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by
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Master o f Arts
Department o f Geography
Carleton University
Ottawa, Ontario
May, 1999
copyright
1999, Stephen Gwynne-Vaughan
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1*1
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0-612-43308-0
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tesis Supervi
h a ir, De]
tent ol
tphy
Carleton U niversity
Date:
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A b s tra c t:
An im proved understanding o f recurrent refugee m igration requires more
com parative research on the causes and outcomes o f involuntary m igration. As a
contribution to the construction o f a comprehensive m odel o f forced m igration
useful fo r cross-case studies, this research project provides a general fram ew ork o f
home, displacem ent, and host-related m ig ratio n factors and resettlem ent
outcomes, along w ith insights gained fro m a prelim inary fie ld test to fine-tune the
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iii
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me through the maze o f rules and regulations. I benefited greatly from teaching
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by Simon Dalby and Fiona Mackenzie who fed me new ideas, focussed m y w ork
w ith insights, challenged me to m eet rigorous standards, and provided sound
guidance to help me com plete th is project. 1 am th a n kfu l fo r the financial
assistance from The N eil Huckvale M em orial Scholarship w hich allow ed me to
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Table o f C o n ten t*
Acceptance fo rm ............................................................................................................. ii
A b stra ct...................................................................................................................... iii
Acknowledgements......................................................
iv
Tables o f Contents .........................................................................................................v
List o f T a b le s............................................................................................................... v ii
List o f Figures............................................................................................................. ix
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APPENDIX.................................................................................................................229
BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................................................................................ 244
vi
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List o f Table*
T ab le 1:
T ab le 2:
T ab le 3:
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Inform ation about destination and resetdem ent outcomes ------- 108
T ab le 5 :
T ab le 6:
T ab le 7 :
T able 8:
T able 9:
T ab le 10:
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T able 4:
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114
T able 11:
T ab le 12:
T able 13:
T ab le 14:
T able 15:
v ii
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A:
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F:
T a b le G :
T a b le H :
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J:
K:
L:
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T a b le
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T a b le S:
T a b le T :
T a b le U :
T a b le V :
T a b le W :
T a b le X :
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L is to fF ix u r t*
An analytical fram ew ork o f refugee movements: home,
displacement, and host m igration factors .......................................21
F ig u re 2 :
F ig u re 3 :
F ig u re 4:
F ig u re 5 :
F ig u re 6 :
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F ig u re 1:
ix
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
In the last tw enty years, the study o f refugees from p o litica l, economic, o r
geographic perspectives helped to explain some o f the problem s faced by refugees
and the consequences o f th e ir m igrations. A num ber o f em pirical studies o f forced
m igration proved useful, bu t the lack o f theoretical coherence in the grow ing fie ld
o f refugee studies as a w hole is seen as a problem (Black 1991). The
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e ffo rt has been expended to develop theoretically sound and em pirically validated
models fo r explaining refugee m igrations, but thus fa r attem pts have no t been
e n tirely successful.
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th a t provide fresh insights into refugee problem s and suggest w orkable solutions.
As this study demonstrates, the foundations fo r a refugee the ory have
been la id . A b rie f discussion o f current refugee issues w ill include coverage o f the
debate over de finition s o f who is a refugee. Then readers w ill be introduced to
early models o f refugee displacement, e xile and resetdement, follow ed by a
presentation o f recent refugee resetdem ent m odels incorporating psychological
and sociological approaches. It is argued th a t these models help to expand our
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This study attem pts one fu rth e r step in the development o f a m u lti-le ve l
m odel o f refugee m igration by incorporating d iffe re n t elements from three
d iffe re n t models in to a single hybrid fram ew ork o f refugee m igration com prised
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o f home, displacem ent, and host-related factors. The prim ary goal o f this study is
to test the a p p lica b ility o f the hybrid m odel using a small, purposive sample o f
Som ali refugees resettling in Ottawa to determ ine its significant strengths and
weaknesses fo r the study o f larger numbers o f refugees and com parative cross
country studies. Analysis o f the m ajor variables o f refugee m igration and
outcomes o f resettlem ent w ill also shed some lig h t on contentious issues related
to the treatm ent o f refugees in Canada and provide insights in to refugee
resettlem ent in O ttaw a which may be o f in te rest to policy makers and support
agencies.
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M igration an d G eo p o litics
Humans are m obile creatures, and m igration is not a new phenomenon.
Accounts o f ancient m igrations in texts like the O ld Testam ent support claims th a t
human history has been an h isto ry o f m igration (Rystad 1992:1168 in
Tesfahuney, 1998:502). M igration has played a m ajor role in colonialism ,
industrialisation, the emergence o f nation-states, and the developm ent o f global
capitalism (Casdes and M ille r 1993:261 in Tesfahuney, 1998:502). Given tha t
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Popular th in kin g about m igration remains m ired in nineteenth century
concepts, models, and assumptions (Taylor 1993:432). Classic m igration theory
is based on Ravensteins concepts o f econom ically m otivated, voluntary
relocation o f individuals w ith little or no regard fo r the borders w hich divide
peoples and serve to m aintain inequalities between them (Zolberg 1989:405-6).
