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2. The manuscript was still used in the fifteenth century when the first two leaves were
replaced, copying the text in a formal gothic, with script, layout and initial on f. 1
intended to mimic the thirteenth-century leaves, and the final prayer was added on f.
21v.
3. Possibly at Westminster Abbey in the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century when
Westminster Abbaye, was written three times in a neat secretary script, top margin, f.
1, f. 11 (between the lines), and f. 21 (see below). The 1388 inventory of the vestry of
Westminster Abbey includes seventeen books under the heading De Missalibus et aliis
libris (Of Missals and other books); the sixteenth and seventeenth books in this list
are described as quaterni quires or gatherings -- containing the lessons for the Easter
Vigil and the Vigil of Pentecost (quaterni boni pro lectionibus legendis in vigilia
paschae et pentecostes (Pfaff, 2009, p. 229; and Legg, 1890, pp. 233-234), a perfect
description of this manuscript, and support (although not definitive proof) that this
manuscript may be one of these two books. Liturgical books from Westminster Abbey
are extremely rare; Richard Pfaffs recent discussion of the Abbeys liturgy is based on
only three surviving manuscripts (Pfaff, 2009, pp. 227-230).
Added notes from the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century, in two hands, Elizabeth
dei gratia, copied on f. 1, in a more formal bookhand; the remaining in a more current
secretary script (compare the promissory note from Anne Knyvet, August 12, 1525, in
Preston and Yeandle, 1992, no. 9A): f. 1, top margin, Westminster Abbaye, and lower
margin, Elizabeth dei gratias and in another hand (?), to my good frende
<Mortimer> identified as Sir John Mortimer (1450-1504) of Kyre [last two words
expunged and treated by a reagent]; f. 2, Vrother and sister; f. 4, To the right
worshyppfull Lord my especiall good ffrend, ; f. 12, To the victorious and triumphant
King Henry; f. 20, right and rong, bien et mal; and f. 21, Westminster Abbaye.
Based on these notes, it has traditionally been said that the manuscript belonged to
Elizabeth of Woodville (c. 1437-1492), wife of King Edward IV, and then to her
daughter, Elizabeth of York (1466-1503), wife of King Henry VII. Elizabeth Woodville
was in sanctuary at Westminster Abbey twice; the first time in 1470 for the birth of her
son (later one of the princes in the tower), and again in 1483 when the throne was seized
by Richard III. She may have been presented with this manuscript then. Tudor-Craig,
1973, no. 156 accepted the tradition; Sutton and Fuchs, 1995, pp. 231-232, and notes
100-102, reject it and interpret the annotations as pen-trials that prove only a link with
Westminster.
The question remains an open one. The observation by Sutton and Fuchs that none of
the annotations are in Elizabeth Woodvilles or Elizabeth of Yorks hand is important
(see note 101), and their point that the prayer on f. 21v, traditionally thought to have
been said by Elizabeth of York as she was dying in childbed after the birth of her fourth
child, was a prayer pronounced by a priest, rather than a prayer for private devotion is
correct (however, the words of the absolution, which mention excommunication were
commonly included, and do not mean that this prayer was used only in the case of
excommunication or other very grave sin). It is, however, hard to dismiss the
annotations as mere pen-trials. To cite one parallel example, Books of Hours often have
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added notes asking for prayers, or public assurances of affection, and Elizabeth of York
herself was known to have given and exchanged Books of Hours (for example, see Duffy,
2006, p.52, and fig. 39, reproducing the page in the Book of Hours, British Library,
Additional MS 17012, that includes annotations by Henry VII, Henry VIII, Elizabeth of
York, and Katherine of Aragon; see also Backhouse, 1995, p. 181, discussing the
implications of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century English signatures and
inscriptions often found in manuscripts).
Regardless of whether this manuscript belonged, or was used by, these two Queens of
England, the presence of these annotations does seem to support the idea that the
manuscript may no longer have been used as a formal liturgical volume by the late
fifteenth or early sixteenth century, and may even have belonged to a lay household.
This is particularly interesting because (despite its name), it is not in fact a prayer book,
but rather a copy of biblical readings for the Mass from the Old Testament, and as such
may be evidence of the lay use of the Bible in Latin. Given the large size of the script, it
may not be too fanciful to suggest that it would have been a useful book to teach
children to read.
4. Possibly belonged to Sir John Mortimer of Kyre (1450-1504), if the interpretation of the
added note f. 1 (see above; now treated by reagent) is correct.
