families is more common and more serious than in Western
countries.
Another key Confucian value for Korean adolescents is
academic success. As in other East Asian countries influenced by
Confucian intellectualism and scholarship, Koreans have high
educational aspirations (Haboush, 1991; K. Park, 1997). Gyoyoukyul
(education fever) is a typical Korean phenomenon resulting from a
combination of the high value placed on academic success, parental
authority and devotion, and childrens obedience. The main symptoms of gyoyoukyul are the parents sacrifices to enable their children
to succeed and their childrens responsibilities to attain success. The
academic success of a child is seen not only as the key measure of
personal competence, but also as an indicator of parental achievement and efforts. As a result, the rush toward college entrance is
propelled by parental pressures and is sustained by the exceptional
study habits of their children. In 2009, 84.9% of Koreas general high
school graduates entered college (South Korea Ministry of Education, Science and Technology, 2009), and Korea boasts of having
the worlds highest ratio of students who go on to college.
Korean adolescents, who struggle with a tension between obedience to parents and independent selfhood under high academic
pressure, seem to be especially vulnerable to suicidality. According
to OECD Factbook (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development [OECD], 2009), South Koreas suicide rate (18.7 suicides per 100,000 people) ranked third among the 30 OECD countries, and the female suicide rate (11.1 suicides per 100,000 people)
ranked the highest. Among adolescents, suicide was the second leading cause of death after automobile accidents (South Korea National
Statistical Office, 2008a). Korean adolescents aged 1519 years
reported that their main reason for suicidal intent was their school
record (South Korea National Statistical Office, 2008b).
Very little research has been conducted to understand the cultural nuances associated with suicidal behaviors among Korean
adolescents. Although there are recent studies on suicide among
Korean adolescents, most of them overlook cultural issues. They
usually focus on individual psychopathology, such as depression,
anger, and a sense of entrapment (H. S. Kim & Kim, 2008; Lee,
Choi, Kim, Park, & Shin, 2009; Y.-J. Park et al., 2010); problem
behaviors, such as drinking, smoking, and sexual intercourse (D.-S.

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257

Kim & Kim, 2010), or dysfunctional peer relationships, such as bullying (Y. S. Kim, Levental, Koh, & Boyce, 2009). There is a need to
acquire an in-depth understanding of the culture-specific factors
associated with suicidality among Korean adolescents.
Research Process
A life history research method was chosen in order to examine
sociocultural norms and values that affected the suicide attempt of
one Korean adolescent, Kim. A life history, a form found in narrative research practices, traditionally portrays the entire life of a
single, accessible, and distinctive individual as representative of a
culture (Creswell, 2007, p. 234). The researcher reports an extensive
record of a persons life, in order to provide access to contextual
data that helps the participants, researchers, and readers develop
an understanding of how and why things happened in the past
and how that past might be affecting the present (Haglund, 2004).
According to Allports (1962) classic statement on the advantages of the idiographic approach, the single case is a useful source
in psychological science. An idiographic approach allows researchers to understand the suicidal mind by carrying out an intensive
study of the human person (Leenaars, 2002). Werth (2005, 2006) also
demonstrated that a single case study can be an effective tool for
developing a compelling discourse about death and dying. A life history can reveal how the unbearable psychological pain of a suicidal
person is embodied in his or her language, which is what Shneidman
(1985) stated researchers should investigate and explicate.
Meeting with the Research Participant
The researcher first met Kim in August 2008 when she attended the
Child Development Center of the university where the researcher
worked. Kim attempted suicide in July 2008. The researcher asked
Kim and her mother if Kim would participate in the study. The
ethical aspects of the study, including information about research
purposes, process, voluntary participation, and confidentiality,
were addressed to ensure that the rights of Kim and her mother
were protected. Kim and her mother consented to the interviews
for research purposes. When the interviews began, she was 16 years
and 10 months old and in the 11th grade. She lived with her single

