Cofradía, Compadrazgo and Social Solidarity in Spain and Latin America

Cofrada and Compadrazgo in Spain and Spanish America
Author(s): George M. Foster

Reviewed work(s):
Source: Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 9, No. 1 (Spring, 1953), pp. 1-28
Published by: University of New Mexico
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SOUTHWESTERN JOURNAL
OF ANTHROPOLOGY
VOLUME 9
NUMBER 1
SPRING
1953
COFRADfA AND COMPADRAZGO IN SPAIN

AND SPANISH AMERICA*
GEORGEM. FOSTER
NSIGHT into cultural processesof a general nature may be gained from

field situations in which the differentialfunctional role of a common trait,
element,or institutionis observedand analyzedin two or more cultures.Insight
may also be gained by reversingthe processand analyzingthe differentialsolution
in two or more cultures to a basic need commonto the cultures.Historical and
cultural data from Spain and the former Spanish colonies in America provide
many situationsin which these approachesmay be utilized. Both are illustrated
in this paper, in which the roles of religious brotherhoods (cofradias), trade
guilds (gremios), and the godparentcomplex (compadrazgo)are consideredin
Spain and America in relationshipto security needs in certain socio-cultural
settings.
The investigativehypothesismay be stated as follows. In all societies there
is a minimal cooperatinggroup which is necessaryfor the functioning of daily
life. The size of this group varies according to several factors, including the
natural environment,type of economy practiced, and known technology. For
example,in hoe and digging stick economiesthe minimal group usually is the
biologicalfamily. In simplehunting, fishing,and herdingeconomieslargergroups
often are necessary.'Societies based on irrigatedagriculture,and sometimeson
* The Spanish data-field and library-here presented were gathered during a year's
research in Spain in 1949-1950. I am indebted to the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial
Foundation and the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research for generous
assistancein this venture.
1 Oberg, 1943.
1

SOUTHWESTERN
JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY
plow culture, also requiremore complex co6perativeunits. In order to function

effectively these minimal groups must: (1) be integrated with other similar
groups in the same society as well as with any other classesor ethnic groups with
whom contact is desirable or unavoidable; (2) be provided with mutual aid
mechanismswherebytheir memberscan cope with recurringreligious,economic,
and social criseswhich cannot be handledalone by the minimalcooperativeunit.
These requirementsare often fulfilled by similardevices.They vary from society
to society, though on a given level there is a tendencyto the same type of solution. Among simplerpeoplestheseincludekinshipsystems (clan, lineage,extended
family), formalized friendship,age-grades,guardian spirit cults, and the like.
Somewhatmore complexsocietieslose most of these devices, and substitute for
them voluntaryreligiousand economicassociations,as well as other ties based on
choice rather than on accident of birth. Such associations,of course, normally
flourishwithin the frameworkof state organizations.As society enters the industrial stage mutual aid and integrativedevices become increasinglyimpersonal,
taking the form of voluntaryor compulsoryinsurance,social security administered by government,state charities, trade unions, and relationshipsbased on
law.
The solutions found by any society to these universalproblemsappearto be
due to the interplayof three basic factors: the general configurationor pattern
commonto all societiesof the type in question;the uniqueor peculiarcharacteristics of this particularsociety; historicalaccidentas it impingesupon this society.
This paper illustratessuch interplayin differenthistoricalperiods in Spain and
SpanishAmerica.The argument,in brief, is as follows. In the late Middle Ages
Spanish culture incorporatedtwo institutionspossessedof remarkablefacilities
for meeting the challengeof crisis periods and for integratingsociety. One was
the cofradia, or religiousbrotherhood,which at an early period blendedinto the
gremio,or trade guild, which preservedmany of the sacredcharacteristicsof the
parent institution,but which came to stress economicaspects as well. The other
was what is known in Spanish America as the compadrazgo,a web of interpersonal relationshipsbased on spiritual kinship recognized by the Catholic
Church, achieved through sponsorshipof a neophyte at baptism, confirmation,
or marriage.Both institutionscompetedin Spain for priorityin the social system.
The compadrazgolost out and ended up as a routine socio-religiousobservance,
while for a period of several centuriescofradias and gremios dominatedmany
aspects of Spanish life. In the New World there is evidence that the same
contest began anew, yet here the compadrazgofinally won the preeminentplace.

COFRADIA AND COMPADGRAZGO
The gremiodisappeared
almostentirely,and the cofradiacameto fulfill a disrole
tinct,thoughimportant, in SpanishAmericanfolk life.
Foran understanding
of the processesinvolvedin theseselectionsit is necesin
to
describe
sary
greaterdetailthe threeinstitutions.
II
The compadrazgo
arose from the Catholiccustomof requiringspiritual
at
of the institutionhas been
sponsorship baptism.The originand development
in
documented
recent
in
a
article
this
carefully
journal2and neednot be elaboratedhere.A singlesponsor,or at mosttwo, one of eachsex, is specifiedby
CanonLaw. Sponsorsmust be baptizedpersons,in good standingwith the
Church,and acceptableto the priestwho officiates.Parentsand membersof
religiousordersareexcluded.The sponsoror sponsors,in defaultof the parents,
areobligedto instructthe childconcerning
faith and morals.The materialwelis assumedalso to be an obligation
fare of the child,undersuchcircumstances,
The act of baptismbringsthreepersonsor groupsof personsinto
of thesponsors.
a ceremonialrelationship:
child, parents,godparents.In Spanishthe godchild
calls his godfatherpadrinoand his godmothermadrina.He in turn is called
termcompadre(comadrewhenaddressahijado(fer. ahijada).The reciprocal
is
used
between
and
The godparentsacquire
a
ing woman)
parents godparents.
with
both
the
act
a
of
by
parentsand child,
sponsorship spiritualrelationship
to marriagebetweenthem.
whichis an impediment
The Churchalso prescribes
a sponsoror godparentto standfor a child at
confirmation.
The sponsormustbe at leastfourteenyearsof age,of the samesex
as the candidate,and shall havebeeninstructedand confirmedin the Catholic
faith. Parents,membersof religiousorders,and-except in case of necessityareexcluded.
baptismalgodparents
In Catholiccountriesmarriagegodparentsare customary,but not required
by the Church.
Mintzand Wolf havepointedout how thesebasicallysimplerelationships
proliferatedin MedievalEuropein responseto the needsof a feudalsociety.3
wereextended
Spiritualkinship,and the exogamousaspectsof the relationship,
to nearrelativesof the threeparties,andthe numberof sponsorsat any act was
to as manyas thirtyin the caseof baptism.Parentsfrequently
greatlyincreased,
sought to obtaingodparentsof a highersocial and economicstatus for the
thatwouldaccrueto theirchildren.The cross-class
materialadvantages
ties thus
2 MintzandWolf, 1950.
3 Idem, pp. 343-352.

SOUTHWESTERN
established facilitated the functioning of a feudal system. Simultaneously,by

taking godparents from within one's class, particularly among the peasants,
neighborhoodsolidaritywas enhancedand the group on which one could count
in time of crisis was enlarged beyond the blood family. But the extension of
marriageimpedimentsto so many people in the same area produced conflicts
with other sets of relationships,particularlythose of marriage,in that the field
of potential spousesoften was dangerouslyreduced.
As early as the fourteenthcenturylocal synods and edicts of religiousorders
tried to limit these abuses. A Spanish documentrecordsan edict of the Order
of Santiago del Espada of the year 1440 warning priests to accept no more
than two godparentsof each sex for baptism, and pointing out that "four, or
five, ten, fifteen, twenty padrinos and madrinas,and more" were received by
priests. "Since there is only one father of corporalgeneration,there should be
only one of spiritual regeneration,or at most, two, for the honor of the child
and its parents."4The problemwas officiallyresolvedby an edict of the Council
of Trent (1545-63) which restrictedbaptismalsponsorsto one of each sex, and
confirmationsponsors to one of the same sex. Nevertheless, changing socioeconomicpatternsrather than the Council of Trent lie at the root of the compadrazgo'sfailure in Spain as an integrativeand mutual aid measure.
Data on how the compadrazgoactually functionedin Spain are scarce,so to
a very considerableextent in assessing its role we must project modem data
backward.The following information, unless otherwise indicated, is modem,
from about 1900 to 1950.5
True godparents usually are named only for baptism, confirmation,and
marriage.Baptismalgodparentsare by far the most important.Mode of their
selection varies with social class and geographicalregion, but the tendency is
to take close relatives.A common rule in much of Spain is for marriagegodparentsto sponsorthe first child resulting from the union. Grandparents,often
by rigorous turn, sponsor succeeding children, and then uncles, aunts, older
siblings, and friends. In the north and northeastthe custom of sponsorshipof
the first born by marriagegodparentsis rare, so that grandparentsusually serve
first. This deviationfrom the usual customis functionallyrelatedto the fact that
in this area marriagegodparents often are lacking. Not infrequently there is
4 Compilacion. 1605.
5 These data are taken primarily from my Spanish field work, and from the replies to a
questionnaire sent to several hundred villages in 1901 by the Seccion de Ciencias Morales y
Politicas of the Madrid Atheneum.

