Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
VOL. LXX
PEETERS
LEUVEN PARIS WALPOLE, MA
2013
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ABSTRACT
This paper critically re-evaluates a number of Augustines anti-Manichaean writings,
principally his De moribus manichaeorum, De natura boni, and De haeresibus from the
perspective of recent developments in the study of gender, and the role of rumour and
hearsay in ancient heresiological discourse. As part of panel considering the role of
women in late antique Manichaeism, it discusses the role of women in Augustines
anti-Manichaean rhetoric, and also salvages historical impressions of Manichaean
women from the patristic literature of the late fourth and early fifth centuries.
500
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
501
502
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
12
Epiphanius, Panarion, Proem 2.4: trans. Frank Williams, The Panarion of Epiphanius of
Salamis. Book I (Sects 1-46), 2nd edition, revised and expanded, Nag Hammadi and Manichaean
Studies 63 (Leiden, 2009), 14.
13
A. Anthony Moon, The De natura boni of Saint Augustine. A translation with an introduction and commentary, The Catholic University of America Patristic Studies 88 (Washington, D.C.,
1955), 239,
14
A.A. Moon, The De natura boni of Saint Augustine (1955), 239.
503
work dating from the late 380s.15 It is a work in which the early triangulation
of rumour, invective, and testimony based on Augustines own experiences as
a former Hearer of the church in Carthage and Rome, may be witnessed. In the
final portions of the treatise, Augustine openly declares that much of what he
has to say about Manichaean morals (specifically the conduct of the Elect), is
more rumour (fama) than truth.16 As Maud Gleason has noted, [g]ossip transforms events into stories,17 and in the final portion of mor. man. Augustine
sets out the principal plotlines in his slanderous representation of Manichaean
conduct; in particular, allegations of sexual misconduct which were to become
a mainstay in his characterisation of the Manichaean Elect. While rumours and
representations of women play some, although by no means a major, part in
this work, we still need to attend to the ways in which Augustine develops
specific rumours about Manichaeans in the treatise, in order to appreciate his
treatment of Manichaean women in later writings. Although twinned with mor.
eccl. cath., with both treatises handled as a single work in two books (libri duo)
by Augustine himself and other late antique commentators,18 the concerns and
characteristics of mor. man. are substantially different from the preceding treatise.19 In mor. man., Augustines sights are set on dismantling the prodigious
reputation that Manichaeans enjoyed for the practice of asceticism. In broad
terms, the working method of mor. man. rested on Augustines willingness to
exploit ruthlessly the implications of the Manichaeans symbolic dependence
on the so-called Three Seals (tria signacula), as the indication of the Manichaean Elects commitment to closing off the mouth, hands, and breast20 from
the performance of activities considered polluting to their ideals of ascetic continence. It is apparent from Augustines treatment of it that the breast was
15
For the dating of the treatise, see J.K. Coyle, Augustines De moribus ecclesiae catholicae
(1978), 66-76. Both mor. eccl. cath. and mor. man. require urgent re-examination in light of the
developments in the academic study of Manichaeism. The limited bibliography on mor. man.
includes Franois Decret, LAfrique manichenne (IVe-Ve sicles). tude historique et doctrinale.
Tome 1: Texte (Paris, 1978), 24-36; id., De moribus ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum, livre II: De moribus Manichaeorum, in J.K. Coyle, F. Decret et al., De moribus
ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum, De quantitate animae di Agostino dIppona
(1991), 59-119. Also Nicholas J. Baker-Brian Testimony and Rumour: Strategies of Invective in
Augustines De moribus manichaeorum, in Alberto Quiroga (ed.), Protean Rhetoric: Religion,
Culture and Politics in the Fourth Century A.D. (forthcoming 2013).
16
Mor. man. 19.68 (CSEL 90. 149.11-2): Sed sit et haec magis fama quam verum. All translations from Augustines mor. man. are by Roland Teske, The Manichean Debate. The Works of
Saint Augustine I/19 (New York, 2006), 69-103, unless otherwise stated.
17
M. Gleason, Visiting and News (1998), 502.
18
E.g. Augustine, Retractationes I. 6 (ed. Pius Knll, CSEL 36); also, Possidius, Indiculum 4.1
(ed. Wilhelm Geerlings, Augustinus Opera-Werke).
