Major distinctive characteristics of Germanic: phonology.

1. As in most IE languages, laryngeals in the syllable coda were lost with lengthening of
a preceding vowel. (*e had already been colored by an adjacent *h2 or *h3.)
In root-syllables the resulting long vowels merged with inherited long vowels:
PIE *sh1m seed (cf. Lat. smen, OCS sme), collective *sh1m > PGmc. *sm (cf.
OHG smo);
PIE *dhh1ti- ~ *dhh1ty- act of putting (cf. Gk. ysiw /thsis/; Av. zraz-dti- belief
(lit. putting faith), Skt. vsu-dhiti- bestowal of goods) > *dhts > PGmc.
*ddiz deed (cf. OE dd; Goth. missads misdeed, sin);
PIE *gw@n woman (nom. sg.) (cf. OIr. b) > PGmc. *kwniz wife (cf. Goth. qens;
OE cwn queen);
PIE *smi- half- (cf. Gk. mi- /he:mi-/, Lat. smi-) > PGmc. *smi- (cf. OHG smi-);
PIE *peh2- to protect (cf. Hitt. iptv. 2sg. pahsi) > *p- > *f- in PGmc. *fdra sheath
(cf. Goth. fodr, OE fdor);
PIE *wrh2d- ~ *w#h2d- root (cf. Lat. rdx) > *wrd- ~ *wurd- > PGmc. *wrt- ~
*wurt- (cf. Goth. warts, ON rt; OE wyrt plant);
PIE *swdus pleasant, sweet (*swh2dus?; cf. Skt. svds, Gk. dw /he:ds/) > PGmc.
*swtuz PNWGmc. *swtiz (cf. ON str, OE swte);
PIE *bhhus arm (cf. Skt. bhs; Gk. pxuw /p:khus/ forearm) > PGmc. *bguz
upper arm, shoulder (cf. ON bgr, OE bg);
(post-)PIE *bhleh3- bloom, flower (cf. Lat. fls flower) > PGmc. *bl- (cf. Goth.
bloma flower, OE blstm flower, blwan to bloom);
PIE *dhh1mos thing put (cf. Gk. yvmw /tho:ms/ heap) > PGmc. *dmaz
judgment (cf. Goth. doms, OE dm);
PIE *sh2w sun (cf. Lat. sl; for the laryngeal cf. Gk. liow, /h:lios/, Homeric liow
/e:lios/ < *swel- < *seh2wel-) > *swul > ?PGmc. *sl (cf. ON sl);
PIE *p$ds foot (nom. sg.) (cf. Skt. p t, Doric Gk. pw /p:s/) > PGmc. *ft- (cf. Goth.
fotus, OE ft).
In final syllables the same merger occurred, except that in absolute word-final position

2
PIE * (but not *oH) became PGmc. trimoric *, which differed from * in
some feature no longer recoverable. Note the following:
PIE *kwetw$r four (neut.) (cf. Skt. catv ri, Lat. quattuor) > PGmc. *fedwr (initial
labial probably by lexical analogy with five; cf. Goth. fidwor, OE fower);
PIE *mh1s- month (cf. Skt. m s, Lat. mnsis) > *mh1nos-, nom. sg. *mh1ns
(cf. Lith. m$nuo) > PGmc. *mn- (cf. Goth. menos, OE mna);
PIE thematic pres. indic. 1sg. *-oh2 (cf. Lat. -, Lith. -) > PGmc. *- (cf. Goth. -a, ON
0, OHG, Anglian OE -u);
PIE eh2-stem nom. sg. *-eh2 (cf. Skt. -, Lith. -) > PGmc. *- (cf. Goth. -a, ON 0 with
u-umlaut, OE -u ~ 0);
PIE eh2-stem acc. sg. *-eh2m = *[-m] (by Stangs Law; cf. Skt. -m, Lat. -am) > PGmc.
*- (cf. Goth. -a, OE -e, OHG -a);
PIE eh2-stem acc. pl. *-eh2ns = *[-s] (by Stangs Law; cf. Skt. -s) > PGmc. *-z (cf.
Goth. -os, OE -e, OHG -a);
but, with PIE word-final *-:
PIE *h3r eagle (nom. sg.) (cf. Hitt. hras with added -s; the original ending survives
in Lat. n-stem nom. sg. -, though this word does not) > PGmc. *ar (cf. OHG
aro);
PIE *sh1m seed (collective) > PGmc. *sm (cf. OHG smo);
PIE *h1nh3m nomenclature, names (collective) (cf. Skt. pl. n m) > *n$m >
PGmc. *nam name (with analogical introduction of a root vowel shortened by
Osthoffs Law in the sequence *nmn-; cf. Goth. namo, OE nama, OHG namo).
Trimoric * was also the outcome of contracted sequences of vowels at least one of
which was PIE *o or *[a]; the following examples are especially clear:
PIE o-stem nom. pl. masc. *-oes (cf. Skt. -s, Oscan -s) > PGmc. *-z (cf. Goth. -os,
OE -as; the voiceless fricative of the northern WGmc. ending is puzzling);
PIE gen. pl. *-oHom (cf. Skt. -m (often disyllabic in the Rigveda), Gk. -n /-:n/, Lith.
-) > PGmc. *- (cf. Goth. (fem.) -o, OE -a, OHG -o);
PIE eh2-stem nom. pl. *-eh2es (cf. Skt. -s, Lith. -s) > PGmc. *-z (cf. Goth. -os, OE
-a, OHG (adj.) -o).

3
The difference between the bimoric and trimoric vowels in final syllables is clearest in
the West Germanic reflexes; the regular correspondences are the following:
PGmc.

Gothic

Old Norse

Old English

Old High German

*-

-a

*-u > 0

-u ~ 0

-u ~ 0

*-

-a

-a

- > -e

-a

*-, *-

-o

-a

-a

-o

*-z

-os

-ar

- > -e

-a

*-z

-os

-ar

-a

-o

Presumably the contraction of vowel sequences also yielded trimoric vowels in other
syllables; but if so, the bimoric and trimoric vowels merged either in PGmc. or
independently in the daughters.
The distribution of bimoric and trimoric vowels is very similar to that of long vowels
with acute and circumflex intonations respectively in Balto-Slavic; that could
reflect a historically shared innovation.
2. PIE *, *, *#, * > PGmc. *um, *un, *ur, *ul; laryngeals in the syllable coda were
lost. Examples are numerous:
PIE *sH- summer (cf. OIr. sam, Av. ham-) > PGmc. *sumaraz (cf. OE sumor);
PIE *dd ten (cf. Skt. da, Lat. decem, Lith. dimt) > PGmc. *tehun (cf. Goth.
tahun);
PIE *tm hundred (cf. Skt. atm, Lat. centum, Lith. im tas) > PGmc. *hunda (cf.
Goth. pl. hunda, OE hundred);
PIE *h2tbh on both sides of ?> *h2bh (cf. Gk. mf /amph/, Lat. ambi-) > PGmc.
*umbi around (cf. OE ymbe);
PIE *- un- (cf. Skt. a-, Gk. - /a-/, Lat. in-) > PGmc. *un- (cf. Goth., OE un-);
PIE *tr inside (cf. Lat. inter between) and *dhr under (cf. Lat. nfr, Skt. adhr)
> PGmc. *under under; among (cf. OE under);
PIE *dhwh2- tongue (cf. Old Lat. dingua) > PGmc. *tungn- (cf. Goth. tuggo, OE
tunge; the Gmc. form has been remodelled as an n-stem);
PIE *wkwos wolf (cf. Skt. vkas, Lith. vilkas) > PGmc. *wulfaz (cf. Goth. wulfs, OE