but a singlebaptismalgodparent.All in all, the godparentcomplexin northeast

of the country.
Spainis of relativelyslightvitalitycomparedto the remainder
and includeprovidingthe
obligationsare fairly standardized,
Godparental
whitebaptismalgarmentsfor the child,payingchurchfees, and providingrefreshmentsor a mealfor the familyfollowingthe ceremony.Godparentsoften
presenta childwith its firstfittedclothingwhenit castsoff swaddlingclothes,
and periodicallythroughoutits childhoodmakeit smallpresents.As spiritual
parentsthey are expectedto care for the child in case of death of parents.
and to help them
areexpectedto showgreatrespectto godparents,
Godchildren
in any way.
establishedis that
Unlike LatinAmerica(see below) the basicrelationship
Out of approxibetweengodparentsand godchild,and not betweencompadres.
15 describethe
235
cases
from
as
towns
and
about
villagesonly
many
mately
and parentsof children.Most of theseare from
newbondsbetweengodparents
is used
Andalucia,apparentlythe only regionwherethe term "compadrazgo"
In these few cases friendshipis said
to describethe new formalrelationship.
to be strengthened,
and in a few instancesthe familiarpersonalpronountu is
abandonedfor the formalusted,even when the principalshave been lifelong
friends.
the childusuallynameshis sponsor,normallynot a member
Forconfirmation
the
of the family,and frequentlya schoolteacher.Apart from accompanying
child to the ceremony,the godparenthas no obligation.The compadrazgo
betweengodparentand child'sparentsis in no way recognized.
relationship
Thoughnot requiredby CanonLaw the practiceof namingmarriagegodparentshas greatantiquityin customaryusage in most of Spain.Godparents
usuallyare drawnfromone of two classesof people:baptismalgodparentsof
oneor the otherof the couple;parentsof the couple,suchas the groom'sfather
northwest
andthe bride'smother,or viceversa.The formercustomcharacterizes
the
and
old
of
Valencia.
The
latter
custom
characterizes
central
Kingdom
Spain
coast
from
the
Cantabric
to
the
In
Mediterranean.
Catalufia,except
Spain
amongthe upperclasses,marriagegodparentsare rare,theirplacebeingtaken
otherrelativesand friends
by witnesses.As in the caseof baptismalgodparents,
in
the
final
each
be
case
selected;
may
analysis,
presentsits own special
circumstances.
Marriagegodparentspay churchfees and frequentlyfurnishthe arras,the
thirteenpiecesof silverwhichthe groomgivesto the bride.They are expected
to offera weddingbreakfastor banquetfollowingthe churchservice.In those
or secondcelebration
of the weddingon a subsequent
placeswherea tornaboda

SOUTHWESTERN JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY
often pay for it. Marriagegodparentstacitlyaccept

day is held the godparents
theobligationto standfor the firstchildresultingfromthe unionin thoseplaces
wherethis is a recognizedcustom.Specificobligationstowardmarriagegodparentson the partof the coupleappearto be lacking,as doesthe compadrazgo
betweengodparentsand the couple'sparents.Since godparentsin
relationship
a majorityof casesare familymembers,customarybehaviorpatternsalready
existwhich,thoughthey may be intensifiedsomewhat,do not changein character.Servingas marriagegodparentdoesnot implyspiritualkinship,and is not
to marriage,thoughin practicemarriagebetweenmany
in itself an impediment
because
in the relationship
wouldnot be permissible
of the peopleparticipating
of consanguinity.
have,or had, limitedusage in othercontexts.In

Godparentterminologies
a
man's
secondwas calledhis padrino.The womanwho
the days of dueling
christensa shipis calledits madrina.In Alta Andalucia(particularly
Jaenand
existed
Granada)until the middleof the past centurya type of compadrazgo
a man'snew home.Midwivesoccasionally
wherebya close friend"sponsored"
arecalledcomadre;this usagewasformerlymorecommon.Covarrubias
(1611)
and acquaintances
statesthat "neighbors
[women]who treat each otherwith
This appearsto be the source for
familiaritycall each other comadres."6
and encyclopedias
statementin subsequent
the oft-repeated
Spanishdictionaries
In manypartsof Spainyoungpeoplefrom
thatfriendscalleachothercompadre.
5 to 16 drawlots on Juevesde Comadres,the ThursdaybeforeCarnival,to
and comadresfor the comingyear,or
whichpairswill be compadres
determine
is
occasionallyfor life. Less commonlya similarfiesta,Juevesde Compadres,
this
celebratedone weekearlier.Far fromconstitutinga marriageimpediment,
as the aim.
initiatesamorousrelationswithmarriage
practicenot infrequently
The functionof the Spanishgodparentsystemis ratherlimited.Insofaras
it usuallyis used to strengthen
is a sociologicalphenomenon
the compadrazgo
ties whichalreadyexist ratherthan to createnew ones. The bondsof close
kinship,whichperhapsa child takes for granted,are publicallyrestated,and
throughcontinuingcustomarybehaviorpatternsall partiesto the act are conof the tighlyknit familygroup.New relastantlyremindedof the importance
are
the
outside
family soughtin a minorityof cases.Theseare of two
tionships
types:withclosefriendsof the samesocialand economicclass;with individuals
of superioreconomicand socialstatus.The formertype is conceptuallyclose
ties
to the namingof kinsmenin that it is publicrecognitionof unformalized
that alreadyexist;it may quiteproperlybe thoughtof as extensionof kinship
6 Covarrubias,
1611,p. 340.

throughritual.In the secondcasecalculateduse is madeof a religiousact to

enhancethe chancesof the childor youththroughthe establishment
of mutual
with
an
individualor individualsin a positionto offereconomicand
obligations
otherfavors.The senseof essentialequalitywhichmarksthe relationship
between
groupson the samelevel is lacking,and the intimacybetweenpartiesto the
contractis neitherimpliednor expected.It is difficultto tell to what extent
baptismaland marriagegodparentsare soughtfromsuperiorpositions,but the
practiceseemsmorecommonin southernSpain,and morecommon-as would
be expected-amongthe lowerclasses.I haveexploredthe problemin a number
of villagesand receivedestimatesup to aboutfive percentof the total number
of relationships
established.
bonds
are established
betweengodparents
and godchildren.
Primary
Only in
the caseof baptismis the compadrerelationship
everrecognizedas establishing
a bondwhichwouldnot otherwiseexist.The averageindividualacquiresrelativelyfew compadres,
padrinos,and ahijadosduringlife, and numbersare not
felt to constitutean advantage.The institutionof the compadrazgo
appearsto
have relativelylittle importancein stabilizingand integratingcommunallife
withina villageor town,to havefew significanteconomicaspects,and to play
no reallyimportantrole in the wholepictureof Spanishsocialstructure.This
appearsto havebeenthe casefor a numberof centuries.
The compadrazgo
in SpanishAmericais a muchmorecomplexinstitution.
The customof naminggodparentsat baptism,confirmation,
and marriagewas
to
the
New
World
as
a
of
Church
and
it
brought
ritual,
part
quicklybecamea
basicpartof socialandreligiouslife. As in MedievalEuropethe godparenthood
institution,becauseof its flexibilityand adaptability,
grewto play a numberof
distinctroles,all similarin that the religious,economic,and socialdefensesof
the participants
werestrengthened.
Unfortunatelymostof ourdataon the comthe functioningof
padrazgoin Americacome from small ruralcommunities;
the institutionin citiesandamongupperclassesis little described.
The available
data, however,indicatea patternverydifferentfrom that of Spain.The most
importantdistinctionis that,in America,a greatpremiumusuallyis placedon
a largenumberof people.This is accombringingtogetherinto the relationship
several
devices:
plishedby
greatlyenlargingthe numberof occasionson which
is
sponsorship sought (manysponsorsat a single ceremonyhavingbeen prohibitedby the Councilof Trent); frequent"blanketing
in" of relativesof the
immediateparticipants,
so that the circleof contactsautomatically
is enlarged;
betweencompadres
ratherthanbetweengodparents
and
stressingthe relationship
so that a functionalrelationshipbetweenage-equals,ratherthan
godchildren,

