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29
Analysis
By Khaled Ahmed
Religious intolerance
The
people
who
target
religiou
s
minoriti
es in
Pakista
n had
been
nurture
d as
the
state's
proxy
warrior
s; the
state
then
surrend
ered to
them
its
monop
oly of
violenc
e
also against a 14 year old Christian boy in Gujranwala who had to be smuggled
abroad to prevent him from being killed.
According to World Minority Rights Report 2011, Pakistan ranks as the 6th worst country after some African states in
respect of safety and rights of minorities. This includes non-Muslims, those the state has dubbed non-Muslim, and
women. Ironically, this behaviour also includes persecution of non-Muslims through forced conversion to Islam,
through forcible marriages of non-Muslim girls to Muslims, and apparently willing conversion of non-Muslims to Islam
to secure themselves against persecution.
Hindus of Sindh have tried to migrate to India. (Nearly 568 FIRs for forced marriages were lodged last year across 40
districts of Pakistan, with the majority of such cases having been filed in Sindh.) Instead of sympathising with such
fugitives, the liberal PPP government suspected them of being disloyal to Pakistan and stopped them - for some time
- from visiting India. Hindus are the largest minority community in Sindh.
The minister who did that himself fears being killed by the elements who hunt Pakistan's Hindu community. The
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan's Balochistan chapter has identified an ongoing exodus of Hindu families from
Quetta too due to fear of kidnappings for ransom, yet the Balochistan government does not seem to be doing much to
address this problem.
Christians living in the Islamic world are marginalised and threatened with persecution. But Pakistan perhaps began
the trend. InFebruary 1997, the twin villages of Shantinagar-Tibba Colony 12 kilometres East of Khanewal, Multan
Division, were looted and burnt by 20,000 Muslim citizens and 500 policemen. The police first evacuated the Christian
population of 15,000, then helped the raiders use battle-field explosives to blow up their houses and property.
In November 2005, the Christian community of Sangla Hill in Nankana District in Punjab experienced a most hairraising day of violence and vandalism. Daily Dawn (13 November 2005) described it like this:
In May 2009, some 12 Christian families fled their homes in a village of Sahiwal because they feared that a dispute
growing around an act of blasphemy in a school may result in their persecution. The village had at least 6,500 voters
in it but the dispute - which may be political - was entwined with the other politics of blasphemy law.
The community cowered in the face of dire announcements being made from mosque loudspeakers. The 'blasphemy'
incident took place in a classroom in a local school where a page of the Holy Quran was found with ink splattered on it
when the school opened in the morning.
The same month, an incident put the world on notice about what Pakistan is moving towards. In Surjani Town in
Karachi, some Pashtun neighbourhood miscreants wrote graffiti on the church wall saying: 'Taliban zindabad', 'Islam
zindabad', 'Christians Islam qabool karo ya jiziya dow', etc, after which an exchange of fire wounded some Christians
in addition to killing one.
The attack on the Christians of a Gojra village Korian took place in August 2009, after an alleged desecration of the
Quran by the Christians in July 2009. Everyone including the Punjab chief
minister anticipated the violence and cautioned the local administration in
When the state of Pakistan
Gojra to prevent lawlessness. The fear was not that desecration had
happened but that it will be conflated with blasphemy and the mobs will
apostatised the Ahmadis
take the law into their own hands and go on a spree of murder.
through an Amendment in the
If the state in Pakistan survives, it must call to mind the following articles of
the Constitution that give protection to the Christians who form the largest
religious minority in Punjab estimated to be between 2 to 4 million:
protection of minorities. But these rights and values enshrined in the Constitution have been undermined by a series
of legislations related to the affirmation of the state's ideological credentials.
The introduction in 1984 of the Qanoon-e-Shahadat or 'Law of Evidence' reduces the value of court testimony of a
Muslim woman and a non-Muslim male citizen to that of half a Muslim and, by extension, that of a non-Muslim woman
to one-quarter. Similarly the introduction of a series of amendments to the Blasphemy Laws in the PPC [section 295],
adding in 1982 section 295-B which provides for mandatory life imprisonment for desecrating the Holy Quran, and in
1986 the even harsher section 295-C, which is mandatory death in respect of the insult of the Prophet PBUH,
exposes the broadly poverty-stricken Christian community to abuses of the law.
Most Muslims hold that violation of some human rights takes place because of the
tough living conditions and poverty in the country. The view displays all the
collective blind spots about human rights. It presumes certain conditions to exist
against objective evidence to the contrary. It talks about the minorities in Pakistan
without being aware of their view of how they are being treated. Under the present
PPP government a Christian federal minister has been killed by Punjabi Taliban in
broad daylight in Islamabad.
Today in 2012, you have TV anchors saying more or less the same thing: Muslims
themselves are being maltreated, so the persecution of non-Muslims cannot be
blamed on them. Going on a tangent, they allude to the Rohingya Muslims of Burma
about whom the rascally foreign-funded NGOs have done nothing. (In Burma, the
NGOs protesting Rohingya rights are savagely suppressed by the Burmese ruling
junta.) The ominous sign in Pakistan is that the majority Muslim community is
completely inured against what the minorities are going through.
The blasphemy law victims bear the brunt of the rage of the Barelvis like late
Maulana Sarfraz Naeemi, secretary general of Tanzimat Madaris Dinia, who actually
led a Lashkar to Sangla Hill to punish the Christians already mauled by local
Muslims. He was later killed by the Taliban who think Barelvis are not good Muslims.
The Deobandi rage is directed at the Shia community too. When the state of
Pakistan apostatised the Ahmadis through an Amendment in the Constitution in the
1970s some observers opined that the Shia community would be next in line for
exclusion and slaughter.
The day has arrived. Like the Ahmadis, the Shia are being killed all over Pakistan like
lambs at the slaughter house without much disturbance among the Sunni
community which leans on anti-Americanism to favour the Taliban and their ancillary
warriors originally prepared by the Army against India.
The Shia are not named as a minority in the national census but are informally
considered to be nearly 30 percent of the total population. A storm is brewing
against them in the Middle East, and Pakistan could be considered as a country
where it all began with the help of the state of Pakistan which nurtured the Shiahating Deobandis and allowed its personnel in the intelligence agencies handling the
covert war to be reverse-indoctrinated.