UNIVERSIDADE DE BRASILIA UNB

REA DE JAPONS
DEPARTAMENTO DE LNGUAS ESTRANGEIRAS E TRADUO
Aluno: Joo Paulo Santos Francisco

Matrcula: 12/0014360

Disciplina: Cultura Japonesa 2

Turma: A
Professor: Ronan Alves Pereira

Resumo da matria

No curso de cultura japonesa aprendi muito sobre vrios aspectos da cultura moderna japonesa,
especialmente sobre o sistema imperial japons que mudou dramaticamente aps a segunda
guerra mundial, pois como uma das clausulas do tratado de rendio japonesa, o imperador teve
que abrir mo de sua condio divina e qualquer influncia politica. Contudo, o monarca
japons continuou como um smbolo do estado japons e, junto com o resto da famlia imperial,
se tornou o modelo familiar ideal. Nesse novo cenrio a posio do imperador frente ao povo
mudou totalmente e, de um dolo recluso, ele passou a ser uma espcie de celebridade nacional,
graas ao apoio da mdia japonesa que produzia numerosas manchetes cobrindo cada detalhe da
vida da famlia imperial e, principalmente, censurando toda e qualquer notcia que fosse contra
ou que no oferecesse apoio ao imperador (o que conhecido como o tabu do crisntemo)o que
criou uma renovao do espirito nacionalista japons.
Por outro lado, fora do Japo o imperador era duramente criticado por sua participao na
guerra e pelo fato de jamais ter recebido qualquer punio pelos crimes de guerra japoneses e na
poca de sua morte, tabloides britnicos teceram comentrios que atacavam diretamente
Hirohito e na Coria tambm houve criticas, porm bem mais moderadas.
Alm disso, aprendi sobre o milagre japons que foi o crescimento econmico sem
precedentes que o japo obteve aps a segunda guerra movido pelos investimentos americanos
no Japo e pelas polticas econmicas internas e que levou a uma grande mudana na sociedade
japonesa, pois, diferentemente de seus pas, valorizavam muito mais a prpria individualidade.
Quanto a isso Gordon (2009) diz:
In the era of postwar growth and recovery, millions of Japanese people had
understood their efforts as part of a purposeful drive for national economic
power and a better life for themselves and their families. By the affluent
1980s, a rather different spirit reigned. Young people and city-dwellers in
particular launched into a frenzy of getting and spending. Single young
women emerged as a significant force in the consumer economy. They
typically worked in dead-end, modestly paid jobs as office ladies
(abbreviated with a slight pejorative sense as OL), but they often lived rentfree at home. The media described the lives of these women with the same
mixture of exuberance and scorn that characterized treatment of the modem

girl of the 1920s. The office ladies of the 1980s enjoyed significant
disposable income. In their free time they crowded the stores of the major
cities in search of the latest fashions. With their boyfriends they searched out
gourmet restaurants, which competed to offer exotic and extravagant choices,
even sushi wrapped in gold leaf. They snapped up the latest gadgets of
consumer electronics, from fax machines to Walkmans.

Eles davam muito valor a prpria liberdade e freelancers em detrimento da segurana de um

trabalho fixo. Afirma Gordon(2009):
The generation reaching middle age in the 1980s had come of age in a time
of intense political turbulence and astonishing economic transformation. Its
members felt some discomfort at these trends. They, too, might travel abroad
and fill their homes with bigger refrigerators and more powerful air
conditioners. But they feared their children lacked their own core of serious
commitment. They labeled the youth shinjinrui, a term that can be translated
as new species or even aliens. An oft-cited example of alien behavior
was the shocking decision of a young company man to reject an overtime
assignment in favor of a date with his girlfriend. A related new label of the
1980s was furiitaa, roughly drawn from a German-English hybrid of free
arbeiter. It referred to phenomenon of young men, in particular, who
rejected secure corporate jobs on the career track for the freedom of freelance,
temporary assignments, which were abundantly available.

Prem, o crescimento exagerado levou ao estouro da bolha econmica na dcada de 90. Nas
palavras de Gordon (2009):
Falling stock prices left highly leveraged speculators unable to repay their
loans. In 1991 the Osaka restaurateur-speculator noted in Chapter 16 was
arrested for forging bank notes. Some prominent manufacturing and trading
companies, which had branched out into stock trading, went bankrupt. Higher
interest rates ruined dozens of real estate development schemes because the
projected revenues could not cover the increase in borrowing costs. These
failures sparked a drop in land prices, which eroded the value of the land
used as loan collateral. Beginning in late 1990 with a huge golf course
developer called Itman , one property company after another went bust. A
vicious cycle of failures, further price drops, and more failures replaced the
spiraling cycle of rising land and stock values. The bubble had burst.

Esse estouro deu inicio a dcada perdida japonesa, que Gordon (2009) define:
A prolonged recession began. Real GDP fell 2 percent from 1997 through
1998, and showed virtually zero growth in 1999. One foreign observer wrote
of Japan as the system that soured. Newsweek magazine coined a phrase
that soon became the favorite label for the economically disastrous 1990s:
the lost decade.

Referencias
GORDON, Andrew. A Modern History of Japan: from Tokugawa times to the present- New
York/Oxford:
Oxford
University
Press,
2009
(2a.ed.).