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A GENERAL MODEL OF REFUGEE MIGRATION:


HOME, DISPLACEMENT, AND HOST-RELATED FACTORS IN THE
RESETTLEMENT OF SOMALI REFUGEES IN OTTAWA

by

Stephen Gwynne-Vaughan, B.A.

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A thesis submitted to the


Faculty o f Graduate Studies and Research
in partial fulfilm ent o f the requirements fo r the degree o f

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Master o f Arts

Department o f Geography
Carleton University
Ottawa, Ontario
May, 1999

copyright
1999, Stephen Gwynne-Vaughan

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and Research acceptance o f the thesis

A GENERAL MODEL OF REFUGEE MIGRATION:


Home, Displacem ent, and Host-related Factors in the

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Resettlem ent o f Somali Refugees in O ttaw a

subm itted by Stephen Gwynne-Vaughan, B A .


in p a rtia l fu lfilm e n t o f the requirem ents fo r the

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degree o f Master o f Arts

tesis Supervi

h a ir, De]

tent ol

tphy

Carleton U niversity
Date:

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A b s tra c t:
An im proved understanding o f recurrent refugee m igration requires more
com parative research on the causes and outcomes o f involuntary m igration. As a
contribution to the construction o f a comprehensive m odel o f forced m igration
useful fo r cross-case studies, this research project provides a general fram ew ork o f
home, displacem ent, and host-related m ig ratio n factors and resettlem ent
outcomes, along w ith insights gained fro m a prelim inary fie ld test to fine-tune the

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model. The general refugee m igration m odel is applied in an analysis o f


qualitative data obtained from interview s w ith a strategic sample o f th irty Somali
refugees during resettlem ent in O ttawa. The explanatory value o f the m odel is
assessed, and its usefulness as a too l to im prove our understanding o f the causes
and consequences o f forced m ig ra tions is evaluated. Results o f the analysis are

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also reported to contribute to an understanding o f links between factors o f


m igration and outcomes o f resetdem ent fo r Somali refugees in O ttaw a.

iii

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Acknow ledgem ents


Special thanks to M om and Dad for th e ir suppers, support and security.
Obrigado to Darlene Azevedo fo r her patience and confidence. M erci to the
Honourable Jacques H ubert, O.C. fo r his leadership, and fo r the start on m y
career. I am grateful to Jean-Paul M urray and C hristiane Saumur fo r friendship,
and a bed and breakfasts. Thanks to V illia Jefremovas fo r inform ation,
m otivation, and great parties. I appreciate the w o rk o f Hazel Anderson who led

me through the maze o f rules and regulations. I benefited greatly from teaching

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by Simon Dalby and Fiona Mackenzie who fed me new ideas, focussed m y w ork
w ith insights, challenged me to m eet rigorous standards, and provided sound
guidance to help me com plete th is project. 1 am th a n kfu l fo r the financial
assistance from The N eil Huckvale M em orial Scholarship w hich allow ed me to

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devote tim e to m y studies. I extend a warm welcom e to Somalis in O ttawa, I


w ish the Somali Center success and support, and I hope fo r peace in Somalia.

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Table o f C o n ten t*
Acceptance fo rm ............................................................................................................. ii
A b stra ct...................................................................................................................... iii
Acknowledgements......................................................
iv
Tables o f Contents .........................................................................................................v
List o f T a b le s............................................................................................................... v ii
List o f Figures............................................................................................................. ix

CHAPTER 1: INTRO DUCTIO N...................................................................................1


M igration and g e o p o litics................................................................................ 3
Who Is a Refugee? ........................................................................................... 9

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CHAPTER 2: REFUGEE MIGRATION MODELS .................................................... 16


Kunzs A nalytical Fram ework fo r Refugees: Models o f Refugees in
F lig h t and Refugees in Exile, and R esettlem ent.............................. 19
Hom e-related factors o f refugee m ig ra tio n .......................... 20
Displacem ent-related factors o f refugee m ig ra tio n
26
H ost-related factors o f refugee m ig ra tio n ............................ 29
R um baufs General M odel o f M ig ratio n, Adaptation and M ental
H e a lth ..................................................................................................34
P re-arrival co n te xt....................................................................34
Post-arrival c o n te x t................................................................. 35
Bascoms M odel o f Refugee Resettlem ent .......................................36
F lig h t And m igrant v a ria b le s..................................................36
Resettlem ent variables ...........................................................38
Resettlem ent outcom es...........................................................38

