FEMININE STYLE IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE

A Collapsing of Spheres: A Look at the Feminine Style in Political Discourse

Maggie Christ
Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University

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Abstract
The theory of feminine style, as established by Karlyn Kohrs Campbell
(1989), is the theory that there is a style of rhetoric that is more emotional,
personal and compassionate in contrast to the style of rhetoric known as
masculine style. Masculine style is more informative, keeping to facts rather
than personal narrative and demands more power and respect. This theory
can be applied to political discourse including debates, speeches, and
campaign advertisements. Because of the shift and reshaping of the public
and private spheres in society, such as the increased involvement of women
in politics, this style is seen more and more in political discourse. This
literature review attempts to examine studies and analyses done to find this
theory in political discourse and explain just what the theory means in United
States politics today.

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A Collapsing of Spheres: A Look at the Feminine Style in Political Discourse
The theory of feminine style is not an easy one to describe, as it does
not have one single definition that is agreed upon by all theory researchers.
In fact, it seems that not all theorists even agree that it is a theory that can
be analyzed and applied to the study of communication. According to
Blankenship and Robson (1995), the merging of private and public spheres
brought on a realignment of behaviors and what is expected and
appropriate for men and women (p. 353). Blankenship and Robson support
their view with some basic assumptions and definitions of feminine,
gender and style. First, feminine refers to social construction of
gender rather than mere biological difference (Blankenship and Robson,
1995, p. 356). Style is simply what to say and how to say it. For the word
gender, Blankenship and Robson adopted Cohns definition (1993):
I use gender to refer to a symbolic system, a central organizing
discourse of culture, one that not only shapes how we experience
and understand ourselves as men and women, but that also
interweaves with other discourses and shapes themand
therefore shapes other aspects of our world. (p. 228)
Because feminine style, sometimes called feminine language (Banwart
and McKinney, 2005) fits the qualifications of a critical theory and for the
sake of this literature review, it will be referred to as a theory. The definitions
laid out by Blankenship and Robson (1995) will be the basis, but they will be
expanded with examples and evidence from other articles that support this
theory of feminine style.
This theory suggests that because men and women communicate
differently based on their gender roles and place in society. It has come
about that there are two, or more, distinct styles of language for
communicating. The masculine style is that of assertiveness, rational, and
sternness paying attention to details and facts (Huddy and Turkildsen, 1993).
On the other hand, the feminine style uses personal narratives and emotions
and a style much more useful for teaching the feminine crafts (Campbell,
1989). Campbell (1989) applies the process of craft-learning (i.e. sewing,
knitting, making soap) to discourse and states that it requires the same
characteristics in all rhetorical situations as it would in the art of these
feminine crafts. These characteristics include the use of personal tone,
personal experience, anecdotes and examples (Campbell, 1989). Dow and
Tonn (1993) go further to add characteristics like nurturance, empathy and
emotional support.
However, feminine style is not a language that is wholly for women
(Campbell, 1989). It began that way, as a way for women to communicate

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the crafts of the home and homemaking. It has since expanded right along
with womens social, political and educational spheres. Campbell (1989)
explains that women and womanhood were seen as passive and patient and
their style of communicating rested on identification and sharing experiences
and meaning. This was advantageous to women as they began to persuade
the world of their changing place in society. This style was used by women in
the early stages of the fight for womens rights (Campbell, 1989). Rhetors
like Lucretia Coffin Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton as early as 1840 used
this style to share their experiences with the world and use their ability to
identify with and persuade their audience of the need for change in society
(Campbell, 1989).
These women and many more since then have utilized the style to fit
communication in the public and political sphere seen today. But, as
womens rights and place in politics have changed, so has the style, as it is
now used by both men and women in political discourse. It is seen most
often in discourse about womens health issues, domestic and social issues
and education, by both men and women. But even for female politicians, the
masculine style appears to fit best for issues of foreign policy and war.
The study and analysis of the theory of feminine style in political
discourse is increasingly important in the United States as language used by
politicians take a shift from the masculine to the feminine to appease a
larger audience and to become more personable and human when appealing
to their constituents. My research here shows that feminine style in political
discourse is neither a new concept nor is it used exclusively by female
politicians. In addition, masculine and feminine styles of discourse are not
mutually exclusive and can be used together to create the perfect balance of
authority and sincerity. In this literature review, I will first explain the
assumptions and concepts of the theory, then examine the different views
and studies of the feminine style as it pertains to political discourse such as
campaign ads, debates, and speeches.
Overview of Feminine Style
The theory of feminine style is one of social construction; it is a product
of social interaction. It is also one of determinists because these different
styles determine how one should act and respond in society. The feminine
style determines what language a person, in this case politician, should use
to share their message and promote their ideas. In terms of axiology, this
theory cannot be explored value-free because we as humans put value on
the different sexes and the language and power that each utilize. With the
knowledge of feminine and masculine style, a person can better
communicate and, in turn, control a situation or audience.

