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UNIVERSITATEA ,,BABES-BOLYAI" - CLUJ-NAPOCA

INSTITUTUL DE TURCOLOGIE SI STUDII CENTRAL-ASIATICE

EDITURA ACADEMIEI ROMANE

MOTENIREA ISTORIC
A TTARILOR
II
COLECIA ISTORIE,
CULTUR I CIVILIZAIE TTAR

THE HISTORICAL HERITAGE


OF TATARS
II
TATAR HISTORY,
CULTURE AND CIVILIZATION SERIES
II

Volum aprut cu sprijinul Uniunii Democrate


a Ttarilor Turco-Musulmani din Romnia

Ilustraia de pe copert:
Inscripia hanului Mengli Ghiray I (1503) aflat deasupra Porii Solilor,
denumit i Poarta de Fier, din Palatul hanilor ttari de la Bacesaray.

UNIVERSITATEA BABE-BOLYAI CLUJ-NAPOCA


INSTITUTUL DE TURCOLOGIE
I STUDII CENTRAL-ASIATICE

TASIN GEMIL

NAGY PIENARU
Coordonatori

MOTENIREA ISTORIC
A TTARILOR
II

Editura Academiei Romne


Bucureti, 2012

Copyright Editura Academiei Romne, 2012


Toate drepturile asupra acestei ediii sunt rezervate editurii.
EDITURA ACADEMIEI ROMNE
Calea 13 Septembrie, nr. 13, Sector 5
050711, Bucureti, Romnia
Tel: 4021-318 81 46, 4021-318 81 06
Fax: 4021-318 24 44
E-mail: edacad@ear.ro
Adresa web: www.ear.ro
Refereni tiinifici: prof. univ. dr. Ioan-Aurel Pop, membru al Academiei Romne,
rector al Universitii Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca
prof. univ. dr. Nicolae Edroiu, membru corespondent al Academiei
Romne, director al Institutului de Istorie George Bariiu, Cluj-Napoca

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei


Motenirea istoric a ttarilor, II/
coord.: Tasin Gemil i Nagy Pienaru.Bucureti: Editura Academiei Romne, 2012
ISBN 978-973-27-2207-7
Gemil, Tasin i Pienaru, Nagy (coord.)

Redactor: Gelu NEGREA


Tehnoredactare: Luiza STAN
Coperta: Mariana ERBNESCU
Bun de tipar: 11.11.2012. Format: 16/70 100
Coli de tipar: 50,25
C.Z. pentru biblioteci mari: 908.5 (=94.35)
C.Z. pentru biblioteci mici: 9

SUMAR/CONTENTS
CUVNT NAINTE/FOREWORD
Acad. DAN BERINDEI Vicepreedintele Academiei Romne...............................................

ALOCUIUNI/SPEECHES
TASIN GEMIL Directorul Institutului de Turcologie i Studii Central-Asiatice, Universitatea
Babe Bolyai...........................................................................................................................
VAROL AMET Preedintele Uniunii Democrate a Ttarilor Turco-Musulmani din Romnia.......

15
18

SOCIETATEA I ECONOMIA STEPEI CONFLUENE I METAMORFOZE


SOCIETY AND ECONOMY
OF STEP CONFLUENCE AND METAMORPHOSES
TASIN GEMIL, Osmanl ncesi Romanya Topraklarnda Trk Varl / Turkic Presence on
the Romanian Territory before the Ottomans...............................................................
ALBERT BURKHANOV, The Historical Archaeological Investigation of the Monuments
of the Golden Horde and the Kazan Khanate in Tatarstan (The History, Some Results
and Prospects) ................................................................................................................
HALIL ETIN, Mongol Ilkhanid Legacy in Anatolia (Impact of the Turkish-Mongolian
Steppe Culture on the Foundation of the Ottoman State) ...............................................
EUGEN NICOLAE, Pices apotropaques de lpoque de la Horde dOr dcouvertes en
Moldavie ........................................................................................................................
VIRGIL CIOCLTAN, De la ttari la otomani: mutaii n reeaua comerului pontic la
mijlocul secolului XIV / Von den Tataren zu den Osmanen:Verschiebungen im
pontischen Handelsnetz um die Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts ...........................................
GIUSEPPE COSUTTO, When the Italians Turn into Tatars: Notes on the Italian Legacy in
Eastern Europe and Black Sea........................................................................................
NAGY PIENARU, Hac Giray (1438-1466). Han i negustor / Hac Giray (1438-1466). Khan
and Merchant..................................................................................................................
AHMET TRK, Krm Hanlnda Klelik ve Kle Ticaretine Genel Bir Bak / General
View on Slavery and Trade with Slaves in Crimean Khanate........................................
NURI KAVAK, Krm Hanl eriyye Sicilleri / Sharia Registers of Crimean Khanate........

27
57
75
87
97
119
135
151
167

SOCIOLOGIE I LINGVISTIC ANTROPONOMIE I TOPONOMIE


SOCIOLOGY AND LINGUISTIC ANTROPONYMY AND TOPONYMY
REFIK D. KURTSEITOV, Sociocultural and Linguistic Succession of Crimean Tatar
Generations in Modern Crimea (Based Upon Sociological Research Study).................
AGIEMIN BAUBEC, Valorile gramaticale ale formei n gan/gen din limba ttar din
Dobrogea n comparaie cu cele ale formei n dk din limba turc / Gramatical Values
of gan/gen Form from Tatar Language from Dobrogea in Comparison with dk
Form from Turkish.........................................................................................................
NEVZAT YUSUF SARIGL, Menirea calului la ttarii din Romnia / Horses Purpose to
the Tatars of Romania ....................................................................................................
ANCA POPESCU, Multiple Toponymy in the Sancak of Silistria (16th Century) ....................
GABRIEL-FELICIAN CROITORU, Toponomie local turco-ttar din judeul Vlaca...........
GABRIEL-FELICIAN CROITORU, Turk-Tatar Local Toponomy in Vlashca County ............

181

187
195
199
217
229

DIASPOR I EMIGRARE DEPORTRI I COLONIZRI


DIASPORA AND EMIGRATION DEPORTATIONS AND COLONIZATIONS
ELDAR SEYDAMETOV, Crimean Tatar Emigration in the End of the 19th Beginning
of the 20th Centuries: Causes, Character and Scope ......................................................
METIN OMER, The Emigration of Turks and Tatars from Dobrogea to Turkey Reflected in
the Press of the Time (1936 1940) ..............................................................................
STOICA LASCU, Emigrarea musulmanilor din Dobrogea n perioada interbelic opinii i
aprecieri romneti de epoc ..........................................................................................
STOICA LASCU, The Emigration of the Muslims from Dobrudja in the Interwar Period
Romanian Contemporary Opinions and Appreciations ..................................................
MELEK MAKSUDOLU, Preserving Crimean Tatar National Identity in the Diaspora .........
MER METIN, ki Sava Aras Dnemde Dobruca ve Besarabyadaki Hristiyan Trkler /
Christian Turks in Dobrogea and Bessarabia During the Interwar Period......................

243
251
257
289
323
333

COMUNITATEA TTAR DIN ROMNIA VECTORII IDENTITII


TATAR COMMUNITY OF ROMANIA IDENTITY VECTORS
TASIN GEMIL, nfiinarea Uniunii Democrate a Ttarilor Turco-Musulmani din Romnia
(Documente) / Establishment of the Democratic Union of the Turkish-Muslim Tatars
of Romania (Documents) ...............................................................................................
LAURA STANCU, Credina i rezistena anticomunist musulman reflectat n documentele
Securitii / Muslim Faith and Anti-Communist Resistance as Reflected in the
Documents of the Securitate ..........................................................................................
VIRGIL COMAN, Repere arhivistice privind Comunitatea Musulman din Medgidia n
perioada interbelic / Archive Highlights on the Muslim Community of Medgidia in
the Interwar Period.........................................................................................................
STELIAN DUMITRESCU, Aspecte social-economice privind comunitatea turco-ttar din
Dobrogea (1900-1914) reieite din documente de arhiv...............................................
STELIAN DUMITRESCU, Social-Economic Aspects of the Turkish-Tatar Communitity in
Dobrudja (1900-1914) Reflected in Archives Documents .............................................
CEZMI KARASU, Dobruca Trk-Tatar Matbuatndan Tevik / The Tevik Newspaper
from Turk-Tatars Publishing House of Dobruja.............................................................
ADRIAN ILIE, Dregtori otomani de origine ttar n Dobrogea i aportul lor la dezvoltarea
aezrilor de pe valea Kara-Su / Turkish Chancellors of Tartar Origin from Dobrogea
and Their Contribution to the Development of the Kara-Su Valley Settlements............

351
415
421
437
443
449
455

DINASTII, FAMILII, ELITE OAMENI REPREZENTATIVI


DINASTY, FAMILIES, ELITES REPRESENTATIVE PEOPLE
IVANICS MRIA, Giray slale ad hakknda baz dnceler..................................................
IVANICS MRIA, ........................................
FAHRI KARIMLI, Mari personaliti azerbaidjene de origine ttar din secolul al XX-lea /
Great Personalities of Azerbaijan Tatar Origin from the Twentieth Century .................
SIDDIK KORKMAZ, Musa Carullah Bigiyefin Kuran ve Snnet erevesinde Islam
Anlay / Ms Jrullah Bigiyefs Understanding of Islam in the Frame of the
Qurn and the Sunnah...................................................................................................
DMYTRO URSU, A la recherche dOrphe Crimen: la biographie de Bekir obanzade en
discussion.......................................................................................................................
CEZMI KARASU, SERKAN AKINIZ, Mehmet Niyazi Beyin Bilinmeyen Gazete Yazlar /
Unknown Press Articles of Mehmet Niyazi Bey............................................................
ERAHIN AHMET AYHN, Mehmed Hlim Vani Yurtsever Hayat ve Eserleri / Life and
Works of Mehmet Hlim Vani Yurtsever ......................................................................
MELEK FETISLEAM, Djedidismul lui Ismail Bey Gaspral n Dobrogea / Le Djedidisme
du Ismail Bey Gaspral en Dobroudja ..........................................................................

469
477
487
491
507
515
531
555

OGLINZILE TRECUTULUI MEMORIA I IMAGINEA CELUILALT


MIRRORS OF THE PAST MEMORY AND IMAGE OF THE OTHER
CLIN FELEZEU, Imaginea ttarilor n contiina romneasc din secolele XV-XIX / Image
of the Tatars in Romanian Consciousness from XVth XIXth Centuries .....................
LAURA-ADINA FODOR, Imaginea ttarilor n Cronica Transilvaniei (1608-1665) de Georg
Kraus..............................................................................................................................
LAURA-ADINA FODOR, Image of the Tatars in the Chronicle of Transylvania (1608-1665)
by Georg Kraus ..............................................................................................................
MARGARETA RCHIT ASLAN, Percepia elementului turco-ttar n manuscrisul lui
Nagy Szab Ferencz.......................................................................................................
MARGARETA RCHIT ASLAN, Nagy Szab Ferencz in Elyazmalarnda Tatarlarn
Alglanmas ....................................................................................................................
ANDREEA ATANASIU-CROITORU, Repere ttreti n spaiul romnesc n opera
colonelului Mihai Drghicescu ......................................................................................
CASIAN POPA, Cteva aspecte privind imaginea Ttarului i a Turcului reflectat n
manualele de istorie din Romnia perioadei interbelice .................................................
CASIAN POPA, Some Aspects Concerning the Image of the Tatar and of the Turk
Reflected in the Scholastic Manuals of History in Romania of the Interwar Period ......

565
573
587
601
621
643
651
663

PRAXIS I TEORIE GEOPOLITIC I GEOSTRATEGIE


PRAXIS AND THEORY GEOPOLITICS AND GEOSTRATEGY
MEHMET MAKSUDOLU, Krmllarn Gemii ve Gelecei / Tatars: Past and Future .......
VASILE SIMILEANU, Crimeea Contextul geopolitic actual / Crimea In the Present
Geopolitical Context ......................................................................................................
VASILE SOARE, Ttarii din Asia Central.Trecut i prezent (nsemnrile unui diplomat
romn) / Tatars of Central Asia. Past and Present (Notes of a Romanian Diplomat) .....
MARIUS GERALD STAMATE, Crimea Geostrategic Base between the Balkans and
Caucasus. The Black Sea Geopolitical Theory............................................................

