Comparative Analysis of Different

Election Manifesto of Bangladesh

From 1991-2008

Table of Contents

Serial
Number

Particulars

Page Number

01.

Introduction

02

Abstract

03.

Political System of Bangladesh

04.

Political Parties of Bangladesh

05.

At a glance performance of different political parties in

Bangladesh

06.

Awami League Election Manifesto 1996-2001

07.

Awami League Election Manifesto 2008- Present

08.

BNPs election manifesto 1991-1996 & 2001-2006

09.

Conclusion

10.

References

10

1|Page

1. Introduction:
THE QUEST FOR REPRESENTATIVE government has been an important feature of the history of
Bangladesh. The independence struggle of the eastern Bengali peoples against the British, partition from
India in 1947, and secession from Pakistan in 1971 set the stage for the people of Bangladesh to create a
democratic political system. The Constitution, as it was initially promulgated in 1972, embodied the
democratic yearnings of the long struggle for independence and guaranteed human rights and political
freedoms within a system of checks and balances similar to those existing in the British and United
States governments. But later events ended these hopes. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Mujib), hero of the
1971 war of independence, amended the Constitution and assumed dictatorial powers. His successors,
most of whom were military men who seized power during various times of trouble, also ruled through
autocratic means. As a result, successive regimes established single-party systems representing military
interests, with the leader wielding almost absolute power.
Yet the struggle for democracy was still alive in Bangladesh as of the late 1980s. The single-party system
of the 1970s and 1980s was unable to satisfy the varied political movements and interest groups of the
nation. Opposition parties--although they represented conflicting views and were as unwilling as the
ruling regime to share power--remained a vital force that commanded the loyalties of a large proportion
of the population.
Socialist and communist parties, centrist parties representing the policies of defunct regimes, and
conservative Islamic parties-- each with a completely different vision of the path that Bangladesh should
follow but united in their opposition to the rule of President Hussain Muhammad Ershad--all vied for
power in the late 1980s. Their refusal to participate in parliamentary politics under Ershad, who had
seized power in 1982, relegated the opposition to illegal activities and demonstrations on campuses and
in the streets that periodically brought economic life to a standstill in urban areas. The ineffectiveness
and confrontational position of the opposition only strengthened the regime's hold over Parliament and
the civil service and allowed the military to continue its strong autocratic rule.
Remarkably, the policies of Bangladesh's autocratic military rulers have been characterized by a
commitment to democratic ideals and an adherence to the Constitution. Ershad seized power in the name
of the Constitution, and he sought to legitimize his position by claiming that he brought stability to the
country in order to guarantee democratic freedom. One of Ershad's most significant moves toward
democracy was the establishment of a system of local elections that allowed voters to choose members of
local representative councils. In the short term, this democratic reform allowed local elites to control
government patronage, and it also made them docile supporters of the regime. Nevertheless, by the late
1980s the local councils had become training grounds for new political leaders and forums for
democratic competition throughout the nation.

2. Abstract:
BANGLADESH IS one of the few democracies among the Muslim countries despite chronic problems
with dysfunctional political system, weak governance and fettered by pervasive corruptions. This nation
regards democracy as an important denouement, legacy of its bloods for independence and people
participate in all election process in large numbers. But the concept, understanding and practice of
democracy in Bangladesh are most often shallow. Bangladesh is a force for moderation in international
forums and a long-time leader in international peacekeeping operations. Its participations and activities
with other Governments, global organizations and regional partners to promote human rights, democracy
and free markets are also well coordinated and of high profile.
2|Page