4
wulf; the labial after the *l is irregular);
PIE *sp#dh- contest (cf. Skt. sp#dh-) > PGmc. *spurd- racecourse (cf. Goth. spards);
PIE *w#yti is working (cf. Av. vrziieiti) > PGmc. *wurki works, makes (the
suffix has been adjusted by the reanalysis of Sievers Law; cf. Goth. warkei);
(post-)PIE *#n- horn (cf. Skt. gam, Lat. corn) > PGmc. *hurna (cf. Goth. harn,
OE horn);
(post-)PIE *wmis worm (cf. Lat. vermis; most IE languages reflect *kwmis, cf. e.g.
OIr. cruim, Skt. kmis, Lith. kirml ) > PGmc. *wurmiz worm, serpent (cf.
Goth. warms, OE wyrm);
(post-)PIE *bh#h- hill (cf. OIr. br, brig-; the root is PIE high) > PGmc. *burg- hillfort (cf. Goth. bargs, OE burg, both town).
Examples with laryngeals in the syllable coda:
PIE *h1ts born (cf. Skt. jts, Lat. ntus, Homeric Gk. kasgnhtow /kasgne:tos/
brother, lit. co-gntus) > PGmc. *kundaz (cf. Goth. arakunds of earthly
origin, OE godcund divine);
PIE *ph1ns full (cf. Skt. prs, Lith. plnas) > *pulnos > PGmc. *fullaz (cf. Goth.
fulls, OE full);
PIE *h2wh1neh2 wool (cf. Hitt. hulana-, Skt. r, Lat. lna, Lith. pl. vlnos) > *wuln
> PGmc. *wull (cf. Goth. wulla, OE wull);
PIE *dh1ghs long (cf. Skt. drghs, OCS dlg) > PGmc. *tulgaz firm (cf. Goth.
tulgus firm, steadfast (*long-lasting), transferred into the u-stems; OE adv.
tulge firmly);
PIE *w#h1tm said (neut.; for the verb cf. Palaic wrti calls, for the laryngeal cf.
Gk. *wr- in e.g. =ma /hr:ma/ word) > PGmc. *wurda word (cf. Goth.
ward, OE word);
PIE *#h2nm crushed, ground (neut.; cf. Skt. jrm worn out, Lat. grnum grain)
> PGmc. *kurna grain (cf. Goth. karn, OE corn);
PIE *p#Hms first (cf. Lith. prmas; parallel *p#Hws in e.g. Skt. p rvas, Toch. B
prwee) > *purms > PGmc. *fruma-n- (cf. Goth. fruma, OE forma).
The Balto-Slavic development was similar in general, but (1) the vowel that developed

5
was sometimes *i and sometimes *u, and (2) an intonation contrast developed
(acute when there was a laryngeal in the syllable coda, circumflex otherwise).
Developments in other subgroups were very different.
3. Several changes of consonants are typical of western IE languages but are too
widespread to be significant:
a) clusters of two dental stops developed into *ss, as in Italic and (eventually) in
Celtic;
b) PIE palatals and velars merged as velars (the centum development,
found also in Celtic, Italic, Greek, Tocharian, and Hittitebut not the
Luvian subgroup of Anatolian);
c) sequences of dorsal + *w merged with labiovelars, as in Greek, Celtic, and
Latin (but not Osco-Umbrian);
d) labiovelars (including those that arose by (c)) were delabialized next to high
back round vocalics (including those that arose by (2) above); tongue is
an example of both (c) and (d).
See Ringe, From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic, pp. 87-93 for examples of
these changes.
4. Grimms Law.
Stops underwent a wholesale shift in manner of articulation and voicing as follows:
*p, *t, *k, *kw > *f, *, *h, *hw respectively, unless another obstruent immediately preceded;
*b, *d, *g, *gw > *p, *t, *k, *kw respectively;
*bh, *dh, *gh, *gwh > *b, *d, *g, *gw respectively.
The voiced obstruents resulting from the last change were stops in some environments
but fricatives in most.
Examples are very numerous. I arrange them by consonant, without repetition (so that
examples must often be sought in preceding sections; see also (5) below):

6
PIE *p:
PIE *plh1u much (neut.) (cf. OIr. il; Skt. pur with remodelled ablaut) > PGmc. *felu
(cf. Goth., OHG filu, ON fjol-);
PIE *pu cattle, property (cf. Skt. pu, Lat. pec) > PGmc. *fehu (cf. Goth. fahu, OE
feoh);
PIE *pros pig (cf. Lat. porcus; Lith. par as barrow) > PGmc. *farhaz piglet (cf.
OE fearh, OHG farah);
PIE *pnkwe five (cf. Skt. pca, Gk. pnte /pnte/) > PGmc. *fimf (cf. Goth. fimf, OE
ff; the word-final labial is puzzling);
PIE *pr in front, forward (cf. Skt. pr, Gk. pr /pr/) > PGmc. *fra- (cf. Goth. fra-,
OE for-);
PIE *swpnos sleep (cf. Skt. svpnas) > PGmc. *swefnaz sleep, dream (cf. ON svefn,
OE swefn);
PIE *npts grandson (cf. Lat. neps, Skt. npt) > PGmc. *nef grandson, nephew
(remodelled as an n-stem; cf. OE nefa, OHG nefo);
(see also to protect, foot, full, and first in (1) and (2) above;)
PIE *t:
PIE *tm that (acc. sg. masc.; cf. Skt. tm, Homeric Gk. tn /tn/) > PGmc. *an
(cf. Goth. ana, OE one);
PIE *trmos borehole (cf. Greek trmow /trmos/ socket) > PGmc. *armaz
intestine (cf. ON armr, OE earm);
PIE *trns three (acc. masc.) (cf. Skt. trn, Lat. trs) > PGmc. *rinz (cf. Goth. rins);
PIE *teg- to cover (cf. Lat. tegere) in (post-)PIE *togom roof > PGmc. *aka (cf. ON
ak, OE c; similar semantic development in Lat. tctum, OIr. tugae);
PIE *treb- ~ *t#b- building (cf. OIr. atreba (s)he dwells; secondary zero grade in Lat.
trabs beam) in PGmc. *urpa farmstead, village (cf. ON orp; Goth. arp
field);
(post-)PIE *tong- to percieve, to think (cf. dialectal Lat. tongiti nti, idea, OIr.
tongid (s)he swears) > PGmc. *ank- in *ankijana to think (cf. Goth. agkjan, OE enan), *ankaz thanks (cf. OE anc), coll. *ank (cf. ON okk);

7
PIE *bhrh2tr brother (cf. Skt. bhr t, Lat. frter) > PGmc. *brr (cf. ON brir,
OE bror);
PIE *ktus fight (cf. OIr. cath battle; Luvian kattawatnallis plaintiff) > PGmc.
*hauz battle (cf. OE heau-, OHG hadu-; ON Hor, name of the god of
battle);
PIE *kwteros which (of two)? (cf. Gk. pterow /pteros/; Skt. katars) > PGmc.
*hwaeraz (cf. Goth. aar, OE hwer);
PIE *ntyos (ones) own (cf. Skt. ntyas) > PGmc. *nijaz relative, kinsman (cf. Goth.
nijis, ON nir);
PIE *nteros other (of two) (apparently a derivative of *lyos other (cf. Lat. alius, Gk.
llow /llos/) with an archaic *l ~ *n alternation) > PGmc. *aneraz (cf. Goth.
anar, OE er);
PIE * and *k:
PIE *m this (acc. sg. masc.; cf. Lith. ) > PGmc. *hin (cf. OE hine him, Goth.
und hina dag until this day);
PIE *rd- ~ *#d- heart (cf. Lat. cord-, Lith. irds) > PGmc. *hertan- (cf. Goth.
harto, OE heorte);
PIE *ey- to be lying down (cf. pres. 3sg. Skt. te, Gk. ketai /kitai/) in *ymos
resting place > PGmc. *haimaz settlement (cf. ON heimr world, OE hm
home; Goth. haims village has been remodelled as an i-stem, but note a-stem
pl. haimos countryside);
PIE *swuros father-in-law (cf. Skt. vuras, Lat. socer) > PGmc. *swehuraz (cf. OE
swor, OHG swehur);
PIE *wos horse (cf. Skt. vas, Lat. equos) > *kwos > PGmc. *ehwaz (cf. OE eoh;
Goth. aatundi thornbush, lit. *horse-tooth);
PIE *sws six (cf. Av. xuua, Gk. j /hks/, Boiotian Wj /(h)wks/) *ss (by
lexical analogy with seven; cf. Skt. , Lat. sex) > PGmc. *sehs (cf. Goth.
sahs, OE siex);
PIE *des- right(-hand) (cf. Gk. dejiw /deksis/, Av. dain) > PGmc. *tehswaz (cf.
Goth. tahswa, OHG zeso, zesawr);