SOUTHWESTERN
an unbalanced
results;passingoverrelativesin favorof friendsor
relationship,
of
sponsors superiorstatuswhoarewillingto serve.
Morethantwentyoccasionshavebeendescribedin Americafor the naming
of sponsors.In additionto the basicthreetheyincludethe namingof godparents
whena childis ill, at the timeof firstnail cutting,firsthaircutting,firstearmay be named
piercing,and the firstshaveof an adolescentboy. Godparents
to sponsorinanimateobjects,suchas a newhouse,a newbatchof chichabeer,a
arenamed
religiousimageor a cross.Gillinlists 14 occasionson whichgodparents
in Moche;7Parsons8 in Mitla;8Spicer7 in Pascua;9while4 to 6 are common
in manyplaces.10
"Blanketingin" is illustratedby the customin Yalalag,Mexico,wherein
all
additionto the baptismalrelationship
betweenparents,child,andgodparents,
living ascendingrelativesof both groupsare recognizedas being in the compadrazgounit.11A similarpracticeis foundin Pascua:"all the sponsorsof any
given individual,no matterof whattype they may be, also use the reciprocal
and comadretermsto eachotheras well as to the parentsand grandcompadre
of
Obviouslysuch secondarybondsare not
parents the personsponsored."12
of the samestrategicimportance
as the primaryone, but they reveala nearirresistible
urge to utilizethe systemto acquireas manypersonswith mutual
obligationsas possible.
Numbersof compadres
obtainedby somepeopleare astounding.In Cheran
mostpeoplehave25 or more.Oneof Beals'informants
had over100compadres
that usuallyone acquires
acquiredthroughbaptism,and "whenit is considered
mostof his compadres
throughweddings,the total numberpossessedby [this
An elderlywomanin Tzintzuntzan
estimated
individual]mustbe enormous."'3
her baptismalcompadresat over 60. In Yalalaga child of ten has acquired
whichmeansthat his parents,through
between15 and 20 pairsof godparents,
In Pascua"adultsin theirearly
him,haveacquired40, 60 or morecompadres.14
andcomadres."15
twentiessayseriouslythattheycannotcountall theircompadres
7 Gillin, 1947, p. 105.
8 Parsons, 1936, pp. 68-69.
9 Spicer, 1940, pp. 96-99.
10 I have encounteredreferencesto the Spanish-type "joking" compadrazgo,with amatory
overtones, in three South American countries: Peru (Toor, 1949, pp. 214-215, 220), Colombia
(Santamaria, 1942, vol. 1, p. 384), and Argentina (Mantegazza, 1949, p. 49).
11 Fuente, 1949, p. 168.
12 Spicer, op. cit., p. 94.
13 Beals, 1946, p. 104.
14 Fuente, op. cit., p. 169.
15 Spicer, op. cit., p. 113.

Similarly,in Moche the averageadult reckonshis compadresby the score, and

often has to stop to think who some of them are.16
To a much greaterextent than in moder Spain godparentsare sought from
superiorsocial and economicstrata, though this is a tendencywhich varies from
place to place and which, as Mintz and Wolf point out, appears to correlate
with the amount of "socio-culturaland economicmobility"present in the situation.17The seeking of padrinos and compadresfrom superior positions is reported, among other places, in Moche,18 San Jose, Puerto Rico,19 Yalalag,20
Chorti Indians,2 and Peguche.22At the same time, in a quantitativesense far
more relationshipsin all America are establishedbetween persons of about the
same economicand social levels.
The American godparent system plays a far more importantrole in social
and economic life than does the Spanish system. Everybody acquires a large
numberof compadres,padrinos,and ahijadostowardwhom he acts in a specified
manner,and from whom he can expect similar reciprocalattentions.Friendship,
courtesy,consideration,and willingnessto help are the duties usually stated. The
immediategroup to which a person feels bound is vastly enlarged beyond the
limits of the biological family, and economic,spiritual, and social security are
accordinglystrengthened.Compadresare morally bound to loan money to each
other, and it is equally a moral obligation to repay such a loan. Blood brothers
often refuse to so aid each other. In case of sickness compadrescome visiting,
often bringing food and volunteeringsuch help as may be necessary.At death
they gather round to aid and comfort the survivors,often dig the grave, sit up
with the family during the wake, bring food, and otherwisehelp. Orphans, in
theory at least, and often in practice, are cared for by godparents. Muleteers
frequentlytry to have compadresin each town regularlyvisited, on whom they
can count in case of need. In countrieswherepilgrimagesare commonone plans
to have compadresin each town customarilyvisited, with whom one stays and
to whom one offers similarhospitalitywhen a visit is repaid.
The compadrazgoplays a highly importantrole in promotingsocial stability,
both within classesand ethnic groups,and betweenthem. Compadresare morally
bound to stand by each other in time of all need and danger.In villages in which
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
Gillin, op. cit., pp. 111-112.

Mintz and Wolf, op. cit., p. 358.
Gillin, op. cit., pp. 107-108.
Mintz and Wolf, op. cit., p. 362.
Fuente, op cit., p. 172.
Wisdom, 1940, p. 223. The practice is general in Guatemala.
Parsons, 1945, p. 44.

10
formal mechanismsfor maintaininglaw and order are poorly developed, it is

very importantto be able to call on a large number of friends when disputes
arise. But the effectivenessof the system consists, not so much in the brute
strength which parties can align, but rather in the conflicting loyalties which
may plague every compadre.To illustrate,B is baptismalcompadreto A and C,
with the same obligationsto each. A and C are engaged in a quarrelin which
they may call upon their compadresfor aid. Each has the same claim on B,
and as a good compadre,he cannotshow favoritismto either.His function, then,
is to try to bring the two parties to an amicablesettlementthrough mediation,
and no law court or relative can do it with the effectivenessthat he can. Only
he has exactlythe same obligationto each litigant, and only in the compadrazgo
system are these obligations so sanctioned that his genuine disinterestedness
cannot be doubted.
The effectivenessof the compadrazgoin stabilizing inter-classor race relations is best illustratedin Guatemala,wheremestizoladinoslive in close proximity
to Indians in much of the country.Indians frequentlyask friendly ladinos to be
godparents to their children because of services which may be expected: the
godparentspay for the baptism,make occasionalpresentsto the child, can obtain
medicinesnot immediatelyavailable to Indians, may loan money, or take the
part of the Indians in litigation which, because of their illiteracy, they cannot
understand.Ladinosprofit by maintainingformalizedrelationswith the Indian
community,often to their economic advantage,which would be more difficult
without the mechanism.
To summarize,the compadrazgoin much of Spanish America acts as a
cohesive and integrative force within the community,and between classes and
ethnic groups,by formalizingcertaininterpersonalrelationshipsand channelizing
reciprocalbehaviormodesinto customarypatternsso that the individualachieves
a maximumdegree of social, spiritual, and economic security. Were the compadrazgo to be abolished, or cut down to the Spanish level, much of rural
Spanish American society would undergo a shock of maximum proportions,
recoveryfrom which would presenta major cultural challenge.
III
Many religious, social, and economicinstitutionswhich characterizedSpain

in the Middle Ages were local manifestationsof general Western European
patterns.Often these institutionsdevelopedlater than their counterpartsin other
countries,copying them in many details. This is true of religious brotherhoods
and trade guilds, which appearedin Germany,France, Holland, and England