19
See N.J. Baker-Brian, Testimony and Rumour (forthcoming, 2013).
20
I agree with Jason BeDuhns assessment that in mor. man., Augustine regards the Three
Seals as being the preserve of the Elect only. See Jason David BeDuhn, The Manichaean Body
in Discipline and Ritual (Baltimore and London, 2000; repr. 2002), 36.
504
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
505
506
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
missing the point. In mor. man. Augustine is engaged in a process of marginalising the followers of Manis teachings through the deployment of rumour
and insinuation. In specific terms, Augustine is engaged in transforming Manichaean Christians into the Other through the imputation of a revolting rite to
the religions hierarchical class.31
In a somewhat reserved tone, a parody of the ritual meal practised by Manichaeans is implied. Thus, the allegation concerning the Elects consumption of semen needs to be understood within the context of the treatises wider
literary purport as a work of slanderous rhetoric, i.e. Invective.32 Notable in
this regard is Augustines inversion of the Elects role as purificatory vessels
for digesting Light in the allegation that they eat substances deemed polluting
by the normative values of late ancient communities, namely semen (mor. man.
18.66), and human excrement (mor. man. 16.41).33 The related charge of
coprophagia levelled against the Elect illustrates very well the character of
mor. man. as a work of late antique invective literature, where scatological
remarks stood alongside other abusive charges and commentary.34 In the
inverted emphasis placed on the purification of animal seed, and the exclusion
of Hearers from the rite, Augustine reveals his awareness of the meals rationale
(i.e. the purging of Light), and the performance of the meal as a churchwide responsibility with its emphasis on the donation of alms by Hearers.
While Augustine is evidently creating a specific argument in this treatise, his
comments also betray his awareness of the long-standing accusation against
Manichaeans concerning the performance of a deviant eucharist in which the
consumption by the Elect of human semen and menses was imagined.35 Beyond
Manichaeism and other Gnosticism. Studies for Johannes van Oort at Sixty, Nag Hammadi and
Manichaean Studies Series 74 (Leiden, 2011), 463-79.
31
As broadly explored by David Frankfurter, Evil Incarnate: Rumors of demonic conspiracy
and ritual abuse in history (Princeton and Oxford, 2006), especially 73-128.
32
For an incisive summary of invective, see Laurent Pernot, La rhtorique de lloge dans le
monde grco-romain, Vol. 1: Histoire et Technique, Collection des tudes Augustiniennes, Srie
Antiquit 137 (Paris, 1993), 481-90.
33
Compare the comments ascribed to Mani in the Cologne Mani Codex (CMC) about the
excrement of shame (skbala tv asxnjv) produced by the body during the digestive process, CMC 81.2-13, ed. Ludwig Koenen and Cornelia Rmer, Der Klner Mani-Kodex. ber das
Werden seines Leibes. Kritische Edition, Papyrologica Coloniensia 14 (Opladen, 1988).
34
See esp. Gianfranco Agosti, Late Antique Iambics and Iambik Ida, in Alberto Cavarzere,
Antonio Aloni and Alessandro Barchiesi (eds), Iambic Ideas: Essays on a poetic tradition from
Archaic Greece to the Late Roman empire (Lanham, 2001), 219-55; also Laura Migulez-Cavero,
Invective at the Service of Encomium in the Dionysiaca of Nonnus of Panopolis, Mnemosyne
63 (2010), 23-42.
35
E.g. the late third century epistle attributed to Theonas, bishop of Alexandria, in which the
author warns against the missionary activities of female Elect from whom menstrual blood is
collected to perform the abominations of their madness; see Colin H. Roberts (ed.), P. Rylands
Greek 469.32-4, Catalogue of the Greek and Latin Papyri in the John Rylands Library Manchester 3 (Manchester, 1938); reproduced in Alfred Adam (ed.), Texte zum Manichismus (Berlin,
507
the othering role which such an allegation played, for instance in the labelling
of Manichaeans as perverted, polluted, and filthy,36 it may also have been
part of a concerted effort to challenge, in particular, portrayals of the Elect as
scrupulously continent.37 As semen was understood to bear heat and potency,
allegations about its consumption may have been used to imply a certain sexual
voraciousness on the part of the Elect.38 It is clear from other imputations of
the practice to heretics by earlier patristic writers, for instance in its archetypal
attribution to Simon Magus and the Simonians by Epiphanius in the Panarion,39
that the allegation was reserved for those individuals and groups that heresiologists wished to style as especially fraudulent in appropriating for themselves
a Christian identity, and whose alleged behaviour betrayed not simply sexual
avariciousness, but also greed for fame and fortune through the corruption of
the nomen Christianum.
