Economic Development: A Semantic History

Author(s): H. W. Arndt
Source: Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Apr., 1981), pp. 457-466
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EconomicDevelopment:A SemanticHistory

H. W. Arndt
Australian National University
So commonplace has the concept of "economic development" become to
this generation that it comes as a surprise to find the Oxford English
Dictionary still unaware of "development" as a technical term in economics, as contrasted with its use in mathematics, biology, music, or
photography. Nor, incidentally, is there an entry on "economic development" in the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. The story of how the
term "economic development" entered the English language and came,
for a time at least, to be identified with growth in per capita income is
both curious and illuminating.
Mainstream Economics
Adam Smith spoke, not of economic development, but of "the progress
of England towards opulence and improvement."1 "Material progress"
was the expression almost invariably used by mainstream economists
from Adam Smith until World War II when they referred to what we
would now call the economic development of the West during those 2
centuries.2When Colin Clark in 1940 published his monumental comparative study of economic development, he still called it The Conditions of
Economic Progress (the title Marshall had had in mind for the fourth
volume of his Principles, which he had planned but never wrote).3
Economists and economic historians wrote about the rise of capitalism, the industrial revolution, the evolution of trade, or "The Growth
of Free Industry and Enterprise."4 But this historical process appears
1 Adam Smith, The Wealthof Nations, ed. E. Cannan,2 vols. (1776; reprinted.,
London: UniversityPaperbacks,1961), 1:367.
2 For quotationsfrom J. S. Mill, A. Marshall,K. Wicksell,L. Robbins, A. G. B.
Fisher, and others, see H. W. Arndt, The Rise and Fall of Economic Growth (Melbourne:

LongmanCheshire,1978),chap. 2.

3 Colin Clark, The Conditions of Economic Progress (London: Macmillan Pub-

lishing Co., 1940);A. C. Pigou, ed., Memorialsof AlfredMarshall(London: Macmillan

PublishingCo., 1925),p. vii.
4 A. Marshall, Principles of Economics, 2 vols., 9th ed. (London: Macmillan

PublishingCo., 1961), 1, appendixA:723.

0 1981 by The Universityof Chicago. 0013-0079/81/2903-0009$01.00

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458

Economic Developmentand Cultural Change

rarely if ever to have been described as economic development. As a

policy objective, economic development became increasingly prominent
during the nineteenth century, first in Germany and Russia and other
countries in Europe, later in Japan and China and elsewhere, in what we
now call the "Third World." But it was generally referred to as "modernization" or "westernization" or, not infrequently, "industrialization."
When Alfred Marshall used the word "development," it was in a literal
sense, denoting merely emergence over time, as in "the development of
speculation in every form"5 or "the development of social institutions."6
This remained generally true, at least in the British and American literature, until the 1930s.
However, there were a few exceptions. One is J. A. Schumpeter's
Theory of Economic Development; but this, though published in German
in 1911 as Theorie der wirtschaftlichenEntwicklung, was not translated
into English until 1934.7 A second exception is the use of the term "economic development" by economic historians in the 1920s. Lilian Knowles,
reader in economic history at the London School of Economics, in 1924
published her book, The Economic Development of the British Overseas
Empire, and mentioned in the preface that a unit with the same title had
recently been made a compulsory subject for the Bachelor of Commerce
degree of London University.8 A few years later, Vera Anstey, also at the
London School of Economics, followed Knowles with her The Economic
Developmentof India.9Another LSE economic historian, R. H. Tawney,
in his book on China written in 1931 spoke of the "long process of
development" that had occurred in the West and of the "forces which
have caused the economic development of China" and referred to the
analogy between China's twentieth-century economic condition and that
of Europe in the Middle Ages as implying "a comparison of stages of
economic development."10
These intriguing exceptions provide the clue to the two quite distinct
channels through which the term "economic development" entered
English usage. Tawney, like Schumpeter, knew his Marx. Lilian Knowles
and Vera Anstey were historians of Empire.
Marxist Origins
In one sense, the birthplace of "economic development" in English would
seem to be the first English translation of Marx's Capital and the date
s Ibid., p. 752.
6 Ibid.
7 J. A. Schumpeter, The Theory of Economic Development, trans. R. Opie, Har-

vard EconomicStudies,vol. 46 (Cambridge,Mass.: HarvardUniversityPress, 1934).