8
PIE *kusdho- treasure (cf. Lat. custs guardian, Gk. ksyow /ksthos/ vulva) >
PGmc. *huzda (cf. Goth. huzd, OE hord);
PIE *kryos detachment (OIr. cuire company; Lith. krias army) > PGmc. *harjaz
army (cf. Goth. harjis, OE here);
(post-)PIE *klso- neck (cf. Lat. collum) > PGmc. *halsaz (cf. Goth. hals, OE heals);
PIE *lwkos clearing (cf. Lith. lakas field, Lat. lcus grove) > PGmc. *lauhaz (cf.
OE lah meadow, OHG lh copse, grove);
post-PIE *mrkos horse (cf. Welsh march) > PGmc. *marhaz (cf. OE mearh, OHG
marah);
PIE *uksn bull, ox (cf. Av. uxa) > PGmc. *uhs (ending remodelled; cf. OE oxa,
Goth. gen. pl. ahsne);
(see also ten, hundred, and horn in (2) above, cattle and pig under *p, and fight
under *t;)
PIE *kw:
PIE *kwm which? (acc. sg. masc.; cf. Skt. km which?, whom?) > *kwn whom?
> PGmc. *hwan (cf. Goth. ana, OE hwone);
PIE *kwd which? (neut.) (cf. Lat. quod; Vedic Skt. kd what?) > PGmc. *hwat
what? (cf. ON hvat, OE hwt);
PIE *kwyeh1- to rest, derived noun *kwyh1tis (cf. Lat. quis; Old Persian iyti
peace), zero grade *kwih1- in PGmc. *hwl time (cf. Goth. eila, OE hwl);
PIE *sekw- to see (cf. Alb. sheh (s)he sees; Hitt. skuwa eyes) > PGmc. *sehwana
(cf. Goth. saan, OE son, OHG sehan):
post-PIE *kweh2 running water (cf. Lat. aqua water) > PGmc. *ahw river (cf.
Goth. aa, OE a, OHG aha);
(see also which (of two)? under *t;)
PIE *b (very rare):
PIE *dhwbu- ~ *dhubw- deep (cf. Lith. dubs hollow; *dhubrs in Toch. B tapre
high) > PGmc. *deupaz (cf. Goth. diups, OE dop);
PIE *leb- lip (cf. Lat. labrum; Hitt. lilipai (s)he licks) > PGmc. *lep- ~ *lip- (cf. OE
lippa);

9
(post-)PIE *ghreyb- to grab, to grasp (cf. Lith. grie bti to grasp at, make a grab for) >
PGmc. *grpana (cf. Goth. greipan, OE grpan);
(see also building under *t;)
PIE *d:
PIE *dru ~ *drw- tree, wood (cf. Skt. d ru, gen. sg. drs) > PGmc. *trewa (cf. OE
tro; Goth. dat. pl. triwam with clubs);
PIE *dwh1 two (masc. nom.-acc.; cf. Skt. dv , Homeric Gk. dv /do:/) > ?PGmc.
*tw, possibly in OE tw
en > twen (*tw in??): or > ?PGmc. *twai (with
plural inflection, cf. Goth twai);
PIE *h1dnt- ~ *h1dt- tooth (cf. Skt. dnt- ~ dat-) > PGmc. *tan- ~ *tund- (cf. ON
tonn, OE t; Goth. tunus tooth, aatundi thornbush, lit. *horse-tooth);
PIE *d at (cf. Lat. ad) > PGmc. *at (cf. Goth. at, OE t);
PIE *h1ed- to eat (cf. Homeric Gk. dein /de:n/, Lat. edere) > PGmc. *etana (cf. Goth.
itan, OE etan);
PIE *wyde (s)he knows (cf. Skt. vda, Gk. ode /ide/) > PGmc. *wait (cf. Goth. wait,
OE wt);
PIE subjunctive *bhydeti (s)he will split (cf. Skt. bhdati) > PGmc. *btidi (s)he bites
(cf. Goth. beiti, OE btt);
PIE *sydeti (s)he will cut (it) off (cf. Rigvedic Skt. m chedma may we not break) >
PGmc. *sktidi (s)he defecates (cf. ModHG scheit; ON sktr with ending
replaced; seldom attested in the older Gmc. documents);
PIE *h3sdos branch (cf. Gk. zow /sdos/; Hitt. hasdur twigs, brush) > *sdos >
PGmc. *astaz (cf. Goth. asts, OHG ast);
PIE *nisds seat (*ni-sd- down-sit-, cf. Arm. nist, Skt. ns), nest (cf. Lat. ndus,
OIr. net, Welsh nyth) > PGmc. *nistaz nest (*nestaz??; that is the form
reconstructable from OE, OS, OHG nestthe word does not occur in North or
East Germanicbut the lowering of the vowel in OE is puzzling);
(see also root, sweet, foot, ten, tongue, and long under (1) and (2) above,
heart and right-hand under *, and which? (neut.) under *kw;)

10
PIE * and *g:
PIE *mbhos row of teeth (cf. Skt. pl. jmbhsas; Gk. gmfow /gmphos/ peg) >
PGmc. *kambaz comb (cf. ON kambr, OE camb);
PIE *nu ~ *nw- knee (cf. Skt. j nu, Gk. gnu /gnu/) > PGmc. *knewa (cf.
Goth. kniu, OE cno);
PIE *h2eti (s)he is driving (cf. Skt. jati, Lat. agit) > PGmc. *akidi (s)he goes in a
vehicle (cf. ON inf. aka; ?also OE acan to ache);
PIE *h2ros pasture field (cf. Skt. jras, Lat. ager) > PGmc. *akraz (cf. Goth.
akrs, OE cer);
PIE *wrom work (cf. Gk. rgon /rgon/; for the palatal cf. the related verb in Av.
vrziieiti) > PGmc. *werka (cf. ON verk, OE weorc);
PIE *h2 I (cf. Skt. ahm, Lat. ego, both with innovative second syllables) > PGmc.
*ek, unstressed *ik (cf. ON ek, OE i);
PIE *gol- cold (o-grade; cf. Lat. gel, Lith. gelum frost) in PGmc. *kalana to be
cold, to freeze (cf. ON kala, OE calan) and *kaldaz cold (cf. Goth. kalds, ON
kaldr, OE eald);
PIE *glewbh- to split (cf. Lat. glbere to peel) > PGmc. *kleubana (cf. ON kljfa, OE
clofan, OHG klioban);
PIE *yugm yoke (cf. Skt. yugm, Lat. iugum) > PGmc. *juka (cf. OE eoc; Goth. juk
yoke (of oxen), pair);
(see also is working, born, and crushed under (2) above, and to cover and to
perceive under *t;)
PIE *gw:
PIE subjunctive *gwmeti (s)he will step (cf. Skt. gmat) > PGmc. *kwimidi (s)he
comes (cf. Goth. qimi, OHG quimit);
PIE *gwih3ws alive (cf. Skt. jvs, Lat. vvos, and with analogical full-grade root Gk.
zvw /sdo:s/) > *kwikws > PGmc. *kwikwaz (cf. ON kvikr, OE cwic);
PIE *gwrh2u- ~ *gw#h2w- heavy (cf. Lat. gravis) *gw#h2s (cf. Skt. gurs, Gk.
barw /bars/) > PGmc. *kuruz (cf. Goth. karus);
PIE *h1rgwos ~ *h1rgwes- darkness (cf. Skt. rjas empty space, Gk. rebow

11
/rebos/ hell; for the meaning cf. the related formation *h1#gwnt- in Toch. B
erket black (obl. sg. masc.)) > PGmc. *rekwaz ~ *rikwiz- (cf. Goth. riqis, gen.
riqizis, ON rkkr);
PIE *h3ngw ointment (cf. Lat. unguen), collective *h3ngw > PGmc. *ankw (cf.
OHG ancho butter);
(see also woman under (1) above;)
PIE *bh:
PIE *bhreti (s)hes carrying (cf. Skt. bhrati, Lat. fert) > PGmc. *biridi (cf. Goth.
bari, OE bir);
PIE *bhuh2- to become (cf. aorist 3sg. Skt. bht, Gk. f! /phu:/) pres.
*bhuh2-ye/o- > PGmc. *bana to dwell (cf. ON ba, OE ban);
PIE *h3bhrHs eyebrow (cf. Gk. fr@w /ophr:s/, Skt. bhr s) > *brz PGmc.
*brw (cf. OE br);
PIE *webh(H)- to weave (cf. Skt. vabh(i)-, Toch. B /wpa-/) > PGmc. *webana (cf. OE
wefan, OHG weban);
PIE *skabheti (s)hes scratching (cf. Lat. scabit) > PGmc. *skabidi (s)he shaves (cf.
Goth. skabi, OE scf);
(see also arm, bloom, on both sides of, and hill under (1) and (2) above, brother
under *t, she will split under *d, and row of teeth and to split under */*g;)
PIE *dh:
PIE *dhugh2t r daughter (cf. Skt. duhit , Gk. yugthr /thugte:r/) > PGmc. *duhtr
(cf. ON dttir, OE dohtor);
PIE *dhwr- ~ *dhur- door (cf. Gk. yra /thra:/, Lat. pl. fors) > PGmc. *dur- (cf.
OE duru; Goth. dar, OE dor gate);
PIE *h1widhwh2 ~ *h1widhwh2- widow (cf. Skt. vidhv, Lat. vidua) > PGmc.
*widuwn- (cf. Goth. widuwo, OE widuwe);
PIE *mdhyos middle (cf. Skt. mdhyas, Lat. medius) > PGmc. *midjaz (cf. Goth.
midjis, OE midd);
PIE *smh2dhos sand (cf. Gk. mayow /mathos/) > *smdhos > *smdhos > PGmc.
*samdaz (sic; cf. MHG sam(b)t beside ON sandr, OE sand, OHG sant);