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S. Yang

mother because her father had died when she was 1 year old. Kims
mother was 45 years old and maintained a middle-class lifestyle by
working as a private tutor.
Data Collection
About 30 hours of life history data were gathered from a series of
24 interviews, ranging 60 to 90 min in length and conducted over a
12-month period. Kidd (2003) emphasized the need to obtain accurate history of the participant because of the complexity of suicidal
thoughts and behavior within an individual. The interviews were
free flowing with open-ended questions to gather rich information
about Kims life. The researcher asked questions, listened much of
the time, and requested clarification in order to check on Kims
meanings. The interviews were neither therapy nor mentorship.
The researcher took the stance of deliberate naivete and supportive scepticism, trying to learn from Kim what her experiences
and truths were.
The entire interview process was composed of three stages:
rapport formation, gaining an integrated comprehension of Kims
life, and finally acquiring an in-depth understanding of her suicide
attempt. It took about 2 months to build rapport with Kim. The
researcher accepted Kims defensive attitude and waited until she
was ready to talk about her life.
After establishing rapport with Kim, the life history interviews
were begun. The researcher asked Kim to talk about the key events
of her life. The researcher used a lifeline and life history grid for the
interviews. Lifelines are visual depictions of an individuals life
events in chronological order and may include interpretations of
these events (Gramling & Carr, 2004, p. 208). The researcher asked
Kim to draw a chronological portrayal of her life. This consisted of a
horizontal line filled with the events in her life from birth to the
present, which Kim considered significant. The researcher then
completed the life history grid while referring to Kims lifeline
and listening to the interview tapes. The life history grid was created
on a large sheet of paper divided into columns (Haglund, 2004,
p. 1315). The left-hand column listed the year of life, with one
row for each year of the participants life. For this study, the remaining column headings included self, mother, father, friends, school,
health, activities, and other memories.

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259

After acquiring a comprehensive understanding of Kims life,

the researcher focused on her suicide attempt. The researcher asked
Kim the reason for the attempt, what it meant to her, what happened after it, and how she was dealing with the changes or lack
of change in her life afterwards. The researcher tried to facilitate
Kims interpretations and reflections about this critical life event.
Data Analysis
Life history analysis is the process of recognizing the participants
stories into a general framework. The researcher focused only on
Kims reality and not necessarily her mothers or what an outside
observer might see. The researcher made use of Clandinin and
Connellys (2000) three-dimensional narrative inquiry space: continuity (past, present, and future), interaction (personal and social),
and situation (the place).
First, to find any continuity in Kims life history, the researcher
analyzed her past experiences related to the suicide attempt, the
attempt itself, the changes after the suicide attempt, and the impact
of the attempt on her future perspectives. Second, the researcher
examined Kims significant others, her social interactions with
them, and any changes in her perceptions of them following her
attempted suicide. Third, the researcher analyzed the sociocultural
characteristics of Korea, which related to Kims suicide attempt.
After analyzing the interview data in accordance with the threedimensional narrative inquiry space, the researcher detailed the
themes that arose from the story.
Verification
Verification was accomplished by a rich thick description of the
phenomenon, the prolonged engagement with the participant,
and an outside reviewer for fit and completeness. Firstly, the
researcher tried to describe in detail the participant, the participants experiences, and the sociocultural setting under study. Secondly, the prolonged engagement with the participant provided for
the establishment of a strong rapport. Frank (1984) claimed that
rapport and collaboration between the individual being interviewed and the person taking the life history are crucial. Thirdly,
an external consultant, an auditor with expertise in qualitative

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methods, assessed both the process and the product. This auditor
had no connection to the study and examined whether or not the
data supported the findings, interpretations, and conclusions.
Results
The results provide the themes, which emerge from the story of
Kim as it unfolded in a chronology of her lived experiences, set
within her sociocultural context. There are (a) continuing past, (b)
suicide attempt, (c) epiphanies and changes after suicide attempt,
and (d) forward presence and the future.
Continuing Past
The most crucial issue of Kims life was being a child in a singleparent family. Kim was excessively close to her mother and tried to
overcome the social stigma against single-parent families. Her mother
likewise tried to make up for the difficulties of a single-parent family.
However, they experienced tension due to the mothers controlling
parenting and high expectations for Kims academic achievement.
STIGMA AGAINST SINGLE-PARENT FAMILIES

Kims father died of cancer when she was 1 year old. However, the mother told Kim that the father was living overseas
because she was concerned that Kim might lose heart. Kim
did not find out that her father had already passed away until
she was 6 years old. To Kim, her mothers lie was more shocking
than her fathers death itself. Kim understood this to mean that the
absence of her father should be concealed from others and that a
single-parent family was shameful:
My mother eventually told me as she wept. I was so shocked that I could
not control my urination for a while. It was more shocking than my fathers
death itself that my mother had to lie to me.