8 L. C. A. Knowles, The Economic Development of the British Overseas Empire

(London: George Routledge & Sons, 1924),p. ix.

9 Vera Anstey, The Economic Development of India (London: Longmans, Green,

1929).
1oR. H. Tawney,LandandLabourin China(London:Allen & Unwin, 1932),p. 18.

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H. W. Arndt

459

1887.Theprefaceto the firstGermaneditioncontainsthe famousstatementthat"itis nota questionof thehigherorlowerdegreeof development

thatresultfromthe naturallawsof capitalist
of the socialantagonisms
of thesetendencies
It
is
a
production.
questionof theselawsthemselves,
towards
inevitable
results.
Thecountrythat
with
iron
working
necessity
the
to
less
is moredevelopedindustrially
only shows,
developed,the
in
as
the
its
own
future.""
of
Here,
subsequent
passagewhenhe
image
in Germany,
thatprevented,
circumstances
to "thehistorical
the
referred
and
mode
of
the
of
the
production, consequently
capitalist
development
Marx
used
in
that
of
modern
bourgeois
society,"12
country,
development,
in thesensein whichit formsthekeyconceptof
theword"development"
of history.
hiseconomicinterpretation
As Schumpeter
put it, in Marx'sschemaof thought,"Development
his analytical
powerson
was..,.the centraltheme.Andhe concentrated
itselfbyvirtueof
thetaskof showinghowtheeconomicprocess,changing
its own inherentlogic, incessantlychangesthe socialframework-the
wholeof societyin fact."'3
As hasoftenbeenpointedout,Marxderivedhisconceptof developwhich
ment,includingthe notionof phasesor stagesof development
to an inexorable
unfoldin a dialecticprocessaccording
law,fromHegel.
Hegel,in turn,stoodin a longtradition-fromAristotle,withhisconcept
as therealization
of "potential"
matterin "actual"
of development
form,
to Fichte,whowasthefirstto arguethat"history
dialectically."14
proceeds
strikenotesstrangely
familiarto students
Someof Hegel'sformulations
literature.
"Theprincipleof Development
involves
of recentdevelopment
existence
a
of
or
the
of
latent
germ being-a capacity potentiality
...
strivingto realizeitself.. . . Thehistoryof theworld. . is theprocessof
therefore,does not presentthe
development....[This]development,
harmlesstranquilityof meregrowth."l5But it was Marxwho gave
a specifically
economicconnotation.
development
is a constant
Marx'snotion of stagesof economicdevelopment
in this
themein laterMarxistliterature,
butit is difficultto findreferences
countriesor nations.Whenthe
literatureto moreor less "developed"
International
SecondCongressof the Communist
of 1920reachedthe
the
conclusion
that,pace Marx, capitaliststageof economic
important
is
not
one
mustpass,thedistincthroughwhichallcountries
development
11Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Works in Three Volumes (Moscow:

ProgressPublishers,1969),2:87.

12 Ibid., p. 92.
13J. A. Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1954), p. 573.
14For an account of this descent, see John Passmore, The Perfectibility of Man

(London: Gerald Duckworth & Co., 1970),chap. 11.

15G. W. F. Hegel, The Philosophy of History (New York: Dover Publications,

1956), pp. 54-55. In the last sentence of the quotation, Hegel's Entwicklungwas unaccountablytranslatedin the Englishversion as "expansion."