CHAPTER 3: A GENERAL MODEL OF REFUGEE M IG RATIO N............................ 40


Hom e-Related Factors o f Refugee M ig ra tio n .................................. 40
Displacem ent- Related Factors o f Refugee M ig ra tio n ......................47
Host-Related Factors o f Refugee M ig ra tio n .....................................55
Resettlem ent O utcom es......................................................................62
CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH M ETHO DS......................................................................66
O bjectives ........................................................................................... 66
Q ua litative research............................................................................ 68

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CHAPTER 5: REFUGEE MIGRATION FROM SOMALIA:


HOME-RELATED FACTORS...............................................................77
M acro-level Push F a cto rs................................................................... 77
Refugee A ttributes and Resettlem ent Outcomes ............................ 96
Household Level Refugee M otivations fo r E x it...............................110
Ide ntifica tion /M a rgin alisatio n and M igration ........................... 120
Summary o f analysis o f home-related factors o f Som ali
refugee m igration ............................................................................ 127

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CHAPTER 6 : DISPLACEMENT FACTORS RELATED TO MIGRATION BY


SOMALI REFUGEES........................................................................ 129
Displacem ent by F lig ht o r by Absence, and Outcomes o f
R esetdem ent.....................................................................................129
K inetic Types o f Refugee M o ve m e n t..............................................132
A ttitudes to Displacement and Resettlement O utcom es............... 139
F lig h t Conditions and Resettlem ent Outcomes .............................142
Pressures in A sylu m .......................................................................... 157
Summary o f analysis o f displacement-related factors o f
Som ali refugee m igration ................................................................. 162

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CHAPTER 7: HOST FACTORS RELATED TO MIGRATION BY SOMALI


REFUGEES......................................................................................... 164
Canadian Refugee P o lic ie s ............................................................... 164
Social R eceptiveness........................................................................ 178
Incom e Fam ing and Educational O p p o rtu n itie s.............................189
C u ltura l C om patibility and Resettlem ent Outcomes .................... 192
P opulation Factors and Resettlem ent Outcomes ...........................197
D uration o f Exile and Resettlem ent O utcom es...............................200
Ideological-N ationalist O rientations and Resettlem ent
O utcom es........................................................................................... 202
Summary o f analysis o f host-related factors o f m igration by
Som ali refugees...................................................................................207
CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSIONS..................................................................................209

APPENDIX.................................................................................................................229
BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................................................................................ 244
vi

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List o f Table*

T ab le 1:

Respondents b y la st year o f school com pleted


p rio r to a rriva l in Canada.................................................................103

T ab le 2:

Education p rio r to m igration related to


resetdem ent outcom es..................................................................... 104

T ab le 3:

English skills p rio r to m igration related to


resetdement outcom es...................................................

106

Inform ation about destination and resetdem ent outcomes ------- 108

T ab le 5 :

Previous in te rna tion al travel and resetdem ent outcom es

T ab le 6:

Lists o f e xit m otives by ty p e ............................................................. 112

T ab le 7 :

M otivations fo r e x it from Somalia, by type and respondent

T able 8:

Types o f m otivations fo r exit related to resetdem ent outcomes . 119

T able 9:

N ational id en tifrca tion /m a rgina lity o f respondents p rio r to exit 123

T ab le 10:

N ational identification/m arginalisation and resetdem ent


outcom es........................................................................................... 126

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T able 4:

109

114

T able 11:

Forms o f displacem ent o f respondents from S o m a lia ................... 130

T ab le 12:

Types o f kin e tic refugee movements by Som ali respondents . . . 133

T able 13:

A ttitudes tow ards displacement and resetdem ent outcomes

T ab le 14:

Values and resetdem ent outcom es.................................................. 185

T able 15:

Em ploym ent status and resetdement outcom es............................ 191

v ii

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141

List o f Table* in Appendix


T a b le
T a b le
T a b le
T a b le
T a b le
T a b le

A:
B:
C:
D:
E:
F:

T a b le G :
T a b le H :

I:
J:
K:
L:
M:
N:
O:
P:
Q:
R:

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T a b le
T a b le
T a b le
T a b le
T a b le
T a b le
T a b le
T a b le
T a b le
T a b le

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T a b le S:

T a b le T :
T a b le U :

T a b le V :
T a b le W :
T a b le X :

Clan-Based Arm ed Factions and th e ir leaders, by region 1993. . 229


The six m ajor clan fam ilies and clans in S o m a lia ........................... 230
Geographic o rig in o f respondents ................................................... 230
O rig in o f respondents, by stated clan a ffilia tio n ............................. 231
Resetdem ent outcomes o f re sp o n d e n ts.......................................... 232
Age upon departure from Somalia re lated to
resettlem ent outcom es......................................................................233
Gender related to resettlem ent o u tc o m e s
.....................233
M ig ratio n netw orks before a rriva l re lated to
resetdem ent outcom es......................................................................234
Forms o f displacem ent and resetdem ent outcom es....................... 234
K in etic movements and resetdem ent o u tc o m e s ........................... 235
D eparture from Somalia o f respondents by year, g e n d e r
235
Speed o f flig h t and resetdement outcom es .................................... 236
Chain m igration by respondents p rio r to a rriva l in Canada . . . . 236
C ountries o f tem porary asylum fo r respondents ........................... 237
Borders crossed and resetdem ent outcom es ..................................237
Duress during flig h t from Somalia p rio r to arrival in Canada . . . 238
Pressures in asylum and resetdem ent outcomes ........................... 238
Som ali Claims fo r Refugee Status in Canada, claims referred
and fina lized January 01,1989 to J u ly 10,1997 .......................... 239
Perm anent residents adm itted from Som alia, a ll im m igration
categories, by intended destination in the N ational Capital
R e g io n ................................................................................................239
D uration o f resetdem ent period and resetdem ent outcomes . . . 240
Duress upon departure from Som alia, duress during in te rim
flig h t, distress during resetdem ent ................................................ 241
Duress, distress and resetdement outcom es.................................... 242
Ideological-nationalist stance o f respondents
du rin g rese td e m e n t.......................................................................... 243
Ideological-nationalist orientations and resettlem ent
o u tco m e s........................................................................................... 243

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L is to fF ix u r t*
An analytical fram ew ork o f refugee movements: home,
displacement, and host m igration factors .......................................21

F ig u re 2 :

M igration, Adaptation, and M ental Health: A General M odel 33

F ig u re 3 :

Schematic representation o f variables and outcomes in


refugee re se ttle m e n t......................................................................... 37

F ig u re 4:

Refugee M igration M odel ................................................................. 41

F ig u re 5 :

Typology o f E xit M otives o f Refugees .............................................. 47

F ig u re 6 :

Map o f movements o f in te rn a lly displaced populations and


refugees from Somalia, and locations o f Somali refugee camps
in the Horn o f A frica 1991 .............................................................. 95

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F ig u re 1:

ix

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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
In the last tw enty years, the study o f refugees from p o litica l, economic, o r
geographic perspectives helped to explain some o f the problem s faced by refugees
and the consequences o f th e ir m igrations. A num ber o f em pirical studies o f forced
m igration proved useful, bu t the lack o f theoretical coherence in the grow ing fie ld
o f refugee studies as a w hole is seen as a problem (Black 1991). The

shortcomings o f restricted viewpoints revealed the need fo r broader m u lti

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disciplinary approaches to fu rth e r our understanding o f refugee m igrations and to


foster solutions to grow ing hum anitarian crises around the globe. Considerable

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e ffo rt has been expended to develop theoretically sound and em pirically validated
models fo r explaining refugee m igrations, but thus fa r attem pts have no t been
e n tirely successful.