The absence of the father brought the mother and daughter

closer to each other. Furthermore, Kim had to take a 1-year leave
of absence from school due to a hereditary allergy condition
when she was 10 years old. Kim described how this disease affected
her: At that time, my sores oozed profusely even if I was just lying

Life History of a Korean Girl

261

down. She could not maintain her friendships, and the only person
she could talk to was my mother, who sat by my side the entire day
to clean my sores. Kims mother kept telling her, I live for you.
The illness led the two into an enmeshed relationship. Kim said that
she feels a sense of gratitude, responsibility, and guilt whenever she
remembers her mothers sacrificial care during this time.
Kim had no recollection of her father and no attachment to
him. She said, I cant remember him at all. I cannot miss him.
Kims mother, who resented her husband for their unhappy marriage, neither holds the traditional annual memorial ritual for her
deceased husband nor goes to his tomb with Kim. However, in spite
of the emotional disconnection from her father, her fathers absence
did affect Kims life. Kim became conscious of societys view of
single-parent families as she grew up. Kim referred to her own
family as a gyoul-son-gah-jung (deficient or broken family) and set
a boundary between us and them (intact families).
As Kim became conscious of the stigma against single-parent
families, she made efforts to become a good child. Kim felt that she
needed to succeed in overcoming the stigma, which made her feel
overburdened:
I showed my best manners and etiquette to others because I did not want to
hear people call me hoo-rae-jah-sick (scumbag without father). I had an
extremely heavy burden about my father. I thought that if I made a mistake,
I would be seen as a bad person, and if I looked bad, it would bring shame
upon my mother. I thought that my life would not be worth living if I was
not successful.

Nonetheless, Kim stated that the excessive efforts she and her
mother made in order to overcome the prejudice against singleparent families created further problems. Kims mother was more
concerned to carry out the role of a strict and authoritarian father
rather than an affectionate and warm mother. Her mothers
playing of the role of a father deteriorated into oppressive and
controlling parenting.
The biggest problem was that we wanted too much to live as a normal
family. My mother tried very much to become a father to me. She disciplined me like a strict father. But, it didnt work. We tried too much to show
others that we were a normal family. Can we just accept there is no father in
my family? It is an objective fact!

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S. Yang

PRESSURE ON ACADEMIC SUCCESS

The most important task of Korean parents is to ensure their

childrens academic achievement. Kims mother had her daughter
committed to studying as she moved up to fourth grade.
My mother prepared me seriously for exams from the 4th grade. She
did not let me sleep until I memorized the whole exercise book. I tried
to memorize it until 23 oclock in the morning . . . Until high school, my
mother used to sit in front of me and watch me studying during the exam
week.

Because of her mothers involvement, Kim earned an award

for academic excellence each year. She was also selected as a
gifted mathematics and science student in junior high school.
However, the mother was not satisfied and pushed her to study
even harder. She controlled Kims daily schedule and forbade
activities unrelated to her study. She punished Kim physically
when she neglected her study or disobeyed her mothers wishes.
The mother told Kim that they could overcome the social stigma
against being single-parent family through Kims academic
success.
When Kim was a high school student, she began refusing to
obey her mothers demands and control. Although this could be
interpreted as a sign of seeking independence, her defiance of
her mother only further damaged their relationship.
My mother often beat me. The things my mother used were this (outstretching her arms) various. A wooden stick, a hanger, a drumstick, boiler pipe!
The worst thing was a hardcover book. It really hurts . . . It [a fight] began
over small things. On Saturdays, I want to sleep a little more, but my mother
tells me to get up. I pretend not to hear her. Then, she starts beating me with
a hanger or something else, saying Still sleeping? You need to study! One
day I grabbed the hanger. I did not intend to fight back. Because it hurt so
much, I automatically caught the hanger with my hand. Then, we started to
kick each other. At such times, I really thought that my mother had turned
into a monster. It was awful.

As the tension between Kim and her mother intensified, Kim

decided to neglect her schoolwork, saying, My mothers expectations were too burdensome. I willfully refused to study in order to
disappoint her from the 11th grade. As Kims grades continued to
drop, so the conflict with her mother worsened.