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460

Economic Developmentand Cultural Change

tion drawn was between "oppressing" and "oppressed" or between

"advanced" and "backward" nations: "In all colonies and backward
countries.., .with the aid of the proletariat of the most advanced countries, the backward countries may pass to the Soviet system and, after
passing through a definite stage of development, to communism, without
passing through the capitalist stage of development."16
Colonial Development
"Economic development" as used by the British historians of Empire of
the 1920s is a concept quite different from the Marxist one, with a considerably longer history. What Lilian Knowles set out to write about in
her history of the economic development of the British Overseas Empire
was "the remarkable economic achievements within the Empire during
the past centuries ... the hacking down of the forest or the sheep rearing
or the gold mining which made Canada, Australia and South Africa into
world factors... or the struggle with the overwhelming forces of nature
which took shape in the unromantic guise of 'Public Works' in India."'7
A few years earlier, Lord Milner had warned, in an official memorandum,
that "it is more than ever necessary that the economic resources of the
Empire should be developed to the utmost,"18 and in 1929 the British
Parliament passed a Colonial Development Act.
Whereas for Marx and Schumpeter, economic development was a
historical process that happened without being consciously willed by
anyone, economic development for Milner and others concerned with
colonial policy was an activity, especially though not exclusively, of
government. In Marx's sense, it is a society or an economic system that
"develops"; in Milner's sense, it is natural resources that are "developed."
Economic development in Marx's sense derives from the intransitive verb,
in Milner's sense from the transitive verb.19
16Quoted in Helkne Carrered'Encausseand S. R. Schram, Marxism and Asia
(London: Penguin Press, 1969), p. 159. The original text was presumablyin Russian,
but there is no reason to doubt that these words were accuratelytranslated.
17Knowles, p. vii.
18Quoted in F. D. Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British TropicalAfrica (Edinburgh: WilliamBlackwood & Sons, 1921), p. 489.
19"Economic development" in the intransitive sense had another potential
source besidesthe line of thoughtthat led from Hegel to Marxand Schumpeter,but its
contributionwas virtuallystillbornand deservesonly a footnote: This was the biological
theory of evolution. Some years before Darwin's Originof Species, Herbert Spencer
had begun to give the concept of biological evolution a social application(see esp. his
"Progress:Its Law and Course"and "The Social Organism,"reprintedin H. Spencer,
Essays, Scientific, Political and Speculative,3 vols. [London: Williams & Norgate,
1891],vol. 1.) He arguedthat social progresswas more than "simplegrowth";rather,
like the evolution of a biologicalorganism,it was an "evolutionof the simple into the
complex." At one point he mentionedthat "it has not been by commandof any ruler
that some men have become manufacturers,while othershave remainedcultivators...
it has arisenunderthe pressureof humanwants"(Spencer,pp. 8, 10, 266). However,he
did not pursuethe idea any further.The only economist to take it up appearsto have

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H. W. Arndt

461

The originsof the transitiveconceptof economicdevelopmentwhich,

the
1920s,was in fairlycommonuse in the specialistBritishliterature
by
of colonialhistoryand policy are to be found, not in nineteenth-century
British(or American)writingsabouteconomicsand economichistorybut
in Australian(and to a lesserextent, Canadian)writings,and they go a
long way back.The directorsof the Van Dieman'sLandCompany,which
held large tracts of land on the Australianmainland,expressedin their
thirteenthannual report of 1838 the dominantlocal opinion about the
needs of the young colonies: "Populationis the only thing wanted to
A colonial politicianmade the same
developthe Company'slocations."20
a
few
in
point
yearslater, 1845,in the LegislativeCouncil of New South
Wales:"Theresourcesof a newcountrycan onlybe developedby constant
additionsto its population."21
The case for constructionof railwayswas
put in similarterms in 1854--"Thebest and most economicalmeans of
in 1861 one Charles
developingthe vast resourcesof the interior"22--and
Mayesin Melbournepublisheda pamphlet,entitledEssay on the ManufacturesMoreImmediatelyRequiredfor the EconomicDevelopment
of the
Resourcesof the Colony,23
whichthe OxfordEnglishDictionaryin its next
editionmightwelllistas theearliest(so far) knownuse of the term"economic development."
In Canada,too, as earlyas 1846,the CanadianEconomistarguedthat
"Canadais now thrown upon her own resources,and if she wishes to
But whereasin Australia
prosper,these resourcesmust be developed."24
the transitiveuse of "development"was continuousand common from
the middle of the nineteenthcenturyonward,25s-sideby side with synbeen the Australian,W. E. Hearn, whose Plutology (Melbourne:George Robertson,
1863) received honorable mentions by Jevons and Marshall. In a chapter on "The
IndustrialEvolutionof Society," he expoundedthe Spenceriananalogy. The evolution
of both an individualand a society "consists in, or at least is invariablyattendedby,
an increaseof bulk, a greatercomplexityof structure."He used the idea to support a
case for balanced growth between agricultureand industry:"In societies as in organisms, growth and development,increasedbulk and increasedcomplexityof structure,
ought always to proceed with equal pace." He also, apparentlyunconscious of any
inconsistency,introducedit in support of his laissez-faireprinciples:"Everyattempt
to interferewith the ordinary developmentof a country," e.g., by protectingsome
industries or restraining others, "tends to produce uniformity in the occupations
of that country and so to arrest its developmentand retardits progress"(Hearn, pp.
384, 393, 437). But Hearn made nothing more of the idea, nor was it taken up by any
of the later Social Darwinistsin the United States and elsewherewho were more interested in the survivalof the fittest.
20 Quoted in S. H. Roberts, History of AustralianLand Settlement(Melbourne:
MelbourneUniversityPress, 1924),p. 68.
21Quoted in C. D. W. Goodwin, EconomicEnquiryin Australia(Durham,N.C.:
Duke UniversityPress, 1966),p. 423.
22Quoted in ibid., p. 269.
23Quoted in ibid., p. 318.
24Quoted in H. A. Innis and A. R. M. Lower, Select Documentsin Canadian
EconomicHistory 1783-1885 (Toronto: Universityof Toronto Press, 1933), p. 303.
25Cf., e.g., Goodwin, pp. 311(1877), 312 (1880),428 (1888),305(1889),297 (1918).