5. Belonged to Jean-Baptiste Joseph Barrois (1784-1855), French deputy and a famous (or
indeed, infamous) book-collector (see Collingham, 1984), who added a twelfth-century
miniature (removed in 1915 and now Berlin, Print Room Inv.929), and had the book
bound with the roses of York and Lancaster. It may also be Barrois who added on the
front flyleaf, f. ii verso, in red ink, on lit de la main dElizabeth followed by a list in
pencil of the Elizabethan annotations, and on the back flyleaf, f. i, a note in red pen
about Elizabeth followed by a transcription of the prayer on f. 21v.
6. The Barrois Collection was bought by Bertram 4th Lord of Ashburnham (1797-1878) in
1849. In their coverage of the sale the New York Times reported on June 29, 1901:
The Barrois collection was the result of the labors of a man who, in France, was as
accomplished a book thief as Libri was in Italyonly he was satisfied with a few precious
things. He was Deputy for Lille before the Revolution of 1848, and was a distinguished
scholar and book lover. Originally the collection included 702 manuscripts, among them
many fine old texts of French romances and poems. In 1848 it was offered to the British
Museum for 6000 pounds but the transaction fell through, and Ashburnham bought it en
bloc for 8000 pounds. Later Lopold Delisle proved that about one-tenth of the
manuscripts had been stolen from French libraries, and thirteen years ago France
reacquired them by purchase.
7. The remains of the Ashburnham-Barrois Collection were subsequently sold by Bertram,
5th Lord of Ashburnham (1840-1913) at auction at Sothebys, London, 10-14 June
1901, this manuscript lot 328.
8. Changed hands often in the early decades of the twentieth century: Quaritch Cat. 1902,
January 1, no. 175 (Schoenberg Database 50113); Quaritch Cat., June, 1910, no. 203
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This manuscript includes biblical readings for the Mass for two liturgical feasts: Holy Saturday,
or the Easter Vigil, and the Vigil of Pentecost, celebrated seven weeks after Easter. During the
Middle Ages, most Masses included two biblical readings. The first reading was generally
known as the Epistle, since on Sundays it was selected from the Pauline Epistles, and the second
reading was always from the Gospels. The two feasts in this manuscript were, however, special
liturgical occasions. Holy Saturday and the Vigil of Pentecost were the only feasts on which
baptism was permitted in the early church, and they both are liturgically distinctive in including
readings from the Old Testament (known as the Prophecies) in addition to the usual two Mass
readings. The texts selected for these readings, and the number of texts read, varied depending
on liturgical Use during the Middle Ages; the Roman Missal, for example, included twelve
Prophecies on Holy Saturday (a practice followed today in the modern Church), but Missals
following Sarum Use included four prophecies for both feasts (the same eight readings as found
in this manuscript, with the exception of the last reading for the Easter Vigil, which following
Sarum Use was from Deuteronomy instead of the text from Isaiah found here; Legg, 1916, pp.
119-20 and 158-9). The fourteenth-century Missal from Westminster Abbey edited by Legg
(Legg, 1891-1897) includes five readings for each of these feasts (with a number of differences
in the texts chosen compared with the manuscript described here; as Pfaff has observed, the text
of this very luxurious volume may not always reflect the actual liturgical customs at
Westminster).
The size of the script in this manuscript does suggest it was designed to be used for public
reading during Mass; however, there is no evidence that suggests that these leaves were a
fragment from a longer book such as a Mass Lectionary or a Missal. Note that when these texts
were included in a Mass lectionary or in a Missal, the readings for Holy Saturday were naturally
followed by those for Easter and the seven weeks of the liturgical season of Easter, and then with
the readings for Pentecost and its Vigil. The two feasts did not follow each other immediately
as they do in this manuscript. Moreover, the third reading for the Vigil of Pentecost, Isaiah
chapter four, is here given with the opening words only, with a note stating that the complete
reading is found at a previous point, since Isaiah chapter four is also the third reading for Holy
Saturday a strong indication that these texts were copied together as a small independent
liturgical libellus, with just the readings for these two feasts.
As discussed above in the provenance section, it is striking that the 1388 inventory of the
liturgical books in the Vestry of Westminster Abbey included two small libelli the inventory
uses the term quaterni, that is quires or gatherings, with readings for the Easter Vigil and the
Vigil of Pentecost. The Cistercian Abbey of Meaux in Yorkshire also owned a quaternus, with
these readings and other texts, listed in their catalogue of 1396-1399 (Pfaff, 2009, p. 260). How
many of these libelli survive and how many are listed in medieval inventories and catalogues
would be a fascinating question for further research (cf. Palazzon, 1990, especially pp. 29-30,
discussing the rarity of libelli including readings for the Mass. Palazzo, who is primarily discussing
earlier manuscripts, does not mention any examples of manuscripts including the readings for
Holy Saturday and Pentecost).