12
PIE *misdh- reward (cf. Gk. misyw /misths/; Skt. mhm prize) > PGmc. *mizd
(cf. OE md, meord; Goth. mizdo has been remodelled as an n-stem);
(see also act of putting, thing put, under, and contest under (1) and (2) above,
treasure under *k, deep under *b, and (s)he is asking for under *gwh below;)
PIE *h and *gh:
PIE *hns goose (cf. Gk. xn /kh:n/, Lith. ass) > PGmc. *gans (cf. OE gs, OHG
gans);
PIE *helHwos yellow (cf. Lat. helvos bay (horse); for the palatal cf. OCS zelen
green) > PGmc. *gelwaz (cf. OE eolu, OHG gelo);
PIE *wheti (s)hes transporting (it) (cf. Skt. vhati (aor. v with reflex of palatal
cluster), Lat. vehit) > PGmc. *wigidi (s)he moves (cf. OE wi, OHG wigit);
PIE *h3myheti (s)hes urinating (cf. Skt. mhati (past ptc. mhs with reflex of
palatal cluster), Gk. mexei /omikhei/) > PGmc. *mgidi (cf. OE m);
PIE *ghstis stranger (cf. Lat. hostis enemy, OCS gost guest) > PGmc. *gastiz
guest (cf. Goth. gasts, OE iest);
(post-)PIE *ghayd- goat (cf. Lat. haedus kid) > PGmc. *gait- (cf. Goth. gaits, OE gt);
PIE *stygheti (s)hes walking (cf. Gk. stexei /stikhei/; Skt. stigh-, pres. 3sg.
stighnti) > PGmc. *stgidi (s)he climbs (cf. Goth. steigi, OE st);
PIE *lghyeti (s)hes lying down [eventive] (cf. OCS leet [stative], Homeric Gk. aor.
lkto /lkto/ (s)he lay down) > PGmc. *ligii (stative; cf. OE li, OHG
ligit);
PIE *h3nogh(w)- claw, nail (cf. Gk. nux- /nukh-/, Lith. ngas) > PGmc. *naglaz
(cf. ON nagl, OE nl);
(see also arm, tongue, hill, and long under (1) and (2) above, and to grab under
*b.)
PIE *gwh appears word-initially as PGmc. *b and medially as *gw (after nasals), *w, or
*g (the conditions are unclear):
PIE *gwhdhyeti (s)he is asking for (cf. Av. aiieiti, OIr. guidid; intensive in Gk.
poye /pothi/ (s)he longs for) > PGmc. *bidii, inf. *bidjana (cf. Goth.
bidji, bidjan, OE bitt, biddan);

13
PIE *gwhen- strike, kill (cf. Skt. hnti, Hitt. kunzi), o-grade *gwhon- (cf. Gk. fnow
/phnos/ murder) in PGmc. derived nouns *ban murderer (cf. ON bani, OE
bana), *banj wound (cf. Goth. banja, OE benn);
PIE *gwhreh1- smell (cf. Skt. ghr-) > PGmc. *br- in OE br smell, vapor;
PIE *sengwh- to chant, derived noun *sngwhos (collective *songwhh2 > *honkwh >
Gk. mf /omph:/ divine voice) > PGmc. *singwana to sing, *sangwaz
song (cf. Goth. siggwan, ON syngva, OF siunga; labialization lost regularly in
OE, OS, OHG singan; Goth. saggws, ON songr, OF song, OE song ~ sang, OS,
OHG sang, with regular loss of labialization in all the WGmc. languages and
some shifts of stem class (i-stem in Gothic, neut. in OHG));
PIE *sneygwh- to snow (cf. Gk. nefein /niphe:n/, Old Lat. pres. 3sg. nivit (nvit?)),
derived noun *snygwhos (cf. Lith snie gas, OCS sng) > PGmc. *snwidi its
snowing, *snaiwaz snow (cf. ON snr, OHG snwit; Goth. snaiws, ON snjr,
OE snw, OHG sno);
PIE *negwhr- kidney (cf. pl. Gk. nefro /nephri/, dialectal Lat. nefrns) > PGmc.
*neur (n-stem, like the Latin word; *u = *w in the syllable coda; cf. ON nra,
OHG nioro);
post-PIE *kneygwh- to bend, to droop (cf. Lat. cnvre to close the eyes) > PGmc.
to bow: *hnwana (cf. Goth. hneiwan)? or *hngana (cf. ON hnga, OF hnga,
OE, OS hngan, OHG ngan)? (The difference is probably the result of levelling
within the paradigm, but the original loci of the alternants arent clear.)
There is also a possible example of PIE *hw, which would have merged with *gwh (see
(3) above):
PIE *hwr- ~ *hwr- wild animal (cf. Gk. yr /th:r/, Lith. vrs; Lat. ferus wild)
> PGmc. *ber bear (cf. OE bera, OHG bero).
Finally, here are some examples of PIE voiceless stops unshifted after obstruents:
PIE *sp#-n-h1- to kick (cf. Lat. spernere to despise, to reject, pf. sprvisse) > PGmc.
*spurnana to kick, to trample (cf. OE spurnan);
PIE *h2str- star (cf. Hitt. hasterz, Gk. str- /astr-/) > PGmc. *sternan- (cf. Goth.
starno, OE steorra);

14
PIE *sth2ti- ~ *sth2ty- act of standing, place to stand *sth2ts (cf. Skt. sthits) >
PGmc. *stadiz place (cf. Goth. stas, OE stede);
PIE *h1esti (s)he is (cf. Gk. sti /esti/, Lat. est) > PGmc. *isti (cf. Goth., OHG ist);
(post-)PIE *pisk- fish (cf. Lat. piscis) > PGmc. *fiskaz (cf. Goth. fisks, OE fisc);
PIE *kh2pts grabbed (cf. Lat. captus taken, caught) > PGmc. *haftaz captive (cf.
OE hft, OHG haft);
PIE *ot w eight (cf. Skt. au, Lat. oct) > PGmc. *ahtu (cf. Goth. ahtau, OE
eahta);
PIE *nkwt- ~ *nkwt- night (cf. Gk. nj /nks/, nukt- /nukt-/; Hitt. nekuz mhur
evening time) > *nkt- > PGmc. *naht- (cf. Goth. nahts, OHG naht);
(see also contest under (1) above, (s)he will cut (it) off under *d, (s)hes scratching
under *bh, and stranger and (s)hes walking under *gh.)
5. Verners Law.
After Grimms Law had run its course, but before the inherited system of contrastive
accent was lost, voiceless fricatives became voiced if they were not word-initial
AND

not adjacent to a voiceless sound AND the last preceding syllable nucleus was

unaccented. PIE *s and the Grimms Law outcomes of the PIE voiceless stops
were all affected.
For the most part I list synchronically underived examples.
PIE *s:
PIE *snuss daughter-in-law (cf. Gk. nuw /nus/) *snush2 (cf. Skt. snu ) >
PGmc. *snuz (cf. OE snoru, OHG snura);
PIE *h2-h2ows-iti (s)he is sharp-eared (cf. Gk. koein /akue:n/ to hear) > PGmc.
*hauzi (s)he hears (cf. OE her, OHG hrit);
PIE *mms ~ *mms- meat (cf. Skt. m s, Toch. B pl. misa) *mmsm (cf. Skt.
msm) or *memsm > PGmc. *mimza (cf. Goth. mimz);
PIE *dus- bad (cf. Skt. du-, Gk. dus- /dus-/) > PGmc. *tuz- (cf. Goth. tuzwerjan to
doubt, OE torbeete hard to get);
(see also numerous inflectional endings in the preceding sections, especially toward the