Additional indirect ways of imputing such a tendency to the Elect, other than
through open accusation (e.g. mor. man. 19.68), are a characteristic of mor.
man., to be seen in Augustines accusations that the Elect gorge themselves to
the point of bursting on sumptuous feasts.40 In classical instances of invective,
1969), 52-4. An English translation is available in Iain Gardner and Samuel N.C. Lieu, Manichaean Texts from the Roman Empire (Cambridge, 2004), 114-5. For a brief commentary, see
J. Kevin Coyle, Manichaeism and its Legacy (2009), 195-6. During the mid-fourth century, Cyril
of Jerusalem in his catechetical address 6.33 (De uno deo; PG 33, 597) offered an evasive description of a Manichaean bathing rite (i.e. baptism) in which a fig is dipped in semen and menses
and offered to communicants. The issue of a Manichaean eucharist, and the charges of lewd
conduct brought against the Elect, are discussed by Franois Decret, Notes complmentaires et
Bibliographies slectives III: Le rite de l<eucharistie> chez les manichens allusion critique
aux <murs> des lus de la secte, in F. Decret (ed.), Acta Contra Fortunatum Manichaeum
(2004), 52-5. Most academic commentators regard the allegation of consumption of semen and
menses as spurious intended to slander the ascetic reputation of Manichaeans; the assessment of
Henri-Charles Puech I take as typical in this regard, see his Sur le manichisme et autres essais
(Paris, 1979), 241-3. Compare the rehabilitation of ancient heresiology, which takes the testimony [of] libertinism seriously, [asking] how these sorts of practices make internal sense (p. 17),
by Jorunn Jacobsen Buckley, Libertines or Not: Fruit, Bread, Semen and Other Body Fluids in
Gnosticism, Journal of Early Christian Studies 2 (1994), 15-31.
36
See especially Neil Adkin, Filthy Manichees, Arctos 26 (1992), 5-18; and id., Heretics
and Manichees, Orpheus 14 (1993), 135-40.
37
N.b. Mor. man. 19.68, and Augustines claim to have witnessed a group of male Elect in
Carthage leering gratuitously at a party of (non-Manichaean) women. Compare the discussion of
viewing and spectatorship by C. Vout, Power and Eroticism (2007), 24-7.
38
E.g. Aristotle, De generatione animalium 735a-737b, ed. and trans. Arthur Leslie Peck, The
Loeb Classical Library Series 366 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1942; repr. 1969); Peter Brown,
The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York,
1988), 9-11.
39
Epiphanius, Panarion XXI 4.1.
40
Mor. man. 19.71 (CSEL 90, 151.11-6): Suspicionibus vero januae quantae aperiebantur,
cum eos invidos inveniebamus, cum avaros, cum epularum exquisitarum audissimos, cum in jurgiis frequentissimos, cum de rebus exiguis mobilissimos? Non utique arbitrabamur eos temperare
508
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
509
description of the effect of the pregnancy on the womans family was likely no
different to most late Roman families response to an announcement of a
daughters pregnancy outside marriage.45 While distinguishing between the true
and false pieces of information in these accounts is near impossible, Augustines portrayal of Elect behaviour as criminal in the literal sense of the word
could only serve to further malign their reputations. However, a focus on the
authenticity of the details misses the point of Augustines strategy. The main
concerns of Augustines portrayal rather centre on the failure of the (male)
Elect, and in the wider sense, the failure of Manichaean ascetic programme.
The failure is squarely linked to the Elects inability to master temperance.