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462

Economic Developmentand Cultural Change

onyms such as "opening up our natural resources"26or "the steady occupancy and proper advancement of the Colony,"27-the Canadian example
is the only one so far discovered before the 1880s, and in the United
States it does not seem to have been used at all in the nineteenth century.28
That "economic development" in the transitive sense entered the
language and became common in Australia, while being used much less
in Canada and not at all in the United States, is no historical accident.
In the United States, and for much of the time also in Canada, economic
development happened,as immigrants from Europe streamed in; settlers
went west to take up fertile land; communities established towns and
cities; private companies constructed railways; and mining, logging, manufacturing, banking, and other enterprises grew, within (and sometimes
without) legal rules made by government. In Australia's hostile environment, where settlers from the earliest convict days had to contend with
drought, flood, pests, distance, and more drought, economic development
did not happen. It was always seen to need government initiative, action
to "develop" the continent's resources by bringing people and capital
from overseas, by constructing railways, and by making settlement
possible through irrigation and other "developmental" public works.29
So well established did this notion become in Australia that by the 1920s
it was referred to as "the doctrine of development before settlement."30
Developmentand Welfare
Development of natural resources was not always viewed as a task of
government. The British authority on colonial policy, J. S. Furnivall,
referredto "the development of the material resources of Burma through
trade and economic enterprise,"31and it was probably also in this sense
that the term was used in an International Labour Office study of Brazil
which identified "continuous occupation and development of the country,
in space as in time," as "the primary condition for the economic exploita26E.g., ibid., pp. 282, 318.
27Latrobe, lieutenant-governorof Victoria (1851), quoted in Roberts, p. 287,
The fact that these synonymsbegan to be displacedby "development"in the 1830sand
1840s may be explainedby the vogue which ideas of evolution and developmentwere
enjoying about that time in naturalsciences,such as biology and geology; the Oxford
EnglishDictionarycites uses in more generalliteraturein the same period,e.g., Harriet
Martineau(1834), Dickens (1837), Emerson(1841), and Newman (1845).
28Thus the word "development"does not occur once in two works about aspects
of nineteenth-centuryeconomic historyin the United States, railwaypolicy and public
lands policy, the Australiancounterpartsof which use it constantly (see S. L. Miller,
InlandTransportation
[New York: McGraw-HillBook Co., 1933];and B. H. Hibbard,
A History of Public Land Policies [New York: Peter Smith, 1939]).

29See F. W. Eggleston, "Australian Loan and Developmental Policy," An

Economic Survey of Australia, in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social

Science 158 (November 1931): 193-201.

30Ibid., p. 197.
31J. S. Furnivall, An Introduction to the Political Economy of Burma, 3d ed.

(1931; reprinted., Rangoon: People's LiteratureCommitteeand House, 1957), p. i.