This country stands at the cross-roads of history, after thirty-eight years of independence. Thirty-eight
years is a long time to change the face and fortunes of a country and its people. In all these years, for
ordinary people in Bangladesh, our political leadership has always given them reasons for hope, as well
as disappointment. The next five years could be singularly consequential for our country. They bring
challenge as well as opportunity. For all their shortcomings, if the two manifestos are to be believed,
people cannot be blamed for having the audacity to hope for peace and progress for the next five years,
whoever is at the helm.
3. Political system of Bangladesh
Bangladesh has a multiparty parliamentary political system. There areover 100 political parties in the
country but only four political parties dominate the political scene: Bangladesh Awami League (AL);
Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP); Jatiya Party (JP); and Jamaat-e-Islami (JI). Among these, AL and
BNP enjoy majority support of the people and have alternatively formed the government since
democracy was restored in 1991. Other parties, JI and JP, have not formed any government on their own
but have enjoyed power by participating in coalitions. Bangladesh has a unicameral legislature. The
Parliament known as Jatiya Sangsad has 345 members, of which 300 are directly elected by the people.
The remaining 45 seats are reserved for women elected through the process of proportional
representation. The President is the head of state, but in practice the executive power rests with the office
of the Prime Minister. The PM and the Cabinet are, however, answerable to the Parliament.
The country is divided into seven administrative divisions: Barisal; Chittagong; Dhaka; Khulna;
Rajshahi; Sylhet; and Rangpur. Rangpur is the newest division created in January 2010. In all, there are
64 districts across the country. Bangladesh has an estimated population of 158,570,535 (July 2011-2 est) ,
61.1 per cent of which is in the 15-64 age group; 34 per cent arebelow the age of 14; and 4.7 percent
above 65 years. Ethnically the country is homogenous in nature: 98 percent of its population is Bengali
while the remaining two percent includes tribals and non-Bengali Muslims. The state religion is Islam
(89.5 percent are Muslims; 9.6percent, Hindus; and other minorities are 0.9 percent of the total3
population). The literacy rate is 47.9 percent, with 54 percent formales and 41.1 percent for females.
4. Political Parties of Bangladesh
Name of Party
Bangladesh
Awami
League (AL)

Founding
Year
1949

Self-Description

Support Base

Current Head

Liberal,democratic,
secular
andnationalist

All groups
ofpeople,includingethnic
andreligious
minorities
All sections/
classes of
people: religious,
military and
business groups
Religious and
business groups

Sheikh Hasina
Wajed

MatiurRahman
Nizami

Popular in
Rangpur region

HussainMuhammad
Ershad

Bangladesh
Nationalist
Party (BNP)

1978

Nationalist,
democratic and
liberal

Jamaat-eIslami (JI)

1979

Islamic and
conservative
but pragmatic

Jatiya Party
(JP)

1986

N/A

Begum
Khaleda Zia

3|Page

of Bangladesh

Source: Political Parties in South Asia: The Challenge of Change South Asia Regional Report by
International Institutefor Democracy and Electoral Assistance, Stockholm, 2007

5. At a Glance Performance of different political parties in Bangladesh

Year 1991
%
Polled
Vote
Seats
Awami Leage
30.1
(AL)
Bangladesh
30.8
Nationalist
Party (BNP)
Jatiya Party
11.9
(JP)
Jamaat-e12.1
Islam (JI)
Total Number of Seats

Year 1996
%
Polled
Vote
Seats

Year 2001
%
Polled
Vote
Seats

Year 2008
%
Polled
Vote
Seats

88

37.4

146

40.2

62

49.02

230

140

33.6

116

42.7

198

32.74

30

35

16.4

32

6.99

14

6.65

27

18

8.61

03

4.62

18

4.55

300

299

300

299

6. Awami League (AL) Election Manifesto in

1996

operatives and demands of the workers shall be

considered.

Government, Constitution and Parliament: In

the spirit of the war of liberation, transparent
and accountable government on the basis of
national consensus.

The Judiciary: Ensure its independence. The

Judiciary shall be separated from the Executive.

Administration, Corruption, Law and Order:

Administration free from party influence and
corruption. Pay Commission to the servants of
the Republic. Terrorism free societies. All out
initiatives to eradicate corruption. The just
demands of the Police, Ansar and Village
Defence Police shall be considered.
Economy, Agriculture, Industry, Commerce:
Economic reform. No nationalization policy,
follow up of free-market economy. Loans to
agriculture activities on easy terms. Subsidy of
agricultural sector. Modernization of agriculture.
Development of national industries, increased
employment
opportunities.
Increase
of
production and export, assistance to small co-

Foreign Policy: Friendship with all and malice

to none shall form thebasis of the foreign policy.
Friendship treaty with India shall not be
renewed. For realization of share of the Ganges
water,steps shall be taken and arrangements
made on priority basis.
Defense: Well-equipped Army, Air Force and
Navy shall be organized. Improved professional
efficiency. Colonial law shall be changed.
Mass Media: Autonomy to radio, TV and
government-controlled
news
media.
Privatization of newspapers now owned by the
government.
Women, Children and Unemployment:
Establishment of equal right for women.
4|Page