M o b ility and the perm eability o f national te rrito rie s are in trin sica lly geographical
issues (Tesfahuney 1998:501), and geographers studying m igration have focussed
on the effects o f distance and borders crossed by m igrants (Gardener and de Jong
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1981).
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A broad m otivation based m igration typology divides m igrants in to
voluntary and in volun ta ry groups. O bjective differences between refugees and
m igrant populations include th e ir original m otives and th e ir characteristics upon
a rriva l (Black 1993b:93). International m igration has a tw o-part structure: On
the one hand, it is composed o f the labour streams seeking jobs in foreign
countries; on the other, it is composed o f the increasing flow s o f refugees from
w ar and p o litic a l disruption (C lark 1986: 74).
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m aking, economic trends and labour m arket theories, some o f the current
language and view points used to study m igration systems , networks , and
flows o f people across borders are innovative (T aylor 1993; Boyd 1989;
Fawcett 1989). Looking at the cultural dim ensions o f globalisation, Appadurai
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group o f c ritic a l p o litica l geographers (Tesfahuney 1998). M igrations,
displacem ents, and refugees are m ajor concerns in the post-Cold W ar era, and
questions o f d iffe re n tia l m o b ility empowerments -w ho moves, where and why
are m ajor geopolitical issues (Tesfahuney 1998:501).
C ritica l geopolitics has been p a rticu la rly concerned w ith issues o f changing
global configurations o f pow er and hegemony in the new w o rld order. In more
contem porary texts, m igrants appear as geopolitical actors w ho affect the conduct
o f geopolitics at local, regional, and global levels and thereby im pact on the
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Jacobsen 1993).
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1998:501).
As a concept citizenship may appear d e ar, b u t membership is more
problem atic (Brubaker 1989 in Kofman, 1995:122). Citizenship viewed as the
a ttrib u tio n o f entidem ents and dudes is a legal status, but in its fu lle st sense it is
the culm ination o f incorporation in to sodety. C itizenship is generally defined as
the rights and obligations th a t accrue to individuals as fu ll members o f a
com m unity, norm ally the nation-state (Kofm an 1995:122).
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This study discusses Canadian refugee polides and refugee adm ission
processes as sub-issues o f dtizenship and im m igration. It reveals th a t Canadian
refugee polides are oriented by national security goals towards protecting the
country from refugees, w h ile the provision o f protection fo r refugees seems to be
a secondary obligation. U nfortunately, the focus o f the study on m igration
models perm its little treatm ent o f several contentious issues o f refugee
im m igration in Canada.
One such issue concerns the spedal dass o f undocumented refugees
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created by the Canadian governm ent to deal w ith Somalis and Afghanis who
made claim s fo r asylum w ith o u t proper id en tificatio n documents. The enactment
o f the undocum ented class o f refugees may be viewed by human rights critics as
yet another mechanism fo r restrictin g benefits to refugees in need o f protection
and support. From the p o in t o f view o f the refugee, the undocumented class is
certainly another barrier to resettlem ent w hich forces some refugees in to
situations o f unsupported lim bo fo r up to five years w hile aw aiting security
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clearance needed fo r perm anent im m igrant status (CIC 1997:31; Vincent 1996).
However, lik e m ost other extensions o f citizenship that resulted from struggles
and negotiations w ith states by m arginalised and oppressed groups (Kofman
1995), some 7,000 undocumented refugees in Canada backed by hum anitarian
rights groups appear to have found an en try in to the country w hich may not
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accord them a ll the social assistance benefits available to landed refugees, but s till
provides them w ith protective refuge.
Tesfahuney clarifies tha t in im m igrant receiving countries in the west, it is
not refugee m igration per se that is the problem , but rather it is the conflation o f
refugees w ith terrorists, enemies, menaces, crim inals, and sources o f disease
based on racial confusions over th e ir id e n tity and origin. To d ive rt attention away
from real causes o f social and economic crisis, m igrants in general are constructed
Refugees in particular are singled out fo r their
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and South (Tesfahuney 1998:505-7). Refugees are no m ore dangerous or
crim inal than average citizens: s o , . . . who are the y then?
Who Is a R efugee?
In Canada, the answer to the question w ho is, and who is not a refugee?
is controversial. In its common usage, the w ord refugee conjures up fam ilia r
images o f starving children begging fo r food shown in news m edia stories and
re lie f agency fundraising campaigns. However, a review o f lite rature concerning
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sometimes conflicting purposes in different p o litic a l ju risd ictio n s. In its legal and
p o litica l applications, it appears that the m eaning o f the term refugee changes to
include/exclude p a rticu la r groups o f individuals.
To seek refuge is to seek security, and m ost people who become refugees
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are usually ju s t tryin g to get out o f harms way. The popular media d e fin itio n o f
refugee is a person fleeing life-threatening conditions (Shacknove 1985:274).