677
691
705
723

CULISELE DIPLOMAIEI CONFRUNTRI I RIVALITI


BACKSTAGE DIPLOMACY CONFRONTATIONS AND RIVALRIES
VENIAMIN CIOBANU, Recuperarea Crimeii o moned de schimb oferit Porii de
diplomaia francez i suedez (1792-1812) ..................................................................
VENIAMIN CIOBANU, The Recovery of Crimea Exchange Money Offered to the Porte
by the French and Swedish Diplomacies (1792-1812) ...................................................
SERGEAN OSMAN, Sfritul Hanatului Crimeei, de la Kk Kaynarci la anexarea
ruseasc: politici reformiste tardive, disoluia ordinii etatiste i expansionism arist /
The End of the Crimean Khanate, from Kk Kaynarci to the Russian Annexation:
Tardy Reformist Policies, Dissolution of the Statist Order and Tsarist Expansion ........
BOGDAN MIHAIL, Contribuia ttarilor la nfrngerea arului Petru I la Stnileti (1711) /
The Tatars Contribution to the Defeat of the Czar Peter I at Stnileti (1711)..............

747
761

775
799

CUVNT NAINTE
Ttarii au dominat un ntins teritoriu eurasiatic. A fost aceasta urmarea
nzestrrii lor militare, a spiritului de corp i a disciplinei nscute, dar i a altor
nsuiri native. Astzi ei reprezint n bun msur o amintire a ceea ce au fost
naintaii lor, dar recunoatem n ei, n modestia i srguina lor, pe cei care nu doar
au cucerit, ci, mai ales, au tiut s organizeze i s crmuiasc uriae spaii. Ei au
avut meritul de a ngdui i chiar de a se implica n vaste operaii comerciale, fr
ndoial n folosul lor, dar i al celor care participau la ele din rndul celorlali.
Fr ei n-am putea nelege pe deplin trecutul Asiei i al Europei.
Imperiul mongolo-ttar a fost o vast punte ntre cele dou continente. Ei nau asigurat doar legturi comerciale, ci au nlesnit transferul cuceririlor omului n
lupta sa necontenit cu natura. Au reprezentat o trstur de unire ntre dou sau
chiar mai multe lumi, ntre civilizaii. Fr ndoial c aciunile lor de cucerire au
purtat n ele, pentru cei care le stteau n cale, i o component de brutalitate, dar
niciodat n-am putea reduce la att procesul istoric extraordinar care a avut loc.
Dup perioada lor de afirmare i dominare, au urmat rsturnri de situaii,
ridicarea altora i atunci ttarii s-au vzut prini ntre Imperiul otoman, cu care au
avut o fireasc i multipl legtur, inclusiv pe planul credinei, i Imperiul rus. Au
strbtut ca o entitate de sine stttoare, dei firesc legat de imperiul sultanilor
otomani, veacurile de mijloc, cele moderne i contemporane, Crimeea reprezentnd
pentru ei un teritoriu de referin i origine.
Prezeni n rile spaiul romnesc nc din veacul al XIII-lea, n situaii
succesiv diferite, de la cea de cuceritori la cea de astzi, de conlocuitori, ntre ei i
romni s-au stabilit legturi indestructibile. m Bugeac, situat n sudul teritoriului
dintre Prut i Nistru prezena lor a fost numeroas. n Dobrogea, teritoriu stpnit
de otomanii musulmani timp de o jumtate de mileniu, ei i-au gsit de altfel, cei
dinti nc din vremea stpnirii n acele locuri a bizantinilor un spaiu de
vieuire care le-a convenit i unde aveau s rmn mai departe i dup 1878 n
cadrul statului romn.
Ttarii s-au manifestat de peste un veac i un sfert ca ceteni loiali ai
Romniei. Prin comportamentul lor ei reprezint un model de cinste i hrnicie. Din
copilrie mi amintesc cum bunicul meu mi luda purtarea lor i-mi in minte
excelenii pepeni pe care tiau s-i cultive ! Sunt oameni oneti i dintr-o bucat.
O parte dintre ei ne-au prsit, dar ceilali au rmas i nu putem dect s ne bucurm.
n ceea ce m privete, eu i iubesc i am spus-o public i o spun din inim !
Volumul de fa realizat prin silinele profesorului Gemil Tasin, directorul
Institutului de Turcologie i Studii Central-Asiatice al Universitii Babe-Bolyai
din Cluj-Napoca, unul dintre ei, nsemnat crturar i, totodat, ca i ei, cetean al
acestei ri, ne transfer imaginea trecutului ttarilor ntr-un tablou impresionant.

Accentul cade pe Crimeea i pe Dobrogea, dar i pe economie, pe migraie i


emigrri, pe probleme de lingvistic, antroponomia i toponimia nelipsind, dar i
pe legturile cu spaiul romnesc, pe nsemnate informaii referitoare la
comunitatea actual a ttarilor din Romnia, evident mai ales din Dobrogea, pe
prezentarea unor personaliti. Deosebit de interesante sunt studiile privind
reflectarea imaginii ttarilor din spaiul romnesc n diverse izvoare i, de
asemenea, cele privind ttarii din Crimeea i cei din Asia Central.
n ansamblu, volumul ofer o lectur instructiv i necesar pentru a
cunoate i a nelege trecutul dar i prezentul ttarilor n Romnia, ca i n lume.
Ei sunt conlocuitori care merit ntreaga noastr preuire.
Acad. DAN BERINDEI
Vicepreedinte al Academiei Romne
Preedinte de onoare al Seciei de
tiine Istorice i Arheologie

10

FOREWORD
Owing to their military spirit, natural abilities, innate discipline, and many
other characteristic traits, the Tatars were successful in controlling a vast Eurasian
territory. Nowadays, they are a dim reflection of their ancestors and, in the modesty
and diligence they demonstrate, one may recognize not as much the conquerors, as
the efficient organizers and administrators of vast areas. Theirs was the merit to
allow and engage in extensive commercial operations, to their own benefit and to
that of all the other parties involved. Without the Tatars, we could not fully
understand the history of Asia or Europe.
The Mongol-Tartar Empire was a vast bridge between two continents. The
Tatars not only provided commercial links, but they also facilitated the transfer of
mans conquests in his constant struggle with nature. They were a common trait
between two or several worlds and cultures. Undoubtedly, there was an element of
brutality associated with their conquering efforts, but one cannot reduce to this one
element the great historical process which took place owing to them.
Tatar domination was followed by change in the international backdrop and the
rise of new powers. The Tatars found themselves caught between the Ottoman Empire,
with which they were connected in natural and multiple ways, also owing to a common
faith, and the Russian Empire. They evolved as a specific entity albeit naturally
related to the Ottoman Empire sultans through the Middle Ages, and the modern and
the contemporary times, having Crimea as a place of reference and origin.
The Tatars came to the Romanian area in the thirteenth century, and their
presence here, in a succession of situations, from conquerors to co-inhabitants
nowadays, led to the creation of indestructible ties with the Romanians. They
settled in large numbers in Budjak, a province located in the south of the territory
lying between the Prut and Dniester. In Dobrudja, a territory ruled by the Ottomans
for half a millennium, they found being in fact the first, in the days of the
Byzantine rule there propitious circumstances, and they continued to live in this
province after 1878, within the Romanian State.
Tatars have been loyal citizens of Romania for over a century and a quarter.
They are a model of honesty and diligence. As a child, I remember my grandfather
praising their conduct, and I also remember the excellent melons they used to
cultivate! They are honest, reliable people. Some of them have left us, but others
stayed, and we can only rejoice for it. As to me, I am deeply attached to them;
I said it publicly, and I said from the heart!
The present volume, which we owe to Professor Gemil Tasin, Director of the
Institute of Turkish Studies and of Central-Asian Studies of the Babe-Bolyai
University of Cluj-Napoca, a Tatar himself, a great scholar and a citizen of this
country, like many other Tatars, offers an impressive image of the Tatars history.

11

Accent is laid on Crimea and Dobrudja, on economy, migration and emigration,


linguistic problems, anthroponymy and toponymy, the links with the Romanian
space, a host of important information on the current Tatar community living in
Romania, especially in Dobrudja, and a number of representative Tatar figures.
Of particular interest are the studies on how the Tatars living in the Romanian
space are pictured in various sources, and the studies on the Tatars of Crimea and
Central Asia.
The book is an instructive and much needed reading, which makes possible a
better understanding of the past and present of Tatars living in Romania and
worldwide. The Tatars are our fellow citizens, deserving full appreciation.
Academician Dan Berindei
Vice-President of the Romanian Academy
Honorific President of the Department of History
Sciences and Archaeology

12

ALOCUIUNI / SPEECHES

14

Onorat Prezidiu,
Stimai colegi,
Doamnelor i domnilor,
ngduii-mi mai nti s salut personalitile oficiale centrale i locale care neau onorat, dnd curs invitaiei de a participa la aceast reuniune inaugural. In acelai
timp, mi face mare plcere s mulumesc distinilor oameni de tiin din ar i
strintate, care au neles nsemntatea aparte a acestei manifestri tiinifice pentru
promovarea unei direcii de cercetare, neglijat mult vreme n istoriografia
romneasc, dar i n cea strin. De asemenea, doresc s-mi exprim recunotina fa
de dv., cei prezeni n aceast sal, pentru c suntei alturi de noi i, sper, c vei fi i n
urmtoarele zile mpreun cu noi; v asigur c vei afla de la specialiti de prestigiu
informaii i interpretri tiinifice extrem de interesante, de natur s contribuie la
conturarea adevratei istorii a ttarilor. La aceast ediie a Sesiunii noastre particip
prestigioi oameni de tiin din: Turcia, F. Rus, Ucraina, R. Azerbaidjan, Ungaria,
Italia, Kazahstan, Anglia i, desigur, Romnia.
Este locul s-mi exprim n acelai timp i regretul c unii dintre valoroii
oameni de tiin nscrii n Programul Sesiunii noastre nu au putut veni, aproape
toi din cauze obiective. Regret ndeosebi faptul c, cercettori de mare prestigiu
tiinific din Republica Tatarstan, ntre care i academicieni, nu au reuit s vin
pn aici, dei tiu sigur c au dorit cu ardoare s fie prezeni la aceast reuniune
tiinific. In acest context, permitei-mi s l salut nc odat pe vechiul i bunul
meu prieten, profesorul Albert Burkhanov din Kazan, care nu numai c a fcut
sacrificii materiale substaniale pentru a fi aici, cu noi, dar a mers i la Moscova de
cteva ori, special pentru a obine viza necesar lungii cltorii pn la Constana.
Ttarii au o istorie deosebit de bogat n fapte i cuprinztoare n spaiu i
timp. Dar, din nefericire pentru noi, ttarii, aceast istorie nu numai c este nc
prea puin cunoscut, dar ceea ce se tie este n mare msur distorsionat de ctre
cei interesai. Pierzndu-i entitatea statal de mult vreme, ttarii nu au putut s-i
promoveze istoria naional. De abia dup dispariia URSS, istoricii ttari, n
primul rnd cei din Republica Tatarstan ( care, dup cum se tie este republic
suveran n cadrul Federaiei Ruse), au nceput s dezvolte, n cadrul Academiei de
tiine a R.Tatarstan, un program tiinific amplu de cercetare a istoriei ttare.
Aceste strduine s-au soldat pn acum cu multe lucrri valoroase, ntre care a
meniona tratatul de Istorie ttar, n 7 volume (n lb. rus), din care au aprut deja
trei tomuri, Istoria i civilizaia ttar (n lb. englez), ca i masivele opusuri cu
caracter enciclopedic, Enciclopedia Ttar (n dou ediii: rus i ttar) i Atlas
Tartarica (n lb. rus), aprute n ultimii ani. Desigur, se depun eforturi remarcabile
n acest sens i de ctre istoricii ttari din Crimeea, ca i de ctre cei din Turcia. Iar
n ultima vreme, se manifest tot mai vdit, ndeosebi n SUA, un curent novator
denumit Rethinking World History (Regndirea istoriei universale), n cadrul
cruia se acord o atenie special i reevalurii istoriei ttare. Imi place s cred c
a nceput, fie i nc nu foarte puternic, un reviriment n direcia cunoaterii istoriei