The form ulation o f a comprehensive fram ew ork o f refugee m igration


remains a serious challenge to refugee theorists. W hile the design o f theoretical
models is tim e-consum ing and complicated, encouraging advances have been
made to facilitate the process fo r future refugee theorists. Rather than abandon
m odel building altogether, revised designs may be developed w ith guidance from
the lessons learned from past failures. Moreover, refined or novel research
methods can reveal new inform ation, and perm it a rew orking o f old categories in
useful and in sig htfu l ways. Recent interdisciplinary studies o f refugee m igrations
may foster the elaboration o f innovative and m eaningful descriptive categories

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2
th a t provide fresh insights into refugee problem s and suggest w orkable solutions.
As this study demonstrates, the foundations fo r a refugee the ory have
been la id . A b rie f discussion o f current refugee issues w ill include coverage o f the
debate over de finition s o f who is a refugee. Then readers w ill be introduced to
early models o f refugee displacement, e xile and resetdement, follow ed by a
presentation o f recent refugee resetdem ent m odels incorporating psychological
and sociological approaches. It is argued th a t these models help to expand our

understanding o f refugee m igrations and enable better treatm ent o f previously

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unworkable subjective aspects o f refugee experience.

This study attem pts one fu rth e r step in the development o f a m u lti-le ve l
m odel o f refugee m igration by incorporating d iffe re n t elements from three
d iffe re n t models in to a single hybrid fram ew ork o f refugee m igration com prised

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o f home, displacem ent, and host-related factors. The prim ary goal o f this study is
to test the a p p lica b ility o f the hybrid m odel using a small, purposive sample o f
Som ali refugees resettling in Ottawa to determ ine its significant strengths and
weaknesses fo r the study o f larger numbers o f refugees and com parative cross
country studies. Analysis o f the m ajor variables o f refugee m igration and
outcomes o f resettlem ent w ill also shed some lig h t on contentious issues related
to the treatm ent o f refugees in Canada and provide insights in to refugee
resettlem ent in O ttaw a which may be o f in te rest to policy makers and support
agencies.

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M igration an d G eo p o litics
Humans are m obile creatures, and m igration is not a new phenomenon.
Accounts o f ancient m igrations in texts like the O ld Testam ent support claims th a t
human history has been an h isto ry o f m igration (Rystad 1992:1168 in
Tesfahuney, 1998:502). M igration has played a m ajor role in colonialism ,
industrialisation, the emergence o f nation-states, and the developm ent o f global
capitalism (Casdes and M ille r 1993:261 in Tesfahuney, 1998:502). Given tha t

m igration is both a response to social change and a catalyst o f change in areas

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losing o r gaining m igrants, a knowledge o f population m ovem ent is o f


fundam ental im portance to a m ore com plete understanding o f social change,
econom ic development and p o litic a l organisation (Claeson & Ergo 1972:1 in
Lewis, 1982:3).

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M igration is associated w ith many o f hum anitys m ost acute social


problem s, but the urgency, scope, causes, effects, and resolutions o f the problems
o f m igration continue to be debated from a variety o f perspectives. Whereas
m igration studies are often in te rd iscip lin a ry efforts, d iffe re n t disciplines in the
social sciences have taken d istinctive approaches. Economists tend to look at
m igration in terms o f em ploym ent and economic opportunities, and
demographers have been m ore concerned w ith the im pact o f m igration on
population grow th. Many sociologists have focussed on the character o f m igrants,
w h ile anthropologists have looked a t problems o f m igrants in host com m unities
(Lewis 1982: 4).

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Popular th in kin g about m igration remains m ired in nineteenth century
concepts, models, and assumptions (Taylor 1993:432). Classic m igration theory
is based on Ravensteins concepts o f econom ically m otivated, voluntary
relocation o f individuals w ith little or no regard fo r the borders w hich divide
peoples and serve to m aintain inequalities between them (Zolberg 1989:405-6).
M o b ility and the perm eability o f national te rrito rie s are in trin sica lly geographical
issues (Tesfahuney 1998:501), and geographers studying m igration have focussed

on the effects o f distance and borders crossed by m igrants (Gardener and de Jong

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1981).

The m ain contributions o f geographers have been to emphasise the spatial


patterns o f m igration, the locational decisions involved, and the impacts o f the
m igrants on places. The trad ition al geographical approach tended to be based on

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aggregate ideas and concepts w hich assumed th a t m igrant populations were


homogeneous, and considered patterns o f m igration to be the result o f differences
in economic opportunities between areas. In order to id e n tify factors involved in
decisions to move, geographers adopted a behavioural approach to the analysis o f
m igration w hich involved the disaggregation o f large populations in to sm aller
groups and individuals (Lewis 1982:5). M igration studies have increasingly
distinguished between: the determinants o f m igration w hich concentrate on the
in itia to rs o f m ovem ent; and the consequences o f m igration which deal more w ith
adjustm ent activities and societal responses to m igration (Gardener and de Jong
1981).