Modern scholars of the liturgy have come to emphasize the importance of short liturgical
manuscripts of this type, that include texts for a single liturgical purpose, used to supplement
larger volumes, both for convenience, and to adapt to changing liturgical practice (Palazzo,
1998, pp. 37-8, and 1990). Liturgical libelli of this type were certainly less likely to survive than
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formal liturgical volumes, making those that do survive particularly interesting to liturgical
scholars.
LITERATURE
Backhouse, Janet. Illuminated Manuscripts Associated with Henry VII and Members of His
Immediate Family, in The Reign of Henry VII. Proceedings of the 1993 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. Benjamin
Thompson, Stamford, 1995, pp. 175-187.
Carley, James P. The Books of King Henry VIII and His Wives, London, British Library, 2004.
Collingham, Hugh. Joseph Barrois: Portrait of a Bibliophile, The Book Collector 33 (1984), pp.
431-48.
Duffy, Eamon. Marking the Hours. English People and Their Prayers, New Haven and London, Yale
University Press, 2006.
Edwards, A. S. G. H. L. Bradfer-Lawrence, The Book Collector 53 (2004), pp. 64-69.
Giles, Pyllis M. A Handlist of the Bradfer-Lawrence Manuscripts Deposited on Loan at the
Fitzwilliam Museum, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 6 (1973), pp. 86-99.
Legg, J. Wickham, ed. Missale ad usum Ecclesie westmonasteriensis, nunc primum typis mandatum, London,
Harrison and sons, printers] 1891-97.
Legg, J. Wickham. On an Inventory of the Vestry in Westminster Abbey Taken in 1388,
Archaeologia 52, part I (1890), pp. 195-286, especially pp. 233-234.
Legg, J. Wickham, ed. The Sarum Missal. Edited from Three Early Manuscripts, Oxford, Clarendon
Press, 1916.
Palazzo, Eric. A History of Liturgical Books from the Beginning to the Thirteenth Century, translated by
Madeline Beaumont, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1998.
Palazzo, E. Le role des libelli dans la pratique liturgique du haut Moyen Age: Histoire et
typologie, Revue Mabillon 62/1 (1990), pp. 9-36.
Pfaff, Richard William. The Liturgy in Medieval England: A History, Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 2009.
Pope, Joseph. One Hundred and Twenty-Five Manuscripts. Bergendal Collection Catalogue, Toronto, 1999.
Pope, Joseph. The Library that Father Boyle Built, in A Distinct Voice: Medieval Studies in Honor of
Leonard Boyle, O.P., ed. Jacqueline Brown and William P. Stoneman, Notre Dame, University of
Notre Dame Press, 1997, pp. 157-162.
Preston, Jean F. and Laetitia Yeandle. English Handwriting, 1400-1650, Binghamton, NY, 1992.
www.textmanuscripts.com
Stoneman, William P. A Summary Guide to the Medieval and Later Manuscripts in the
Bergendal Collection, Toronto in A Distinct Voice: Medieval Studies in Honor of Leonard Boyle, O.P., ed.
Jacqueline Brown and William P. Stoneman, Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press,
1997, pp. 163-206.
Sutton, A. F. and L. Visser-Fuchs. A Most Benevolent Queen: Queen Elizabeth Woodvilles
Reputation, Her Piety, and Her Books, Ricardian 10 (1995), pp. 214-245, discussing this
manuscript, pp. 231-2 and notes 100-102.
Tudor-Craig, P. Richard III: Exhibition, National Portrait Gallery 1973, second ed., Ipswich and
Totowa, New Jersey, Boydell Press, 1977, pp. 64-65, cat. no. 156.
ONLINE RESOURCES
Bergendal Collection
http://www3.sympatico.ca/bergendalcoll/ms68.htm
Historical background to the readings for Holy Saturday and Vigil of Pentecost discussed by
Shawn Tribe, Compendium of the 1955 Holy Week Revisions of Pius XII: Part 7 - The Vigil of
Pentecost and the Holy Week Readings (April 15, 2009, New Liturgical Movement)
http://www.newliturgicalmovement.org/2009/04/2009-compendium-of-1955-holy-week.html
Book of Hours probably owned by Elizabeth of York, London, BL, Additional MS 50001
http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?ref=Add_MS_50001
TM 549
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