Removal of inequality and special projects shall

be taken forestablishment of rights and honor
for the children as per declaration of the United
Nation. Arrangements shall be made to create
extensive job opportunities for the unemployed.
Local Government, Physical Infrastructure:
Re-introduction of Upazilla system; invigoration
of
union
parishad;
decentralization
ofadministration by transferring power to
elected representatives of the Zilla parishad.
Education, Human resources, health: The
education system shall be completely reformed
in the light of the report given by the Qudrat-EKhoda Education Commission. Initiative shall
be taken to free the campus from terrorism and
also to eradicate illiteracy within thenext 10
years. The vast population shall be transformed
into human resources. School shall be set up in
every village. All out efforts shall be made to
ensure health for everybody. Sports, Culture:
Steps shall be taken to enrich the cultural life
and create an atmosphere free from superstition
for development ofindependent culture of art.
Nullify the Dramatic Performance Act. Sports
infrastructure shall intensively be developed.
Backward
Areas
and
Underdeveloped
community: Laws prejudicial to the equal rights
and opportunity of all citizen irrespective of
their religion, cast, creed and community shall
be repealed. Equal development shall be ushered
in all regions. Problems of Hill districts shall be
solved politically. Justice and basic human
rights shall be upheld.
(SOURCE: Election Watch: Awami League's
1996 manifesto, DAILY STAR 28 Sep 2001)

Achievements of Bangladesh Awami League

(1996-2001)
A glorious chapter replete with successes was
written during the five year rule of Awami
Leaguefrom 1996-2001. In only five years,
Bangladesh attained self sufficiency in food
production. Prices remained within the

purchasing capacity of the people. Inflation

came down to 1.59percent. Meanwhile, the
growth rate of the economy increased to 6.2
percent. The treaty on thewater sharing of the
river Ganges, the peace accord in Chittagong
Hill Tracts, recognition of 21 stFebruary as
international mother language day, election to
the
UN
Security
Council,
subregionalcooperation through the formation of D8, BIMSTEC and the Association for
AsianParliamentarian for Peace (AAPP)
bestowed on Bangladesh a new position of
prestige andimportance in the global arena.
Various initiatives taken for alleviation of
poverty resulted in the reduction of poverty
from anannual average of .50 to 1.50 percent,
while the human poverty indicator came down
from 41.6percent to 32 percent. Achieving
growth of 56 percentage points in the UN
Human DevelopmentIndex (HDI) in five years
was a record. Increase of literacy rate to 65
percent, formulation of aneducation policy and
the removal of session backlogs in educational
institutions were significantachievements in the
educational front.
Incredible success was also achieved in the
electricity
and
power,
and
transport
andcommunication sectors. In only five years,
production of 1,800 megawatt of electricity
raisingthe total output to 4300 megawatt,
increase in gas production and exploration,
completion of theJamuna Bridge; construction
of 62,000 kilometers of paved and unpaved
roads and building of19,000 bridges and
culverts vastly improved the countrys overall
infrastructure.
Internal savings increased from 14.7 percent of
national income to 18 percent over the five year
period and the rate of investment increased from
20 percent to 23.1 percent. During the
AwamiLeague rule, 1 lakh 22 thousand small
and medium size industries were established.
Millions ofjob opportunities for the unemployed
were created through facilitating private
investment. Onecommunity clinic for every six
thousand people was established at government
5|Page