11
as early as the ninth century23but not in Spain in developed form until the
twelfth century.24Two basic types of associations-or perhapsit is more exact
to say "activities"-must be distinguished:the cofradia, or religiousbrotherhood,
with its accompanyingmutual aid features,and the gremio,the trade guild with
its economic and social concomitants.The origin and developmentof the two
forms are difficultto trace becausethey are so intertwined;religious,economic,
and social activities go hand in hand through centuries, sometimes integrated
within the same organizationand sometimesin paired associationswith identical
memberships.Guilds are often called cofradias, even in late periods when the
religious side has almost entirely broken away. Rumeu's discussionof the history of cofradias and gremios is the most comprehensiveof its type, and the
following discussionis based on his book except where otherwiseindicated.25
The cofradia, in its earliest form, was a voluntarysodality formed by individuals motivatedby the desire to worshipor pay homage to a particularsaint
of their choice. From the beginning these associationshad mutual aid as well
as religiousaspects, in that Christianburial and the requisitenumberof masses
of the dead were provided for deceased members.Rumeu calls this type the
cofradia religioso-benefica,or "religious-mutualaid sodality." Membershipwas
open to any man acceptableto the other members.
At an early period there was a tendency for these sodalities to be composed
of membersof the same oficio, the same trade or profession.This was a logical
result of the growth of town life, crafts, and commerce,and of the frequent
custom of membersof the same occupationto live on the same street or in the
same neighborhood.This cofradia gremial,as denotedby Rumeu,was essentially
the same as the religioso-benefica
in all aspectsexcept membership.
The next step was the integrationof religious, mutual aid, and professional
activities in one organization,which usually continuedto call itself a cofradia,
and to which Rumeu applies the term cofradia-gremioto distinguishit from the
foregoing types. Membersof such a sodality practicedthe same trade, observed
rules for the maintenanceof professionalstandardsand for the preventionof
fraud, paid dues, held certainpropertyin common,receivedsickness,death, and
other benefits,and paid homageto the same patronsaint.
Most true guilds in Spain-certainly the early ones-appear to have come
into being throughthis evolutionaryprocessof religioussodality to sodality composed of the membersof one profession,to sodalityin which professionalmatters
23 Diez, 1941, p. 101; Rumeu, 1944, p. 31.
24 Historians assume, however, that early forms existed in Spain by the eleventh century.
25 Rumeu, op. cit.

12
SOUTHWESTERN
are incorporated.By the fourteenthcenturyit was commonfor gremiosto have

split off from the cofradia-gremio,and to be composedof membersof the same
or similarprofessionor trade, organizedfor purely economicand trade interests.
But simultaneouslythe gremio maintained a cofradia for religious purposes,
and sometimesfor mutual aid purposesas well, in case such provisionwas not
made in the statutes of the gremio. Not infrequentlyby this time new gremios
were organizedthat did not have the cofradia background,but in nearly all
casessuch new guilds also organizedcofradias.
The gremiowas a logical outgrowthof the earlierassociationsand was stimulated by the needs of an expandingclass of artisansstruggling to take part in
the life of growingclass-structuredcities and to gain economicand social security. In most casesthe transitionfrom cofradiato gremioorganizationwas gradual,
and often it is difficult to tell from surviving documents the exact nature of
any particularorganization.Cofradia-gremiosnaturallycontinuedto pay homage
to their patronsaint, often constructedchapelsin which to house the image, and
invariably marched in the elaborate processionsof Holy Week and Corpus
Christi, carryingtheir image as a "float."
Every cofradia and gremio operated under precise rules spelled out in
ordenanzas (a "charter-constitution")issued by Church, municipal, or royal
authority,dependingon whetherthe associationhad primaryreligious or trade
ends. These ordenanzas,besidestelling us of the purposesof the organizations,
and of the rights and obligationsof members,are rich sourcesfor the historyof
the movement in Spain. Thus, the earliest known ordenanza is that of the
Cofradia de San Miguel, of Soria, whose royal privileges were conceded by
Alfonso VII in 1151. This was of the cofradia gremial type, in which members
were all from the same trade, in this case tenderos (storekeepers)who dealt in
oil, wax, and similar merchandise.26This cofradia followed the typical evolutionary pattern, subsequentlybecoming a cofradia-gremiowith trade as well
as religiousaspects.
The Cofradia de Santa Cristinain Tudela, Navarra, with ordenanzasfrom
about the same period, is the oldest brotherhoodof the purely religious-mutual
aid type for which we have documentation.27Other early cofradias include that
of San Facundo,in Sahaguin(1151), and that of the tailorsof Betanzos,Coruia
(1162). The earliest definite record of cofradias in Barcelona,which became
one of the great centers, is that of shoe makers,in the year 1200.28Doubtless
26 Rumeu, op. cit., p. 45; Diez, op. cit., p. 100.
27 Rumeu, op. cit., p. 34.
28 Diez, op. cit., p. 100.

13
such organizationsexisted here in earlier years. The same is true of Valencia,

also an important center of the cofradia and gremio movement, where the
first survivingordenanzas-those of the Cofradia de San Eloy, formed by blacksmiths, silversmiths,and veterinarians-date only from the year 1298, although
the city was reconqueredfrom the Moors sixty years earlier.29One of the earliest
gremioswithout religiousantecedentsis that of canterosy albaniiles(stone cutters
and masons) of Barcelona, who in 1211 received royal privileges from King
Pedro II of Aragon.30Cofradias de Mareantes,of sailors and fishermen,were
likewisewell organizedalong the Cantabriccoast in the twelfth century;perhaps
these were the earliest professional sodalities in Spain, though corroborating
documentationis lacking.31
The works of cofradias were carriedout through the organizationspecified
in the ordenanzas.The namesof elected officialsvaried from place to place. The
Cofradia de San Eloy, of Cordoba,for example,was governedby a prioste, two
alcaldes, a mayordomo,a scribe and two deputies, each of whom was elected
annually.32In Castile, as a rule, officerswere prebostes,alcaldes, and mayordomos; in Valencia, prohombresand mayorales;in Cataluiia prohombres,procuradores,administradores,and mayordomos;and in Aragon, priores,mayorales,
and prebostes.33Memberswere known as cofrades.All membersmet in a general
chaptermeeting, the cabildo, at least once a year, sometimeson the occasionof
the feast of the patronsaint, and other times at less festive occasions,to elect new
officers,admit new members,and otherwiseplan the affairs of the organization.
The original end of the cofradia and a continuingpurpose of the cofradia
gremial, the cofradia-gremio,and the gremio, through its associated cofradia,
was to ensure the spiritual welfare of departed brothers, and all ordenanzas
describe in detail the attentions which the deceased could expect. The 1361
ordenanzasof the cofradia of truck gardeners (hortolans) of Mallorca specify
that ten masses would be celebratedfor each deceased brother. Those of the
cofradia of carpentersspecify fifteen masses if the deceased occupied or had
occupiedan officein the organization,and otherwiseten. Eight masseswere said
for wives of cofrades, and four for children less than fourteen years of age,
and for apprentices.34As a general rule, in all cofradias every memberwas re29
30
31
32
33
34
Tramoyeres, 1889, p. 50.

Rumeu, op. cit., p. 52.
See, for example, Sanfeliu, 1944.
Diez, op. cit., p. 191.
Rumeu, op. cit., p. 120.
Quetglas, 1939, pp. 14-15.