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The most important concepts are described above, and they are
feminine, sex and gender. Another important concept that is seen
throughout the study of feminine style is androgynous style. This is defined
as a mix of both masculine and feminine style in discourse (Kimble, 2009).
Gendered communication is the fundamental differences between how males
and females communicate verbally and the traits and stereotypes of each
gender that play into those differences. Female traits include compassion,
expressive, kind and communion while male traits are assertive, tough, and
rational (Huddy and Turkildson, 1993).
Blankenship and Robsons (1995) article supports a feminine style in
political discourse for a few reasons. First of all, womens issues have come
to the forefront of the political area and have caused the public and privates
spheres to be reshaped (Blankenship and Robson, 1995). In addition, one of
their characteristics of the feminine style is basing political judgments on
concrete, lived experiences, (Blankenship and Robson, 1995, p. 359). This
is the idea of using personal stories and experiences to make decisions and
propose new policies. Bill Clinton did this when he shared his mothers
struggle with breast cancer as he proposed new womens health care policies
(Blankenship and Robson, 1995). Senator Dianne Feinstein spoke of her
gaining her position as a result of assassination when tested on her
knowledge of firearms in a debate (Blankenship and Robson, 1995). All of
these examples illustrate the use of feminine style to create an image and
platform for a candidate. There are several different arenas a candidate will
speak: debates, speeches, and campaign advertisements and this literature
review will look at how each one does or does not illustrate use of the
feminine style and how it may be effective for candidates.
Feminine Style in Political Debates
Debates offer a great venue for specific political issues to be discussed.
This is a situation when two or more politicians go head-to-head in limited
and directed discourse. It is a chance for candidates to prove themselves
knowledgeable on a topic. However, a debate could also be a situation where
candidates lose an audience due to their inability to hold their own ground or
express their values. Topics can shift rapidly, and candidates styles may
change depending on the opponent and conversation (Johnson, 2005).
Political debates are a large part of a race and can have a strong effect on
voters decisions. As there become more and more female candidates in all

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levels of political office, there are more women involved in campaign races
and debates. This calls for analysis of the feminine style in this discourse.
Banwart and McKinney (2005) found that there are no significant
differences between the way male and female candidates use different
tactics in a debate. For example, males and females employed attacks on
the opposition about the same amount of times in their analysis of senate
and gubernatorial debates (Banwart and McKinney, 2005). The same was
true for their use of appeals and the amount of time and types of issues each
gender covered. However, Banwart and McKinney (2005) state that there is
an apparent communication style for debates, but males and females do not
seem to utilize one gendered style more than the other as a whole or by
gender. It seems to be in each candidates best interest to utilize a certain
style depending on the tactics required. If the opponent is overly aggressive
on a subject like foreign policy, a candidate, male or female, may need to
pull out a more masculine dominance to oppress the attack and stand his or
her ground. On the other hand, the candidate may find it best, given the
subject (i.e. healthcare), to approach the conversation with a more feminine
style. Feminine style will give the viewers the indication that the candidate
is more suited for the issue because he or she is not aggressive and
masculine like the opponent.
Johnson (2005) has come to a similar conclusion. Given the subject
and the candidate, one style may not fit all. The political party, incumbency,
and message content all play a role in the style best suited for the debate
and candidate (Johnson, 2005). In Johnsons (2005) study of presidential
debates between 1960 and 2000, only male candidates were participants in
the debates. However, three elements of feminine style that were defined as
personal experience, inductive structure, and the use of anecdotes were
present in presidential debate discourse (Johnson, 2005). This means that
not only are these elements of feminine style seen in political debates but
they are used by males in debate discourse. Johnson (2005) argues that not
enough inductive structure and anecdotes were used to determine that
feminine rhetorical style was used because past research on her part
illustrated that multiple elements need to be present more than by chance.
In addition, when compared to the personal experiences analyzed in Ann
Richards political discourse examined by Dow and Tonn (1993), these male
candidates told stories of past political endeavours and experience, not
stories of family and childhood, like Richards did (Johnson 2005). It may also
be the fast pace and time restraints in a political debate that limit a