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263

Suicide Attempt
During the summer vacation of her 11th grade in July 2008, Kim
attempted suicide. After a fight with her mother, Kim drank a large
quantity of methyl alcohol in her room. She lost consciousness and
was transported to an intensive care unit. The doctor told her
mother, You need to be prepared for the worst. Fortunately,
Kim recovered consciousness 3 days later.
Kim described her suicide attempt as follows. Her account
showed her individual threshold for enduring psychological pain.
There was a big fight. She got on my nerves. I was so mad. I was so mad
that I couldnt think anything. I said to myself, I will just drink it [methyl
alcohol]! This is the end! Then, I took it . . . I did not plan it. It was an
impulsive action. Rather than trying to really kill myself, I think I wanted
to show my mother how angry I was.

Epiphanies and Changes After Suicide Attempt

For Kim, the suicide attempt was a turning point or a breakthrough experience. The quotation below reveals how unbearable
psychological pain affected Kim and how she fled from the pain. It
also shows how Kim experienced epiphanies and made meanings
out of her suicide attempt. The changes after the attempt were
analyzed in terms of a psychological and a relational perspective.
Researcher: Have you experienced any changes after drinking it [methyl
alcohol]?
Kim: I have changed. I felt suffocated before, but I feel free now. I
am not stressed out as much as before. My nerves become
sturdier in a way. I blew up all the stress inside me by doing
it [attempted suicide]. I know that it was a destructive behavior. But, I feel better as if I sang really loudly in Karaoke.
Some people collapse by doing such a destructive action,
but I feel relieved after exploding myself . . . Because of the
incident, I have grown up. I also began to look at the world
differently. I tried too much to put up with things. I did what
I did not want to do for fear that others would call me hoo-raejah-sick [scumbag without father]. I endured beyond my
strength, and then I exploded myself. Now I do not think
too much about the burden of not having a father. I do not
endure too much. Other people may judge me not to behave
well any more. But I feel I have become similar to my teenage

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Researcher:
Kim:

Researcher:
Kim:

S. Yang
friends. Now I have fun with my friends just like happy
teens. It is like living a normal life. Before the incident, I
did not take care of myself. Now I would like to love myself.
How did you mother react?
My mother was very shocked by the incident. She didnt touch
me for a while. When my mother let me alone, I could think
clearly without dealing with anger toward her. My mother also
had some time to calm down. She might rethink about her
expectations for me.
Does she let you alone nowadays, too?
She comes and goes. We are okay. I think, for now, it is the
best thing to maintain the status quo. Things are ok as long
as we do not tackle each other. When I come home, I quietly
go to my room. I do not talk much . . . Before the incident [suicide attempt], I used to get really stressed when my mother
irritated me. Now I can deal with it much better. Actually, I
had an argument with my mother a few days ago. Before
the incident, I would think, I want to die. Now I get over
it by just telling myself, Ah, just another irritation. My
mother is like a child having a temper tantrum. She is just like
a child who asks for the impossible. Now I can say what I want
rationally and calmly. I feel I free myself from depending on
my mother.

PSYCHOLOGICAL CHANGES AFTER THE SUICIDE ATTEMPT

Kim stated that she released her stress through her suicide
attempt, using the karaoke metaphor. Kim also showed her resolution
not to put up with things any more, even though she had done so previously because of the social stigma against single-parent families. As
the sense of burden about social stigmatization decreased, she
seemed to focus on her own needs to grow and to be independent.
Such changes inside Kim may have resulted from her coping
mechanism, which has made her realize that she needs to love
herself after experiencing how oppression causes self-destructive
behavior. Ironically, the attempted suicide inspired her with the
will to live. Although the negative effects of the suicide attempt
cannot be neglected, Kim seems to feel psychological freedom
after her impulsive action.
REEVALUATION OF MOTHER-AND-DAUGHTER RELATIONSHIP

Kims suicide attempt affected her mother. The mothers controlling and oppressive attitude decreased for a while. Nonetheless,
the fact that Kim has fun with her friends like happy teens still

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265

makes her mother anxious. Although tension continued even after

the suicide attempt, Kims response to her mother changed. Kim
began to regard her mother as a child who kept asking for the
impossible and to respond more rationally and calmly to her.
Kim described the relationship with her mother as follows.
We were too attached to each other. Still, my mother wants to hold me
back, and I want to run away from her. I believe that both of us need to
move away from such a relationship . . . My mothers life is a failure. She
has no friend. I am the only purpose of her life. Even now I do not grow
up as she wanted. I do not want to live like her.