14
quiredto attendthe funeralof eachbrother,uponpain of fine if he failedto

do so.
The mutualaid aspectsof cofradiasquicklydevelopedbeyondmerewelfare
of the soul, and survivingordenanzasspell out in detail the other activities
whichvaryfromprovinceto provinceand centuryto century,but
undertaken,
whichin generalfollow a similarpattern.In Valencia,for example,when a
cofradefell ill he was visitedby a commission
to determinehis circumstances.
If he lackedmoneythe cofradiapaidall necessaryexpenses,and if moneywere
not necessarytwo cofradesweredelegatedto stay up withhim at nightso that
membersof his familycouldrestto be ableto tend himduringthe day as well
as continuetheir usual work. Should it be necessaryto administerthe last
sacraments
all cofradeswerecalledto the bedside,withcandlesand tapers,and
shoulddeathoccurduringthe nightcertainonesweredetailedto the wake,with
instructionsto pray continuouslyfor the soul of the departed.35Similar rules
are found in nearly all ordenanzas.
Cofradias likewise took care of indigent widows of deceasedcofrades, made
loans to membersfrom the rents of communalproperties,visited those who were
in jail and sought to releasethem, ransomedmemberstaken by piratesor Moors,
and otherwiseaided the individualto feel that he was a memberof a solid and
powerfulgroup that was interestedin his spiritual,economic,and social welfare.
As the gremial movementprosperedand cofradias achieved greater wealth,
hospitalsoften werebuilt for the care of sick membersand their families.Dowries
were providedfor the orphandaughtersof cofrades,so that an honorablemarriage would not be denied one through prematureloss of a father. Indigence
and old age provisionswere liberalized.Hospitality to membersof the same
gremiosin other cities was required,so that commerceand travel were facilitated.
The ceremonialclimax of each year came with the fiesta held in honor of
the patron saint of the brotherhood.Typically, on the eve of this day the
brothersassembledin the house of the mayordomo,or in the social house if
there was one, and from there they marchedto the church to say credes,often
accompaniedby music, and carryinglighted candles and the cofradia standard.
In the early years of cofradias it was customaryfor the brotherhoodto make
an arrangementwith a local parish church or convent for the use of an altar
where the image was kept. On the day of the fiesta this altar was elaborately
decorated,and the membersand their families all attended a special mass where
they heard a sermon which eulogized the life of the saint and held him up as
a model of Christian living for the cofrades to follow. The feast took place
35 Tramoyeres,op. cit., p. 62.

COFRADIAAND COMPADGRAZGO
15
afterward,in the refractoryof the conventor in a cloisteror patio of the church,

and to it were invited the membersof the orderowning the chapel,or the secular
clergy of the town, as the case might be. Costs of fiesta, mass, and food, and
other operationalexpensesthroughoutthe year, were met by periodicassessments
and by fines liberallylevied for the slightest infractionof rules.
During or after the meal officersfor the forthcomingyear were elected, and
other businessof the brotherhoodwas transacted.This business often included
the disciplining of wayward brothers by means of public admonishment.For
example,the 1392 ordenanzasof the cofradia of tannersin Valencia specify that
the delinquent present himself before his companions,and plead that he be
pardonedand allowed to continueas a memberin good standing.If his plea was
accepted he was allowed to remain in the banquet room, but seated at a small
table apart from the main table, where he was served only bread and water until
such time as the mayoralespermittedhim to rejoin his cofrades in celebration
of the fiesta. Enmities and differencesbetween cofrades were also aired on this
day, and if an amicable solution could not be reached by the disputants the
matter was referred to the prior of the religious order (in whose convent the
feast took place), and his decisionwas binding.36
The force for peace inherent in the cofradia system is apparent from
ordenanzasof other cities. Those of the cofradia of San Eloy of C6rdoba
(1541) requiredeach candidate for membershipto be of good reputation,and
after admittanceno cofrade was to say anything untrue or dishonestabout another cofrade, nor injure him in any way, nor abuse his own apprentice.In case
of dispute the prioste called a meeting of all members,at which judgment was
made.37Law and order outside the brotherhoodalso might be promoted. The
ordenanzas (1456) of master esparteros (weaversof objects of esparto grass)
and glaziers of Barcelona provided that if membersof these trades provoked
disturbancesor quarrelseither within or without the cofradia, the prohombres
must interveneto make peace, and failing this, must appeal to officialsof justice
of the city to achievethis end.38
With the passage of the years certain significant changes in the cofradia
and gremio organizationoccurred.The same patrons were establishedfor each
professionin all parts of the country,among the most importantof which were
San Eloy (blacksmithsand silversmiths), San Francisco (fur workers), Santa
Ana (weavers), San Mauro (dyers), San Martin (tailors), San Crispin
36 Idem, pp. 59-60.
37 Diez, op. cit., pp. 198-99.
38 Planell, 1948, vol. 1, p. 104.

16
SOUTHWESTERNJOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY
(shoemakers), San Juan Evangelista (farmers), and San Miguel Arcangel

(storekeepers).Membersof the same gremio tended to live and have shops on
the same street, so that geographicalproximityadded to the cohesivenessof the
group engenderedby commercialand religious ends. In the fourteenthcentury
the three categoriesof masters, journeymen,and apprenticesbecame common.
In 1389 the gremio of masons in Barcelona introduced,for the first time in
Spain, the custom of examinationfor advancementto the category of master,
a custom which subsequentlymade possible gremial control of the numbersof
individualsto practicein any trade, with resultantmonopolistictendencies.From
the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries gremios were persecuted in Castile, and
sometimesprohibitedby the crown, because of trade restrictionsand conflicts
with growingroyal powers,and it was not until the time of Ferdinandand Isabel
that they becamelegal, only to again suffer persecutionin the sixteenthcentury.
In the fifteenth century, particularlyin Andalucia and Navarra, there was a
markedtendencyto adopt the term hermandadrather than gremio or cofradia,
apparentlybecause the growing monopolisticpractices of the latter threw the
terms into a certaindisrepute.
Gremial powers became ever more marked in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries,the original aim of regulatingquality and standardshaving long since
given way to restrictivemeasureslimiting numbers of artisans and preventing
technological improvementsand greater productivity. Cofradias tended to a
considerableextent to break away from gremios, and to proliferate throughout
the country, reaching a figure of nearly 20,000 at the end of the seventeenth
century.39This numberincludedboth those of farmersand those of city artisans
and professionalmen. These later cofradias were of several types: the cofradia
sacramental,organizedfor religious purposesonly, to pay homage to a patron
essensaint, and lacking in mutual aid provisions;the cofradia religioso-benefica,
the
aid
of
the
Middle
the
religious-mutual
tially
sodality
cofradia or
Ages;
hermandadde socorro,a mutual aid society inspiredby the religious-mutualaid
sodality, with religious ties in a local church and ordenanzasgranted by the
archbishop.This last-namedtype first appearedin Madrid in the second half
of the sixteenthcentury, and differed from its antecessorin that social security
measureswere spelled out in more formal fashion, and that exact paymentsand
benefitswerestipulatedin a detail hithertolacking. Membershipmight be "open"
to anyoneacceptableto the cofrades,or it might be "closed,"limited to members
of the same trade. With respect to social security ends, two main types developed: those specializingin death payments,and those in illnesspayments.
39 Rumeu, op. cit., p. 200.

COFRADfA AND COMPADGRAZGO
17
In the eighteenthcenturygremioswere increasinglyattackedboth within and

without for their monopolisticrestrictions,and beginningabout 1760 a series of
progressivelysevere governmentorders, culminatingwith a ruling in 1787 permitting weaversto have as many looms as desired,and of whatevertypes, spelled
the doom of the system.Final freedomof work, however,was not achieveduntil
early in the following century.Montepiosarose in place of mutual aid cofradias,
most of which were extinguishedalong with their gremios. The montepio was
essentiallya lay cofradia for social securitypurposes,and their ordenanzasoften
were almost identical to those of cofradias. State collaborationcharacterized
many of them.
Cofradias and gremios exist in attenuated form in Spain today. Of trade
organizationsthe cofradiasof fishermen,found in most ports, are most important.
These organizationsfunction much like cooperativesin other countries. Sacramental cofradias are widespreadtoday, having enjoyed a tremendousresurgence
since the Civil War (1936-1939). These sodalities, most frequently called
hermandades,are devices for the reaffirmationof religious faith, and also have
importantsocial aspects, approachingin some ways the function of men's clubs
in other countries.Their most obvious purpose is to carry the image of their
patron during Holy Week and sometimes in other fiestas. The cofradia de
socorro survives in parts of Spain, particularly rural areas of the north, in
the form commonlyknown as Cofradiade Animas,or Cofradia de la Vera Cruz,
where it is essentiallya mutual aid burialsociety. Cofrades must attend funerals,
burial costs are borne by the society, and a specifiednumber of masses is said
for each deceasedmember.
IV
By the time of the discoveryof America the gremio in its developed form
existed in Spain. It was transportedto the colonies along with a multitude of
other regulatorydevices,and the survivingAmericanordenanzasare often almost
word for word copies of those of the mother country. Ordenanzaswere granted
by city councils (cabildos) and approvedby the Virrey. Apparently the first
to be establishedwas that of San Eloy, in Mexico City, which by 1537 was
importantenough to take part in the processionof Corpus Christi-in spite of
the fact that silver working was prohibited!40The 1597 ordenanzasof this
gremioin Limaprovidedamong other things: for the electionof two mayordomos
and four deputies; surviving cofrades had to carry candles at the funeral of
a deceasedbrother;if a brotherdied poor the gremio was requiredto bury him
40 Torre, 1932, p. 14.