15
end of (1), and darkness under (4, *gw) above;)
*f < PIE *p:
PIE *upr(i) over, above (cf. Skt. upri, Gk. pr /hupr/) > *ufr, *ufri > PGmc.
*uber, *ubiri (cf. OHG obar, ubiri; OE ofer but ON yfir);
PIE *h2wap- evil (cf. Hitt. huwappas) suffixed in *h2uplos > *uflos > PGmc. *ubilaz
evil, bad (cf. Goth. ubils, OE yfel);
PIE *selp- to anoint, attested mostly in derived nouns (cf. Skt. sarps ghee, Toch. B
alype oil, fat); *slpos ointment, collective *solph2 > *solf > PGmc. *salb
(cf. OE sealf, OHG salba), derived verb *salbna to anoint (cf. Goth. salbon);
PIE *sept seven (cf. Skt. sapt, Lat. septem) > *seftn *seftnt > *sefnt > PGmc.
*sebun (cf. Goth. sibun, OE seofon);
* < PIE *t:
PIE *ph2tr father (cf. Skt. pit , Lat. pater) > *far > PGmc. *fadr (cf. ON fair, OE
fder);
PIE *meh2tr mother (cf. Skt. mt , Lat. mter) > *mr > PGmc. *mdr (cf. ON
mir, OE mdor);
PIE *h2nh2t- duck (cf. Lat. anat-, Lith. ntis) > *nu- > PGmc. *anud- (cf. OHG
anut, OE i-stem ened);
PIE *tewth2 tribe, people (cf. Oscan touto, OIr. tath, Lith. taut) > *eu > PGmc.
*eud (cf. Goth. iuda, OE od);
(see also act of putting, four, hundred, inside, born, and said under (1) and (2)
above;)
*h < PIE * and *k:
PIE *swerh2 mother-in-law (cf. Skt. var s) > *swehr > PGmc. *swegr? or >
*swegr?; in either case, > PWGmc. *swegru (cf. OE sweer, OHG swigar);
PIE *h2yuHs young (cf. Skt. yuvas; Lat. iuvencus steer, i.e. young bull) >
*yunhs > PGmc. *jungaz (cf. Goth. juggs, OE iung, eong);
post-PIE pres. *wik/- to fight (cf. OIr. 3sg. fichid) > *wih/- > PGmc. *wigana to
fight (cf. Goth. du wigana to battle; ON vega, influenced by lexical analogy
with vega to move).

16
As expected, the Verners Law outcomes for *hw < PIE *kw are the same as those for
(non-initial) *gwh:
PIE *kwkwlos wheel (cf. Gk. kklow /kklos/; Toch. B kokale chariot) > PGmc.
*hwehwlaz (cf. ON hvl, OE hwol); but PIE collective *kwekwlh2 (cf. Homeric
Gk. pl. kkla /kkla/, Skt. neut. sg. cakrm) > PGmc. *hweula- (cf. ON hjl);
post-PIE *sekwns sight (derived from *sekw- see > PGmc. *sehwana, see (4) above)
> *sehwns > *segwns > PGmc. *siuniz (cf. Goth. siuns face, OE sen appearance);
post-PIE *kweh2 running water (cf. Lat. aqua water) > PGmc. *ahw river (see (4)
above): pre-PGmc. derived noun *ahwj island > *agwj > PGmc. *auj (cf.
ON ey, OE e);
PIE *skwh2oy- ~ *skwh2i- companion (cf. Skt. skh) > *sokwys (cf. Lat. socius
ally) > *sogwjs > PGmc. *sagjaz retainer (cf. ON seggr, OE secg);
PIE *sekw- to say (cf. Homeric Gk. iptv. 2sg. nnepe /nnepe/ tell! < *en-hekw-, Lat.
inquit (s)he said < *en-skw-) in iterative (?) *sokwy/o- (cf. Lith. sakti to say)
> PGmc. sagjana to say (cf. ON seg(g)ja, OE secgan).
The last two examples probably show that the regular outcome before *j was *g; the
divergent outcome in island is probably due to the fact that the word was synchronically derived and so was subject to the productive Verners Law rule (see
below).
The outcomes of Verners Law merged with the reflexes of the PIE voiced aspirated
stops and exhibit the same allophony; thus (for example) PGmc. *d was a stop in
*hunda hundred < PIE *tm, *under among < PIE *tr inside, and
*-kundaz -born < PIE *h1ts.
After Verners Law had run its course, the inherited contrastive accent system was
replaced by non-contrastive accent on the initial syllable of the word, which made
Verners Law phonologically opaque. However, it remained a productive phonological rule with morphological triggers, playing a major role in strong verb
inflection and derivational morphology.

17
6. Auslautgesetze (sound changes affecting final syllables).
a) PIE word-final nonhigh short vowels were lost in polysyllables; preceding postconsonantal semivowels were also lost. Examples:
PIE *pnkwe five (cf. Skt. pca, Gk. pnte /pnte/) > *femf > PGmc. *fimf (cf.
Goth. fimf, OE ff); the replacement of the labiovelar by a labial is irregular and
poorly understood;
PIE o-stem voc. sg. *-e, e.g. in *wkwe wolf! (cf. Skt. vka, Gk. lke /lke/), > PGmc.
-0, e.g. in *wulf (cf. endingless Goth. voc. iudan king!);
PIE act. 2pl. *-te, e.g. in *bhrete you (pl.) are carrying (cf. Gk. frete /phrete/), >
PGmc. *-d, e.g. in *birid (cf. Goth. bari);
PIE pf. 1pl. *-m ~ *-, e.g. in *widm we know (cf. Skt. vidm), ?> PGmc. *-um
(apparently with generalization of the heavy Sievers Law alternant under the
influence of the 3pl.), e.g. in *witum we know (cf. Goth. witum);
PIE pf. 3sg. *-e, e.g. in *wyde (s)he knows (cf. Skt. vda, Gk. ode /ide/), > PGmc.
-0, e.g. in *wait (cf. Goth. wait, OE wt);
PIE pf. 1sg. *-h2e, e.g. in *wydh2e I know (cf. Skt. vda, Gk. oda /ida/; for the
laryngeal cf. Luvian past 1sg. -hha), > *-a > PGmc. -0, e.g. in *wait (cf. Goth.
wait, OE wt);
PIE pf. 2sg. *-th2e, e.g. in *dhedhrsth2e you dare (cf. Skt. dadhrha), > *-ta > PGmc.
*-t (after obstruents, then generalized to other verbs), e.g. in *darst (cf. OE
dearst);
PIE *apo away (cf. Skt. pa; Gk. p /ap/ from) > PGmc. *ab (destressed, hence
Verners Law; cf. Goth. af, ab-u, OE of, OHG ab);
PIE *tsyo of that (masc./neut) (cf. Skt. tsya, Homeric Gk. too /tio/) > PGmc. *as
(cf. OE s);
PIE *kwsyo whose? (cf. Homeric Gk. teo /tio/) > PGmc. *hwes (cf. Goth. is, OHG
wes);
PIE *sm us (cf. Aiolic Gk. mme /mme/, Doric dm /ha:m/) *sw > *unsw >
*ns (with retraction of accent, hence no Verners Law) > PGmc. *uns (cf. Goth.,
OHG uns);

18
PIE *w we two *w-dwo (for the formation cf. Lith. m-du we two) > PGmc.
*wet, unstressed *wit (cf. Goth., OE wit).
The most important consequence of this sound change was that the 1sg. and 3sg. of the
strong past indicative became identical in form, an accidental syncretism which
was reinterpreted as systematic by native learners in various daughter languages
at various times.
b) PIE word-final *m > *n; subsequently word-final *n was lost in polysyllables with
nasalization of the preceding vowel.
The certain monosyllabic examples all show the addition of a particle of unknown origin:
PIE *tm that (acc. sg. masc.; cf. Skt. tm, Homeric Gk. tn /tn/) > *tn > PGmc.
*an (cf. Goth. ana, OE one);
PIE *kwm which? (acc. sg. masc.; cf. Skt. km which?, whom?) > *kwn whom?
> PGmc. *hwan (cf. Goth. ana, OE hwone);
PIE *m this (acc. sg. masc.; cf. Lith. ) > *kn > PGmc. *hin (cf. OE hine him,
Goth. und hina dag until this day);
PIE *m him (cf. Old Lat. im) > *n > PGmc. *in (cf. Goth. ina).
Polysyllabic examples include neuter o-stem nom.-acc. singulars, non-neuter acc. singulars, the gen. pl. ending, and two 1sg. verb forms:
PIE *yugm yoke (cf. Skt. yugm, Lat. iugum) > *yugn > PGmc. *juka (cf. Goth.
juk, OE eoc; the vowel has been lost in all the literary languages, but is still
written in the oldest Runic Norse, e.g. horna horn on the horn of Gallehus);
PIE *wkwom wolf (acc. sg.) (cf. Skt. vkam, Lat. lupum) > *wlpon > PGmc. *wulfa
(cf. Goth., OE wulf; vowel still written in Runic -wulafa);
PIE *h2wh1neh2m = *[h2wh1nm] wool (acc. sg.) (cf. Skt. rm, Lat. lnam) >
*wlnn > PGmc. *wull (cf. Goth. wulla, OE wulle);
PIE *sth2tim act of standing, place to stand (acc. sg.), remodelled as *sth2tm (cf. Skt.
sthitm) > PGmc. *stadi place (cf. Goth. sta, OE stede);
(post-)PIE *suHnm offspring (acc. sg.) (cf. Skt. snm son) > PGmc. *sunu son
(with short root-vowel for unclear reasons; cf. Goth. sunu, OE sunu);
PIE *nkwt night (acc. sg.) (cf. Lat. noctem, Gk. nkta /nkta/) > *nktun > PGmc.