initiative.Withdrawal of taxes and duties on

medical equipment encouraged setting up of
clinics andhospitals in the private sector. By
abolishing monopoly in the mobile telephone
sector andmaking mobile phones available to
everyone at low prices and increasing access to
informationtechnology by reducing import
duties, the Awami League government made it
possible forBangladesh to enter the digital age.
Rule of law and establishment of human rights
were
ensured
by
repealing
the
infamousindemnity ordinance, bringing to trial
the killers of Bangabandhu and the four national
leadersand
by
establishing
the
Law
Commission. The Public Administration Reform
Commission (PARC) was formed to establish
good governance in the country. A progressive
women'sdevelopment
policy
was
also
formulated. In the parliament, the Prime
Ministers Question hourwas introduced and the
Parliamentary Committees were activated and
strengthened
byappointing
members
as
chairmen of parliamentary committees replacing
the ministers. Necessarylaws were passed to
decentralize power through establishing a four
tier local government system.Various steps were
taken to bring back the spirit of the liberation
war and the glory of freedommovement and a
regeneration of Bengali culture. During the five
year rule of Awami League,the country had
effectively turned around and transformed itself
into a land of immensepossibilities. The Awami
Leagues five year rule will go down in the
annals of history as nothingshort of a golden
period.
Source:
https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:Z
4cYW2f_0cQJ:www.thedailystar.net/newDesign
/election/resources/Manifestos/Manifesto_Bangl
adesh_Awami_League.pdf
07. Bangladesh Awami League election
manifesto and achievement (2008-Present)
The new AL government presents itself as the
agent of change. But its policies mostly rely
on institutional improvements made by the

interim regime: an effective Anti-Corruption

Commission (ACC); an independent Election
Commission and judiciary; and the reform of the
country's hugely inefficient public sector. The
government is also to ratify most of the laws
made by the interim government (otherwise,
doubt might be cast on the validity of the
election it won). But the fear is that it and the
BNP will shake off the straitjacket designed to
prevent their return to their past confrontational
excesses.
Mercifully for the new government, the impact
of the global economic downturn has so far been
limited. The capital account is in effect closed,
which has proved a blessing. But the economy is
built on clothing exports, and remittances from
the Gulf. Both will inevitably suffer. The
government has vowed to reduce the number of
poor people from 65m to 45m during its fiveyear term, tackle inflation, terrorism and a
crippling power crisis, and pursue better
relations with India, its huge, economically
important neighbour. This month it slashed
fertiliser prices by half, cut the price of diesel,
and revived powers to fix the prices of essential
commodities.
The government's other ambitious project is the
prosecution of those accused of war crimes
during the war of independence in 1971. Many
of the alleged perpetrators are still active in
politics, mostly as members of the Jamaat-eIslami, a large Islamist party that did badly in
the election. The interim government did not
pursue war crimes, in part because of the feared
economic ramifications: Saudi Arabia, a big
source of remittances, objects to trials. But
Sheikh Hasina, daughter of Mujibur Rahman,
the murdered independence leader, said this
week that she was pledge-bound to bring war
criminals to justice
AL manifesto on the other hand chooses
specificity and sets a target for achieving annual
GDP growth rate of 8.0 per cent by 2013, and
10% by 2021. These appear quite feasible
targets, but the devil is in the details. Such
specificity has some disadvantages in that it
raises questions. One wonders if there is any
6|Page

need to wait until 2013 to reach 8.0 per cent

growth. Since the economy has already grown at
an average rate of over 6.0 per cent in the past
five years, 8.0 per cent GDP growth is within
reach provided the power constraint is removed
and the AL target for generation capacity of
5000MW by 2011 is likely to do that. A more
fitting strategy would have been to target 8.0 per
cent growth, on a sustainable basis, over the
next five years, followed by 8.0-10.0 per cent
growth thereafter. Only China has done
something like that while India and Vietnam
showed lot of promise in recent years.
The bigger challenge would be to raise
investment rates to the required 31-32 per cent
of GDP from its current level of 24 per cent.
Both local and foreign investments need to be
mobilized. That means working on improving
the investment climate. While both manifestos
make commitment to encourage local and
foreign investment, along with incentives for
Non-resident Bangladeshis (NRBs), they pay
scant attention to undertaking those reforms that
are needed to get the job done. The point needs
to be made that 'business as usual' will not yield
sustainable results in terms of growth or poverty
reduction. Hard policy choices will need to be
made, say, in the area of domestic resource
mobilization, and on so many aspects of
governance. Is the political leadership ready to
take the bull by the horn?
Source: The Financial Express, December
16,2008
Locking
in
political
commitments
THE Perspective Plan envisages establishment
of a number of institutions to maintain
momentum
of
the
reforms
agenda.
It stipulates establishment of a permanent pay,
services and regulatory reforms commission for
strengthening the regulatory environment; a
perspective plan management office at the
Planning Commission to coordinate the
execution of the plan; and an independent Vision
2021 council to regularly update the Perspective
Plan and track progress objectively. However,