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A broad m otivation based m igration typology divides m igrants in to
voluntary and in volun ta ry groups. O bjective differences between refugees and
m igrant populations include th e ir original m otives and th e ir characteristics upon
a rriva l (Black 1993b:93). International m igration has a tw o-part structure: On
the one hand, it is composed o f the labour streams seeking jobs in foreign
countries; on the other, it is composed o f the increasing flow s o f refugees from
w ar and p o litic a l disruption (C lark 1986: 74).

W hile in te rna tion al m igration studies s till tend to focus on decision

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m aking, economic trends and labour m arket theories, some o f the current
language and view points used to study m igration systems , networks , and
flows o f people across borders are innovative (T aylor 1993; Boyd 1989;
Fawcett 1989). Looking at the cultural dim ensions o f globalisation, Appadurai

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explores em erging ethnoscapes comprised o f tourists, business travellers, labour


m igrants, im m igrants and refugees (Appadurai 1996). To shed lig h t on the
effects o f globalisation, geographers are busy analysing flows o f people,
inform ation, products, and capital as key aspects o f the repositions o f power,
society and space along the global-local continuum (Tesfahuney 1998:500; Luke
1994).
Standard w orks o f international relations tend not to discuss in te rna tion al
m igration and refugee flow s (W einer 1993a:31), b u t mass population movements
w ith in and across borders, and the interplay o f power, space, and m o b ility are
im portant geopolitical issues currently being exam ined by a sm all but grow ing

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group o f c ritic a l p o litica l geographers (Tesfahuney 1998). M igrations,
displacem ents, and refugees are m ajor concerns in the post-Cold W ar era, and
questions o f d iffe re n tia l m o b ility empowerments -w ho moves, where and why
are m ajor geopolitical issues (Tesfahuney 1998:501).
C ritica l geopolitics has been p a rticu la rly concerned w ith issues o f changing
global configurations o f pow er and hegemony in the new w o rld order. In more
contem porary texts, m igrants appear as geopolitical actors w ho affect the conduct

o f geopolitics at local, regional, and global levels and thereby im pact on the

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evolution o f geopolitical order (Tesfahuney 1998:501). In p a rticular, m igrants


have been portrayed as dangerous geopolitical actors, as security threats to
nations, as destabilisers o f weak southern states, and as handicaps to the global
hegemony o f the north (W idgren 1989: Black 1993b; Soguk 1997; W ilkinson and

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Jacobsen 1993).

C itizenship is one o f the discourses o f international m igration used by the


media, politicians, and academia in the w est to regulate population m ob ility.
C itizenship has always la id down boundaries between those w ho are included and
those who are excluded (Kofm an 1995:121). Whereas state controls over
transnational flow s o f capital and inform ation have declined, nation-states have
m aintained considerable control over population movements (F indlay and Gould
1994b). As a result, not a ll people enjoy the same freedoms o f m ovem ent and
access to space. In the transnational economy, spaces o f circu la tion and m ob ility
rights are structured by aspects o f age, race, gender, and class (Tesfahuney

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1998:501).
As a concept citizenship may appear d e ar, b u t membership is more
problem atic (Brubaker 1989 in Kofman, 1995:122). Citizenship viewed as the
a ttrib u tio n o f entidem ents and dudes is a legal status, but in its fu lle st sense it is
the culm ination o f incorporation in to sodety. C itizenship is generally defined as
the rights and obligations th a t accrue to individuals as fu ll members o f a
com m unity, norm ally the nation-state (Kofm an 1995:122).

Refugees and asylum-seekers, and the ethnic m inorities assodated w ith

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them , have ambiguous and am bivalent relationships w ith states (Kofman


1995:122). As non-dtizens who do not f it in to this w o rld o f nation-states, spedal
rules and categories o f dtizenship have been created fo r refugees in order to
regulate th e ir movements and regularise th e ir situations through adm inistrative

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processes, to fix them in one o r another te rrito ry and thereby repair th e ir


ungovemed condition.

