Human beings can be proactive and engaged or, alternatively, passive and

alienated, largely as a function of the social conditions in which they develop and
function.
Accordingly, research guided by self-determination theory has focused on the social
contextual conditions that facilitate versus forestall the natural processes of selfmotivation and healthy psychological development.
Specifically, factors have been examined that enhance versus undermine intrinsic
motivation, self-regulation, and well-being. The findings have led to the postulate of
three innate psychological needscompetence, autonomy, and relatednesswhich
when satisfied yield enhanced self-motivation and mental health and when thwarted
lead to diminished motivation and well-being.
Do parents have any important long-term effects on the development of their child's
personality? This article examines the evidence and concludes that the answer is no.
A new theory of development is proposed: that socialization is context-specific and
that outside-the-home socialization takes place in the peer groups of childhood and
adolescence. Intra- and intergroup processes, not dyadic relationships, are
responsible for the transmission of culture and for environmental modification of
children's personality characteristics.
The universality of children's groups explains why development is not derailed by the
wide variations in parental behavior found within and between societies.

Self-esteem, the affective or evaluative appraisal of one's self, is linked with

adaptive personality functioning: high self-esteem is associated with
psychological health benefits (e.g. subjective well-being, absence of
depression and anxiety), effective coping with illness, and satisfactory social
relationships.
Although several pathways have been hypothesized to effect within-family
transmission of self-esteem (e.g. parenting style, family relationship patterns),
we focus in this article on genetic influences.
Genetic studies on both global and domain-specific self-esteem and on both
level and stability of self-esteem converge in showing that (i) genetic
influences on self-esteem are substantial, (ii) shared environmental influences
are minimal, and (iii) non-shared environmental influences explain the largest
amount of variance in self-esteem.
We advocate that understanding of current issues in self-esteem research will
be enriched by including behavioural genetic approaches

[N Branden]
Self-esteem is the experience that we are appropriate to life and to the
requirements of life. More specifically, self-esteem is

1. Confidence in our ability to think and to cope with the basic challenges
of life.
2. Confidence in our right to be happy, the feeling of being worthy,
deserving, entitled to assert our needs and wants and to enjoy the
fruits of our efforts.
By self-esteem we refer to the evaluation that the individual makes and
customarily maintains with regard to himself. It expresses an attitude of
approval or disapproval, and indicates the extent to which the individual
believes himself to be capable, significant, successful, and worthy. In short,
self-esteem is a personal judgment of worthiness that is expressed in the
attitudes the individual holds toward himself.

[Human autonomy: The basis for true self-esteem.

Deci, Edward L.; Ryan, Richard M.]
introduce and elaborate upon a critical distinction between what [the authors] call
"contingent" and "true" self-esteem / contingent self-esteem involves feelings of selfworth that are dependent on matching standards of excellence or expectations (i.e.,
ego involvement) /
it is thought to be associated with various narcissistic and defensive processes that
reveal less than optimal psychological well-being / true self-esteem is more solidly
based and stable, and it reflects positive mental health / discuss how this distinction
fits into [the authors'] well-known theory of self-determination / describe in detail
various self-regulatory processes that are thought to promote either contingent or
true self-esteem / discuss how these various self-regulatory processes are related to
mental health, and . . . describe the social conditions that are thought to promote
self-determination and the development of true self-esteem

[Parental Behavior and Adolescent

Viktor Gecas and Michael L. Schwalbe
Journal of Marriage and Family]

Self-Esteem

In this study we examine the relationship between parental behavior as

reported by parents, children's perceptions of parental behavior, and the
effects of each on various aspects of children's self-evaluationsspecifically,
self-worth, self-efficacy, and general self-esteem.
The study is based on a sample of 128 families, each consisting of a mother,
a father, and a child in late adolescence (17 to 19 years of age). We found
little correspondence between parents' reports of their behavior (on measures
of control/autonomy, support, and participation) and children's perceptions of
this behavior.
Furthermore, children's self-evaluations were much more strongly related to
their perceptions of parental behavior than to parents' self-reported behavior.