15

adevrate a ttarilor, proces complex de lung durat i n care am dori implicarea


a ct mai multor istorici bine intenionai din ct mai multe ri. Sesiunea noastr se
nscrie n acest context tiinific. Ne exprimm convingerea c rezultatele ei vor fi
pe msura ateptrilor, dat fiind nalta calitate tiinific a tuturor participanilor.
Sesiunea tiinific Motenirea istoric a ttarilor este gndit n coordonate
internaionale, ca o ntrunire tiinific periodic, din doi n doi ani. Ea se poate
desfura att n Romnia, ct i n oricare alt ar dispus s gzduiasc o
asemenea manifestare tiinific. Lucrrile pregtite pentru aceast sesiune, ca i
pentru cele viitoare vor fi publicate n volume separate, care vor purta ns acelai
titlu. Am publicat deja primul volum i sperm s publicm n curnd i al doilea
volum, care va cuprinde lucrrile pregtite pentru aceast Sesiune, chiar dac unii
dintre autorii lor nu au putut participa personal la ea. Intenionm s punem astfel
bazele unui Corpus de istorie i civilizaie ttar, compus din ct mai multe tomuri
i elaborat cu participarea oamenilor de tiin din ct mai multe ri. Scopul nu
este de a cosmetiza istoria ttarilor, ci de a aduna materiale tiinifice necesare
elaborrii unei istorii adevrate a ttarilor, aa cum a fost ea, cu prile ei bune i cu
cele rele. In orice caz, suntem convini de faptul c, adevrul istoric nu poate fi mai
ru dect imaginea creat ttarilor, de attea veacuri, de ctre toi cei care au fcut
din ttari apii ispitori ai nereuitelor din propriile lor istorii.
V rog s-mi permitei s mulumesc i aici, n mod special, conducerii
prestigioasei Universiti Babe-Bolyai din Cluj-Napoca, personal d-lui rector,
profesorul Andrei Marga, pentru larga deschidere demonstrat fa de lumea turc,
inclusiv fa de ttari. Respins n alte locuri, poate mai potrivite, Institutul de
Turcologie i Studii Central-Asiatice a gsit n Cluj un mediu academic prielnic
pentru afirmare plenar i dezvoltare rapid. Aceast Sesiune este a aptea aciune
tiinific i cultural de dimensiuni naionale i internaionale iniiat i organizat
de ctre Institutul nostru, numai n acest an, singur sau n cooperare cu alte instituii
sau organizaii din ar i strintate. In aceast ordine de idei, se cuvine s exprim
mulumiri i prietenilor notri azerbaidjeni, n primul rnd Preedintelui Republicii
Azerbaidjan, E.S. Dl. Ilham Aliyev, care tiu c apreciaz personal activitatea
Institutului de Turcologie i Studii Central-Asiatice de la Universitatea BabeBolyai, fapt demonstrat, ntre altele, i de generosul sprijin material pe care l-am
primit din partea statului azerbaidjan. Desigur, nu pot s nu amintesc n acest
context numele vechiului i bunului meu prieten Prof. univ. dr. Eldar Hasanov,
ambasadorul R. Azerbaidjan n Romnia. Excelena Sa a binevoit s vin personal,
de cteva ori, la Cluj-Napoca, pentru a participa la diverse manifestri organizate
de Institutul nostru, i pentru a oferi sprijinul su deosebit de preios, att moral, ct
i material. De curnd, Institutul nostru a deschis i cile de cooperare i cu o alt
ar emergent din lumea turc, anume Kazahstan. Suntem pe cale s stabilim n
curnd strnse legturi de colaborare universitar i cu Turkmenistanul. Ca Institut,
dorim s fim cheia pentru deschiderea porilor tuturor universitilor i institutelor
tiinifice din toat lumea turc, n vederea cooperrii cu Universitatea BabeBolyai din Cluj-Napoca, n primul rnd, dar i cu alte universiti romneti.
Suntem determinai s ne ndeplinim ct se poate de bine acest rol, aa cum am
fcut de altminteri i pn acum.

16

Doresc s mulumesc n mod special d-lui acad. Dan Berindei, vicepreedinte al


Academiei Romne, care a binevoit s participe la aceast reuniune tiinific, n
numele celui mai nalt forum de tiin i cultur al Romniei. De asemenea,
mulumesc d-nei Fsn Aramaz, Consulul General al Turciei, d-lui Farid Abdinbayev,
lociitorul ambasadorului R. Azerbaidjan i nalilor reprezentani ai autoritilor locale,
ca i reprezentanilor conducerilor unor prestigioase instituii tiinifice i culturale din
Romnia i strintate, aflai acum la acest prezidiu.
Nu n ultimul rnd, doresc s mulumesc conducerii Bibliotecii Judeene
Ioan N. Roman din Constana, personal d-nei Liliana Lazia, directoarea instituiei
unde ne aflm acum, pentru generozitatea cu care i de aceast dat ne-a pus la
dispoziie aceast frumoas aul.
n numele organizatorilor, permitei-mi s v urez din nou un clduros Bun
venit! i s v asigur de toat stima i recunotina noastr.
nchei, urnd succes tuturor participanilor!
Mulumesc pentru atenia acordat.
Prof. univ. dr. TASIN GEMIL
Directorul
Institutului de Turcologie i Studii Central-Asiatice
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca

17

Honored Presidium,
Distinguished Colleagues,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Allow me to firstly welcome the central and local official representatives
that honor us by responding to our invitation to participate in this opening
session. At the same time, I am very pleased to thank the distinguished scientists
from Romania and from abroad who have understood the particular significance
of this scientific session for the promotion of a research direction that has been
neglected for a long time by the Romanian and foreign historiography.
Furthermore, I wish to express my gratitude to you, for being here with us and
I hope that you will join us during the following days as well. I assure you that
you will learn from prestigious specialists utterly interesting scientific
interpretations and information, meant to contribute to the outlining of the true
history of the Tatars. In this edition of our Session there are present prestigious
scientists from: Turkey, Russia, Ukraine, Republic of Azerbaijan, Hungary, Italy,
Kazakhstan, England, and, of course, Romania.
I wish to express at the same time the regret for not having among us some
of the very valuable scientists registered in our conferences program, most of them
being unable to come for objective reasons. I particularly regret the absence of
scientifically renowned researchers from the Republic of Tatarstan, among them
academicians who I know would have ardently wanted to be here. In this context,
allow me to salute once again my old and good friend Professor Albert Burkhanov
from Kazan who made not only substantial material efforts to be here, but also
went to Moscow some times, particularly to obtain the visa necessary for his long
journey to Constantza.
The Tatars have a history especially rich in facts and extended in space and
time. However, unfortunately for us Tatars, this history is not only little known but
also mostly distorted by those with an interest to do so. Having lost their state
identity a long time ago, the Tatars have been unable to promote their national
history. It is only after the disappearance of the USSR that the Tatar historians,
mainly those from the Republic of Tatarstan (which, as you know, is a sovereign
republic within the Russian Federation), have begun developing within the
Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan an ample scientific program for
the research of the Tatar history. These endeavors have so far resulted in many
valuable works among which I would mention the treaty for Tatar History (in
Russian), in seven volumes, three of which have already appeared, Tatar History
and Civilisation(in English), as well as the great works with an encyclopedic
character The Tatar Encyclopedia (in Tatar and Russian) and Atlas Tartarica
(in Russian), that have appeared recently. Of course, tremendous efforts are made
in this regard by the Tatar historians in Crimea and by those in Turkey. Moreover,
lately a new innovative trend called Rethinking World History has begun
manifesting particularly in the United States and within this a special attention is

18

paid to the reevaluation of the Tatar history. I like to believe that, even though not
very strong, this is a shift in the direction of knowing the true history of the Tatars,
a complex and long process in which we wish more well-intended historians from
more countries be involved. Our session is part of this scientific context. We
express our conviction that its results will be to the extent of the expectations,
given the high scientific quality of all the participants.
The Scientific Session The Historical Heritage of the Tatars is considered at
international parameters, as a regular reunion every two years. It can take place both in
Romania or in any other country willing to host such a scientific event. The works
prepared in this session, alongside the future ones will be published in separate
volumes yet under the same title. We have already published the first volume and we
hope that the second one will soon be issued comprising the papers prepared for this
session, even if the authors could not personally participate in it. Thus, we intend to set
the bases for a Corpus of Tatar History and Civilization consisting of several volumes
and elaborated with the participation of rigorous scientists from as many countries as
possible. Our purpose is not to embellish the history of the Tatars but to gather
scientific material for a real history, presented as it was, with its good and bad sides.
Nevertheless, we are certain that the historical truth cannot be worse than the image of
the Tatars created for so many centuries by all those who have made the Tatars the
scape goats for the failures in their own history.
Please allow me to particularly thank the management of the prestigious
Babe-Bolyai University in Cluj-Napoca, personally to its Rector Professor
Andrei Marga for the large opening proven with regard to the Turkic world,
including the Tatars. Rejected in other perhaps more appropriate places, the
Institute of Turkology and Central-Asian Studies has found in Cluj an academic
environment auspicious for plenary affirmation and rapid growth. This session is
the seventh scientific and cultural event of naional and international proportions
initiated and organized by our Institute, only in this year, alone or in collaboration
with other institutions and organizations from the country and abroad. In this
respect, it is appropriate to express our thankfulness for our Azerbaijani friends as
well, firstly to the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, H.E. Mr. Ilham Aliyev,
who I know appreciates the activity of the Institute of Turkology and Central-Asian
Studies of Babe-Bolyai University, fact demonstrated by the generous endorsement
and material support that we were offered by the Azerbaijani state. Of course,
I must evoke in this context the name of my good and old friend Prof. Dr. Eldar
Hasanov, the Ambassador of the Republic of Azerbaijan in Romania. His Excellency
was kind to personally come to Cluj a few times to participate in various
manifestations organized by our Institute and to offer his precious support both
morally and materially. Our Institute has also opened paths of collaboration with
another emerging country in the Turkic world, namely Kazakhstan. We are about
to establish close university cooperation relations with Turkmenistan, as well. As
an Institute, we wish to be the key for opening the doors of all universities and
scientific institutions in the Turkic world with a view to the cooperation mainly
with Babe-Bolyai University of Cluj-Napoca but also other Romanian universities.
We are determined to achieve this goal, as we have been so far, too.

19

I would like to particularly thank Professor Dan Berindei, Vice-president of


the Romanian Academy, who was kind to participate in this scientific reunion on
behalf of the highest forum of science and culture in Romania. Also, I would like
to thank Mrs.Fsn Aramaz, Consul General of Turkey, to Mr. Farid Abdinbayev,
DCM in the Azerbaijan Embassy, to high representatives of local authorities and to
all representatives of the prestigious scientific and cultural institutions from
Romania and abroad, who there are now at the chair of this meeting.
Not least, I wish to thank the management of the Ioan N. Roman County
Library in Constana, personally to Mrs. Liliana Lazia, the Director of the
institution in which we are right now, for the generosity with which she has once
more put this beautiful hall at our disposal.
On behalf of the organizers, let me warmly bid you Welcome! and assure
you of all our esteem and gratitude.
I finish by wishing success to all participants!
Thank you for your attention.
Prof. Dr. TASIN GEMIL
Director
Institute of Turkology and Central Asian Studies
Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca

20

Stimai oaspei din ar i de peste hotare,


Dragi prieteni,
Doamnelor i domnilor,
V rog s-mi permitei, ca n numele Uniunii Democrate a Ttarilor TurcoMusulmani din Romnia(UDTTMR) s adresez urarea noastr tradiional de bun
venit Ko Keldnz tuturor participanilor din ar i strintate. Este o onoare pentru
mine s salut attea personaliti ilustre ale tiinei romneti i strine, care au binevoit
s vin la aceast manifestare tiinific, care are o nsemntate deosebit de mare nu
numai pentru ttarii din Romnia, ci i pentru toi ttarii din lume.
In acest an, Uniunea Democrat a Ttarilor Turco-Musulmani din Romnia a
srbtorit a 20-a sa aniversare. Organizaia noastr are caracter etno-confesional i
are ca scop fundamental aprarea i promovarea identitii naionale a ttarilor din
Romnia. Potrivit estimrilor noastre, comunitatea noastr numr n jur de 45 000
persoane, dei statisticile oficiale consemneaz un numr mult mai mic.
In cele dou decenii de existen a UDTTMR, au fost depuse eforturi
susinute pentru revigorarea credinei noastre islamice ancestrale, pentru salvarea
limbii materne, aflat n pericol de dispariie, pentru promovarea tradiiilor i
culturii noastre naionale, pentru pstrarea i mbogirea patrimoniului nostru
material i spiritual etc. Trebuie s relevm cu satisfacie faptul c, imediat dup
cderea regimului comunist, n decembrie 1989, atitudinea guvernanilor romni
fa de noi, ttarii, ca de altfel i fa de toate celelalte minoriti naionale din ara
noastr, a fost una ct se poate de binevoitoare. Este de ajuns s menionm n
acest sens faptul c, nc de la alegerile parlamentare din 1990, ttarii sunt
reprezentai n Parlamentul Romniei, iar Guvernul romn ne aloc n fiecare an o
subvenie substanial. De altminteri, i organizarea acestei Sesiuni tiinifice
internaionale, pe care o gndim ca una periodic, este posibil graie acestei
susineri materiale generoase a Guvernului Romniei. Aceast subvenie
guvernamental ne permite s organizm anual diferite activiti specifice etniei,
precum i Festivalul internaional al portului, dansului i cntecului turco-ttar
care a ajuns la a XVI-a sa ediie.
De asemenea, am publicat numeroase lucrri tiinifice i literare, att n
limba ttar i turc, ct i n limba romn. In aceast ordine de idei, doresc s v
informez c am alocat deja n bugetul nostru banii necesari pentru publicarea
volumului al II-lea din colecia Motenirea istoric a ttarilor, care va cuprinde
lucrrile pregtite pentru aceast ediie a Sesiunii noastre. In aceeai ordine de idei,
ca o realizare remarcabil credem c poate fi consemnat i inaugurarea, n toamna
anului trecut, chiar n prezena Preedintelui Romniei, Dl. Traian Bsescu, a
noului sediu central al UDTTMR. Va fi o onoare pentru noi s v primim n
aceast sear i n aceast cldire, care sperm s corespund i exigenelor
domniilor voastre n materie de arhitectur funcional. De asemenea, principalele
filiale ale UDTTMR funcioneaz n propriile sedii, cldirile respective fiind
proprietatea organizaiei.

21

Aproape toate filialele UDTTMR au propriile lor echipe de dansuri ttreti,


unele dintre ele chiar mai multe echipe. Nu este lipsit de interes s menionez
faptul c, nainte de 1990, erau extrem de puini cei care mai cunoteau dansurile
noastre populare. Desigur, n crearea acestor formaiuni artistice am primit un
sprijin substanial de la conaionalii notri din Crimeea. Vei avea ocazia n aceast
sear s vedei cteva din aceste echipe de dansuri, care v vor oferi ca mostre
unele din dansurile noastre tradiionale.
Problema nvrii limbii ttare se arat a fi una mult mai dificil dect am
estimat noi. Dac nu adoptm urgent msuri salvatoare eficiente n acest sens,
riscm s pierdem dialectul dobrogean al limbii ttare, dialect care a conservat o
bun parte a vechiului lexic, adic acea parte pierdut de limba ttar literar din
Crimeea. Limba ttar dobrogean este un patrimoniu ce ar trebui aprat nu numai
de ctre ttarii din Romnia, ci i de ctre toi ttarii din lume, ca i de ntreaga
lume turc. Romnia ne acord tot sprijinul posibil n acest sens, restul depinde de
noi. Noi am fcut i facem n continuare tot ceea ce ne st n putin. Am nfiinat
clase de I-IV n care limba ttar se pred instituionalizat (coala nr.12 din
Constana, i coala din Medgidia), iar UDTTMR asigur transportul gratuit al
tuturor elevilor din Constana i Medgidia care nva limba turc i ttar. Exist i
cursuri benevole de limb ttar n cadrul unor filiale ale UDTTMR, cursuri care
sunt urmate de ctre tineri. Impreun cu specialisti din Crimeea s-a constituit i o
comisie pentru aceasta chestiune. Problema este ns departe de a fi soluionat.
Credem c prin aceast Sesiune tiinific internaional putem s atragem atenia
lumii tiinifice de specialitate i asupra acestei probleme stringente a ttarilor
dobrogeni.
Ttarii din Romnia sunt decii s-i apere identitatea i s promoveze
valorile lor spirituale, pe care le consider nu numai un bun al lor, ci i un bun al
Romniei i al lumii ntregi. Credem c prin cooperarea tuturor putem s nvingem
dificultile istorice cu care ne confruntm. Iar mesajul acestei Sesiuni tiinifice
este, dup prerea mea, acela de a arta lumii ntregi faptul c aceast mic
comunitate ttar din Romnia este determinat s lupte pentru dinuirea sa demn
ntr-o lume aflat n schimbri profunde i permanente.
V rog s-mi permitei s urez succes lucrrilor celei de-a II-a Sesiuni
tiinifice Internaionale Motenirea Istoric a Ttarilor.
V mulumesc mult pentru atenia pe care ai binevoit s mi-o acordai.
Av. VAROL AMET
Preedintele
Uniunii Democrate a Ttarilor Turco-Musulmani
din Romnia

22

Dear guests from home and abroad,


Dear friends,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Please allow me, on behalf of the Democratic Union of Turkish-Muslim Tatars
in Romania (DUTMTR), to extend our traditional greeting: Welcome Ko
Keldnz to all the participants from home and abroad. It is an honour for me to salute
so many illustrious personalities of the Romanian and foreign science, who have willed
to come to this scientific event, which is of exceptional importance, not only for the
Tatars in Romania, but for the Tatars in the whole world.
This year, the Democratic Union of the Turkish-Muslim Tatars in Romania
celebrated its 20th anniversary. Our organisation has an ethno-confessional character
and its fundamental purpose is protecting and promoting the national identity of the
Tatars in Romania. According to our estimates, our community includes around 45,000
people, although official statistics record a much smaller number.
In the two decades of existence of the Democratic Union of the TurkishMuslim Tatars in Romania, constant efforts were made in order to revive our
ancestral Islamic faith, to save our native language, in danger of extinction, to
promote our national culture and traditions, to preserve and enrich our spiritual and
material heritage. We are pleased to reveal the fact that immediately after the fall
of the communist regime in December 1989, the attitude of the Romanian
government towards us, the Tatars, as well as towards all the other national
minorities in our country, was as benevolent as possible. Suffice it to mention in
this regard, as early as the parliamentary elections in 1990, the Tatars have been
represented in the Romanian Parliament, and the Romanian government has
allocated a substantial subvention every year. As a matter of fact, the organisation
of this international scientific session, which we think it as a periodical one, is
possible due to this generous material support of the Romanian government. This
government subvention allows us every year to organise various activities specific
to our ethnicity, such as the International Festival of the Turkish-Tatar Costume,
Dance and Song, which has reached its 16th edition.
We have also published numerous scientific and literary works in Tatar and
Turkish as well as in Romanian. In this connection, I wish to inform you that we
have already allocated in our budget the necessary money for the publication of the
second volume of the collection The Historical Heritage of the Tatars, which
will include the works prepared for this edition of our Session. Similarly, we think
that it may also be recorded as a remarkable achievement the inauguration of the
new headquarters last autumn, in the presence of the Romanian president himself,
HE Mr. Traian Bsescu. It will be an honour for us to welcome you this evening
and in this building, which we hope will meet your demands in terms in functional
architecture. Moreover, the main branches of the DUTMTR function in their own
centres, the respective buildings being owned by the organisation.

23

Almost all DUTMTR branches have their own Tatar dance groups, some of
them even more than one group. It is relevant to mention tha fact that, before 1990
there were very few people who knew our folk dances. Certainly, in creating these
artistic formations, we have received substantial support from our fellow
countrymen in Crimea. You will have the opportunity tonight to see some of these
dance groups which will provide you, as samples, some of our traditional dances.
The problem of learning Tatar appears to be much more difficult than we have
estimated. Unless we adopt effective saving measures in this regard, we risk losing
the Dobrudjan dialect of the Tatar language, dialect which has preserved much of the
old vocabulary, that is that part lost by the literary Tatar language of Crimea.
Dobrudjan Tatar language is a heritage which should be protected not only by the
Tatars in Romania, but also by the Tatars in the whole world as well as by the
Turkish world. Romania grants us all possible support in this regard, the rest depends
on us. We have been doing the best we can. We have founded primary school classes
in which Tatar language is taught (School no. 12 in Constanta and the school in
Medgidia), and DUTMTR provides free transportation to all the pupils in Constanta
and Medgidia who learn Turkish and Tatar. There also are voluntary courses of Tatar
language at some DUTMTR branches that are attended by young people. A
commission on this matter has also been set up together with specialists from
Crimea. However, the problem is far from being solved. We believe that through this
international scientific Session we can draw the attention of the expert scientific
world on this pressing problem of the Dobrudjan Tatars as well.
The Tatars in Romania are determined to defend their identity and promote
their spiritual values, which they consider not only their own asset but also an asset
of Romania and of the whole world. We believe that through cooperation we can
all overcome the historic difficulties we are facing. Finally, the message of this
scientific Session is, in my opinion, showing the entire world that this small Tatar
community in Romania is determined to fight for its dignified continuance in a
world in profound and permanent change.
Please allow me to wish good luck to the works of the Second International
Scientific Session The Historical Heritage of the Tatars.
Thank you very much for your attention.
Lawyer VAROL AMET
President of
the Democratic Union of the Turkish-Muslim Tatars
in Romania

24

SOCIETATEA I ECONOMIA STEPEI


CONFLUENE I METAMORFOZE
SOCIETY AND ECONOMY OF STEP
CONFLUENCE AND METAMORPHOSIS

25

26

Osmanl ncesi Romanya Topraklarnda Trk Varl


TASIN GEMIL*
I. AVRUPAYA GELEN LK TRK KAVMLER
I.1. Hunlar
Bilindii gibi, Avrupa ktasna byk Trk gnn ncleri Hunlar
olmutur. Aslnda, umum tarih sahnesine de ilk defa kan Trk kavmi yine
Hunlar idi. M..III.yzylda, Gobi lnn kuzey-batsnda ilk Hun (Hiung-nu)
devletinin, daha dorusu Hun ynetiminde bir oymaklar birliinin kurulduunu in
kaynaklarndan reniyoruz. Herhangi baka bir kavim iin de geerli olduu gibi,
Hunlarn varl da adlarnn kaydedilmesiyle balamamtr. Fakat, baz
kitaplarda1, Hunlarn meydana k drt-be bin yl nceye gtrlmektedir.
Bence, byle bir iddia pek mantkl ve faydal deildir. Trkleri veya Trkleri
yalnz ykc, gelimemi bir soy olarak grmeyi halen alkanla eviren birok
Batl bilim adamlarna, bu tr iddialar ile tarihin balangna ve medeniyetin
merkezine Trkleri yerletirmekle cevab vermeye kalkanlar inanmyorum ki
etkinli olabilirler. Bence, yalnz salam kaynaklara dayanmakla ve ly
amamak artyla, tarihsel gerek beyan edilebilinir.
Herhalde, IV.asrn ortalarnda, Altay dalar ile Ural dalar arasndaki
geni bozkr Hunlarn egemenliine gemi idi. 375 ylnda, Hunlar Don nehrini
gemiler ve aa Tuna havzasna da el koymular2. Bylece, tarihte ilk defa
olarak, Roma mparatorluun topraklarna bir Trk kavmi yerlemitir. Zamann
kaynaklarnda (Ambrosius, Marcellinus, Jordanes v.b.) yankland zere,
imparatorluk serhadd (limes) olan Tuna nehrini amakla, Hunlar olaanst bir
eylem yaratmlardr. Hun hkimiyetinin Roma mparatorluunun nemli bir
blgesine yerlemesi, dier barbar halklarn da cesaretlendirmi ve harekete
geirmitir. Fakat, Avrupada Hun varln en nemli dnemi imdiki Macaristanda
bulunan Pannonia yaylasnda tekml etmitir. Macar bilim adamlarnn tespit
*

Prof. Dr., Babe-Bolyai niversitesi, Cluj-Napoca, Romanya, ayn niversitenin Trkoloji ve


Orta Asya Aratrmalar Enstitsnn kurucusu ve mdr. Eski milletvekili (1990-1996) ve bykeli
(1998-2007). E-mail: tgemil@yahoo.com
1
Kmuran Grn, Trkler ve Trk Devletleri Tarihi, II.basn, Ankara, 1984, s.115 ve dev.
2
Bk. L.Harmatta, Lapparition des Huns en Europe Orientale, Acta Orientalia Academia
Scientarum Hungaricae, XXVI (1976), s.278-284; Laszlo Rsonyi, Tarihte Trklk, Ankara, 1971,
s.68-69; Giuseppe Cossuto, Tracce turche in Europa medioevale. I popoli delle steppe in Europa
dalla comparsa degli Unni alla nascita della Turchia, Roma, 2009, s.66.