18
SOUTHWESTERN
"withmoderatepomp";if a widowof a cofradewerein need,the mayordomos

wereexpectedto visithereachweekgivingsufficientalmson whichto live; the
wererequiredto visit sick brothers,thosein jail, or otherwisein
mayordomos
need,and help in all possibleways;at deathof a membereach survivorcontributedone pesoto pay for the massof the dead.41In othercasesgremioand
cofradiafunds wereallowedto accumulateinterestso that orphandaughters
of memberscouldhavedowriesof "500pesosof 8 reales."
in MexicoCity includethoseof cordoneros
Othergremiosearlyestablished
and
bridal
head
de sillas
y xaquimas(rope
piecemakers),1550;guarnicioneros
and
bordadores
harness
and
aderesos
de
cavallos
makers), 1549;
y
(saddle
(embroiderers),1546.42
were
Cofradias,bothwithinthe gremialcontextandas separateinstitutions,
at one time very importantin SpanishAmerica.Many were associatedwith
religiousorders,and had as a primaryfunctionthe care and supportof hoscofradias
the organization
of sacramental
pitals.43Friarsand priestsencouraged
the faith,caringfor churchimages,
amongIndians,as a meansof propagating
and ensuringcolorfulreligiousfestivals.Indianlove of pageantrywas satisfied
observances
of theday of the patronsaintof eachvillage,
throughthe impressive
and the processionsof Holy Week and CorpusChristi.The clergy'spower
to giveor denypermission
in thesefestivitiesgavethema powerful
to participate
of socialandeconomiccontrolwhich,at best,promotedsobrietyand
instrument
moralityin the community,and at worst made possibleexploitationof the
Indiansin the form of extralegalpersonalservices.44
Survivingfragmentary
formsof cofradiassuggestthat mutualaid aspectscharacterized
at least to a
limiteddegreesomeof the organizations,
but apartfromgremiosthe original
in the New WorldwasratherdifferentfromSpain.
motivation
Sacramental
cofradiasare commontodayin SpanishAmerica,and in them
we findtracesof theiroriginand formerfunctions.In modemMexicocofradias
Most townshaveone or more,and during
usuallyare knownas mayordomias.
a year the mayordomo
in
is chargeof the patronimage,the preparation
of
the annualfiestaand banquet,and the electionof the new officers.Officersof
are known by terms similaror identicalto those of Castile:
mayordomias
a present
mayordomo,
diputado,escribano,
fiscal,and so forth.In Tzintzuntzan
or formerofficerof anymayordomia
is entitledat deathto lie in the churchfor
41
42
43
44
Idem, pp. xviii-xxi.

Barrio, 1920, pp. 1-5, 8-14, 137-139.
Haring, 1947, pp. 195-196.
Idem, p. 207; Simpson, 1941, p. 73.

19
a short period, without payment of the usual charges, just as in Spain officers
received a higher number of masses than ordinary cofrades.45Traces of the
old Spanish system are found in Cheran, where several of the mayordomiasare
associatedwith professions.46Mexican mayordomiasoften differ from those of
Spain in that membershipmore or less automaticallyextends to all adult males
of the village. In those I have observedin Tzintzuntzan all men deliberatein
the election of officers,and any man may volunteerfor any office.All men (and
most women, too) attend the annual banquet which accompaniesthe elections.
Continuity in the brotherhoodlies in the image, and in the associationof the
several men who care for it for one year, rather than in a well-orderedset of
statutes.
Until a few years ago an hermandadexisted in Moche which invested its
funds in cattle and utilized the proceeds for burial expendituresof members.47
A cofradia in Agua Escondida,Guatemala,collects from the village to pay for
a marimbaat the fiesta of San Antonio, and such money as is left over is loaned
out at 21 percent annual interest. It is common practice to borrow from the
cofradia when one is short of money.48In Coban, Alta Vera Paz, Guatemala,
seven cofradias formerly correspondedto the seven barrios (suggestive of
cofradias for streets of artisansin Spain). Each cofradia had its own lands on
which maize was planted, proceeds from the sale of which were loaned at 100
percent interest.49In variousparts of Guatemalacofrades or mayordomoshave
the responsibilityfor burying anyone who dies in the pueblo.50Isabel Kelly reports that church recordsin Cadereyta,Queretaro,Mexico, show that cofradia
organizationswere complex, and practices included owning land and lending
money.51It seems probablethat if the cofradia and mayordomiasystemsof the
New World were examinedin the light of Spanish historicaldata, the meaning
of these institutionswould becomeclearer.
V
The contemporaryNew World compadrazgoand the Spanish cofradias and

gremios of the twelfth to the eighteenth centuries are functionally similar as
systems in that they fulfill or have fulfilled a number of common social func45
46
47
48
49
50
51
Foster, 1948, p. 195.

Beals, op. cit., p. 132.
Gillin, op. cit., p. 75.
Redfield, 1945a, p. 267.
Goubaud, Rosales, and Tax, 1944, p. 119.
E.g., Redfield, 1945b, p. 170.
Communicated.

20
SOUTHWESTERN
tions.52Both make participantsmembersof a large "in-group"which helps in

times of social, religious, and economic need, and which orders one's relationships with others, within and without one's social class and ethnic group. A
Latin Americanborrowsmoney from his compadre;a Spanishcofrade borrowed
from the cofradia. The compadrazgoprovidesfor the care of orphan children;
the cofradia provided for widows and minor children,and supplied dowries for
marriageabledaughters.The compadrazgopattern often calls for formal and
informal coiperation in economic activities, such as exchange of labor; the
cofradia-gremioimpliedeconomiccoiperationin such things as group buying and
allocation of raw materials, frequent communal workshops, joint fitting out
of fishing boats and utilization of fishing grounds, and the like. Both facilitate
commerceand travel, in that they make provisionfor lodging for people from
other towns. Both help at times of illness, the compadrazgothrough informal
but very real channels of visiting, taking food, and nursing, and the cofradia
through formalizedchannelssuch as hospitals, the giving of money, sitting up
with the sick, and nursing.
Both institutionsencouragemoralitythroughrecognizedreciprocalobligations
and action patterns,and both facilitate law and order,as previouslyshown. Both
give spiritual aid, particularlyat death; compadresand cofrades are the ones
who gather round to help when death strikes. Both reinforce social solidarity
through prescribedrites on religious and life-cycle crisis occasions. Both have
social and entertainmentvalues. Cofradia fiestas often were high points of
secular as well as religious interest in any year, and less formalized contacts
likewise were of social importance.The compadrazgoencouragessocial visiting,
brings friends from other villages into one's home, and is productive of local
celebrationsof a social and religiousnature, such as baptism,marriage,christening of a new house, and the like.
Significant differencesbetweencompadrazgoand cofradia-gremioalso exist.
The formeris unformalizedand flexible,in that it functions through customary
usage ratherthan writtenstatutes. There are no officers,no elected positions,no
functionsarbitrarilyassignedto an individual.No two people normallycan have
the same sets of compadres,padrinos,and ahijados,and resultingpersonalobligations. Everyone can tailor the institution on an individual basis to meet his
own needs, desires,and resources.Relationshipsonce establishedexist throughout
the lifetimes of the participants.A relationshipmay be allowed to lapse, but
52 In this and the following paragraphall references to cofradias and gremios are for the
historical periods under consideration;for grammaticalreasons the present tense has been used
in constructionsin which "both" or "both institutions" is the subject.