Based on this critical evaluation of her mother, Kim is determined to free herself from the excessive attachment of her mother.
She also concluded that a child is not the possession of the
parents. As Kim becomes skeptical about the mother-and-daughter relationship, she is giving up the expectation of any improvement in their relationship and just tries to maintain the status quo
by avoiding communication. Although physical punishment,
yelling, and crying disappeared, a quiet but anxious tension flows
between Kim and her mother.
Forward Presence and the Future
One of the biggest changes took place when Kim became a senior
9 months after her suicide attempt. She changed her application
field for the college entrance examination. Kim spent her junior
high school and high school years studying science subjects as
her mother wished. Finally, she declared to her mother that she
would move into the humanities field, which she always wanted
to study. As Kim changed her field, she herself began to collect
information on universities to which she could apply. Although it
is a challenge to study in a new field, her choice enabled her to
set a goal and to confront the reality for herself.
Discussion
The present study explored the life history of a Korean adolescent
girl who attempted suicide. Many of the critical issues described in
this study could be found among other cross-cultural suicide and

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S. Yang

adolescence studies. At the same time, the study highlighted the

culture-specific themes beyond the culture-general factors associated with adolescent suicidality.
The issues behind Kims suicide attempt include complexities
associated with the value of family cohesion, the norm for parental
authority and childrens obedience, the belief about an intact
family with a stern father and a benevolent mother, and the goal
of academic success. Kim and her mother were struggling with
social stigmatization against single-parent families. The mother
chose to be severe with Kim to prevent the criticism of being a
hoo-rae-jah-sick (scumbag without father). She also ensured that
Kim would achieve academic success, which is considered as the
means to overcome social stigma. She seemed to regard Kims
achievement as her own and to acquire vicarious satisfaction
because of her enmeshed relationship with her daughter. In terms
of family systems theory, Korean families tend to show strong
cohesion and diffuse boundaries, which results in a high level of
interdependency and a low level of differentiation (Jeong, 2005;
H.-S. Kim & Um, 2006; Y.-H. Kim & Ahn, 2008). Furthermore,
the status of a single-parent family contributed to Kim and her
mother becoming involved in an enmeshed relationship. When
Kim entered adolescence, she tried to achieve mature selfhood
through separation. The process of separation-individuation is a
hallmark of adolescent development in Eriksons (1968) psychosocial approach. In the traditional approach, connectedness to
parents is mostly interpreted as an obstacle to autonomy, independence, and personal identity development (Flum & LaviYudelevitch, 2002). Conflicts arose because of Kims desire to
achieve autonomy and independence and her mothers desire to
control Kim by exerting parental authority. Moreover, there
seemed to be an unsatisfied or frustrated attachment need, which
has been related to suicide (Leenaars, 2008).
Kim experienced epiphanies after her suicide attempt. Firstly,
she became aware of how oppression destroyed the self. She realized the need to focus on her own aspirations and to accomplish
her developmental task for the sake of the self. Secondly, she recognized the dysfunctional aspect of the enmeshed mother-anddaughter relationship and decided to end it. Thirdly, she challenged
the social stigmatization of single-parent families and tried to
devalue it. Her changes in the perception of the self, the family

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267

relationship, and the social stigma seemed to give Kim a sense of

self-emancipation. Although the tension between Kim and her
mother remained, her changed perceptions transformed how she
interpreted the world around her and how she responded to it.
Kim stopped her passive and self-harming attitude and began to
take charge of her life. Kims suicide attempt could be interpreted
as an extreme and destructive form of seeking independence, autonomy, and the self. At the same time, Kims efforts went beyond the
micro-level of individual development and a parentchild relationship. She struggled to set herself free from the social stigma that
made her withdrawn and obsessed to be a good girl. Kim
acquired the courage to criticize the unjustness of the sociocultural
norms. The process revealed, through her own words, not only the
pain of a suicidal adolescent but also her efforts to heal herself.
The present study explored Kims suicide attempt from the perspective of a clash between her adolescent selfhood and familial and
sociocultural values. It highlighted the point that gaining an understanding of adolescent suicidal behaviors requires an investigation
of the sociocultural context, along with a consideration of adolescent
developmental characteristics and family relationships. The ecological model, which states that different levels interact to contribute to
suicidal behavior, can be a framework to offer cultural sensitivity
and competence in improving both suicide research and practice.

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