Augustine associates the template for this behavioural failing on the part of the
Elect with Manichaean lore, specifically the episode in which,
[y]ou say that Adam was born of his parents, those aborted princes of darkness, in such
a way that he had the greatest part of the light for his soul and a very small part of the
opposing nation. Though he lived a holy life on account of the preponderant amount of
good, that opposing part was nonetheless aroused in him so that he would turn to intercourse. In that way he fell and sinned, but he lived thereafter a holier life I do not
know how anyone can bear and tolerate another point in all of you, namely, that, though
you say that the soul is a part of God, you still claim that the small amount evil which
was mingled with it overcame its greater abundance and fecundity. After all, if anyone
believed this and if lust attacked him, who would not have recourse to such a defense
rather than to the bridling and suppression of his lust?46
In the light of Augustines association between the conduct of the Elect and
Manichaean lore, mor. man. becomes highly significant in the landscape of late
antique Catholic and Manichaean debate. While it is apparent that Augustine
was drawing on some relatively long-standing accusations about the Manichaeans (e.g. spermatodulia), his handling of them in mor. man. makes the treatise
stand out among the anti-Manichaean literature of the late fourth century.
Certain themes first raised here will appear again in Augustines writings,
and in the polemical literature of other late antique and early medieval authors.47
45
Mor. man. 19.73 (CSEL 90, 153.18-21): Hic ego non tam de nequam homine conqueror, qui
stupro nefario alienam familiam, sub habitu electi et sancti viri ad tantum dedecus infamiamque
perduxit.
46
Mor. man. 19.73 (CSEL 90, 153.12-8): Adam dicitis sic a parentibus suis genitum abortivis
illis principibus tenebrarum, ut maximam partem lucis haberet in animam et perexiguam gentis
adversae. Qui cum sancte viveret propter exsuperantem copiam boni, commotam tamen in eo
fuisse adversam illam partem, ut ad concubitum declinaretur; ita eum lapsum esse atque peccasse,
sed vixisse postea sanctiorem; ibid. (153.23-154.5): Illud tamen in omnibus vobis quemadmodum ferri et tolerari possit ignoro, quod cum animam partem dei esse dicatis, asseritis tamen
etiam exiguo admixto malo maiorem eius copiam ubertatemque superari. Quis enim cum hoc
crediderit et eum libido pulsaverit, non ad talem defensionem potius quam eius libidinis refrenationem compressionemque confugiat?
47
There is no space in this article to discuss in detail similar allegations against Manichaeans
noted in later sources, e.g. in the Sermones of Leo the Great (e.g. serm. 16.4), which mirror those
510
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
In the first instance, it is here where Augustine makes explicit the link between
Manichaean identity and the untempered libido of the heretic. Furthermore, the
treatises ready acknowledgement of its dependence on rumour to disseminate
its allegations about the Elect, in effect, privatises the religious life of Manichaeans by portraying all conduct as confined to hidden places and darkened
rooms, and its reporting the preserve of whispers and gossip. Augustines
assessment in the treatise that Manichaean attitudes to marriage turn a wife into
a prostitute (meretrix, mor. man. 18.65), i.e. as someone whose role is to service their husbands libido, is actually the role of women involved in the religion that Augustine himself imagines throughout the final sections of the treatise. Thus, Manichaean women appear in wholly disenfranchised roles, e.g. as
objects of lust and as victims of sexual assault, existing only to strengthen
Augustines case against a libidinous (male) Elect.
511
512
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
label Manichaean had been imposed not simply as a term of abuse54 but also
for legal convenience,55 rather than being actual followers of Manichaean
teachings. The allegation (i.e. spermatodulia) applied to the Manichaeans in
both trials is described by Augustine as crimen and scelestum (nat. bon. 47),
thereby replicating not only the language used by him to characterise the conduct of the Elect in mor. man. (e.g. 19.68; 70), but also very likely echoing the
legal characterisation of accusations applied to Manichaean activity during
the course of the inquisitional proceedings in Gaul and Asia Minor, and elsewhere.56 Augustine notes, somewhat self-consciously however, that he had
heard about the confessions of this practice from certain Catholics in Rome,
likely during his second visit in the final years of the 380s. An open acknowledgement of Augustines dependence on second-hand (maybe even third, or
fourth-hand57) information, implied that, on the one hand, he was indeed
exempting himself from the responsibility of the account58 passed onto him
by his Roman acquaintances, but on the other hand, it is also an admission of
the way in which he has gone about assembling his case against Manichaean
morals and behaviour. As Epiphanius noted (see above), rumour was clearly
the friend of the heresiologist, and embracing it fully was one aspect of the
rules of the game for the controversialist in challenging ones opponents.