19
*nahtu (cf. ON ntt with u-umlaut);
PIE *bhrh2troHom of brothers (gen. pl.; cf. Skt. bhr trm, Lat. frtrum) > PGmc.
*brr (cf. OE brra; ON brra, OHG bruodero have innovative stems but
the same ending);
PIE thematic optative 1sg. *-oyh1- (cf. Arkadian Gk. -oia /-oia/ and, with analogically
added -m, Skt. -eyam) > *-oyun > PGmc. *-au (cf. Goth. -au, e.g. in barau I
may carry);
PIE *dhdheh1m = *[dhdhm] I was putting (cf. Skt. dadhm, Gk. tyhn /etthe:n/,
both with the augment prefix) > *ded > PGmc. (*ded >) *ded I did (cf. OS
deda, OHG teta).
c) PIE word-final *d was lost in polysyllables:
PIE thematic opt. 3sg. *-oyd, e.g. in *bhroyd (s)he would carry (cf. Skt. bhret) >
PGmc. *-ai, e.g. in *berai (cf. Goth. barai, OE bere);
PIE thematic opt. 3pl. *-oyh1end, e.g. in *bhroyh1end they would carry (no daughter
language preserves the final stop, which is reconstructed from the internal pattern
of PIE endings, but for the rest of the form cf. Gk. froien /phroien/) > *-ajin >
PGmc. *-ain, e.g. in *berain (cf. Goth. baraina, OE beren, OHG bern);
PIE impf. 3sg. *dhdheh1t (s)he was putting (or *-d after *h1?; in either case, cf. Skt.
dadht with augment *-) > *dhdhd > PGmc. *ded (s)he did (cf. OHG teta;
also weak past 3sg. Goth. -da, Runic Norse -de, ON -i, OE -de, OHG -ta);
PIE impf. 3pl. *dhdhh1d they were putting (cf. Skt. dadhur, with the usual replacement of the zero-grade ending; for the final stop cf. Faliscan f[if]iqod they
made, i.e. [-ond]) > *dedun PGmc. *ddun they did (cf. OHG ttun; also
weak past 3pl. Goth. -dedun); this must also be the analogical source of 3pl. *-un
in the strong past;
PIE thematic abl. sg. *-e-ad (cf. Proto-East Baltic thematic gen. sg. *- > Lith. -o, Latvian
-a; replaced analogically by *-d in most daughters, cf. Oscan -d, Old Lat. -d)
> PGmc. adverb ending *-, e.g. in *ar from there, from then on (cf. Goth.
aro);
PIE *dd ten (cf. Skt. da, Lat. decem, Lith. dimt) > PGmc. *tehun (cf. Goth.

20
tahun);
PIE *mlid, *mlit- honey (cf. Hitt. milit, Luvian mallit, Gk. mli /mli/, mlit/mlit-/) > PGmc. *mili, *milid- (cf. OE mil-daw honeydew, OHG mili-tou
mildew; in Goth. mili the final cons. of the oblique stem has been levelled into
the nom.-acc. sg.).
As ten and the 3pl. endings show, *n which preceded word-final *d was not lost. The
numerals seven and nine have *-n by lexical analogy with ten.
The change of word-final *m to *n and the loss of word-final *d are paralleled in Greek
(for example), but they are obviously natural and repeatable changes.
7. Changes of front vocalics.
a) After stress had been fixed on the initial syllable and word-final *-e had been lost,
unstressed *e was raised to *i unless *r, or (probably) *w in the syllable coda,
followed immediately.
In polysyllables this change is reconstructable mainly because the new *is triggered
i-umlaut in various daughters. The following examples seem secure:
PIE consonant-stem gen. sg. *-s and nom. pl. *-es >() *-ez > PGmc. *-iz, e.g.: PIE
*m s mouse, gen. sg. *mss, nom. pl. *m ses (cf. Skt. m s, ms, m as, Gk.
mw /m:s/, nom. pl. mew /m:es/, Lat. ms, gen. sg. mris) > PGmc. *ms, gen.
sg. *msiz (with Verners Law alternants levelled), nom. pl. *msiz (cf. OE ms,
ms, ms);
PIE neut. s-stem suffix *-os ~ *-es- > PGmc. *-az ~ *-iz-, e.g.: PIE *h2ghos ~ *h2ghesemotional distress (cf. Homeric Gk. xow /khos/, gen. sg. xeow /kheos/) >
PGmc. *agaz ~ *agiz- fear (cf. Goth. agis (remodelled as a neut. a-stem), OE
ee (remodelled as a masc. i-stem));
late PIE *-teh2, suffix forming abstract nouns from adjs. (cf. Skt. nagn-t nakedness;
for the medial vowel cf. also Gk. ret /aret:/ virtue, etc.), > *-e > PGmc.
*-i, e.g. in *strangi strength (cf. OE streng);
PIE *uksn ~ *uksn- ~ *uks- bull (cf. Skt. uk , acc. sg. ukam, gen. sg. uks)
> PGmc. *uhs (nom. sg. remodelled; cf. OE oxa, OHG ohso) ~ *uhsin- (cf.

21
ON yxn-) ~ *uhsn- (cf. Goth. gen. pl. ahsne);
late PIE diminutive suffix *-el- (cf. Lat. -ol- ~ -ul-, e.g. in fliolus little son, rotula little
wheel) > PGmc. *-il- (cf. e.g. OE cyrnel kernel, derived from corn grain);
post-PIE nom. pl. *suHnwes offspring, sons (cf. Skt. snvas sons; for the vowels cf.
Gk. masc. nom. pl. barew heavy) > PGmc. *suniwiz (cf. Goth. sunjus, ON
synir).
There are also some examples in unstressed alternants of personal pronouns, e.g.:
PIE *h2 I (cf. Skt. ahm, Lat. ego, both with innovative second syllables) > PGmc.
*ek, unstressed *ik (cf. ON ek but OE i, OHG ih);
PIE *(m) ge me! (with enclitic emphasizing particle, cf. Gk. mge /emge/) >
PGmc. acc. *mek, unstressed *mik me (cf. Anglian OE mec but ON mik, OHG
mih).
Before *r this raising did not occur; *e either remained or became *a (its difficult to tell
which):
PIE *nteros other (of two) (see above under (4, *t)) > PGmc. *aneraz or *anaraz (cf.
Goth. anar, ON annarr, OE er, OF ther, OS ar, OHG andar).
Unstressed tautosyllabic *ew apparently > *ow, which eventually > PGmc. *au (see (8)
below):
post-PIE gen. sg. *suHnws offsprings (cf. Skt. sns sons; for the vowel cf. Gk.
masc. gen. sg. barow heavy) > PGmc. *sunauz (cf. Goth. sunaus, ON sonar,
OE suna).
(Contrast the development of nom. pl. *-wes above.)
b) After the raising in (a) had occurred, *e was raised to *i if a high front vocalic occurred in the next syllable. Note the following examples:
PIE *shos ~ *shes- control, power (cf. Skt. shas, Av. haz; the verb survives in
Gk. xein /khe:n/ to have) > *segaz ~ *segiz- > PGmc. *segaz ~ *sigizvictory (cf. Goth. sigis, reanalyzed as an neut. a-stem; ON sigr, OE sie, OHG
sigi-, reanalyzed as a masc. i-stem);
PIE *bhresi you are carrying, *bhreti (s)he is carrying (cf. Skt. bhrasi, bhrati,
OCS berei, beret) > *berizi, *beridi > PGmc. *birizi, *biridi (cf. OE birst, bir,