27

ettiklerine gre, tahminen 425 ylnda, Hunlarn etrafnda toplanan byk kavimler
konfederasyonun merkezi kuzey Karadeniz ovasndan Pannoniaya, yani Avrupann
ortasna tanmas Hun tekilatnda byk deimelere yol amtr. O zamana
kadar, kabileler ittifakna dayanan rgtn yerine, imdi hatsz merkezi bir
iktidarn etrafnda kurulan bir devlet tekilat yerlemitir3.
Bir gebe imparatorluu olan bu Hun devleti, gemite misal olmayan bir
siyasi ve ekonomik rgt idi. Rhin nehrinden Aral glne ve Alp dalarndan
Baltik Denizine kadar uzanan bu imparatorluun bnyesinde birok ve eitli
kavimler ittifak durumunda idiler. Aslnda, Hun imparatorluu Avrasyada
kurulan ilk Trk kaanldr. Bunun en tannm yneticisi, Attila, Orta Asyadaki
Trk kaanlar gibi, Gk Tanrsna gvenir, halknn asay ve bolluk iinde
yaamnn salanmasn kendisine ba vazife olarak bilir. Attilann hreti
Avrupal kronikerler ve kilise vastasyla yaylm ise de, sonra Avrupada yine
Orta Asya meneli baka kavimlerin kurduklar devletler iin sz ettiimiz Hun
mparatorluu bir model oluturmutur, zellikle eski Bulgarlar ve Macarlar iin4.
Baz Romen tarihilerinin iddia ettiklerine gre, Tuna ile Karpat dalar
arasndaki blgede, sonralar Eflk ve Moldova (Bodan) olarak tanlan memleketlerin
arazilerinde Hun izleri bulunmam imi5. Ancak baz yerlerde, mcerret ekilde, Hun
kalntlarna rastlanm, zellikle Tuna sahilinde6. ddia edilir ki, Hunlar geldii
zaman, yerli halk Karpatlarn eteklerine snm ve gebe Turanllar ile
mnasebetler kurmam. Hatt tarmla megul olan yerliler Hunlar ile temasa bile
girmemiler imi7. Fakat, baka tarihiler Romanya topraklarnda Hun izleri olduka
bol olduunu ifade ederler, bilhassa Transilvanyann (Erdel) batsnda8. Bata
Macaristanda ve Romanyann bat ksmnda yaplan arkeolojik aratrmalarn sonuu
olarak, zellikle Attila devrine ait epey zengin bilimsel malzeme bulunmutur ve bu
eserleri yaratanlarn kltr seviyeleri yksek olduu da belirlenmitir. phesiz,
gebe sanatn tesiri ok kuvvetli olduu da aikrdr9.
Attilann lmnden sonra (453), Hun mparatorluu dalm ise de,
Romanya topraklarndan Hun varl kolay kolay yok olmamtr. Bilimsel
aratrmalarn neticesi olarak ifade edilebilinir ki, V.yzyln ortalarnda Hunlarn
nemli bir ksm tarmla megul olan yargebe veya tamamyla yerlemi bir
topluma dnmtr10.
3
Bk. Radu Harhoiu, Aspects of the Socio-Economic Situation in Transylvania during the 5th
Century, Relations between the Autochthonous Population and the Migratory Populations, editors
M.Constantinescu, t.Pascu, P.Diaconu, Bucureti, 1975, s.99; Istvan Vasary, Eski Asyann
Tarihi, Istanbul, 2007, s.87.
4
Rsonyi, Tarihte Trklk, s.72.
5
Suzana Dolinescu Ferche, On Socio-economic Relations between Natives and Huns at the
Lower Danube, Relations, s.95.
6
Vladimir Dumitrescu, O nou mrturie a prezenei hunilor n Muntenia. Fragmentul de
diadem de aur de la Dulceanca, Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche, 12-1, 1961; Ligia Brzu,
Contribuia arheologiei la cunoaterea perioadei hunice la Dunrea de Jos, Analele Universitii
Bucureti, istorie, 20, 1961.
7
Dolinescu Ferche,On Socio-Economic, Relations, 95-96.
8
Harhoiu, Aspects , Relations, s.100 ve dev.
9
Harhoiu, Aspects..., Relations..., s.101.
10
Harhoiu, Aspects..., Relations..., s.107.

28

Attilann oullar Tuna havzasnda direnmilerdir. 469da Attilann olu


Dengizik Konstantinopolda idam edilmesiyle, Hun mparatorluunun tarihe
kart kabul edilir. Tek sa kalan Attilann olu rnek (Ernak) Tuna azlarn ve
Karadenizin kuzeybatsna, yani imdiki Romanyann dou ksmna ekilmitir.
V.asr Got kronikeri Jordanesin Hunnivar adlandrd bu blgede, Irnek Hun
adn ve hkimiyetini devam ettirmeye gayret etmitir. Hun hkimiyeti ok
srmemi ise de, Hun ad Avrupann tarihinden asla silinmemitir. Hatt, eski
Bulgar kaanlar ve Macarlarn Arpad hanedan rnek vastasyla Attilaya
balandklarn iddia etmilerdir. Mool-Tatar mparatorluunun kurulmasna ve
Cengiz Hann hreti yaylmasna kadar sren 800 yl kapsamnda, batya g
etmeye devam eden eski Trk kavimleri iin, Hun mparatorluu ve Attilann ad
Avrupaya yerlemeleri iin tarihi ve hukuk bir miras deerini tamtr11.
I.2. Avarlar
Attilann hayatta kalan sonuncu olu rnekin ynetiminde, Hunlarn bir
ksm douya, eski vatanlarna dnmeye karar vermiler ise da, teebbsleri
sonulanmamtr, nk yollar baka bir Trk kavmi tarafnca kesilmi idi.
Bunlar da Orta Asyadan kmlardr. inliler onlar Juan-Juan (Ruan-Ruan), JouJan (Rou-Ran) adlandrmlar. Bu isimler, Avrupa kaynaklarnda Avar (Uar-Hun)
eklini almtr. Bu ad hakknda bilimsel tartmalar halen devam etmektedir.
Avarlarn etnik topluluu olduka kark gzkrse de, onlarn Trk dilli
kavimlere mensup olduklar artk kesinlik kazanmtr12. Baz aratrmaclara gre,
ilk defa Trk adn kabile ad olarak tayan Rouran (Avar) kabilelelerinden
birisidir, mhtemelen M.s. III.yzylda13.
IV.yzyln ikinci yarsnda, Avarlar Orta Asyadaki yerlerinden koparak,
batya ynelmilerdir. Bunlardr Hunlar Kazak bozkrndan karp batya
iteleyenler. Ancak iki yzyl sonra, yani VI.asrn ortalarnda (562), Avarlar aa
Tuna blgesinde (skitlerin Tunas ) grnyorlar. Burada ok kalmadan,
567de, Avarlar Karpatlar havzasna yerleiyorlar, daha dorusu Tisa ile Tuna
nehirleri arasn kendilerine mesken tutarak, muazzam bir gebe devletin
temellerini koyuyorlar. Avar aknlar yakn btn Avrupay kaplyor, Macaristandan
Fransaya, Almanyadan talyaya. Hun mparatorluunun knden tam yz yl
sonra, ayn corafyada, yine Orta Asya ve Trk meneli, yeni bir gebe
imparatorluu peyda oluyor. Avrupada, Avar hkimiyeti, VI - VIII. yzyllar
arasnda, yakn 250 yl srmtr. Aslnda, Avarlar Hunlarn bir nevi devamcs
gibi de kabul edilebilinirler. Avar mparatorluu, Adriyatik Denizinden Baltik
Denizine ve Elba nehrinden Dniepr nehrine kadar yaylan ok geni ve verimli bir
blgeyi kapsyordu. Avarlar btn Karpatlar havzasn, yani imdiki Romanyann
11

Rsoniy, Tarihte Trklk, s.72; Cossuto, Tracce Turche..., s.78-79.


Janos Harmatta, Avarlarn dili sorununa dair. Dou Avrupada Trk oyma yazl kitabeler,
Ankara, 1988, s.16 v.b.
13
Carter Vaughn Findley, The Turks in World History, Oxford University Press, New York,
2005, s.35.
12

29

byk bir blmn hkimiyetlerinde bunca sene tutmu iseler de, onlarn youn
ekilde yerletikleri blge Tisa nehrin ovas olmutur. Herhalde, Hunlar gibi,
Avarlar da bu corafyann zelliklerini Orta Asya ansna benimsedikleri mantk
d olamaz.
Avar kalntlar byk ounlukla imdiki Macaristan topraklarnda
bulunmaktadr. Romanyada ise, bilim adamlarnn tespit ettiklerine gre 14, Avar
izleri yalnz Transilvanyann bat ksmnda rastlanr. imdiye kadar, Romen
arkeologlar 76 Avar mezarn ap, bilimsel incelemeler yapmlardr. 35 yl hesab
edilen bir nesil iin ancak 25 mezar kabul olunduuna gre, Romanya
topraklarnda Avar nfs olduka az gzkyor15. Merhum profesr Kurt
Horedtin yapt mukayeseli aratrmalara gre, VI-VII.yzyllarda, Transilvanya
vilayetinin nfs 300 000 civarnda olmu, yani 5 kii bir km.karede. Bu rakam,
Roma mparatorluunun Tuna vilayetleri nfs oran ile st ste dmektedir.
Ayn tarihiye gre, Cermen gebe kavimlerin nfs de dk imi. O devirde,
bir Cermen oyma 80 000 100 000 kiiden oluurmu16. Bu rakamlar Orta
Asyadan gelen eski Trk kavimleri iin de geerli olmas gerek. Hatt, Avrupaya
ilk ulaan Avarlarn says ancak 20 000 kii olduu da hesap ediliyor17. Ama,
hkim gebelere nispeten, yerleik halkn, yani Romallamakta olan yerli halkn
says kat kat daha ok olduu iddia edilir. VI.yzyldan itibaren, Romanya
topraklarna da yerleen tarmc Slavlar da yerleiklere dahil etmek gerektir.
Avrupadaki Avar kaanlnda, yani VI-VIII. asrlarda, Alp dalar ile Karpatlar
silsilesi arasndaki geni corafyada bir kavimler kaynamas olduu kabul edilir.
Avar kaanln son dneminden (670 800) kalan izler ok kark olduundan
dolay, bunlar etnik bakmdan ayrt etmek ok zor veya imknsz olduu ileri
srlr. Eski Slavlar imdi yaadklar corafyaya ancak Avarlar sayesinde
yaylabilmilerdir. Romen ve Macar arkeologlarn tespitlerine gre, Avar ve dier
Trk meneli unsurlar, hkim zmre olmasna ramen, saylar ok az olduu iin,
bu devirde yerli halk arasnda eriyip yok olmaya yz tutmulardr. Yani, bu
devirlerde olumakta olan Romen halkn bnyesinde Avar katks olduunu da
kabul etmek lazmdr.18
Avarlar, kavim olarak Avrupada X.asrda yok olmu iseler de, 250 yl
geni bir corafya zerinde sren hkimiyetlerin neticesi olarak o blgenin
tarihinde ve kltrnde nemli katklar olduu da kabul edilmesi gerek 19. Yerli
14

Kurt Horedt, The Gepidae, the Avars and the Romanic Population in Transylvania,
Relations, s.111-122; Mircea Rusu, Avars, Slavs, Romanic Population in the 6th 8th Centuries,
Relations, s.123-153.
15
Horedt, The Gepidae..., Relations..., s.115; Mircea Rusu, Avars, s.133-146.
16
Horedt, The Gepidae..., Relations..., s.114 115.
17
Rusu, Avars..., s.124.
18
imdiye kadar, Avar kaanlna ait bulunan 35 000 mezarn incelenmesi bu dnemin
birok problemlerin zlmesine yardmc olmutur. Bk. Rusu, Avars..., Relations..., s.139-146.
19
896da Karpatlar geerek, Pannoniada yurt tutan Macarlar devrin batl kaynaklar Avarlarla
kartrrlar (Avarii qui dicuntur Ungarii). mparator-kroniker Konstantin Porfirogenetin ifadesine gre,
Avarlar X.asrda bile mevcudiyetlerini korumular. Fakat, arkeolojik aratrmalarda alan Avar mezarlar
en ge 830 ylna kadar gelir. Bk.Mircea Rusu, The Autochthonous Population and the Hungarians on the
Territory of Transylvania in the 9th 11th Centuries, Relations, s.201-202.