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candidates time and ability to utilize the feminine style effectively, so he
chooses to go with a more direct, factual approach to get the most of his
limited time to speak (Johnson 2005).
Johnson (2005) and Banwart and McKinney (2005) have different
approaches to studying debate discourse but also did so by studying
different candidates, debates and time-frames producing different
perspectives on the use of feminine style. Johnson (2005) may not agree
that feminine style was used when only a few elements were present but
Banwart and McKinney (2005) illustrate that any use of the feminine style is
illustrating this change in discourse and the varying need for different styles
of rhetoric. A look at other types of political discourse may help bring more
clarity to the use of feminine style in political discourse.
Feminine Style in Political Speeches
Speeches are a decisive part of a candidates campaign and can often
times make or break them as a respected politician. Taylor (2012) analyzed
Nancy Pelosi, former Speaker of the House, and her language and style used
in the fight for the healthcare bill. According to Taylor (2012), Pelosi was in a
difficult position as a female Speaker of the House but she used her feminine
style to get things done. Her involvement in the healthcare reform was
influential. Pelosi used personal stories and experiences speaking of her
family during her speech about the bill rather than strong-arming other
representatives.
Sykes (2008) comes to the conclusion in her article that different times
call for different types of leaders with different styles. Margaret Thatcher
was known for her direct and masculinist style. She was a bold and tough
leader, but at the time, that is what her country needed. Bill Clinton was
known more for his use of the personal and feminine style. He was elected
between the Cold War and the attacks of September 11, 2001, so he fit the
more peaceful and passive time that the country allowed. When Hillary
Clinton tried to follow Thatchers lead, she found herself facing more
adversity and the style did not fit her nor the country she was trying to lead.
Clintons tough style is admired but she has had to work to keep it balanced
with her feminine style for the most success as a political leader.
When it came to the 2008 Democratic primary race between Hillary
Clinton and Barack Obama, Clinton needed to be strong, capable and

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determined (Sykes, 2008). Obama, as a black man, needed to avoid any
aggressive black man stereotypes so he worked to make his image more
open, inviting and optimistic. As a man, he already seemed more fit to be
commander-in-chief with his natural masculinity so he did not need to
reinforce his masculinity in the way Clinton did (Sykes, 2008). However, a
politician cannot be successful on speeches alone; he or she must advertise.
Feminine Style in Campaign Advertisements
When running for office, a candidate needs to reach citizens on many
different media. Advertisements are useful because, unlike a debate, the
candidate has full control of how he or she is portrayed and what style of
rhetoric best fits the topic and occasion. In addition, the scene and images
used can help or hurt a candidates message.
Perhaps not surprisingly, a study done by Banwart (2010) on gender
stereotypes in the 2008 election found that traditional trait stereotypes
continue to be generated in the evaluation of female candidates after
viewing their political advertisements, (p. 277). Male and female
candidates were rated on their competency in different areas such as
military and economic issues and compassion issues. In this study, males
were viewed as more competent for military and economic issues than for
compassion issues while females were rated evenly in both categories
(Banwart, 2011).
However, Banwart and McKinney (2005) pointed out in their conclusion
that male candidates used feminine style or traits more associated with this
style during televised advertisements such as sensitivity and understanding
as opposed to traits like honesty and integrity that are often categorized as
masculine traits. On the other hand, these traits were seen in
advertisements analyzed of female candidates as well.
Wadsworth et al. (1987) conducted a study in which they created six
60-second campaign advertisements for a female candidate, each using a
different strategy. The six strategies or tactics used were aggressive,
nonaggressive, career, family, ambitious and nonambitious. For each of the
advertisements, 72-75% of content was kept consistent between all videos
with the fourth paragraph utilizing the strategy to be employed. Things like
gestures, setting, voice and clothes were adjusted to coincide with the
candidate and strategy. The candidate used was a female in her thirties