these are yet to be followed up with concrete

actions.
It may be recalled here that during its tenure, the
caretaker government (2007-2008) introduced a
number of initiatives such as the Regulatory
Reforms Commission and Bangladesh Better
Business Forum along with reforms in other
areas, including pending electoral reforms. The
reforms commission focused on such areas, as
was established in October 2007, to recommend
reforms towards better business regulation,
enhanced economic zones and capacity building
in government agencies. The commission put
forward a total of 135 recommendations of
which 46 (34 per cent) were implemented by the
caretaker
government.
However, despite declarative intentions made by
the government for reconstituting the reforms
commission and the business forum in the first
budget, both bodies which played a critically
important role in the reforms agenda are dead
today.
Introducing
civil
service
act
IT is recognised that the effectiveness and
efficiency of a countrys public sector is vital to
the success of its development activities. The
Perspective Plan directs preparing a composite
set of agency performance indicators for
ministries and agencies to facilitate public
disclosure of performance data for individual
agencies. The five-year plan calls for
formulating
a
civil
service
act.
There was some progress made in terms of
introducing performance indicators, as noted in
the second budget speech. It mentioned that
performance based evaluation system had been
introduced in the Ministry of Establishment as a
pilot project. The third budget speech indicated
that the draft of the civil service bill was in the
process of finalisation and that all
ministries/divisions were going to be connected
to the budget database through wide area
network to facilitate better coordination of their
activities. Meanwhile, it has been reported that
the civil service bill is now being finalised to be
presented
before
parliament.
7|Page

Decentralising
public
administration
VISION 2021 calls for devolution of power,
responsibility, and financial management to the
upazila and other local government tiers for
better utilisation of public resources. The fiveyear plan seeks to reform the property tax base
in order to strengthen the financial autonomy of
city corporations and municipalities. The first
budget
speech
mentioned
about
the
governments intention about preparing a district
budget
by
FY2010-11.
It also suggested transformation of all union
headquarters into planned rural townships. It
made a commitment to turning upazila
headquarters into municipalities with modern
amenities. It also talked of decentralising police
administration and setting up a public
representative board.
The second budget mentioned steps that were
being taken to reform upazila parishad
legislation and frame its terms of reference. The
third budget provided a list of laws which were
enacted in reforming the local government
structure, namely, the Local Government (Union
Parishad) Act 2009, the Local Government
(Paurashava) (Amendment) Act 2010 and Local
Government (City Corporation) Act 2009.
The government is, however, yet to make any
positive impact on reducing the core local
conflict over distribution of public provisions.
There have been talks of establishing a
National
Decentralisation
Policy
and
Decentralisation Commission. Here, the
overarching objective should be to bring the
citizenry closer to public service provisions.

8. Bangladesh Nationalist Party

Election Manifesto in 1991 &2001:

(BNP)

BNP won a plurality of seats and formed a

coalition government with the Islamic party
Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, with Khaleda Zia,
widow of Ziaur Rahman, obtaining the post of
Prime Minister.
While in opposition during the immediate past
AL rule, the BNP blasted the AL government,

the prime minister, ministers and AL party men

for "unabated corruption" in the country. In its
manifesto for 2001 election, the BNP made
certain important commitments to help eradicate
corruption and these included: (1) appointment
of ombudsman; (2) setting up of an independent
anti-corruption
commission (ACC);
(3)
disclosure of assets and properties of all elected
people's representatives.
Achievements of Bangladesh Nationalist
Party BNP (1991-1996 & 2001-2006)
Now, let us see as to what extent the BNP during
its four and a half years rule has fulfilled its
commitments to eradicate unbridled corruption.
Ombudsman
Article 77 of our constitution provides for the
establishment of the office of the ombudsman.
According to the constitution, the ombudsman
shall exercise such powers and perform such
functions as parliament may, by law, determine,
including the power to investigate any action
taken by a ministry, a public officer or a
statutory public authority. The ombudsman shall
prepare an annual report concerning the
discharge of his functions, and such report shall
be laid before parliament.
In1980, the then BNP government passed an act
for installation of an ombudsman, and after 22
years, on January 6, 2002, the BNP-led coalition
government brought the act into force through a
gazette notification. However, on February 11,
2002, the law ministry proposed to the cabinet
for amendments to some provisions of the act,
which in turn formed a committee to scrutinize
the bill. Since then nothing is known about the
fate of the bill.People demanded under
democratic society an end to unbridled
corruption, end to extortion from all quarters, an
independent
anti-corruption
commission,
independent human rights commission, assured
law and order, separation of judiciary from
executive branch, abolition of special powers
act, freer government media and vibrant
parliament, transparent and accountable
government. All these popular demands were
8|Page