30

tarihilerin bir ksm eski Trk kavimlerin medeniyetini ve blge halklarn tarihsel
teekkllerinde oynadklar rol halen inkr etmekte veya kmsemektedirler20.
Baz Romen, Bulgar, Srb v.b. tarihilerin byle tavrlar bir nevi tarih
kompleksinden, daha dorusu Batl olmama kompleksinden de kaynaklandn
gz ard edemeyiz. Buna benzer kompleksler Trk Cumhuriyetlerin baz
tarihilerinde ve hatt Trkiye Cumhuriyetinde faaliyette bulunan baz tarihilerde
de grlebilinir.
Amma, yle Romen tarihileri de vardr ki, lkenin koyu bir milliyeti
rejimde bulunduu yllarda bile tarihsel gerei ifade etmekten ekinmemilerdir.
Byle fikirleri paylaanlara gre, Romallam yerli halkn Slavlar ve Avarlar ile
karmndan yeni bir kltr sentezi ortaya km. Romen halkn ve Romen ulusal
dilin olumas yeni gelenleri yani, bilhassa eski Trk kavimlerini - etnik ve dil
bakmndan asimile etmekle uzun ve mrekkep bir seyirin sonunda mmkn
olduunu yazarlar 21.
I.3. Bulgarlar
V.yzyln sonlarnda, Tuna azlar blgesinde byk Our boylarn batya
geden bir kolu peyda olmutur. Bizansn Tuna serhaddnda sorunlar yaratan bu
kavim, baz kaynaklarda Onogur-Bolgar adlandryor. Bulgarlarn etnogenetikas
bakmndan en cazip varsaym onlarn Hun, Our ve belki Avar karmn neticesi
olduklardr. Bu sebepten de, baz bilginler Bulgar adn Trke bulgak (kark)
fiiline balyorlar22. Bu kark toplum Karpatlar havzasna da yetimitir.
Bulgar adnn tarih sahnesine k VII.yzyln ortalarnda olmutur. Hazar
esaretinden kaarak, Bulgarlarn bir ksm Volga (Etil, til) nehriyle kuzeye gidip,
imdiki Tatarstan Cumhuriyeti topraklarnda mkemmel bir devlet (Magna
Bulgaria) kurduklar mlumdur. Bulgarlarn baka bir kolu ise, Esperuh (Asparuh)
han ynetiminde, kuzey ve bat Karadeniz sahilini takip ederek, Dobruca zerinden
imdiki Bulgaristan topraklarna yerlemilerdir (679) ve burada tam manasyla bir
Trk devleti kurmulardr23.
Tisa nehrin bozkrna Bulgarlarn da geldikleri bilinirse de ve hatt bir
zamanlar Transilvanyann bir ksmna Bulgar hkimiyeti uzanm ise de, Romen
mtehassslarn ifadelerine gre, imdiye kadar, eski Bulgarlara ait Romanyann
batsnda arkeolojik buluntular ok az meydana kmtr; bunlar da IX-X.asrlara
ait imi24. Fakat, Romanyann dousunda, daha dorusu Dobrucada, Bulgarlarla
ilgili izler epey boldur. 681 971 yllar arasnda, Dobruca yeni kurulan Bulgar
devletin hkimiyetinde bulunmutur. Dobrucann gemiine dair Romen ve Bulgar
20

Bk. Cossuto, Tracce turche..., s.108-118.


Rusu, Avars... , Relations..., s.153.
22
Vasari, Eski Asya..., s.198-200.
23
Bk. Gyrgy Szekly, La conquete turcobulgare et la fondation delEtat bulgare, Studia
Turco-Hungarica,Tomus V, Budapest, 1981, s.7-32; Gza Fehr, Bulgar Trkleri tarihi, Ankara,
1984, s. 40 ve dev.
24
Rusu, The Autochthonous..., Relations..., s.202.
21

31

tarihileri arasnda baz gr ayrlklar vardr. Romen tarihilerinin aratrmalarna


gre, Bulgar devrinden Dobrucada bulunan eitli maddi buluntularn ekseriyeti son
dneme, yani IX-X.asrlara aittr. Daha evvelki asrlardan kalan izler ise, yerli
halka ve Slavlara ait olduu iddia edilmektedir25.
865 ylnda, Boris han zamannda (852-889), Bulgarlar hristiyanlatrlyorlar ve
Slavlarn iinde tamamyla yok oluyorlar. Eski Trk-Bulgar (Protobulgar) dilinden ok
az szck gnmze kadar yaayabilmitir. Bunlardan birisi de boyar terimidir.
Ortaada Romen devlet yapsnn temel unsurunu tekil eden stn snf boier adn
tayordu. Bu kelime Trk kkenli olduu muhakkaktr. IX. yzylda, Bulgar
kaanlndaki stn tabaka iki zmreden ibaret idi: boyla-lar (byk beyler) ve
baa<y>n-lar (kk beyler). Sonra, stn tabakaya genel olarak bolyar-lar veya
boyla<r> denilmi. Bagain teriminden Romen, Macar, Srb-Hrvat tarihlerinde ban
rtbesi ve Banat blge ismi tremitir. Daha nce, bu terimler Gktrk devletinde ve
Avar mparatorluunda kullanlmtr 26.
IX.yzyln ikinci yarsndan itibaren, Bulgarlar Trklkten tamamyla
kp, hristiyan slav dnyasnn bir paras olmulardr.
II. AVRUPADA SON GEBE TRK KAVMLER
Romanya topraklarna ayak basan eski Trk kavimlerine dair bilgiler
IX. asrn sonlarndan itibaren artmaktadr. Bu devirlerde, Karadenizin ve Tuna
azlarn kuzeyindeki geni ovalara ve Karpatlar havzasna yerleen Peenekler,
Uzlar ve Kpak-Tatarlar ile ilgili haberler, evvelkilerine nispeten daha bol ve
kesindir. Bu kavimler, Avrupann dousunda ve gney-dousunda bulunan halklarn
tarihlerini ve medeniyetlerini nemli derecede etkilemilerdir. Yerli milliyeti tarihiler
Peenek, Kpak (Kuman) ve Tatar amillerini benimsememiyerek, ihmal etmek veya
kltmek isterlerse de, tarih gerek gnden gne daha salam boyutlaryla aa
kmaktadr.
II.1. Peenekler
Avrupaya geldiklerinden sonra, Bizans kaynaklarnda Patzinakitai veya
Badjanakiya adyla anlmaya balanan Peenekler, Tuna azlarn kuzey blgesine,
IX. asrn ikinci yarsnda yerlemilerdir. Ad yukarda da geen imparatorkroniker Konstantin Porfirogenetin nakl ettiine gre, 895/896da, Peenekler
Bulgarlar ile birlikte, Macarlarn o dnemde Siret veya Prut rma ile Turla
(Dniestr) nehri arasnda kurduklar tarih-efsanev Atelkuzu (nehirler arasndaki
25

Bk. Ion Barnea, tefan tefnescu, Bizantini, romni i bulgari la Dunrea de Jos, Din
istoria Dobrogei, vol.III, Bucureti, 1971, s.23-69.
26
Bk. Abdlkadir Donuk, Eski Trk devletlerinde idar ve asker nvan ve terimler, Istanbul,
1988, s. 4 (Baga), 5 (Bayar) ve 9-10 (Boyla); Omeljan Pritsak, The Proto-Bulgarian Military Inventory
Inscriptions, Studia Turco-Hungarica, Tomus V, Budapest, 1981, s.34-36; Istoria Romniei, vol.I,
Bucureti, 1960, s.758.

32

lke) talan ve tahrip etmiler. Bylece, Macarlar imdiki vatanlarna yerlemeye


mecbur kalmlardr. Peeneklerin de batya g etmeleri yine bir bask ve
malubiyet neticesi olmu idi. IX.yzyln ikinci yarsnda, Hazar-Uz birlii
Peenekleri aa dil (Volga) blgesinden karmtr. Peenekler Macarlarn
yerine Atelkuzuya, yani Romanyann dou ksmna yerlemilerdir. Ayn Bizansl
kaynaa gre, X.asrn ortasnda da Peenekler Atelkuzuda yayorlarm. Ancak o
devirde Pecenekler Atelkuzudan ckp, imdiki Romanyann gney-dousuna da
yaylmlar27. Konu zerinde epey calmalar olan muteveffa arkeolog Petre
Diaconuya gre, Romanyann gney ovas, yani Muntenia ve Oltenia denilen
blgeler, 1000 yl civarnda Peenekler tarafnca zapt edilmitir28.
Ilk defa Peeneklerin ad in hanedan Sui (581-618) yllklarnda, Pei-ju
eklinde kayd edilmitir. Mslman kaynaklar ise, Peenekleri Orta Asya ve Trk
meneli bir kavim olduunu kesinlikle belirtmektelerdir. z adlar: Beanag, Baenek,
Beenek, Paanig, Bjanak, Bajanak, Bacinak v.b. halen kullanlan eski Trk szleri
bac ve bacanaka balanmaktadr. Yani, Peeneklerin ad bacanak kavimanlamnda
alglanabilinir29 . Bizansl prenses-kroniker Anna Komnenann nakl ettiine gre,
Peenekler tam Kpaklarn dilini konuuyorlarm. Yani, Peenek dili eski Trkenin
bat veya Kpak koluna ait idi ve, byk bir ihtimalle, Avrupa tarihinde, Kpak
Trkesini konuan ilk kavim Peeneklerdir30. Kaynaklar Romanya topraklarna
yerleen Peeneklerin saylar hakknda da baz rakamlar vermektelerdir. Bizans
kronikeri Skylitzese gre, 1048 ylnda Tyrach (Tirek) ynetiminde Tunay geen 11
Peenek boyunda toplam 800 000 adam varm, yani 72 700 adam bir kabilede. Kegen
balnda daha evvel Tunay geen iki kabileyi de hesaba katarsak, o dnemdeki
Peeneklerin says bir milyona kmaktadr. Hatta, tanlm mtehasss Omeljan
Pritsak tm Peeneklerin saysn 2,8-3 milyon hesab ediyor. phesiz, bu rakamlar
abartmal olmas gerek. Bizansl kronikerler, Imparator ordusunun Peenekler tarafnca
uratld malubiyetleri hakl karmak niyetiyle byle mbalaal rakamlar ileri
srdkleri dnlebilinir31.
Rusyann gney ve Romanyann dou-gney topraklarnda Peenek
hkimiyeti XI.yzyln sonlarna kadar srmtr. Dobrucada yaplan arkeolojk
aratrmalar ve yazl kaynaklarn da akladklarna gre, Peenekler Bizans
mparatorluuna yaptklar mteakip aknlarnda Dobrucay bir geid olarak
kullanmlardr ve XI asrn ortalarnda bu blgede egemenliklerini de kurmulardr.
27

Bk. Petre Diaconu, Les Ptchnegues du Bas-Danube au Xe sicle, Bucureti, 1970, s.1617, 22-25; G.Gyrffy, Sur la question de ltablissement des Petchnegues en Europe, Acta
Orientalia Hungarica, XXV (1972), nr.1-3, s.283-292.
28
Petre Diaconu, The Petchenegs on the Lower Danube, Relations..., s.237.
29
U. Schamilolu, The Name of the Pechenegs in Ibn Hayyns Al-Muqtabas, Journal of
Turkish Studies, Harvard University, 8, 1984, s.215-222; L.Bazin, A propos du nom des
Petchnegues, Pass turco-tatar, prsent sovitique. Etude offertes a Alexandre Bennigsen,
ed.Ch.Lemercier-Quelquejay, G.Veinstein, S.E.Wimbush, Louvain-Paris, 1986, s.66-77.
30
Bk. Victor Spinei, The Great Migrations in the East and South East of Europe from the
Ninth to the Thirteenth Century, Cluj-Napoca, 2003, s.95; Vasary, Eski Asyann, s.231-235.
31
Victor Spinei, Realiti etnice i politice n Moldova meridional n secolele X-XIII.
Romni i Turanici, Iai, 1985, s.99.

