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corrupt practices.
Therefore, despite remarkable progress in some areas, there is still a
long way to go before the desired momentum in economic growth,
poverty reduction, and improvement in quality of life and overall social
development is created to realize national aspirations and global
commitment like millennium development goals. Problem of leadership
in governance loom large in every sector. A substantial gap exists in the
nations ability to generate sound understanding of the situation, to
identify problems and constraints and to implement best policy-making,
managerial and leadership practices and to measure progress towards
Prospect of Good Governance in Bangladesh: A Review / Page 69-96
77
good governance. Bangladesh has the basic infrastructure for good
governance, but they are not well utilized.
Zarina R. Khan has marked, Effective democratic governance
continued to be the elusive golden deer that the nation doggedly sought
but could not find (Khan, R. Z, 2002; 107).
The current state of governance in Bangladesh has been demonstrated
in the following table which clearly indicates Bangladeshs
performance on good governance criteria between 1996 and 2010.
50th-75th
Elements of Good Governance:
There are many elements of good governance. Opinions differ on the elements of good
governance among international organizations, scholars and academicians. However,
synthesizing their discussions the core elements of good governance are as follows:
1.
The democratic process: transparency in the election process; parliamentary conduct;
parliamentary immunity and privileges; decentralization of authority.
2.
Accountability-both political and financial;
3.
Reform of public administration: adequate remuneration as a disincentive to corruption;
ethical codes of conduct; training and education
4.
Civil society: non-governmental organizations, the media and investigative journalism;
corporate-private sector; academic community
5.
Complaints procedure: whistle-blower status
6.
The ombudsman: the appointment process; resources allocated to the ombudsman;
accessibility
7.
Enforcement of Rule of law and judicial system: independence of the judiciary; removal of
judges for cause; adequate remuneration; promotion of judges; independent prosecutors;
improved access to justice
8.
Privatization: monopolies as a vehicle for corrupt practices; privatization procedures;
transparency in government procurement.
9.
Participation: Participation of citizens in decision making and implementation;
10. Enforcement mechanisms: independent anti-corruption agencies; prosecutorial powers; civil
and criminal penaltie
enin undertook his detailed study of Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism in 1916,
basing it on the research of an English economist named Hobson. His analysis continues to
explain what is happening in the world today as we enter the 21st Century.
Lenin saw capitalism evolving into a higher stage. The key to understanding it was an economic
analysis of the transition from free competititon to monopoly: "...imperialism is the monopoly
stage of capitalism." As Lenin would point out in another article written in 1916 (Imperialism
and the Split in Socialism), imperialism was a new development that had been predicted but not
yet seen by Marx and Engels.
Lenin provides a careful, 5-point definition of imperialism: "(1) the concentration of production
and capital has developed to such a high stage that it has created monopolies which play a
decisive role in economic life; (2) the merging of bank capital with industrial capital, and the
creation, on the basis of this "finance capital", of a financial oligarchy; (3) the export of capital as
distinguished from the export of commodities acquires exceptional importance; (4) the formation
of international monopolist capitalist associations which share the world among themselves, and
(5) the territorial division of the whole world among the biggest capitalist powers is completed.
Imperialism is capitalism at that stage of development at which the dominance of monopolies
and finance capital is established; in which the export of capital has acquired pronounced
importance; in which the division of the world among the international trusts has begun, in which
the division of all territories of the globe among the biggest capitalist powers has been
completed."
At the present time, we can easily recognize in Lenin's analysis, not only American and
European imperialism, but also the World Bank, IMF, WTO and Third-World debt, as described
in 1965 by Kwame Nkrumah in Neo-colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism.
Imperialism is enormously profitable. Hobson estimated that in 1899 it had provide Great Britain
an income of 90 million to 100 million pounds on the basis of its foreign capital, "the income of
the rentiers." As Lenin emphasized, "The income of the rentiers is five times greater than the
income obtained from the foreign trade of the biggest "trading" country in the world! This is the
essence of imperialism and imperialist parasitism... The world has become divided into a handful
of usurer states and a vast majority of debtor states. 'At the top of the list of foreign investments,'
says SchuIze-Gaevernitz, 'are those placed in politically dependent or allied countries: Great
Britain grants loans to Egypt, Japan, China and South America. Her navy plays here the part of
bailiff in case of necessity.'"
In another article around the same time, War and Revolution, Lenin was more specific about the
fact that imperialism uses its military as the "bailiff": "Peace reigned in Europe, but this was
because domination over hundreds of millions of people in the colonies by the European nations
was sustained only through constant, incessant, interminable wars, which we Europeans do not
regard as wars at all, since all too often they resembled, not wars, but brutal massacres, the
wholesale slaughter of unarmed peoples."
Beginning in 1919, imperialism turned its war machine against the Russian Revolution, invading
from all sides, in an unsuccessful attempt to "strangle the baby in its cradle." From that time on,
the imperialist culture of war has targeted all socialist revolutions as the enemy and attacked
them either directly by invasions or indirectly through the Cold War, the arms race and the
sabotage of the CIA, etc.
War, for imperialism, is not only used to conquer and control the colonies and to prevent the
development of socialism, but also to compete with other imperialist powers. Periods of peace,
says Lenin, are "nothing more than a 'truce' in periods between wars." World War I, to Lenin,
could only be understood as an inter-imperialist war. And a few years later, in a speech
on December 6, 1920, Lenin would foresee that a second inter-imperialist war was brewing that
would pit Japan against the United States and Germany against the rest of Europe.
The superprofits of imperialism enable the capitalists to buy off the workers in the home
country.Lenin points out that this had been foreseen by Engels in a letter to Marx as early as
1858, "The English proletariat is actually becoming more and more bourgeois ... For a nation
which exploits the whole world, this is of course to a certain extent justifiable." Lenin confirms
that this trend had continued to develop and was accompanied by opportunism on the part of
many working class leaders and socialist writers. He carefully analyzes and dismisses the
opportunism of Kautsky and his followers and concludes that "the fight against imperialism is a
sham and humbug unless it is inseparably bound up with the fight against opportunism"
Today imperialism, in the form of neo-colonialism, continues to profit enormously from
the culture of war. The imperial powers profit directly from the exploitation of workers and the
environment under the protection of their own or proxy military force. But that is not all. They
also profit financially from interest on the debts they impose and from the depression of prices
for the raw materials they obtain.
Revolutionary countries cannot succeed in direct competition with the capitalist culture of war
by establishing their own socialist culture of war. If there is any lesson of the 20th Century that
revolutionaries must take to heart, it is the fact that the profits of capitalist imperialism enable it
to outperform a socialism culture of war in head-to-head competition.
In the long run, however, imperialism is sowing the seeds of its own destruction. As Mao and
Fidelhave pointed out, it is only a matter of time before the American empire crashes. This will
leave a void of power in the world, and it is up to us whether that void is filled by new cultures
of war or by a revolutionary culture of peace.
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