What is frequently missed in considerations of nat. bon.s later sections
certainly in Moons commentary from 1955 is some discussion of this performative aspect of Augustines treatise.59 For instance, while Augustine
acknowledges that the treatises slanderous content is based largely on inference and rumour, he also indicates that is unlikely that the Manichaeans actually perform such objectionable rites: It is shocking to say how this form of
their most unspeakable error (nefandissimi erroris) inclines [the Manichaeans], even if it does not bring them (etiamsi non persuadeat), to sacrilegious
and incredible shamefulness.60 This admission sits awkwardly alongside the
report of the legal trials in nat. bon. 47, although the vagueness of detail here
also works towards the same goal: i.e. sowing doubt in the mind of the audience about the reputation of the Manichaean Elect. Furthermore, Augustine
delays and conceals details of the Elects crime, while also introducing
ambiguous pieces of information intended to thwart the complete disclosure
of the crime in question. Indeed, Augustine postpones the details of the crime
R. Lim, The Nomen Manichaeorum (2008).
C. Humfress, Orthodoxy and the Courts (2007), 223.
56
Compare C. Humfress, Orthodoxy and the Courts (2007), 236.
57
Compare F. Decret, LAfrique manichenne I (1978), 132.
58
F. Decret, LAfrique manichene I (1978), 132.
59
For a wider discussion of this issue in ancient heresiology, see Averil Cameron, How to
read Heresiology, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 33 (2003), 471-92.
60
Nat. bon. 44 (PL 42, 567): Hoc genus nefandissimi erroris quam sacrilegas et incredibiles
turpitudines eis suadeat, etiamsi non persuadeat horribile est dicere.
54
55
513
which the Elect are charged with until the penultimate section of the work
(par. 47), and even then he alludes to it by circumlocution, precisely because
he deems the crime unspeakable (nefandus): thus, the matter under discussion concerns that which the Manichaeans consider to be a pars naturae dei,
which is bound when men and women have intercourse, and which is further
gyved in the womb.61 As with the logical inference first trialled in mor. man.
(see above), the consequence of their belief that the part of Gods nature
(variously, Light, or soul) which is trapped in food and which the Elect release
by eating also compels them to release that part which is emitted during
intercourse, and locked in utero. However, what in that earlier treatise was
animal (hence, unspecified) semen, in nat. bon. becomes human. The confessors in Gaul and Paphlagonia indicated that Manis Thesaurus supplied the
doctrinal spur for the practice. In nat. bon. 44, Augustine cites a passage taken,
as he indicates, from book seven of the work, in which (according to the Latin
version used by Augustine), the divine power (here identified as the Father,
although elsewhere as the Third Messenger) commands the virtutes (the Twelve
Virgins) in the Ships of Light to appear in sexually-alluring forms before the
omnes hostiles (otherwise known as the archons) chained across the vault of
the heavens. Their excitement at seeing so many beautiful forms causes a
(seminal?) emission of the light (a.k.a. viva anima) that they have captured
which was the original intention of the divine power in arranging his desirable forms which is then purified and ascends to the ships of Light for final
release.
This is the infamous episode, so heavily challenged by Manis ancient opponents and which is now frequently referred to after the title of Franz Cumonts
appendix in his 1908 study of Manichaean Cosmology in Theodore bar Koni
as The Seduction of the Archons.62 While this is a heavily investigated episode in Manis myth, its role in the argument of nat. bon. has received little
attention. That Augustine will receive the episode with great indignation
(Quis hoc ferat? Quis hoc credat, non dico ita esse, sed vel dici potuisse?)
is obvious; however, it is also the case that he leaves the interpretation of its
significance to Manichaeans open to insinuation. Although the passage from
the Thesaurus does not raise the performance of spermatodulia, it is the release
61
Nat. bon. 47 (PL 42, 570): Hoc saltem attendant miseri decepti et errore mortifero venenati,
quia si per coitum masculorum et feminarum ligatur pars dei, quam se manducando solvere et
purgare profitentur, cogit eos huius tam nefandi erroris necessitas, ut non solum de pane et
oleribus et pomis, quae sola videntur in manifesto accipere, sed inde etiam solvant et purgent
partem dei, unde per concubitum potest, si feminae utero concepta fuerit, colligari.