33

Ayn zamanda, Peenekler Banat ve Transilvanyaya, hatt Pannoniaya kadar da


uzandklar bilinmektedir.
Genel Trk tarihinde sk rastland dahili kskanlk ve kin sebebinden
Peeneklerin de birlemek ve salam bir devlet kurmak frsat karlmtr. XI.
asrn birinci yarsnn sonuna doru, aa Tuna ve Dniepr havzas arasnda
bulunan Peenek boylarnda ok iddetli bir iktidar mcadelesi bavermitir.
Zamann kaynaklarnda Kegen ve Tyrach (Tirek) adlar ile anlan Peenek
babular z aralarndaki rekabet yznden, tam o vakt gelimekte olan Uz
tehlikesini ihmal etmilerdir. Hatt, 1046 ylnda, emrinde bulunan 20 000
adamyla, Kegen hristiyan oluyor ve Bizans imparatorun hzmetine geiyor. Yeni
vazifesinde, Kegen Tunann kuzeyinde bulunan Peenekler zerine taaruzlar
dzenleyerek, katliamlar yapm ve kle pazarlar iin soydalarndan ok sayda
ocuk ve kadn esir alm. Imparator sarayna gnderdikleri protestolar cevapsz
kaldndan dolay, Tyrach (Tirek)n ynetiminde bulunan dier 11 Peenek boyu
intikam almak iin, 1048n knda donmu Tunay geerek, Bizans topraklarn
istil ediyorlar ve imparatorluk ordularn datmlardr. 1053te akdedilen
anlamaya gre, Tuna ile Balkan dalar arasndaki blge Peeneklere yerleim
yeri olarak iade ediliyor. Fakat, yakn krk yl Peenekler itaat etmeden, durmadan
bir kargaalk amili olarak, Bizans Imparatorluuna byk sorunlar yaratmlardr.
Baz kaynaklara gre, 1071de Malazgirt (Manzikert) savanda, Peenek ordusu
Bizansl cephesinden Trk tarafna geerek, savan sonuunu etkilemi32.
Bizansllarn Malazgirt malubiyetlerin bir tesiri de olarak, Balkanlarda olduu
gibi, Dobrucada da yerleik halk ile gebeler arasnda yllar boyunca olagelen
kaynamann mahsulu ortaya kmtr. Mixobarbaroi (Yar barbar) adlandrlan bu
toplum, Peenek himayesine geerek, Bizans Imparatorluun bu kavim ile olan
problemlerini arttrmtr. Din ve ekonomik sebeplerden ikyetci olan
pavlianlar (bogomillar) da bunlara katlmlardr 33. Aslnda, XI.yzyln ikinci
yarsnda Peenekler tm Dobrucann efendisi idiler. Prenses-tarihi Anna
Komnena, Dobrucann 1086 ylndaki durumunu anlatrken, buradaki bamsz
yerel yneticilerin adlarn da veriyor: Tatos (Khalis), Sesthlav ve Satza. Bu
malumat, Rus, Romen ve Bulgar tarihileri arasnda uzun bir mnakaaya neden
olmutur. Her bir taraf bunlarn Rus, Romen veya Bulgar olduklarn iddia ederek,
eitli kant ve yorumlara bavurmudur34. Ancak, erefli bir Romen tarihisi olan
C.Neculescu, milliyeti duygulardan arnabilerek, gerei ortaya karmaktan
ekinmemitir. Onun aratrmalarna gre, N.Iorga ve baka nl Romen
tarihilerin iddia ettikleri bu Romen voyvodalklar XI.yzylda Dobrucada
aslnda mevcud olmamtr, nk Anna Komnenann kaydettigi yneticiler
Peenek boy reisleri idiler ve o devirde bu blgede ok kark bir ahali yaamakta
idi35. Fakat, C. Neculescunun ifadeleri milliyeti-komnist Romen tarihiliinde
32

A.A.Vasiliev, Istoria Imperiului bizantin, Iai, 2010, s.359; Cossuto, Tracce turche...,

s.210.

33
Eugen Stnescu, Les mixobarbares du Bas-Danube au XIe sicle (Quelques problmes
de la terminologie des textes), Nouvelles tudes dhistoire, III, Bucarest, 1965, s. 45-49.
34
Bk. Barnea, Din istoria Dobrogei, III, s.139-145.
35
C. Neculescu, Ipoteza formaiunilor politice romne la Dunre n sec. XI, Revista Istoric
Romn,VII, Bucureti, 1937, s.122-151.

34

kabul edilmemitir. Dobrucada ok eskiden Romallam yerli Trak-Cetler


bulunduu iddia edilmektedir. Bu yerli halk, IX-X.yzyllarnda, Dobrucada ve
Romanyann baka blgelerinde de devlet balan saylan jupanlklar
meydana getirmi imi 36. Fakat, jupan terimi eski Slavlara balanarak, bu sz
eski Trklere ait olabilecei ihmal edilmitir. Avar Imparatorluunda 3000 askerin
komutanna aban veya zoapan (joapan) denilirdi. Ayn zamanda, aban veya
zoapan vali yetkisiyle, tabi olan halktan vergi toplamakla da sorumlu idi37. Eski
Macar kaynaklar, 921-924 yllar arasndaki olaylarla ilgili Zuard adnda bir
Macar komutanndan bahsederler. Bu ad aslnda aba(n) olduu ve kkeni de eski
Trk unvan aban veya apkandan geldii ileri srlmtr. Shobamogera veya
obamogera, yani obann Macarlar deyimi ayn mehur Adsz Macar
vakanvisin (Anonymus) eseri Gesta Hungarorumda bulunmaktadr. 950 yl
civarnda, bat Avrupa kaynaklarnda da Schaba adnda bir Macar liderinden
bahsedilmektedir. X.yzyln sonuna doru, Transilvanyann tarihi kalbi saylan
Alba Iulia ehri civarnda, ada Bizansl kaynaklarnda Gylas ve zamann Macar
yazlarnda ise Gyula adlandrlan bir Peenek babuu yerli halkn takdirini de
kazanarak, yrenin asker ve siyas reisliine ykseldiini biliyoruz38. Aslnda,
aban, upan veya zoapan, zupan ile tm eski (ve yeni) Trk kavimlerinde
kullanlan oban sz arasnda sk bir balant vardr39. Cioban (okunu: oban)
sz Romencede ayn anlamda ve soyad olarak ta kullanlmaktadr.
Romanyann gney-batsnda, Snnicolaul Mare (Nagyszentmiklos) denilen
yerde, 1799 ylnda, ok kymetli bir hazine bulunmutur. imdi Viyana mzesinde
muhafaza edilen bu hazine ceitli altn kaplardan ibarettir. Bunlarn bazlarnda
yazlar olduundan dolay, uzmanlar arasndaki tartmalar gnmze kadar
uzanmtr. Bu hazineye ait bir kapta Boila (Buila) Zoapan ve Butaul Zoapan
yazlar da okunmaktadr40. Hazine Avar, Bulgar veya Macar meneli olduunu
iddia edenler ounlukta olmasna ramen, son zamanlarda hazinenin Peeneklere
ait olduunu ileri srenler arlk kazanmaktalardr41.
Gerekten, Romanyann gney-batsnda Peeneklerin mevcudiyetleri XIIIXIV.yuzyllarda bile kantlanabilinir42. Yani, Peenekler ve dier eski Trk
kavimleri, Romanyann yalnz gney-dousunda deil, lkenin gney-batsnda da
o devirlerde oluan tarihsel etkinliklere nemli katklar olmutur.
En nihayet, Bizansllar yine bir Trk kolunu kullanarak Peenekleri
ezebilmilerdir. 29 Nisan 1091 tarihinde, Lebunion savanda, Peenekler Bizans
36

tefan Pascu, Ion Ionacu, Constantin Cihodaru, Gh.Georgescu-Buzu, Istoria medie a


Romniei, partea I, Bucureti, 1966, s. 34-35; Barnea, Din istoria Dobrogei, vol.III, s.145 ve dev.
37
Rusu, Avars, Relations, s. 147 ; Cossuto, Tracce turche , s.141-142. Ayrca bak:
Alexandru Madgearu, Were the Zupans Really Rulers of Some Romanian Early Medieval Polities?,
Revista de istorie social, IV-VII, 1999-2002, Iai, 2004, s. 15-25.
38
Istoria Romniei, vol. II, Bucureti, 1962, s. 53-54.
39
Donuk, Eski, s. 13; Pritsak, The Proto-Bulgarian, s. 44-45.
40
Mudrak O.A., Avarskaya nadpis na sosude iz klada Nad-Sent-Miklo, Kazan and the
Altaic World. 50th Permanent International Altaistic Conference (PIAC). Kazan, July 1-6, 2007,
s.136-138.
41
Bk. Spinei, The Great Migrations, s. 94-95.
42
Geza Bako, The Relations of the Principality of Banat with the Hungarians and the
Petchenegs in the Tenth Century, Relations, 241-242.

35

ve Kpak mttefik ordusu tarafnca katliam edilmilerdir. Onbinlerce erkekten


oluan bir soy, tek bir gnde yokolmutur, diye yazyor tarihi-prenses Anna
Komnena43. Peenekler asker ve siyas amil gibi yok edilmi iseler de, kavim
olarak yine kaybolmamlardr. Son olarak, Peeneklere dair Bizansl kronikerler
imparator II.Ioan Komnen (1118-1143) zamanndaki taaruzlarndan bahsederler ve
Rus vakanvisleri ise, 1169 ylnda onlar Karabrkliler (orne klobuki) adnda
kurulan Trk kavimleri birliinde olduklarn kaydederler. XIII. yzylda, Latince
yazlarda, Transilvanyann dousunda, Sibiu (Hermannstadt) ehri yaknlarnda
bulunan Romenlerin ve Peeneklerin ormanndan (Silva Blachorum et
Bissenorum) bahsediliyor. Peenek toplumlar Romanyann gney-dousunda,
zellikle Tunann sol sahilinde, Kuman hakimiyetinde de yaamlarn
srdrdkleri kabul edilmektedir. Romanya topraklarnda, X-XIV. asrlardan
kalan, Turanl gebelerin yzlerce mezar (tumul) bulunmutur. Fakat bunlarn
hangi kavime ait olduunu tespit etmek ok zordur, nk mezarlar ayn vasflar
sergilemektelerdir44.
Romanya topranda, Peenekler yalnz yaklm kulbelerin kllerini ve
ldrlm insanlarn iskeletlerini brakmamlardr, muhakkak. Onlardan bir ok
sanat eserleri, yer, su, insan adlar ve Romen dilinde nemli sayda szckler
kalmtr. Fakat, X-XIV.yzyllarnda bu corafyada ard ardnca hkimiyet sren
eski Trk kavimlerin dilleri, yaay tarzlar ve gelenekleri birbirlerine o kadar
yakn ve benzer imi ki, bu tarihsel miras ayrdetmek imdi imknsz olduu yakn
tm aratrmaclar tarafnca kabul edilmektedir. Bu sebebtendir ki, bu yazda da
Romanya tarihinde, corafyasnda ve kltrnde varolan eski Trk izlerin
deerlendirilmesini toplu ekilde ve sonunda yapacaz.
II.2. Uzlar ve Berendiler
XI.yuzyln ortalarnda, aa Tuna havzas, ok ksa bir dnem iin, baka
bir Trk kavmin hkimiyetine gemitir. Bunlar tarihte Uzlar, Guzlar, Udilar veya
Ouzlar adnda tanlmaktalardr. Eski Ruslar bunlara Torki demilerdir. Uzlar
byk Ouz kavmin bat kolunu oluturmulardr. 868-880 yllarnda, Peeneklerin
batya gmelerine Uzlar ve Hazarlar sebeb olmulardr. Yayk (Ural) ile Idil veya
Edil (Volga) arasnda olan Peeneklerin yerini Uzlar zaptetmilerdir. X.asrn ikinci
yarsnda, bunlarn Volgann bat ksmna da, Don ve Oka nehirlerine kadar
yayldklar eski Rus kaynaklarndan anlalyor. Fakat, Kpaklarn basksyla,
XI.yuzyln ortasnda, Uzlar orta Dniepr blgesine ekiliyorlar. Onlar burada Rus
knyazlar sakin brakmyor. 1060 ylnda, Rus ordusunun nnden ekilerek, Uzlar
kendilerini aa Tuna havzasnda buluyorlar.45 Fakat, bu tarihten evvel, Tuna
azlarn kuzeyinde, Uzlar Peenekler ile arpmlard. Kegenin komutasndaki
43

Urfal Mateosun yazdna gre, bu savaa 600 000 Peenek katlm ( Spinei, Realiti
etnice, s.99). Barnea, Din istoria Dobrogei, vol.III, s.152-153.
44
Bk. Isoria Romniei, vol. II, s. 47; Victor Spinei, Moldova n secolele XI-XIV, Bucureti,
1982, s.126; Spinei, The Great Migrations, s.152.
45
Bk.Akdes Nimet Kurat, IV-XVIII yuzyllarda Karadeniz kuzeyindeki Trk kavimleri ve
devletleri, Ankara, 1972, s.65-67.