Boys' self-esteem was found to be more sensitive to the control/autonomy

aspect of parental behavior; girls' self-esteem was more strongly affected by
parental support and participation.
In general, perceptions of paternal behavior were somewhat more
consequential for adolescent self-esteem than were perceptions of maternal
behavior, and surprisingly, these parent-child interaction variables were found
to be more strongly related to boys' self-esteem than to girls' self-esteem.
These findings tend to support the symbolic interactionist perspective on the
development of self-concept.
[The Costly Pursuit of Self-Esteem.
Crocker, Jennifer; Park, Lora E.]
Researchers have recently questioned the benefits associated with having high selfesteem.
The authors propose that the importance of self-esteem lies more in how people
strive for it rather than whether it is high or low.
They argue that in domains in which their self-worth is invested, people adopt the
goal to validate their abilities and qualities, and hence their self-worth.
When people have self-validation goals, they react to threats in these domains in
ways that undermine learning; relatedness; autonomy and self-regulation; and over
time, mental and physical health.
The short-term emotional benefits of pursuing self-esteem are often outweighed by
long-term costs.
Previous research on self-esteem is reinterpreted in terms of self-esteem striving.
Cultural roots of the pursuit of self-esteem are considered.
Finally, the alternatives to pursuing self-esteem, and ways of avoiding its costs, are
discussed
[The high price of materialism Tim Kasser]
Whereas first and third worlds could formerly be distinguished along national
boundaries, increasingly, and in most countries, one finds relatively insulate pockets
of wealth surrounded by ever widening fields of impoverishment. Most of the worlds
population is now growing up in winner-take-all economies, where the main goal of
individual is to get whatever they can for themselves: to each according to his greed.
Within this economic landscape, selfishness and materialism are no longer being
seen as moral problems but as cardinal goals of life.
This global reality exists,
however, only because people, and I mean each one of us, can so readily be
converted to the religions of consumerism and materialism. Vast numbers of us
have been seduced into believing that having more wealth and material possessions
is essential to the good life.
Chase after money and security and your heart will never unclench.
Care about peoples approval and you will be their prisoner.
Do you work, then step back. The only path to serenity.

Ancient sages Although we may nod our heads in recognition of this ancient
wisdom, such advice is largely drowned out by todays consumeristic hubbubof
messages proclaiming that material pursuits, accumulation of things, and
presentation of the right image provide real worth, deep satisfactions, and a
genuinely meaningful life. Newspaper headline exalt the local lottery winner. Get
rich quick books climb to the tops of best seller lists. Multicolor ads flash on Web
pages. Happiness can be found at the mall, on the Internet, or in the catalogue.
Both types of messages about the value of materialism co-exist in contemporary life,
and it can be difficult to know whether to follow the sages or the celebrities. Who is
right? Will the pursuit of money and possessions bring about the good life? Or
are the promises of consumer society false?
What is the value of materialism? We receive conflicting answers. We can ask the
government, but while politicians worry about popular consumer culture has
displaced community and family values, economic considerations play an
overwhelmingly central role in the decisions of most elected officials. We can turn
to religious leaders, but while the Bible says that a person who cares about wealth
will have trouble entering the kingdom of heaven, televangelists with toothy smiles
pull in millions of dollars contributed by their viewers. We can ask wealthy people,
Malcolm Forbes replies, Money isnt everything, as long as you have enough.
If we turn to psychology for answers we find that it is similarly ambivalent about
materialistic values. On the one hand, much of the work conducted by evolutionary
and behavioral psychologists is quite compatible with the notion that attainment of
wealth and status is of great importance. Evolution-based theories suggests that the
desire to be perceived as wealthy, attractive and of high status may be built in our
genes, as these characteristics enabled our ancestors to survive. B.F. Skinner hold
that the successful attainment of external rewards is a motivator of all behavior, and
indeed fundamental to individuals adaptation to society.
Although behavioral and
evolutionary theories largely dominated American academic psychology, humanistic
and existential thinkers voiced a sharply contrasting opinion about the worth of
materialistic pursuits.
Although they acknowledged the fact that some level of
material comfort is necessary to provide for humans basic physical needs, these
psychologists proposed that a focus on materialistic values detracts from well-being
and happiness.
Humanistic and existential psychologists tend to place qualities
such as authentic self-expression, intimate relationships, and contribution to the
community at the core of their notions of psychological health. From their viewpoint
a strong focus on materialistic pursuits not only distracts people from experiences
conducive to psychological growth and health, but signals a fundamental alienation
from what is truly meaningful. For example, when spouses spend most of their time
working to make money, they neglect opportunities to be with each other and do
what most interests them. No matter how many fancy designer clothes, cars, or
jewels they might obtain, no matter how big their house or how up todate their
electronic equipment, the lost opportunity to engage in pleasurable activities and
enjoy each other companionship will work against need satisfaction and thus against
psychological health.
Research on the happiness of wealthy and poor people makes it clear that how much
we have bears relatively little relationship to our well being, beyond the point of
ensuring sufficient food, shelter, and clothing to survive.
To fully understand its
impact on peoples lives, we must explore how materialistic wants relate to wellbeing. Because society tells us repeatedly that money and possessions will make
us happy, and that they are significant goals for which we should strive, we often
organized our lives around pursuing them But what happens to our well being when

our desires and goals to attain wealth and accumulate possessions become
prominent?
What happens to our internal experience and interpersonal
relationships when we adopt the messages of consumer culture as personal beliefs?
What happens to the quality of our lives when we value materialism?