This study discusses Canadian refugee polides and refugee adm ission
processes as sub-issues o f dtizenship and im m igration. It reveals th a t Canadian
refugee polides are oriented by national security goals towards protecting the
country from refugees, w h ile the provision o f protection fo r refugees seems to be
a secondary obligation. U nfortunately, the focus o f the study on m igration
models perm its little treatm ent o f several contentious issues o f refugee
im m igration in Canada.
One such issue concerns the spedal dass o f undocumented refugees

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created by the Canadian governm ent to deal w ith Somalis and Afghanis who
made claim s fo r asylum w ith o u t proper id en tificatio n documents. The enactment
o f the undocum ented class o f refugees may be viewed by human rights critics as
yet another mechanism fo r restrictin g benefits to refugees in need o f protection
and support. From the p o in t o f view o f the refugee, the undocumented class is
certainly another barrier to resettlem ent w hich forces some refugees in to
situations o f unsupported lim bo fo r up to five years w hile aw aiting security

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clearance needed fo r perm anent im m igrant status (CIC 1997:31; Vincent 1996).
However, lik e m ost other extensions o f citizenship that resulted from struggles
and negotiations w ith states by m arginalised and oppressed groups (Kofman
1995), some 7,000 undocumented refugees in Canada backed by hum anitarian
rights groups appear to have found an en try in to the country w hich may not

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accord them a ll the social assistance benefits available to landed refugees, but s till
provides them w ith protective refuge.
Tesfahuney clarifies tha t in im m igrant receiving countries in the west, it is
not refugee m igration per se that is the problem , but rather it is the conflation o f
refugees w ith terrorists, enemies, menaces, crim inals, and sources o f disease
based on racial confusions over th e ir id e n tity and origin. To d ive rt attention away
from real causes o f social and economic crisis, m igrants in general are constructed
Refugees in particular are singled out fo r their

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and South (Tesfahuney 1998:505-7). Refugees are no m ore dangerous or
crim inal than average citizens: s o , . . . who are the y then?

Who Is a R efugee?
In Canada, the answer to the question w ho is, and who is not a refugee?
is controversial. In its common usage, the w ord refugee conjures up fam ilia r
images o f starving children begging fo r food shown in news m edia stories and
re lie f agency fundraising campaigns. However, a review o f lite rature concerning

refugees reveals a variety o f meanings w hich are used fo r an assortment o f

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sometimes conflicting purposes in different p o litic a l ju risd ictio n s. In its legal and
p o litica l applications, it appears that the m eaning o f the term refugee changes to
include/exclude p a rticu la r groups o f individuals.

To seek refuge is to seek security, and m ost people who become refugees

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are usually ju s t tryin g to get out o f harms way. The popular media d e fin itio n o f
refugee is a person fleeing life-threatening conditions (Shacknove 1985:274).
The de fin itio n adopted by the O rganisation o f A frican U n ity (OAU). states that:
the term refugee shall apply to every person, who, owing to
external aggression, occupation, fo re ig n dom ination or events
seriously disturbing public order in e ith e r p a rt o r the whole
o f his country o f origin o r n a tio n a lity, is com pelled to leave
his place o f habitual residence in ord er to seek refuge in
another place outside his country o f n a tio n a lity (From the
OAU Convention Governing the S pecific Aspects o f Refugee
Problems in Africa. September 10, 1969 in Shacknove
1985:275-6).

Refugee is a label o r a classification created to serve the purposes and


interests o f states. Refugees are non-citizens, w ho abrogate th e ir obligations and

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lose the rights o f citizenship when they cross international borders (H arrell-B ond
1989:59). The broad OAU d e finition recognizes th a t conditions o f security fo r
citizens w ith in a state depend on bonds o f tru s t, lo yalty, protection, and assistance
between citizens and agents o f the state; and the d e fin itio n accepts th a t bonds o f
security can be severed in diverse ways (Shacknove 1985:275).
Canadian im m igration laws fo llo w the U nited Nations persecution-based
d e fin itio n o f refugee, w hich is more re strictive than the OALPs. Canada refers to

the d e fin itio n o f refugee found in the U nited N ations 1951 Geneva C onvention

refugees are:

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Relating to the Status o f Refugees and its 1967 Protocol, w hich states th a t

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persons who by reason o f a w ell-founded fear o f persecution


based on race, nationality, p o litic a l opinion or membership in
a p a rticu la r social group, are: outside the country o f th e ir
n a tio n a lity and unable or, by reason o f that fear, u n w illin g to
be protected by that country; or, no t having a country o f
n a tio n a lity, are outside the cou ntry o f th e ir form er habitual
residence and are unable or, by reason o f that fear, u n w illin g
to re tu rn to that country (CIC 1997:28).