22
OHG biris, birit);
PIE *gwhdhyeti (s)he is asking for, *gwhdhyonti they are asking for (cf. Av.
aiieiti, aiieinti) > *bedjidi, *bedjondi > PGmc. *bidii, *bidjani (cf. OE
bitt, bidda, OHG bitit, bittent);
PIE *mlid, *mlit- honey (cf. Hitt. milit, Luvian mallit, Gk. mli /mli/, mlit/mlit-/) > *melit, *melid- > PGmc. *mili, *milid- (cf. Goth. mili; OE mildaw
honeydew, OHG militou mildew);
PIE *nwios new (cf. Welsh newydd, Skt. nvias; derivative of *nwos, cf. Hitt. nwas,
Lat. novos) > PGmc. *niwjaz (by the converse of Sievers Law; cf. Goth. niujis,
OE newe, OHG niuwi);
PIE *mdhyos middle (cf. Skt. mdhyas, Lat. medius) > PGmc. *midjaz (cf. Goth.
midjis, ON mir, OE midd, OHG mitti).
Note especially an adverb which occurred with and without the deictic particle *-i:
PIE *upr(i) over, above (cf. Skt. upri, Gk. pr /hupr/) > *ufr, *ufri > PGmc.
*uber, *ubiri (cf. OHG obar, ubiri; OE ofer but ON yfir).
If this was a phonetically natural change it should also have affected *ey, yielding PGmc.
*, and that is what we find. Examples are numerous; typical are:
PIE *deyws god (cf. Skt. devs, Lat. deus, dv-) > PGmc. *Twaz, name of the war
god (cf. OE Tw in Twes-d Tuesday);
PIE *wydws knowing (pf. ptc., cf. Gk. efidw /eid:s/ with shifted accent and Skt.
vidv n with more extensive remodelling) > PGmc. *wtwd- witness (cf.
Goth. weitwod-);
PIE *h3myhonti theyre urinating (cf. Skt. mhanti, Gk. mexousi /omikho:si/) >
PGmc. *mgandi (cf. OE mga);
PIE *bhydhonti they trust (vel sim.; cf. Lat. fdunt they trust, Gk. (mid.) peyontai
/pithontai/ they believe) > PGmc. *bdandi they wait (for) (cf. Goth. beidand,
ON ba, OE bda, OHG btant).
(Note that Gothic ei = //; it does not reflect retention of the diphthong.)
The last two examples are typical class I strong verbs, all of which are further examples.
This is the only i-umlaut which occurred in all Germanic languages. In Gothic the

23
direct evidence has been destroyed by a subsequent merger of *i and *e; but since
this change preceded the ones in (c) below, which occurred before the PGmc.
period (and are reflected in Gothic), we know that it was also a pre-PGmc. sound
change.
This sound change remained a productive rule in PGmc., giving rise to a pervasive alternation between surface *e and *i.
c) After the change described in (b) had run its course, *j was lost whenever *i followed
immediately (regardless of what preceded); *j was also lost between vowels,
unless the preceding vowel was *i. In other words:
*Cji > *Ci; *iji > *ii; other *ijV did not change; other *VjV > *VV.
Most of the vowels brought into hiatus by the loss of *j subsequently contracted. If both
were short, the result was a bimoric long vowel or a diphthong; if at least one was
long, the result was a trimoric long vowel.
Examples of the loss of *j in the sequence *Cji (which is typically restored in Gothic):
PIE *gwhdhyeti (s)he is asking for, *gwhdhyonti they are asking for > *bidjidi,
*bidjondi > PGmc. *bidii, *bidjani (cf. Goth. bidji, bidjand, ON bir,
bija, OE bitt, bidda, OHG bitit, bittent);
PIE *lghyeti (s)hes lying down, *lghyonti theyre lying down > *ligjidi, *ligjondi
> PGmc. *ligii, *ligjani (cf. OE li, licga, OHG ligit, liggent; ON inf.
liggja);
PIE *h2ryeti hes plowing, *h2ryonti theyre plowing (cf. Lith. ria, MIr. airid) >
*arjidi, *arjondi > PGmc. *arii, *arjani (cf. OE ere, eria, OHG erit, erient;
Goth. ptc. arjands);
PIE *kh2piti (s)he is grasping, *kh2pinti they are grasping > *kapyti, *kapynti
(by the converse of Sievers Law, as also in Lat. capit (s)he takes, capiunt they
take) > *habjii, *habjoni > PGmc. *habii (s)he lifts, *habjani they lift
(cf. Goth. hafji, hafjand, ON hefr, hefja, OE hefe, hebba, OHG hefit, heffent);
PIE *wosyeti (s)he clothes, *wosyonti they clothe (cf. Hitt. wassezzi, wassanzi, Skt.
vsyati, vsyanti) > *wozijidi, *wozijondi > *wozjidi, *wozjondi (by the
converse of Sievers Law) > PGmc. *wazii, *wazjani (cf. Goth. wasji,

24
wasjand, OE were, weria, OHG werit, werient).
Examples of *iji:
PIE *tryes three (nom. masc.; cf. Skt. tryas, Gk. trew /tr:s/, Lat. trs) > *rjes >
*rijiz > PGmc. *rz (cf. ON rr; OE re has added the strong adj. nom. pl.
ending);
PIE *wy we (cf. Skt. vay-m) *wy-es (with the default nom. pl. ending, cf. Hitt.
ws) > *wijiz > PGmc. *wz (cf. Goth. weis) ~ *wiz (with reduction of the vowel
when unstressed, cf. ON vr, OE w);
PIE nom. pl. *ghsteyes strangers (cf. Lat. hosts enemies, with the same contraction
as in trs) > *gostijiz > PGmc. *gastz guests (cf. Goth. gasteis, ON gestir,
OHG gesti);
PIE *seh2gieti (s)he gives a sign, *seh2gionti they give a sign (cf. Hitt. skizzi,
skianzi; Lat. sgre to be keen-nosed) > *skijii, *skijoni > PGmc. *ski
(s)he seeks, *skijani they seek (cf. Goth. sokei, sokjand, OE sc, sa);
PIE *h2h2owsiti (s)he is sharp-eared, *h2h2owsinti they are sharp-eared (cf. Gk.
koein /akue:n/ to hear) > *houzijii, *houzijoni > PGmc. *hauzi (s)he
hears, *hauzijani they hear (cf. Goth. hausei, hausjand, OE her, hera);
PIE *w#yti (s)he is working, *w#ynti they are working (cf. Av. vrziieiti,
vrzinti) > *wurgiti, *wurginti (by reapplication of Sievers Law) >
*wurkijii, *wurkijoni > PGmc. *wurki (s)he works/makes, *wurkijani
they work/make (cf. Goth. warkei, warkjand, OE wyrc, wyra);
PIE *wortyeti (s)he turns it, *wortyonti they turn it (cf. Skt. vartyati, vartyanti) >
*wordijidi, *wordijondi > PGmc. *(fra-)wardi, *(fra-)wardijani (s)he, they
ruin it (*turn it wrong; cf. Goth. frawardei, frawardjand, OE (for)wiert,
(for)wierda, OHG arwertit, arwertent).
Examples of the loss of *j in other *VjV-sequences:
PIE thematic optative 1sg. *-oyh1- (cf. Arkadian Gk. -oia /-oia/ and, with analogically
added -m, Skt. -eyam) > *-oyun > PGmc. *-au (cf. Goth. -au, e.g. in barau I
may carry);
PIE thematic optative 3pl. *-oyh1-end (cf. Gk. -oien /-oien/) > *-oyin > PGmc. *-ain

25
(cf. OHG -n, OE -en, e.g. respectively in bern, beren; extended with a particle
in Goth. -aina, e.g. in baraina);
PIE *yeri in the morning (cf. Av. aiiar day, Gk. hriston /:riston/ breakfast <
*yeri-h1d-s-to- eaten in the morning) > *ajiri > PGmc. *airi early (cf. Goth.
air, ON r, OE r, OHG r);
PIE *yos ~ *yes- copper (cf. Skt. yas metal, iron Lat. aes bronze; I suggest the
meaning of the protoform on the grounds that PIE was clearly spoken in the
neolithic period) > *ajaz ~ *ajiz- > PGmc. *aiz bronze (cf. Goth. aiz, ON eir,
OE r, OHG r);
PIE *steh2- to stand (cf. aor. 3sg. Skt. stht, Gk. sth /ste:/ (s)he stood up), innovative pres. *sth2-y/- or stative *sth2-h1y/- (cf. OCS 3sg. stojit) > *staja- ~
*staji- > PGmc. *st- ~ *stai- (cf. OF, OS, OHG stn beside OHG stn);
PIE *bhuh2- to become (cf. aorist 3sg. Skt. bht, Gk. f! /phu:/), innovative pres.
*bhuh2-ye/o- (cf. Gk. f@esyai, Lat. fier) > *bji- ~ *bja- be > PGmc. *bi- ~
*ba- dwell (cf. ON ba, 3sg. br, OE ban, 3sg. b);
PIE pres. *snh1ye/o- to spin (cf. Gk. nn /n:n/, Lat. nre; Skt. sn yati (s)he wraps,
OIr. snid (s)he twists) > PGmc. *n- ~ *na- sew (cf. OHG nen, nwen);
PIE pres. *h2wh1- ~ *h2wh1- to blow (cf. 3sg. Skt. v ti, Homeric Gk. hsi /e:si/)
> *wh1ye/o- (cf. OCS 3sg. vjet) > *wji ~ *wja- > PGmc. *w- ~ *wa(cf. Goth. waian, OE 3sg. wwe);
PIE *seh1- to sow (cf. Lat. perf. svit (s)he sowed), innovative pres. *sh1ye/o- (cf.
3sg. Lith. s$ja, OCS sjet) > *sji- ~ *sja- > PGmc. *s- ~ *sa- (cf. Goth.
saian, ON s, 3sg. sr, OE swan, 3sg. sw, OHG s(j)en, swen).
Contraction to a trimoric vowel occurred in forms of class II weak presents, e.g. (postPIE?) denominative *solpeh2y/- anoint:
indic. 3sg. *solpeh2yti > *salbjii > PGmc. *salbi (cf. Goth. salbo, OE sealfa,
OHG salbt);
indic. 3pl. *solpeh2ynti > *salbjani > PGmc. *salbni (cf. Goth. salbond, OHG
salbnt);
opt. 3sg. *solpeh2yyd > *salbjait > PGmc. *salb (cf. Goth., OHG salbo);