62
For full details, see Franz Cumont, Recherches sur le manichisme I: La cosmologie manichenne daprs Theodore bar Koni (Brussels, 1908), 54-68. See also Abraham Valentine Williams
Jackson, Researches in Manichaeism, with Special Reference to the Turfan Fragments (New
York, 1932), 244. And Gedaliahu A.G. Stroumsa, Another Seed: Studies in Gnostic Mythology
(Leiden, 1984), 152-8.
514
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
Although Augustine in nat. bon. does not go as far as Epiphanius, who linked
sacred text to libertine practices and deviant rites in his account of ritualised
orgiastic activity among Phibionite Gnostics (Panarion XXVI 4.1.f.),65 by the
time of the third decade of the fifth century such allegations had come to be
raised against the Manichaeans, and confirmed in inquisitional-style criminal
trials. Once again, the insinuation of criminal rites from lore is an intrinsic
aspect of Augustines attempts to degrade the religion of the Manichaeans. The
triangulation of rumour, invective, and testimony about Manichaean conduct
reaches its nadir in Augustines haer. and it is to this text that we now turn.66
63
See Aline Pourkier, LHrsiologie chez piphane de Salamine, Christianisme Antique 4
(Paris, 1992), 302-11.
64
Epiphanius, Panarion XXVI 3.3 (trans. Williams, 2009, 92). On the citation from the Gospel of Eve in Epiphanius, see Bentley Layton, The Gnostic Scriptures. A New Translation with
Annotations and Introductions (New York, 1987; repr. 1995), 77-9.
65
On Epiphanius Gnostics in Panarion XXVI, see the following studies which treat Epiphanius material as containing evidence of libertine gnostic practices: Stephen Benko, The Libertine
Gnostic Sect of the Phibionites According to Epiphanius, VC 21 (1967), 103-19; James
E. Goehring, Libertine or Liberated: Women in the So-called Libertine Gnostic Communities,
in Karen L. King (ed.), Images of the Feminine in Gnosticism (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, 1988;
repr. 2000), 329-44; and especially, the ingenious article by J. Jacobsen Buckley, Libertines or
Not (1994), 15-31.
66
One of Augustines very last works, composed between 428-30. Augustines sources for the
work included the apocryphal Anacephaleosis, a work based on the summary accounts of heretical groups prefacing chapters in Epiphanius Panarion. For commentary on haer., see Ligiori
G. Mller, The De Haeresibus of Saint Augustine: A Translation with an Introduction and Commentary, The Catholic University of America Press Patristic Studies 90 (Washington, D.C., 1956);
and, Johannes van Oort, Mani and Manichaeism in Augustines De haeresibus. An Analysis of
haer. 46,1, in Ronald E. Emmerick, Werner Sundermann, Peter Zieme (eds), Studia Manichaica,
IV. Internationaler Kongre zum Manichismus (Berlin, 2000), 451-63; also Madeline Scopello,
Haeresibus ad Quodvultdeum (De-), Augustinus Lexikon 3 (Basel, 2004), 278-90.
515
68
516
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
517
518
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
were also on trial as a result of their participation in a ritual act that by the fifth
century had come to mark out Manichaean conduct.