The de fin itio n adopted by the O rganisation o f A frican U n ity (OAU). states that:
the term refugee shall apply to every person, who, owing to
external aggression, occupation, fo re ig n dom ination or events
seriously disturbing public order in e ith e r p a rt o r the whole
o f his country o f origin o r n a tio n a lity, is com pelled to leave
his place o f habitual residence in ord er to seek refuge in
another place outside his country o f n a tio n a lity (From the
OAU Convention Governing the S pecific Aspects o f Refugee
Problems in Africa. September 10, 1969 in Shacknove
1985:275-6).
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lose the rights o f citizenship when they cross international borders (H arrell-B ond
1989:59). The broad OAU d e finition recognizes th a t conditions o f security fo r
citizens w ith in a state depend on bonds o f tru s t, lo yalty, protection, and assistance
between citizens and agents o f the state; and the d e fin itio n accepts th a t bonds o f
security can be severed in diverse ways (Shacknove 1985:275).
Canadian im m igration laws fo llo w the U nited Nations persecution-based
d e fin itio n o f refugee, w hich is more re strictive than the OALPs. Canada refers to
the d e fin itio n o f refugee found in the U nited N ations 1951 Geneva C onvention
refugees are:
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Relating to the Status o f Refugees and its 1967 Protocol, w hich states th a t
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The determ ination o f who is a refugee has im portant financial and p o litica l
im plications fo r individuals seeking protection as refugees, and also fo r the non
governm ental, governm ental, and inter-govem m ental re lie f agencies w hich
provide assistance. Extreme misery, unm et basic needs, and severe economic or
environm ental insecurity are not sufficient conditions for classification o f affected
populations as refugees. The UN d e fin itio n regards persecution by a predatory
government under tyrannical conditions as a necessary condition o f refiigeehood,
but the C onvention does not necessarily extend refugee assistance to the m illions
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o f citizens o f countries like post-1991 Somalia, where the state has failed, and
where citizens need refuge from the chaos and insecurity w hich reign in the
absence o f state protection (Shacknove 1985:277).
States w hich use the UN Convention to define refugees include alienage
o f populations from th e ir te rrito ry o f habitual residence as a fu rth e r necessary
defining condition to distinguish refugees from in te rn a lly displaced persons
(Shacknove 1985:277). O nly part o f the insecurity problem is resolved when
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frequently have little choice about where they w ill stop. But, a t some point in
th e ir search fo r secure surroundings, refugees must make c ritic a l decisions about
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when and where to go, and w hat resources they w ill spend to get to a safe haven.
A decision to seek refuge in a hostile environm ent, where social, p o litica l, or
economic rights are not extended to refugees could be fa ta l, o r at least cause as
many insecurity problems as m igration was intended to resolve.
Refugee law a rb itra rily assigns fu ll legal responsibility fo r protection o f
refugees to whatever state the asylum seekers are able to reach (Hathaway
1996:14). Beyond the legalistic and p o litica l considerations w hich determ ine who
is a refugee and who gets refugee-aid according to the geographical location o f
the people in question (Shacknove 1985:276), there are m oral hum anitarian
arguments that accept an obligation to provide assistance to any unprotected
persons whose basic needs are not being m et and who are situated wherever
physical access by international aid is possible (Deng 1993). To hum anitarians,
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the concept o f refugee is based on the premise that people experience a
generalized condition o f insecurity when outside the protective confines o f
society (Shacknove 1985:278).
It is w idely accepted by civilized states that refugees have the fundamental
rig h t to safe asylum and human rights stress the rig h t o f individuals to life , lib e rty
and security (G oodw in-G ill 1989:532). The hum anitarian concept o f a refugee is
rights-based: it considers th a t refugees are unprotected and involuntary m igrants
who are firs t o f a ll humans, w ith the same foundational, rational, objective rights
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and needs irrespective o f culture, creed or circum stance1 (Plant 1993:105). This
conception o f a refugee reflects the Hobbesian view o f life in the state o f nature as
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solitary, brutish, nasty, and short. Survival fo r humans requires the reduction o f
vulnerabilities to threats from other humans, resource scarcity, and natural
hazards. It is the purpose o f c iv il society to reduce each persons vulnerability to
every other, although even in w ell-ordered societies a level o f insecurity w ill
persist (Shacknove 1985:278).
1 Refugees have rights o f lib e rty and personal in te g rity, including freedom
o f movement and the rights to leave and return to ones ow n country, to seek
refuge and asylum, not to be expelled, and no t to be returned to a country in
w hich life o r freedom may be endangered; procedural rights, fo r example equal
protection o f the law , access to courts and tribunals, rem edies; status rights, as
resident, refugee w ith asylum, or o f the child to a n a tio n a lity; fam ily rights,
including reunification and special protection fo r children; employment rights,
such as the rig h t to w ork, to fa ir conditions o f w ork; p o litic a l rights, including
freedoms o f thought and conscience, expression, assembly and association; and
cultural rights, relating to language, education, and com m unity rights. See
G oodw in-G ill (1989).
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