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H. W. Arndt

463

tion of its resources]."32But whether the agent was government or private

enterprise, "development" in this transitive sense was for long kept quite
distinct from the process of economic development, usually still referred
to as the "progress" of society or of the nation's wealth.33 Nor did it, in
itself, connote a rise in living standards. It was development of resources,
not of people. The three distinct concepts are nicely found together in the
preface to the first official statistical yearbook of Australia in 1890, which
described its purpose as being "to afford information by which the
progress of these Colonies may be gauged.... So much has been accomplished in the developmentof the material resources of the new land, and
the social well-beingof its people."34
How little economic development and welfare were synonymous until
quite recently is most clearly demonstrated by the doctrine which, in
British colonial theory, came to be called the "dual mandate."35One of
the features of imperialism in its late nineteenth-century heyday was the
emergence of notions of "trusteeship"for the welfare of the native peoples.
Colonial government, it came to be thought, had two distinct functions,
development and welfare. As a historian of French colonial policy has
expressed it, the new colonial theorists demanded "a policy by which the
conqueror would be most able to develop the conquered region economically, but also one in which the conqueror realised his responsibility to
the native's.., .mental and physical well-being."36 It was very much in
this spirit that the British government in 1939 replaced the earlier Colonial
Development Act by a Colonial Development and Welfare Act. W. K.
Hancock commented on the latter in 1942: "'Development and welfare'
will probably be the cry of the generation which follows the present one.
... In the nineteenth century development occurred as a by-product of
profit." The new concept is quite different: "It gives a positive economic
and social content to the philosophy of colonial trusteeship by affirming
the need for minimum standards of nutrition, health and education."37
Toward the Postwar Meaning
All through the interwar years, the term "economic development," when
it was used at all outside Marxist literature, continued to denote the
development or exploitation of natural resources.
32 F. Mauretta, Some Social Aspects of Present and Future Economic Development

of Brazil, Studies and Reports, ser. B, no. 25 (Geneva: InternationalLabour Office,

1937),p. 9.
33See, e.g., Goodwin, pp. 86, 118, 124, 287.
34

T. A. Coghlan, A Statistical Account of the Seven Colonies of Australasia

(Sydney, 1890), p. v. (italics added).

35Lugard(n. 18 above).
36

R. E. Betts, Assimilation and Association in French Colonial Theory (New York:

Columbia UniversityPress, 1961), p. 120.

37

W. K. Hancock, Survey of British Commonwealth Affairs, vol. 2, Problems of

EconomicPolicy 1918-1939, 2 pts. (London: Oxford University Press, 1942), pt. 2,

p. 267.

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Economic Developmentand Cultural Change

464

An interesting exception, though one that may prove the rule, is the
Chinese nationalist leader, Sun Yat-sen. In 1922, he published (in English)
a remarkable book on The InternationalDevelopmentof China, in which
he proposed a massive program for the economic development of China
with the aid of foreign capital. In breadth of imagination, it anticipates by
a generation much of the post-1945 literature on economic development.
"China must not only regulate private capital, but she must also develop
state capital and promote industry.., .build means of production, railroads and waterways, on a large scale. Open new mines.., .hasten to
foster manufacturing."38The reason for questioning whether Sun Yat-sen
should be regardedas an exception is partly that his thinking was probably
influenced by the October Revolution in Russia and thus indirectly by the
Marxist tradition39and partly that his use of "economic development" is,
after all, closer to that of Milner than of Marx: "The natural resources of
China are great and their proper development could create an unlimited
market for the whole world."40
Another exception, outside the mainstream of economic writing in
the English language, was the use of "economic development" in Australia
(and probably the other Dominions) where the distinction between the
transitive and intransitive meanings became blurred to the point of
obliteration. When, in 1931, D. B. Copland edited a special issue on
Australia for The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science, he referred to it as "a survey of recent trends in Australian
economic development," and he wrote in the last chapter that "by the
end of 1929 Australia had reached the close of a period of rapid development and high prosperity" and that the growth of Australian manufacturing production during the years 1913-26 had represented "a natural
development in a country that had first pursued primary production,"
though "somewhat forced."41In such passages, neither he nor his readers,
one suspects, were any longer conscious of the transitive, as contrasted
with the intransitive, meaning; during the 1930s, "economic development"
was constantly used in Australia, and increasingly elsewhere, in this
ambivalent sense.
In 1939, Eugene Staley, starting where Sun Yat-sen had left off,
38 Sun Yat-sen, The International Development of China (New York: G. P.