Searching for clues in order to uncover the reaction of a Manichaean woman
at the sharp end of a heresy trial is undeniably problematic, especially in a
heresiological account which develops a long-standing accusation of sexual
deviancy of slanderous intent. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to suggest that
Augustine (unwittingly) preserved the defiant reaction of one Manichaean
sanctimonialis to her alleged involvement in an illicit sexual act, and one which
had been instrumental in shaping the othering discourse of Catholic polemic
against Manichaean Christians for many decades. In haer. 46.9, we have the
narrative of a trial albeit an ex post facto third-person narrative83 which
dealt with specific criminal charges relating to identity and conduct i.e. of
being a Manichaean, but also likely including an allegation of stuprum in relation to the alleged eucharistic-style rite. With regard to Eusebias treatment
under Ursus, the clause vix compulit confiteri has been taken as implying the
use of forcible coercion (e.g. torture) on the part of the authorities in extracting
Eusebias confession.84 As Richard Lim has noted in relation to this episode,
inquisitional records from the sixteenth-century may prove useful in understanding the historical value of earlier proceedings notwithstanding the evident differences between Augustines literary-heresiological account, and the
stenographic nature of early modern inquisitional proceedings. However, Lims
comparative mention of Carlo Ginzburgs analysis of the inquisitional record
of Chiara Signorini, a Modenese peasant woman accused of witchcraft in 151819,85 does at least permit a comparison to be drawn between Chiaras sustained
denial of the charges brought against her, followed by her immediate volte-face
when subjected to torture, and Eusebias apparent refusal to accept the courts
judgement of her involvement in the alleged practice glimpsed in her demand
for an objective (i.e. medical) rather than a slanderous assessment of her integrity and her eventual confession brought about by the exacting although
unspecified methods of Ursus. Both accounts indicate to varying degrees the
efficacy of threats and torture in those instances where the accused had stubbornly refused to confirm the rumours raised during forensic examination.
However, both accounts also suggest that denial of rumours and allegations on
the part of the accused was bound up with a commitment to pious conduct.
Indeed, Augustine notes the denial of the allegation of spermatodulia by the
Manichaeans each time it is raised by him, most notably in details of the later
R. Lim, The Nomen Manichaeorum (2008), 15850.
Compare B.D. Shaw, Sacred Violence (2011), 328.
85
Carlo Ginzburg, Witchcraft and Popular Piety: Notes on a Modenese Trial of 1519, in id.,
Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method (Baltimore, 1989; repr. 1992), 1-16. Also of relevance
in terms of the methodological considerations involved in reading inquisitional records, see id.,
The Inquisitor as Anthropologist, in Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, 156-64.
83
84
519
520
N.J. BAKER-BRIAN
90
M.Y. MacDonald, Early Christian Women and Pagan Opinion (1996), 59.
STUDIA PATRISTICA
PAPERS PRESENTED AT THE SIXTEENTH INTERNATIONAL
CONFERENCE ON PATRISTIC STUDIES
HELD IN OXFORD 2011
Edited by
MARKUS VINZENT
Volume 1
STUDIA PATRISTICA LIII
FORMER DIRECTORS
Gillian CLARK, Bristol, UK
60 Years (1951-2011) of the International Conference on Patristic
Studies at Oxford: Key Figures An Introductory Note...................
17
31
43
55
73
Volume 2
STUDIA PATRISTICA LIV
BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS IN PATRISTIC TEXTS
(ed. Laurence Mellerin and Hugh A.G. Houghton)
Table of Contents
11
33
39
55
69
87
99
115
Volume 3
STUDIA PATRISTICA LV
EARLY MONASTICISM AND CLASSICAL PAIDEIA
(ed. Samuel Rubenson)
Table of Contents
23
35
59
79
95
29
41
51
65
73
Table of Contents
83
143
167
Table of Contents
27
31
51
75
Volume 6
STUDIA PATRISTICA LVIII
NEOPLATONISM AND PATRISTICS
Victor YUDIN, UCL, OVC, Brussels, Belgium
Patristic Neoplatonism ........................................................................
13
19
45
73
83
Table of Contents
117
181
Volume 7
STUDIA PATRISTICA LIX
EARLY CHRISTIAN ICONOGRAPHIES
(ed. Allen Brent and Markus Vinzent)
11
21
39
53
Table of Contents
69
77
89
97
113
Volume 8
STUDIA PATRISTICA LX
NEW PERSPECTIVES ON LATE ANTIQUE SPECTACULA
(ed. Karin Schlapbach)
21
39
47
10
Table of Contents
61
73
Volume 9
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXI
THE HOLY SPIRIT AND DIVINE INSPIRATION IN AUGUSTINE
(ed. Jonathan Yates)
15
31
53
63
Volume 10
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXII
THE GENRES OF LATE ANTIQUE LITERATURE
Yuri SHICHALIN, Moscow, Russia
The Traditional View of Late Platonism as a Self-contained System
11
Table of Contents
11
29
41
57
69
81
89
115
123
131
12
Table of Contents
135
HISTORICA
Guy G. STROUMSA, Oxford, UK, and Jerusalem, Israel
Athens, Jerusalem and Mecca: The Patristic Crucible of the Abrahamic
Religions ..............................................................................................