26
opt. 3pl. *solpeh2yyh1end > *salbjajint > PGmc. *salbn (cf. Goth. salbona, OHG
salbn);
opt. 1sg. *solpeh2yyh1 > *salbjajun > PGmc. *salb (cf. Goth., OHG salbo).
Note that the pre-PGmc. sequences *ji, *ja, *jai, *jaji, *jaju all eventuated in PGmc.
trimoric *, which was also the outcome of much older contractions.
Loss of intervocalic *y (*j) occurred fairly early in every subgroup except Indo-Iranian
and Balto-Slavic, but it was obviously an independent parallel innovation.
8. Mergers of nonhigh back vowels.
*a and *o merged as *a; * and * merged eventually as *, but there is some evidence
that the outcome of the merger was at first *, which was only subsequently
rounded and raised to *. Presumably the trimoric vowels underwent the same
changes. Examples can be multiplied almost indefinitely.
Examples of the short vowels (including *e colored by laryngeals):
PIE *tta dad (cf. Gk. tta /tta/, Lat. atta, both used as respectful forms of address
for old men; Hitt. attas father) > PGmc. *att (cf. Goth. atta father);
PIE *h2ros pasture field (cf. Skt. jras, Lat. ager) > PGmc. *akraz (cf. Goth.
akrs, OE cer);
PIE *h2wis ~ *h2wi- sheep (cf. Lycian acc. sg. xaw, Skt. vis, Lat. ovis) > PGmc.
*awiz (cf. Goth. awistr sheepfold);
PIE *h3r, *h3ron- ~*h3#n- eagle (cf. Hitt. hras, hran-; Gk. rn1w /rni:s/ bird)
> *or, *orn- > PGmc. *ar, *arn- (cf. Goth. ara, OE earn, OHG aro, arn);
PIE *h3sdos branch (cf. Gk. zow /sdos/; Hitt. hasdur twigs, brush) > *sdos >
PGmc. *astaz (cf. Goth. asts, OHG ast);
PIE *rsos arse (Hitt. rras, Gk. rrow /rros/) > PGmc. *arsaz (cf. OE ears);
PIE *ktus fight (cf. OIr. cath battle; Luvian kattawatnallis plaintiff) > PGmc.
*hauz battle (cf. OE heau-, OHG hadu-; ON Hor, name of the god of
battle);
PIE *smh2dhos sand (cf. Gk. mayow /mathos/) > *smdhos > PGmc. *samdaz (cf.
ON sandr, OE sand);

27
PIE *hns goose (cf. Gk. xn /kh:n/, Lith. ass) > PGmc. *gans (cf. OE gs, OHG
gans);
PIE *kpros male (animal) (cf. Gk. kprow /kpros/ boar, Lat. caper he-goat) >
PGmc. *hafraz he-goat (cf. ON hafr, OE hfer);
PIE *dayh2wr brother-in-law (cf. Skt. dev , Homeric Gk. *dayawr > dar /da::r/) >
*taikwr > PGmc. *taikuraz (remodelled on *swehuraz father-in-law; cf. OE
tcor, OHG zeihhur);
post-PIE *kykos one-eyed (cf. OIr. cech; Lat. caecus blind) > PGmc. *haihaz (cf.
Goth. haihs);
PIE *kaw(H)- to strike (cf. Lith. kuti to beat, Toch. B kautsi to kill) > PGmc.
*hawwana to chop (cf. ON hoggva, OE hawan);
PIE *ghstis stranger (cf. Lat. hostis enemy, OCS gost guest) > PGmc. *gastiz
guest (cf. Goth. gasts, OE iest);
PIE *onk- to hang (cf. 3sg. Hitt. gnki; Skt. kate is indecisive, worries) > PGmc.
*hanhana (cf. OE hn, OHG hhan; Goth. hhan to suspend (judgment));
PIE *mbhos row of teeth (cf. Skt. pl. jmbhsas; Gk. gmfow /gmphos/ peg) >
PGmc. *kambaz comb (cf. ON kambr, OE camb);
PIE *wyde (s)he knows (cf. Skt. vda, Gk. ode /ide/) > PGmc. *wait (cf. Goth. wait,
OE wt);
PIE *lwkos clearing (cf. Lith. lakas field, Lat. lcus grove) > PGmc. *lauhaz (cf.
OE lah meadow, OHG lh copse, grove).
Examples of the long vowels:
PIE *sw dus pleasant, sweet (*swh2dus?; cf. Skt. svds, Gk. dw /he:ds/) >
*swtuz > PGmc. *swtuz PNWGmc. *swtiz (cf. ON str, OE swte);
PIE *wrh2d- ~ *w#h2d- root (cf. Lat. rdx) > *wrt- ~ *wurt- > PGmc. *wrt- ~
*wurt- (cf. Goth. warts, ON rt; OE wyrt plant);
PIE *h2wh1neh2 wool (cf. Hitt. hulana-, Skt. r, Lat. lna, Lith. pl. vlnos) > *wuln
> PGmc. *wull (cf. Goth. wulla, OE wull);
PIE *h2wh1neh2m wool (acc.) > *wulnm > *wull > PGmc. *wull (cf. Goth. wulla,
OE wulle);

28
PIE *p$ds foot (nom. sg.) (cf. Skt. p t, Doric Gk. pw /p:s/) > *ft- > PGmc. *ft(cf. Goth. fotus, OE ft);
PIE *kwetw$r four (neut.) (cf. Skt. catv ri, Lat. quattuor) > *fedwr > PGmc.
*fedwr (cf. Goth. fidwor, OE fower);
(post-)PIE *bhleh3- bloom, flower (cf. Lat. fls flower) > *bhl- > *bl- > PGmc.
*bl- (cf. Goth. bloma flower, OE blstm flower, blwan to bloom);
PIE *dhh1mos thing put (cf. Greek yvmw /tho:ms/ heap) > *dh$mos > *dmaz >
PGmc. *dmaz judgment (cf. Goth. doms, OE dm);
PIE *sh2w sun (cf. Lat. sl; for the laryngeal cf. Gk. liow /h:lios/, Homeric liow
/e:lios/ < *swel- < *seh2wel-) > *s$w > *swul > *swul > ?PGmc. *sl (cf.
ON sl);
PIE thematic pres. indic. 1sg. *-oh2 (cf. Lat. -, Lith. -) > *- > *- > PGmc. *- (cf.
Goth. -a, ON 0, OHG, Anglian OE -u);
PIE h1nh3m nomenclature, names (collective) (cf. Skt. pl. n m) > *n$m >
*nam9 > PGmc. *nam (cf. Goth. namo, OE nama, OHG namo);
PIE o-stem nom. pl. masc. *-oes (cf. Skt. -s, Oscan -s) > *-9z > PGmc. *-z (cf. Goth.
-os, OE -as);
PIE gen. pl. *-oHom (cf. Skt. -m (often disyllabic in the Rigveda), Gk. -vn /-o:n/) >
*-9 > PGmc. *- (cf. Goth. (fem.) -o, OE -a, OHG -o);
PIE eh2-stem nom. pl. *-eh2es (cf. Skt. -s, Lith. -s) > *-9z > PGmc. *-z (cf. Goth. -os,
OE -a, OHG (adj.) -o).
Both mergers also occurred in Slavic (with opposite outcomes!), but only the merger of
short vowels in Baltic. These were clearly independent parallel innovations.