They have it backwards violating the Hastert Rule allows Boehner to avoid the far

right and stops them from collapsing the economy

Fechner 10/14 *Holly, Partner in the Public Policy Practice, 2014, Managing Political Polarization in Congress,
http://www.natlawreview.com/article/managing-political-polarization-congress]

Few can dispute the dysfunction of recent Congresses. The 112th Congress proved the least productive in modern history
as measured by laws passed. The dramatic federal government funding standoff in the 113th Congress culminated in a 16-day shutdown that
drove congressional approval to its lowest level ever. Yet

despite these failures, a close look at recent Congresses

demonstrates the remarkable ability of the institution to adapt and address internal challenges.
In an article in the Utah Law Review, I show how House of Representative Speaker John Boehners

strategic use of the Hastert

Rule allowed him successfully to navigate a treacherous political path of managing his divergent caucus,
preserving his leadership position, and passing key legislation even when a majority of his caucus did
not support it.
The rise of the Tea Party and the ideological divisions within the Republican Party created challenging
conditions for Speaker Boehner. To balance the competing factions in the House Republican caucus, Speaker Boehner
selectively used a political and procedural tool known as the Hastert Rule. It provides that the Speaker will not schedule a bill for a floor
vote unless a majority of the majority caucus favors the legislation.
Undoubtedly, the

use of the Hastert Rule strengthened the hand of Tea Party members to influence legislation. At
ignoring the Hastert Rule allowed Speaker Boehner to relieve some of the political
pressure that the Tea Party members exerted in an effort to address critical public policy concerns and to
preserve the future electoral viability of the Republican party.
the same time, selectively

Speaker Boehner allowed five bills to pass without a majority of the Republican caucus in 2013 and 2014, the most
since 2008. The list of bills that merited special treatment is instructive. Bills to fund the federal government, raise the debt ceiling, and provide
emergency funding to respond to a natural disaster passed with predominantly Democratic votes. Clearly, the

need to safeguard the

economy from substantial harm and protect his political party from significant missteps that could
diminish their electoral changes in the future motivated the Speaker to schedule these bills for floor
votes despite the need to override the Hastert Rule. Speaker Boehner also dispensed with the Hastert Rule to pass the
Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) Reauthorization. In doing so, he was responding to the substantial gender gap that Republicans have
faced in elections since 1990. Passing VAWA was Speaker Boehners attempt to respond to a political weakness of his party.

Political polarization in Congress, and particularly in the Republican Party, has heightened congressional
dysfunction. Speaker Boehners strategic use of the Hastert Rule allowed him to maneuver through this
difficult period. Understanding these dynamics helps us understand Congress now and in the future.

Boehner speakership is inevitable no coherent opposition, has the support of biggest

opponents, and his allies control the process guarantees the position
Fuller 9/30 [Matt, Staff Writer for Roll Call, 2014, Dissidents Planning Boehner Coup Face Long Odds,
http://blogs.rollcall.com/218/boehner-coup-revolt-speaker/]
The point is: Boehner

and his allies control the process. Even if his opponents could prevent him from
becoming speaker on a first ballot something that hasnt happened since 1923 the situation is unlikely to go down as
the conservative rabble-rousers envision.

There has also been discussion, first reported in May by Politico, and expanded upon recently by National Journal, of punishing anyone bucking
the party line. But a

senior GOP leadership aide told CQ Roll Call the idea of formally stripping rebels of their
committee assignments is not currently under consideration.
As long as Republicans manage to navigate the lame duck, it seems Boehners

speakership isnt in any real danger.

Of course, the

lame-duck session will be tricky, as Congress battles over whether and when to debate and vote on an
is presented with choices that are certain to anger at
least somebody. And Congress still has an omnibus spending bill to address by Dec. 11.
Authorization for Use of Military Force in Iraq and Syria. Boehner

And then there are the GOP conspiracy theorists who believe Boehner has been waiting for the lame duck to pass a comprehensive immigration
bill.
If he pushes an immigration bill, itd probably create more opposition than anything else he could do, Jones told CQ Roll Call on Monday.
The North Carolinian, who swears he wont support Boehner come January, has been meeting with a small group of conservatives about
seven looking to oust the speaker. But he insists opposition to Boehner extends much deeper into the conference.
Jones said he thought there were other groups talking. Its just that those groups

dont appear to be talking with each

other.
Whatever the case, Boehner

seems intent on being speaker next Congress. His office said he appreciates the
strong support he has from members across our conference, and hes looking forward to what we can
accomplish for the American people in the years ahead.
Short of a sudden and dramatic change of opinion, Boehner

appears confident. Hes already sharing plans for the

114th, talking about making a tax overhaul a priority, passing a highway bill and floating the possibility of an immigration rewrite.
He spent much of the 113th Congress repairing relationships in the conference. He emerged from the
shutdown stronger in the eyes of conservatives. And even though as Democrats are quick to point out the
House was unable to accomplish much, leaders worked through issues, produced legislation that eventually won
the support of many of Boehners biggest detractors. Case in point: the farm bill and, more recently, the border security
measure.
Furthermore, much

of the conference seems content with the new leadership ushered in after Cantors surprise defeat
in June, and many think Boehner is the steady GOP hand needed at the top.
Of course, there are still elections on Nov. 4, and Republicans could be re-evaluating their leadership choices if they dont win the Senate, or,
more damningly, lose seats in the House.
But Boehners hold over the conference could just as well be cemented by the elections.
Should Republicans gain House seats and take majority control of the Senate, dissidents may balk at the

idea of angering

someone who is almost certain to be speaker again.

As Jones said, taking
and

down a sitting speaker on the House floor would take members who are committed
I dont know if theyre there or not.