153
185
213
231
Table of Contents
13
313
353
419
431
14
Table of Contents
481
515
Volume 11
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXIII
BIBLICA
Mark W. ELLIOTT, St Andrews, UK
Wisdom of Solomon, Canon and Authority ........................................
17
29
45
Table of Contents
15
55
69
81
95
121
141
165
179
187
16
Table of Contents
313
Table of Contents
17
351
361
Volume 12
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXIV
ASCETICA
Kate WILKINSON, Baltimore, USA
Gender Roles and Mental Reproduction among Virgins ...................
15
21
33
18
Table of Contents
47
59
65
LITURGICA
T.D. BARNES, Edinburgh, UK
The First Christmas in Rome, Antioch and Constantinople ..............
77
85
111
ORIENTALIA
B.N. WOLFE, Oxford, UK
The Skeireins: A Neglected Text ........................................................ 127
Alberto RIGOLIO, Oxford, UK
From Sacrifice to the Gods to the Fear of God: Omissions, Additions
and Changes in the Syriac Translations of Plutarch, Lucian and
Themistius ........................................................................................... 133
Richard VAGGIONE, OHC, Toronto, Canada
Who were Manis Greeks? Greek Bread in the Cologne Mani Codex
145
Table of Contents
19
167
177
217
20
Table of Contents
27
39
49
63
79
91
119
Table of Contents
21
147
165
175
185
217
22
Table of Contents
313
331
Table of Contents
23
419
451
11
19
24
Table of Contents
33
41
53
61
69
87
99
143
151
161
Table of Contents
25
181
191
26
Table of Contents
319
Volume 15
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXVII
CAPPADOCIAN WRITERS
Giulio MASPERO, Rome, Italy
The Spirit Manifested by the Son in Cappadocian Thought .............
13
25
33
41
47
53
Table of Contents
27
63
69
77
91
101
113
121
131
143
151
179
28
Table of Contents
187
217
311
Table of Contents
29
351
Volume 16
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXVIII
FROM THE FIFTH CENTURY ONWARDS (GREEK WRITERS)
Anna LANKINA, Gainesville, Florida, USA
Reclaiming the Memory of the Christian Past: Philostorgius Missionary Heroes .....................................................................................
30
Table of Contents
11
25
31
41
51
61
85
95
101
119
Table of Contents
31
149
173
181
215
231
32
Table of Contents
313
Table of Contents
33
Volume 17
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXIX
LATIN WRITERS
Dennis Paul QUINN, Pomona, California, USA
In the Names of God and His Christ: Evil Daemons, Exorcism, and
Conversion in Firmicus Maternus .......................................................
15
25
35
45
51
67
75
85
99
115
34
Table of Contents
131
149
175
187
213
Table of Contents
35
311
NACHLEBEN
Gerald CRESTA, Buenos Aires, Argentine
From Dionysius thearchia to Bonaventures hierarchia: Assimilation
and Evolution of the Concept .............................................................. 325
Lesley-Anne DYER, Notre Dame, USA
The Twelfth-Century Influence of Hilary of Poitiers on Richard of
St Victors De trinitate ........................................................................ 333
John T. SLOTEMAKER, Boston, USA
Reading Augustine in the Fourteenth Century: Gregory of Rimini
and Pierre dAilly on the Imago Trinitatis.......................................... 345
36
Table of Contents
417
435
Volume 18
STUDIA PATRISTICA LXX
ST AUGUSTINE AND HIS OPPONENTS
Kazuhiko DEMURA, Okayama, Japan
The Concept of Heart in Augustine of Hippo: Its Emergence and
Development ........................................................................................
Table of Contents
37
17
37
47
55
63
73
79
85
93
99
117
38
Table of Contents
147
185
213
Table of Contents
39
317
331
40
Table of Contents
419
Table of Contents
41
521
553
591
611
619
42
Table of Contents
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