Putnam'sSons, 1922),p. 8.
39Sun Yat-sen had expounded his grandiose ideas for railway developmentin
China before World War I, and although the book was not publisheduntil 1922, 2
yearsaftera visit to the Soviet Union, it was basedon lectureshe gave in 1918.But even
at that time, what was happeningin Russia made as great an impressionon him as
news of the GreatLeap Forwardin Chinawas to makeon Indianopinion 40 yearslater.
40 Sun Yat-sen, p. 5.

41D. B. Copland, "The National Income and Economic Prosperity,"An Eco-

nomic Survey of Australia, in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social

Science 158 (November 1931):v, 260.

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H. W. Arndt

465

proposed a "world development plan."42After the outbreak of war, the

idea was taken up by many others in the spate of plans for the postwar
world.43Another former member of the ILO secretariat, Wilfred Benson,
was probably the first to speak in 1942 of "underdeveloped areas" in the
postwar sense,44 and in 1944 Rosenstein-Rodan expounded his ideas for
"The International Development of Economically Backward Areas."45
In the immediate postwar years, "economic development" became
virtually synonymous with growth in per capita income in the less developed countries. Arthur Lewis in 1944 declared the object of a program
of rapid economic development to be to "narrow the gap" in per capita
income between rich and poor countries.46One of the first United Nations
documents on development plans stated in 1947 that "the governments'
ultimate aim in economic development is to raise the national welfare of
the entire population."47 Lewis's great book on economic development
appeared in 1955 under the title The Theory of Economic Growth,and in
Rostow's hands Marx's stages of economic development became The
Stages of Economic Growth.48Gunnar Myrdal was merely reflecting
established usage when, in 1957, he referredto "the definition of economic
development as a rise in the levels of living of the common people."49
A few years earlier, Hla Myint had made an attempt to reverse the
trend. Protesting against the practice of crystallizing "low income per
head" into the definition of backward countries, he proposed a return to
the earlier distinction between "underdeveloped" natural resources and
"backward" peoples.50He thought it "more illuminating ... to give these
terms different connotations by using the former to mean underdeveloped
resources, and the latter to refer to the backwardpeople of a given area,"51
fundamentally because he agreed with Furnivall that efficient development
42 Eugene Staley, World Economy in Transition (New York: Council on Foreign

Relations, 1939),p. 68.

43 See H. W. Arndt, "Development Economics before 1945," in Development and

Planning: Essays in Honour of Paul Rosenstein-Rodan, ed. J. Bhagwati and R. Eckaus

(London: Allen & Unwin, 1972), pp. 24-29.

44 W. Benson, "The Economic Advancementof UnderdevelopedAreas," in The
EconomicBasis of Peace (London: National Peace Council, 1942), p. 10.
45P. N. Rosenstein-Rodan,"The InternationalDevelopment of Economically

Backward Areas," International Affairs 20 (April 1944): 157-65.

156.

46W. A. Lewis, "An Economic Plan for Jamaica,"Agenda4 (November 1944):

47 United Nations, Economic Development in Selected Countries: Plans, Pro-

grammesand Agencies(New York: United Nations, October 1947), p. xv.

48 W. A. Lewis, The Theory of Economic Growth (London: Allen & Unwin,
1955); W. W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-

versityPress, 1960).

49 Gunnar Myrdal, Economic Theory and Under-developed Regions (London:

Gerald Duckworth & Co., 1957), p. 80.

50 Hla Myint, "An Interpretationof EconomicBackwardness,"OxfordEconomic
Papers, n.s. 6 (June 1954): 132-63.
51Ibid., p. 132 (italics in original).

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Economic Developmentand Cultural Change

466

of natural resources does not necessarily reduce the backwardness of

people.52 But it was too late. Before long, standard textbooks defined

economic development as "a sustained, secular improvement in material

well-being, ... reflected in an increasing flow of goods and services"53or
even announced right at the start that "the terms 'economic development'
and 'economic growth' will be used to refer to a sustained increase in per
capita income."54
What many development economists have tried to do in the last 20
years is to get away from this identification of "economic development"
with "economic growth." One form this endeavor has taken is to breathe
into "development" some of the Hegelian connotations that had got lost
on the way.
52 Ibid., p. 134.
B. Okun and R. W. Richardson,eds., Studies in Economic Development (New

53

York: Holt, Rinehart& Winston, 1961), p. 230.

54D. A. Baldwin, Economic Development and American Foreign Policy, 1943-62

(Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press, 1966), p. 1.

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