21
it canneverbe dissolved.A compadre

whofails to live up to an obligationincurs
the contemptof all who knowhim, but thereis no mechanism
beyondpublic
systemhasno racialrestrictions,
opinionto bringhimto task.The compadrazgo
if the partiesare good Catholics,and in practiceeven this restrictionis often
looselyapplied.
The cofradiaandgremioweremuchmoreformaland inflexiblein structure.
They werecorporateorganizations
officiallyrecognized
by competentauthorities.
Rights, duties, and obligationsof memberswere carefully spelled out in
ordenanzas.
Each cofradein a givengrouphad exactlythe sameassociatesas
all othermembers,
andaccordingly,
exactlythe samesetsof personalandofficial
duties.The cofradeboughta ready-made
article,and adjustedhimselfto it,
ratherthan adjustingit to himself.Relationships,
once established,did not
in
endure
who
a mannerunbecoming
to
the
cofrade
acted
forever;
necessarily
his positionwas formallyjudgedby the authoritieshe had helpedelect,and he
couldif necessarybe shornof sodalityprotectionby beingexpelled.Cofradias
and gremioswere raciallyand religiouslyexclusive;only good Catholicsof
"clean"ancestrywereeligible,and Moors,Jews,and otherhereticswere-except
in the rarestof instances-scrupulously
excluded.
VI
Thereis no simpleexplanation
of whythe cofradia-gremio
filled
organization
the mutualaid and integrativeroles here discussedin Spain, and why the
did it in SpanishAmerica.Each appears,however,
subsequently
compadrazgo
to be ideallyadaptedto the socio-cultural
conditionsprevailingat the time in
it
Mintz
Wolf
when
and
have pointedout that in feudal
flourished.
history
the
somewhat
as it did later in America,and
Europe compadrazgo
expanded
link
feudal
classes
as
well
as
solidarityto the
bringing"neighborhood"
helped
localgroupof peasantsin theirstruggleagainstthe aristocracy.53
CatholicSpain
the feudalsysshared
in
these
With
the
of
decline
generalpatterns.
presumably
tem and the rise of townsand cities,with urbanclassesof artisansand meror manorsolidaritybecameof paramount
chants,classratherthanneighborhood
is less well suitedto this than the cofradiaand the compadrazgo
importance,
in a countrygivento regulationof the mostminutedetails
gremio.Particularly
musthavehandicapped
it seriof dailylife the informalityof the compadrazgo
In
to
a
socio-economic
the
obtain
as
mechanism.
regulative
struggle
legal
ously
an absoand economicfavors,artisansfounda formalorganization
recognition
lute necessity.In someplaces,suchas Valencia,Burgos,and Barcelona,gremios
53 Mintz and Wolf, op. cit., pp. 347-349.

22
SOUTHWESTERN
achievedthe right to namevariousmunicipalofficers.54

Conversely,municipal
controlof individuals
wasmoreeasilyachievedthroughsomeformalintervening
mechanism.
Onealsomustnot losesightof the fact thatthe periodof expansion
of cofradiaswas that of maximumreligiousfervor,stimulatedin Spainby the
constantwarof extermination
oftenattributed
againstthe Moors.The mysticism
to theSpaniardis a veryrealthing,andthroughthe cofradiahe founda manner
to give vent to it, to feel his participation
in a holy crusadethroughcontinual
reaffirmation
of faith. The possessionof an image provideda visual symbol
of associationand unity,hencea feelingof solidarity,whichthe compadrazgo
mechanism
couldnotprovide.
are more
Reasonsfor SpanishAmericanpreferencefor the compadrazgo
As
it
that
must
be
all
America
remembered
subjectto
complex. background
a tremendous
culturalshockmarkedby the
the SpanishConquestexperienced
of formalindigenousreligioussystems,changesin socialorganization
destruction
and the like. For
andthe family,economicsubjugation,
politicalineffectualness,
that
life
in
a
short
the Indiansconditionsof
period manynewadaptive
changeso
were essential.This was also true for the emergentmestizoand
mechanisms
mulattoclassesthat wereneitherSpanishin statusand privilegesnor Indianin
bloodandtradition.
The gremio,as we have seen, was earlyintroducedinto the New World,
its ultimateutility was limitedboth
and thoughit becamefairly widespread,
level
and
industrial
the
lower
handicraft
of
activityas comparedto Spain,
by
whichcharacterized
the systemin Spain
and becausethe racialexclusiveness
was also applied in the New World: mestizos, mulattos, negroes, and Indians
usually were excluded,or severelyrestrictedin their rights.55
The cofradia was much more successful. As an instrumentin the diffusion
of the new faith it must have played a highly importantrole. Mutual aid aspects
characterizedcofradias at one time, but the institution came to fulfill spiritual
and psychologicalfunctions instead. It providesthe mechanismwherebyan individual honorshis religion and simultaneouslyachievessocial status. By accepting
54 Altamira, 1928, p. 433.
55 Konetzke, 1949, p. 512; Barrio, op. cit., e.g., 1575 ordenanzas of hatters say "these
ordenanzashave nothing to do with Indians" (p. 27); 1576 ordenanzasof silk weavers provide
for a fine for using Indians in workshops (p. 40); 1705 ordenanzas of cloth pressers forbid
examination of Indians, mestizos, negroes (p. 79); 1589 ordenanzas of sculptors (of religious
images) exclude Indians who, however, may work in their villages, but no Spaniard may buy
their products for resale (p. 87); the same is true of hatters as regulated by 1592 ordenanzas
(p. 103); 1629 ordenances of shoe makers permit Indians to sell their wares in the tianguis
(native open market place) but not in shops (p. 112).

23
the onerous obligationsof serving as mayordomo,by spending freely and conspicuously,one demonstratesfaith in church and society, willingness to spend,
ability as a financialmanager,and generosity.So interpreted,the cofradia was
less suited to fulfilling its Spanish role.
Among the probable reasons for the acceptance of the compadrazgo in
America was its similarityto native forms. These include baptism, ceremonial
sponsorship,ritualizedfriendship,and above all native kinship systemsdisrupted
by Spanish contact. Ethnographicaldata make it clear that before the Conquest
Indian society was markedby much more widespreadclan, lineage, and extended
family relationshipsthan today.56Membershipin such a group automatically
aligned each individual with a much larger "in-group"than was possible with
the restricted bilateral family. Through the compadrazgoit was possible to
recapturesome of the securitythat was lost with destructionof the old forms.
In some places, at least, it appears that the compadrazgomust have been
a direct substitution for a clan system. This is indicated by negative evidence,
i.e., the inability of the compadrazgoto make progress where, as among the
Tzeltal of Chiapas,Mexico, a clan system continuesto flourish.In Oxchuc, for
example, "the tie of the compadrazgohas little importance.Occasionally it is
establishedin casual fashion, taking advantage of the presence of any friend
who wishes to sponsor the child at baptism. .. [there are] few occasions in
which the relations between godparents and godchildren appear to have any
significance."57In Cancuc,a Tzeltal village, the pictureis the same. "The people
of Cancucdo not like to baptise.There are no compadres,nor are there comadres
in Cancuc; here no one wishes to do it."58
The extent to which the Tzeltal clan system precludesa functional compadrazgo is striking.The three clans (recentlyreducedfrom four) are patrilineal,
56 Beals, 1932, p. 474, finds the data "rather definitely show the existence of patrilineal
exogamous lineage groups for much of the west coast of Mexico"; Foster, 1949, p. 344, believes
that some or all of the Mixe-Zoque groups formerly had unilateral kinships groupings, possibly
patrilineal clans; Monzon, 1949, pp. 55-60, is convinced that the Aztec calpulli was a clan;
Guiteras, 1947, pp. 1-17, describesmodern functioning Tzeltal clans in Chiapas, whose presence
strongly suggests a former more widespread extension of the system; Eggan, 1934, believes that
some form of cousin-marriage--suggestingthe functional importance of the extended familywas practiced by the ancient Maya; Wagley, 1949, p. 11 et seq., describes patrilinear,partilocal
extended families of the modern Mam-speaking Indians of Chimaltenango, Guatemala; Stout,
1947, p. 25, reportsthat among the modern San Blas Cuna each village is composed of a number
of matrilocal, extended family households; Mishkin, 1946, p. 441, believes that the Quechua
term ayllu in its original usage was applied loosely to blood groupings of various sorts; and
even today the extended family plays an important part in social organization (p. 450).
57 Villa, 1946, p. 220.
58 Guiteras, op. cit., pp. 1-17.