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unknown to any of the participants. Each video emphasized one of these
strategies and was shown to 115 undergraduate students in six groups.
They were shown the advertisements along with four nonpolitical locally
produced advertisements. Afterwards, they were given a questionnaire to
measure their acceptance of the ads and the candidate. Overall, the more
masculine strategies were more accepted than the feminine ones.
Wadsworth et al. (1987) found that career was more successful than family;
aggressive was more successful than nonaggressive. However,
nonambitious was more accepted than ambitious. The researchers stated
that while there was a difference between each category, the findings were
not overall significant. However, comparisons across all categories found
that career was the most successful for the female candidate (Wadsworth et
al., 1987). Wadsworth et al. (1987) point out in their discussion that the
aggressive candidate, demonstrated by attacking the opponent in the ad,
was more desirable or supported by the respondents but also was no match
for the career or nonambitious candidate. Nonambitious was illustrated by a
supportive candidate, or one that would work well with other politicians and
the public to do what is best for the community. The ambitious candidate
was seen as self-serving and worked for her own gain, planning to make
dramatic changes in policy. Nonambitious was the one strategy of the
feminine style that was more successful than its opposing masculine style
strategy, ambitious. Wadsworth et al. (1987) found that the feminine style
was less effective in campaign advertisements in some areas but may not be
wholly unacceptable or unsuccessful.
Trent and Sabourin (1993) took a different approach to find out if there
is a feminine style in campaign advertisements and what that style might
look like. They examined 383 television advertisements that were used by
female candidates running for United States Congress or governorship during
the 1980s. These advertisements were used rather than those for more local
races because the television advertisements would play a bigger role in
elections and were seen as significantly more important for reaching voters
(Trent and Sabourin, 1993). These 383 advertisements were then sorted by
positive or negative ads, because for this study, only negative ads were
examined. Then, the researchers did a random sampling for negative ads for
male candidates to be compared to those ads for female candidates. In the
end, 65 advertisements were viewed and coded for feminine and masculine
style. Overall, female candidates used the Verbal Strategy more, utilizing
images and dress in their campaign ads more so than the male candidates
(Trent and Sabourin, 1993). For example, women were more likely to be

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shown touching another person in their ad than men. Males used voiceovers, a Production Strategy, more than female candidates.
While this article and study can be significant for the study of feminine
style, the researchers were looking more for a difference in female and male
style, not feminine and masculine style. There was no real comparison
between the use of feminine style and masculine style among female
candidates or among male candidates. They only compared males and
females as though the difference in styles is biological, not gendered as
stated by Campbell (1989) and Dow and Tonn (1993). I found this important
to include because this study was conducted on advertisements in the 1980s
when other researchers were only just discovering and publishing this theory
as it is today. Trent and Sabourin (1993) saw a difference in styles but did
not study or explain them in the same way, using the theory of feminine
style. This study could be redone in order to look for the feminine and
masculine style among candidates as a whole, not between males and
females as if the difference in style is biological. There is enough evidence in
the other studies examined here (Wadsworth et al., 1987, Banwart and
McKinney, 2005 and Banwart, 2012) to know the language is gendered and
can be utilized by both males and females.
Androgynous Style of Rhetoric
Further debate about the use of feminine style argues that more than a
few characteristics of the language need to be present for it to count as
feminine style (Parry-Giles and Parry-Giles, 1996). Because of this, it is
apparent that these two styles, masculine and feminine, are not mutually
exclusive and can be used together in way that creates a new language or
style. This is illustrated in Parry-Giles and Parry-Giles (1996) analysis of five
presidential campaign films. In many ways these films used characteristics
of the feminine style: Ronald Reagan used anecdotes and shared his feelings
on the 40th anniversary of D-Day, George H. W. Bush presented himself as
sensitive to voters needs, Michael Dukakiss film was non-linear in
organization and Bill Clintons film used anecdotes and very personal
narratives from his life (Parry-Giles and Parry-Giles, 1996). However, each
film had very masculine characteristics as well, which ultimately made ParryGiles and Parry-Giles decide they were much more masculine than feminine
in style. Each mentioned the candidates ability to lead and make decisions,
mentioned experience in the military and some recaptured their lives,
personal and political in chronological order.