The determ ination o f who is a refugee has im portant financial and p o litica l
im plications fo r individuals seeking protection as refugees, and also fo r the non
governm ental, governm ental, and inter-govem m ental re lie f agencies w hich
provide assistance. Extreme misery, unm et basic needs, and severe economic or
environm ental insecurity are not sufficient conditions for classification o f affected
populations as refugees. The UN d e fin itio n regards persecution by a predatory
government under tyrannical conditions as a necessary condition o f refiigeehood,
but the C onvention does not necessarily extend refugee assistance to the m illions

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o f citizens o f countries like post-1991 Somalia, where the state has failed, and
where citizens need refuge from the chaos and insecurity w hich reign in the
absence o f state protection (Shacknove 1985:277).
States w hich use the UN Convention to define refugees include alienage
o f populations from th e ir te rrito ry o f habitual residence as a fu rth e r necessary
defining condition to distinguish refugees from in te rn a lly displaced persons
(Shacknove 1985:277). O nly part o f the insecurity problem is resolved when

refugees escape danger in th e ir hom eland. The poorest refugees in transit

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frequently have little choice about where they w ill stop. But, a t some point in
th e ir search fo r secure surroundings, refugees must make c ritic a l decisions about

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when and where to go, and w hat resources they w ill spend to get to a safe haven.
A decision to seek refuge in a hostile environm ent, where social, p o litica l, or
economic rights are not extended to refugees could be fa ta l, o r at least cause as
many insecurity problems as m igration was intended to resolve.
Refugee law a rb itra rily assigns fu ll legal responsibility fo r protection o f
refugees to whatever state the asylum seekers are able to reach (Hathaway
1996:14). Beyond the legalistic and p o litica l considerations w hich determ ine who
is a refugee and who gets refugee-aid according to the geographical location o f
the people in question (Shacknove 1985:276), there are m oral hum anitarian
arguments that accept an obligation to provide assistance to any unprotected
persons whose basic needs are not being m et and who are situated wherever
physical access by international aid is possible (Deng 1993). To hum anitarians,

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the concept o f refugee is based on the premise that people experience a
generalized condition o f insecurity when outside the protective confines o f
society (Shacknove 1985:278).
It is w idely accepted by civilized states that refugees have the fundamental
rig h t to safe asylum and human rights stress the rig h t o f individuals to life , lib e rty
and security (G oodw in-G ill 1989:532). The hum anitarian concept o f a refugee is
rights-based: it considers th a t refugees are unprotected and involuntary m igrants

who are firs t o f a ll humans, w ith the same foundational, rational, objective rights

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and needs irrespective o f culture, creed or circum stance1 (Plant 1993:105). This
conception o f a refugee reflects the Hobbesian view o f life in the state o f nature as

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solitary, brutish, nasty, and short. Survival fo r humans requires the reduction o f
vulnerabilities to threats from other humans, resource scarcity, and natural
hazards. It is the purpose o f c iv il society to reduce each persons vulnerability to
every other, although even in w ell-ordered societies a level o f insecurity w ill
persist (Shacknove 1985:278).

1 Refugees have rights o f lib e rty and personal in te g rity, including freedom
o f movement and the rights to leave and return to ones ow n country, to seek
refuge and asylum, not to be expelled, and no t to be returned to a country in
w hich life o r freedom may be endangered; procedural rights, fo r example equal
protection o f the law , access to courts and tribunals, rem edies; status rights, as
resident, refugee w ith asylum, or o f the child to a n a tio n a lity; fam ily rights,
including reunification and special protection fo r children; employment rights,
such as the rig h t to w ork, to fa ir conditions o f w ork; p o litic a l rights, including
freedoms o f thought and conscience, expression, assembly and association; and
cultural rights, relating to language, education, and com m unity rights. See
G oodw in-G ill (1989).

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