24
SOUTHWESTERN
exogamous,and non-local in that they are found in all villages of the region.
Each individualhas both an indigenousand a Spanish surname,the latter frequently unknownto the individualhimself. Each indigenoussurnameis limited
to a single clan, so that membershipis known when the surnameis known. Each
group with a commonsurnameis considereda lineage, and formerly land was
held collectivelyby the lineage. Membersof the same clan cooperateand lend
each other mutual aid, and youths obey and respect older clan membersin the
mannera youngerbrotherrespectsand obeys an older brother.Clan membersdo
not participatein the preparationof a cadaver for inhumation;this is done by
membersof other clans.
For historical reasons which are not immediatelyclear, an aboriginal clan
system has been maintainedin Cancuc with relatively few modifications.The
integrativeand mutual aid functions of this system are such that, in spite of
long exposureto the compadrazgo,an understandingof its possibilities,and the
occasionalbaptism of a child in another village, the Cancuquerossimply have
found that it has nothing useful to offer, so they ignore it.
Central Mexico north of Chiapas probably possessed a pre-Conquestclan
structure, of which no functional aspects today survive. But precisely in this
area-and the data are excellent59-we find a godparentsystem which is almost
an ideal type, and which collectivelyreflectsnearly all the functions reportedin
the New World. It is hard to avoid the conclusionthat in Mexico a probable
former widespreadclan system contributedin significantmeasureto the success
of the compadrazgo.
Though real or apparent similarity to indigenous forms helps to explain
why the compadrazgomay have caught on, it could not have developedto its
present importancewere it not for its innate plasticity and adaptability.Thus,
unlike the cofradia, it can integrate society on both horizontal and vertical
planes. It functions effectively within a homogenousgroup, and it may at the
same time facilitate relationsbetweendifferent classes or ethnic groups. It may
emphasizemutual aid aspects, or it may largely ignore them. The latter is true
in Guatemala,where the institution is poorly developed as comparedto other
parts of Latin America, and where a major function is to bring together individuals of differentsocial strata and ethnic groups. Tumin describesthis process
in San Luis Jilotepeque.
We may note that the godparentalrelationshipsystem, intra-Ladino,intra-Indian
servesto keep bound togethera social fabricwhich seems
and inter-Indian-Ladino
59 E.g., Cheran (Beals, 1946), Tzintzuntzan (Foster, 1948), Teotihuacan (Gamio, 1922),
TepoztlIn (Redfield, 1930; Lewis, 1951), Mitla (Parsons, 1936), Yalalag (Fuente, 1949).

25
to be strainingat the seamson other counts;it invokesa seriesof formalbehavior

expectationswhich tend to mitigatewhat otherwisemight be harshnessand total
in socialdealingsbetweenIndiansand Ladinoand betweenwealthy
inconsiderateness
LadinosandpoorLadinos. ... As betweenIndianand Ladinoit servesas a medium
of greaterand more frequentand perhapsmore intensecontactwhich, for all the
which may be involvedin some of those contactsituationsat least
unpleasantness
providesa ground for makingthe Indian a more familiarcreatureto the Ladino
and the Ladinoa morefamiliarand perhapsmorepleasantcreaturefor the Indian.60
The relative lack of mutual aid aspects in the Guatemalan compadrazgo
appearsdue to the presencein the cultureof other mechanisms,often impersonal,
which accomplishthe same ends. In San Pedro (on Lake Atitlan) these include:
the village courthouseto which interfamilialand intrafamilialdisputesare readily
referred;the existenceof a cofradia system which defines social status, controls
religious behavior, and buries the dead; a system of lodging in other towns
(posada) and checking of goods (recomendado) which facilitate travel and
commerce.61
To summarize,it appears that the success of the compadrazgoin Spanish
Americawas due to the functional need of Indian and emergentmestizo society
for new mutual aid and integrativedevices,to the flexibilityand growthpotential
of the compadrazgowhich permitted it to expand to fill these needs, and to
the similarityof some of its rites and forms to indigenousAmerican rites and
forms, which therebymade it attractiveto native peoples. Correlatedwith these
reasonswas the limited growth potential of the gremio,becauseof circumstances
which have been pointed out, and the developmentof the cofradia to play an
important role, but one which thereby excluded it from that played by the
compadrazgo.
Among the upper classesin SpanishAmericathere is a considerabletendency
for the compadrazgoto follow the Spanish type, in that family relationships
are intensifiedat the expense of widening pseudo-kinshipties. In addition, the
proliferationof occasionson which sponsorsare named among the lower rural
classes tends to be lacking. Lewis presents evidence that migrants to Mexico
City from Tepoztlan frequently restrict the compadrazgoto baptism and marriage, and with increasingregularitycall upon relativesto serve, therebycausing
the institutionto lose almost in its entiretyits classicAmericansociologicalfunction.62Our detailed knowledgeof the Hispanic Americancompadrazgois based
largely on rural and village studies;perhapsit will be found to be an important
60 Tumin, 1945, p. 512.
61 Paul, 1942, pp. 6-8.
62 Lewis,1952, pp. 38-39.

26
functional institution only under such circumstances.Perhaps eventually, as

impersonalsocial controls and mutual aid mechanismsextend in Latin America,
the compadrazgowill revertto the modernSpanish form.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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INSTITUTEOF SOCIALANTHROPOLOGY
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INSTITUTION
WASHINGTON,
D. C.


Cofradía, Compadrazgo and Social Solidarity in Spain and Latin America

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Cofrada and Compadrazgo in Spain and Spanish America

Author(s): George M. Foster

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COFRADfA AND COMPADRAZGO IN SPAIN

NSIGHT into cultural processesof a general nature may be gained from

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plow culture, also requiremore complex co6perativeunits. In order to function

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COFRADIA AND COMPADGRAZGO

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established facilitated the functioning of a feudal system. Simultaneously,by

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COFRADIA AND COMPADGRAZGO

but a singlebaptismalgodparent.All in all, the godparentcomplexin northeast

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SOUTHWESTERN JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY

often pay for it. Marriagegodparentstacitlyaccept

have,or had, limitedusage in othercontexts.In

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COFRADIA AND COMPADGRAZGO

throughritual.In the secondcasecalculateduse is madeof a religiousact to

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COFRADIA AND COMPADGRAZGO

Similarly,in Moche the averageadult reckonshis compadresby the score, and

Gillin, op. cit., pp. 111-112.

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SOUTHWESTERN JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY

formal mechanismsfor maintaininglaw and order are poorly developed, it is

Many religious, social, and economicinstitutionswhich characterizedSpain

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COFRADIA AND COMPADGRAZGO

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are incorporated.By the fourteenthcenturyit was commonfor gremiosto have

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COFRADIA AND COMPADGRAZGO

such organizationsexisted here in earlier years. The same is true of Valencia,

Tramoyeres, 1889, p. 50.

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SOUTHWESTERN JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY

quiredto attendthe funeralof eachbrother,uponpain of fine if he failedto

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afterward,in the refractoryof the conventor in a cloisteror patio of the church,

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(shoemakers), San Juan Evangelista (farmers), and San Miguel Arcangel

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COFRADfA AND COMPADGRAZGO

In the eighteenthcenturygremioswere increasinglyattackedboth within and

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"withmoderatepomp";if a widowof a cofradewerein need,the mayordomos

Idem, pp. xviii-xxi.

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COFRADIA AND COMPADGRAZGO

The contemporaryNew World compadrazgoand the Spanish cofradias and

Foster, 1948, p. 195.

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tions.52Both make participantsmembersof a large "in-group"which helps in

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COFRADfA AND COMPADGRAZGO

it canneverbe dissolved.A compadre

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achievedthe right to namevariousmunicipalofficers.54