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Kimble (2009) analyzed John F. Kennedys commencement speech The
Strategy of Peace presented at American University in 1963. In this article,
Kimble (2009) discusses Kennedys use of both the feminine and masculine
style, which he refers to as androgynous style in this speech and the effects
it had on the audiences that heard the speech. This is a great example of
how men as well as women can use feminine style but also how a mix of the
two styles perhaps creates a third style of discourse that cannot necessarily
be gendered in the same way. There is a strong divide among scholars as to
if this speech was successful in promoting world peace or if it was damaging
to the current state of foreign affairs, mostly, the Cold War (Kimble, 2009).
Kimble (2009) analyzes the speech with this in mind through the concept of
gendered style and comparing the effects of the feminine style used and
masculine style that Kennedy used.
The Strategy of Peace discusses the Cold War and war is usually a
masculine subject (Kimble, 2009). On the other hand, the peaceful rhetoric,
that of concern for humanity and cooperation is often associated with the
use of feminine style (Kimble, 2009). Both of these concepts are the main
themes in Kennedys speech and a further analysis shows that both styles
are used and both have an effect on the different audiences of the speech.
This speech can be seen as a plea to end the Cold War and to be reunited
with the Soviet Union to create a safer and better world. Kennedy uses the
three strategies of rehumanizing rhetoric, a term coined by Kimble (2004,
p. 65). These strategies are feeling compassion, adopting sufferance and
experiencing identification (Kimble, 2004). Kennedy uses these three to put
the Soviet Union, the enemy, in a better light by showing compassion for
them, encouraging his audience (both students at the commencement and
the American people as a whole) to see them as humans and to adopt
tolerance and understanding (Kimble, 2009).
This speech shows two strategies of masculine language which are
condescension and incrimination (Kimble, 2009). Kennedy speaks as though
the United States is above the Soviet Union and according to Kimble (2009),
questions the intelligence of not just the government but the Soviet people
too, but them below the American people. In addition, Kennedy speaks of
peace but only once the Soviet people are enlightened (Kimble, 2009, p.
162). This all illustrates a very masculine style because Kennedy is placing
himself and his nation above the Soviet Union and even puts them at fault
for the War itself and mocking the threats they have made (Kimble, 2009).

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This analyses by Kimble (2009) and Parry-Giles and Parry-Giles (1996)
illustrates the use of androgynous style, not just feminine or masculine
styles. Studies cannot just stop at one style or the other. As the political
realm changes, including more female politicians as well as domestic issues
of health care and education the female style is useful. But as there will
never be a time when domestic issues are the sole subject and talks of war
and peace and foreign policy are still relevant, the masculine style must be
incorporated for both male and females politicians. Thus, the androgynous
style has its place in politics.
Implications
A major issue with this theory is that is still being defined and agreed
upon today. Campbell (1989) and Dow and Tonn (1993) paved the way for
this theory to be studied in political discourse, but as illustrated by Trent and
Sabourin (1993) there is a lot more to be defined and established when
comparing gender, sex and the style used by candidates. In addition, a lot of
these studies were done by analysis of a speech or debate and only a
handful were done by studying how the candidates are accepted by the
public. There is still a lot more to be examined in the area of how this style is
effective with voters. More quantitative studies should be done to
understand just when each style is used, when it is more effective and what
kind of audience accepts what style of language. It is also clear that the
androgynous style could be established as its own, rather than there just
being a feminine style and a masculine style. Just as the genders overlap
and are changing in many ways, the styles are not always easy to define as
two separate styles. Instead, these articles have established there there is a
place and time for each style and no one style best fits a candidate or a
situation (Kimble, 2009, Parry-Giles and Parry-Giles, 1996 and Sykes, 2008).
This theory is very heuristic because our society is continuing to
change and shape the public and private spheres. Much more is becoming
public conversation that was once only discussed in the home or the doctors
office. In addition, we are facing very different kinds of wars than those that
were seen in the past. Social media and increased media coverage of
candidates and issues are making politicians more accessible to the public
and therefore their personal lives can play a big role in their success. Voters
want to know about a candidates history, family, and personal viewpoints
(feminine style) and not just about their ideas on policy and government

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(masculine style). This has increased the use of feminine style and even
created a new style, the androgynous style and both need to be studied
increasingly as time goes on. Not only are more women elected each year
into public office, but male candidates are seeing the importance and the
value in utilizing the feminine style
Conclusion
The studies and analyses discussed here support Campbells (1989) and Dow
and Tonns (1993) theory of feminine style and its prevalent use in political
discourse. Both male and female candidates use the feminine style in
debates, speeches, and campaign advertisements to illustrate their ability to
be personal and involved and connect with the audience: their voters. The
feminine style, first outlined by Campbell in Man Cannot Speak for her when
she anthologized womens activists rhetors as far back as 1880, is one that
uses experience, nurturance and compassion to speak to an audience and
appear knowledgeable and invested in issues like womens health and
education. It directly juxtaposes the masculine rhetorical style which is that
of specific details, order and dominance (Huddy and Turkildsen, 1993).

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