eloquently magnified in the BNP manifesto

during election campaign in 2001.
Anti Corruption Commission
After three years of the BNP-led coalition rule,
anti-corruption commission (ACC) came to be
formed in a haphazard manner in November,
2004. During its existence for a year and half,
the ACC has hardly been functional due to the
hurdles created by the government.
First, the tussle between the commission and the
government surfaced over the appointment of
the secretary to the commission.
Second, through a government notification of
December 2004, the commission was attached
with the cabinet division which, in fact, became
the controlling ministry/division of the
commission. This struck at the root of the
independence of the commission.
Although 17 months have elapsed since the
setting up of the commission, its organogram,
rules etc have not as yet been approved by the
government.
Finally, the government has not as yet come up
with an English version of the ACC law
although the international community, in
particular the development partners, has been
interested in the establishment of the ACC and
its effective functioning.

political corruption was the biggest scourge

facing the world. Bangladesh is no exception to
this.
In its manifesto for 2001 election, the BNP
pledged that if voted to power, it would take
legal steps for the disclosure of assets and
properties of all elected people's representatives,
including the prime minister, ministers and
others with the rank and status of minister.
In some countries having multi-party democratic
system, the MPs are under legal obligation to
submit in a prescribed form the yearly
statements of assets of their own, their spouses
and dependents to the Election Commission
(EC). The statements submitted by the MPs are
published in the official gazette. These
statements are scrutinised and if any statement is
found to be false in material particulars, the MP
concerned is proceeded against for committing
the offence of corrupt practice.
But our political parties, whether in government
or in opposition, disfavor enactment of such
laws. This is primarily because of the fact that
money and muscle dominate our general
elections. The MPs elected have to amass wealth
by any means not only to recoup the incurred
expenditure but also to meet the expenses of the
next general elections.

The ACC has been established to help eliminate

corruption from the administration and the
society at large. But the hurdles created by the
government corroborate the people's perception
that the government has created the ACC on the
insistence of the development partners and it
does not want the ACC to function effectively.
Disclosure of assets
There are three main actors in the high
corruption drama of Bangladesh and they are
politicians, public servants, and private
corporate sector. A global survey of public
perceptions released by the Transparency
International (TI) on July 3, 2003 revealed that
9|Page

9. Conclusion
To conclude, whether political priorities will be dictated by economic motives is a matter which remains
open to debate. We can only hope that heed is paid to the outstanding issues of good governance which
are restraining Bangladesh from embarking on an inclusive economic development path, dictated by
solid, transparent political commitments. This country stands at the cross-roads of history, after thirtyeight years of independence. Thirty-eight years is a long time to change the face and fortunes of a
country and its people. In all these years, for ordinary people in Bangladesh, our political leadership has
always given them reasons for hope, as well as disappointment. The next five years could be singularly
consequential for our country. They bring challenge as well as opportunity. For all their shortcomings, if
the two manifestos are to be believed, people cannot be blamed for having the audacity to hope for peace
and progress for the next five years, whoever is at the helm.

10 | P a g e

10. References
I.

Political Parties in South Asia: The Challenge of Change South Asia Regional Report by
International Institutefor Democracy and Electoral Assistance, Stockholm, 2007

II.
III.

Election Watch: Awami League's 1996 manifesto, DAILY STAR 28 Sep 2001
https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:Z4cYW2f_0cQJ:www.thedailystar.net/newDesign
/election/resources/Manifestos/Manifesto_Bangladesh_Awami_League.pdf

IV.

The Financial Express, December 16,2008

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