36

iki Peenek boyu Uzlara direnememi. Dier Pecenek babuu Tirek (Tyrach) ise,
emrinde olan 11 boy ile Uzlarn nnden Dobrucaya ekildiini Bizans
kaynaklarndan oreniyoruz. Yukarda kayd ettiimiz gibi, 1046-1048 yllarnda,
Peenekler, yine Uz basksn bir neticesi olarak, Bizans Imparatorluuna
gemilerdir. 1064 veya 1065 ylnda, Uzlar da kitle halinde Tunay aarak,
Bizans topraklarn istil etmilerdir. Bizansl kaynaklar imparatorlua saldran
Uzlarn saysn 600 000e karmaktalardr46. Balkanlarda salgn hastalklar ve
Bizans, Peenek taaruzlar, Uzlar kryor. Kalanlar Tunay geriye geerek,
gvenliklerini zellikle Macar kralln hududlar ierisinde aramlardr. Zamann
aknda, Uzlarn bir ksm Karpatlarn geitlerinden Moldovaya szdklar tahmin
ediliyor. Bu geitlerin nemli birisi Oituz adn tayor ve ayn blgede Uz ve
Urlui rmaklar, Valea Uzului (Uz vadisi), Hui kasabas ve Uzlar andran daha
baka yer ve su isimleri vardr. Transilvanyada da Uzi szoros (Uz boaz)
mevcuttur. Baz aratrmaclara gre, Uzlarn bir ksm Dobrucaya yerlemiler ve
sonralar Gagauz adnda tekrar ortaya kmlar imi47. Anna Komnena, Uzlarla
ilgili Dobrucada bulunan Ozolimna adnda byk bir glden bahseder. Bu gl
henz tespit edilmemitir. Bu gln ad da Uzlardan kald ifade edilir48.
Uzlarn, Peeneklerin veya Kpaklarn bir kolu olan Berendilerden de
Romanya tarihinde ve topraklarnda epey izler kalmtr. Bunlarn ad bermek
(vermek) fiilinden geldii kabul edilir, yani ber<g>en (veren) mastarndan.
Zamann kaynaklarnda, Berendilerin adlar daha ok XII-XIII yzyllardaki
olaylarla ilgilidir. Berendei isminde Romen aristokrasine mensup ahslar
Moldovada ve Eflkta, XIV.yzyldan gnmze kadar nemli mevkilerde
bulunmulardr. rnein: Eflk devletinin kurucusu, Kpak veya Tatar asll
Basarabn yaknlarndan olan Berend olu Martin49; 1389, 1432 yllarnda
Eflkta, 1435-1442 arasnda Moldovada Berendei isminde byk boyarlar ailesi
vesikalarda kaydedilmitir50. Hatt, bir Berindei, Moldova voyvodas mehur
Byk tefann (1457-1504) taht rakibi bile olmutur51. Berindeti ve buna
benzer yer adlar Romanyann her tarihi blgesinde rastlanmaktadr.
Dier eski Trklerin kalntlar gibi, Berendiler de yerli halk arasnda erimi
ise de, bu Romenleme vakas zellikle stn zmre seviyesinde olmutur.
II.3. Kpak-Tatar Egemenlii
Uzlar takiben, Tuna ve Karpatlar havzasna, XI.yzyln ortalarnda, yine
Orta Asya kkenli yeni bir Trk kavim gelmitir. Bunlar hakknda gayet bol
46

Bk. Spinei, The Great Migrations, s.198-211; Spinei, Realiti etnice, s.99.
Kurat, Trk kavimleri..., s.66-67; Spinei, The Great Migrations..., s.195; Sema Gl,
Trklerin etnik kkeni, Istanbul, 2006, s. 118.
48
Istoria Romniei, vol. II, s. 70; Barnea, Din istoria Dobrogei, vol. III, s. 150-151; Mihail
Gubolu, Romen ulusunun eski Trk kavimleri ile ilikileri, VIII.Trk Tarih Kongresi, II. Cilt, Ankara,
1981, s.768.
49
N. Iorga, Istoria Romnilor, vol. III, Bucureti, 1993, s.152.
50
Spinei, Realiti..., s.153.
51
N. Iorga, Istoria Romnilor, vol. IV, Bucureti, 1996, s.81, 105, 110. Gnmzde, Berindei
adn soylu bir aileden gelen iki nemli Romen tarihisi de tamaktadr: Dan Berindei, Romen
Akademisinin bakan yardmcs, ve olu trkolog Mihnea Berindei.
47

37

tarihsel malzeme bulunmaktadr, nk dou, gney, merkez Avrupa ve hatt Orta


Dou ve kuzey Afrika tarihinde 200 yl ok nemli rol oynamlardr. Bu sebepten de,
bu kavim ok adlar ile tanlmaktadr. Bunlarn en eski ad Kpak, 744 ylnda dikilen
Selenge kayas kitabesinde yazldr. Enteresan olan udur ki, kitabede Kpcak sz
Trk sz ile birlikte yazlm: Tr<k> <Q>b<a>q elig jl olurm (TrkKpaklar elli yl hkm srdler)52. VIII.asrn ortalarnda, Kpaklar imdiki
Kazakistannn merkezi ve kuzey taraflarnda yaadklar iddia edilir53.
Mool ftuhtn mehur tarihisi Fazlollah Raid-od-Din, Kpak adn
efsanev Ouz Hana balayarak, etnonimin eski Trk dilinde ii rm, oyuk
aa (qobuq, qubaq; qowuq, qowaq) anlamnda olduunu izah etmitir54.
Etnogenetik efsaneler sonradan yaratlm olsalar da, bu tr efsanelerin her birinde
bir tarihsel gerein ekirdei olduu bilinmektedir. Kpaklarn treyilerinde
orman ve aatan sz edilmesi, onlarn ormanla bozkrn birletii bir yerde ortaya
ktklarn dndrebilir. Hakikaten, aratrmaclar Kpaklarn doum alann
Altay dalarn gney etekleri ve ona bitiik bozkr olduunu tespit etmilerdir 55.
ark kaynaklarnda Kfak eklinde de anlan Kpaklar, Avrupa topraklarna
geldiklerinden sonra adlar trl ekiller almtr. Onlar, eski Ruslar Polovtsy,
Bizansllar Kuman, Ermeniler Kharte, Almanlar Valwen, Latince kaynaklarda
Pallidi adlandrmlardr. Rumca ve Latince vekayinamelerdeki Kuman ve Macar
kaynaklarndaki Kun 56ad byk bir ihtimalle bir ahs ve uru isminden gelmitir.
Fakat, sraladmz dier adlar ayn manay ifade ederler, yani beyazms sar, sarn,
sarmtrak. ada kaynaklardan topladklar baz malumatlar da hesaba katan birok
aratrmac, bu anlamn Kpaklarn sarn ve ok gzel kimseler olduuna dellet
ettiini vurgulamaktadrlar57. Ama bu meyanda, Romen arkiyats prof.dr.Virgil
Ciocltan baka bir fikri ne srmektedir. Henz yazl ekilde tantmad bu
varsaymnda, profesr V.Ciocltan der ki: esas olarak, Kuman ve dier beyaz, sarn
anlamnda olan adlarn menende Kun sz bulunmaktadr. Yani Kun, eski Trklerde
gn, gne anlamn tamakta idi (Tatarlar imdi de gn, gnee, kun, kune
derler). Mantkl olarak, Romen profesr iddia eder ki, sar-beyaz, sarn anlamnda
olan tm bu adlar, Kpaklarn tenine ve sana ait olmakszn, onlarn manev deerini
ifade etmektedir. Beyaz tenli ve sarn olan Ruslar ve Almanlar, Kpaklarn
beyazlna ve sarnlna hayran kalacaklar pek akla uygun saylmaz. Bilindii gibi,
eski Trk geleneinde, renkler manev ve hatt siyas ve asker deerler tamakta idi.
52

Sergei Klyashtornyj, Die Kiptschaken auf den Runischen Denkmalern, Old Turkic Runic Texts
and History of the Eurasian Steppe, ed. Victor Spinei and Cristina Spinei, Bucureti Brila, 2008,
s. 365-378.
53
Sercan M.Ahincanov, Trk halklarn katalizr boyu Kpaklar, Istanbul, 2009, s.67-68.
54
A. Zeki Velid Togan, Ouz Destan. Reiddin Ouznmesi, Tercme ve Tahlili, Istanbul,
1972, s.26, 89; Paul Pelliot, Notes sur lhistoire de la Horde dOr. Suivies de quelques noms turcs
dhomme et de peuples finissant en ar, Paris, 1949, s.122, Mehur Kazak ayri Olcas Sleymanov,
Kipak adnn boy damgas iki yatay izgiden (ek pak > kpak) geldiini ileri srmtr (Az i Ya,
Trk Aratrmalar Vakf, Istanbul, 1992, s. 156-157).
55
Ahincanov, Kpaklar, s. 61 ve dev.
56
Iranl Mervez, 1120-1125, yillarnda, Qunlardan bahseder (Istvan Vasary, Kumanlar ve
Tatarlar. Osmanl ncesi Balkanlarda Doulu Askerler (1185-1365), Istanbul, 2008, s.18). Yine
Iranl ve ayn XII. asrda yaayan Idris de Kuman adna hitap etmitir (Ahincanov, Kpaklar..., s.28).
57
Kurat, Trk kavimleri, s. 70-71.

38

Sar ve beyaz renkleri parlak, nl, ulu, hkmdarlk, merkez v.s. anlamnda kabul
edilmektedir. Buna gre, Kun (Kun+man) ve onun tercmesi olan dier adlar,
Kpaklarn ulu soydan geldiklerini ifade etmektedir. Ayn profesrn dncesine
gre, kun veya ku<n>man (ulu, hretli, kuvvetli adam) Kpaklarn unvan,
manev ve siyas vasflar idi, yani onlar kendilerini bu ekilde tantmlardr;
tercmeler yanl yorumlanmtr. Ayn zamanda, olabilir ki, Kun veya Kuman ad bir
ulu babay da andrsn, baka eski Trk urularnda da rastland gibi.
Prof. dr. Istvan Vasary ise, Kpaklar ve Kumanlar Trk kkenli iki ayr
kavimler birlii olduunu ileri srer ve bunlarn ancak XII.yzyln sonlarna doru
birletiklerini kabul eder58.
Biz, burada, Kpak ve Kuman adnda ayn halk anlaldn kabul ederek,
bu Trk soylu halk Kuman (Cuman, Coman) ve Kpak ismi altnda ve, zaman
seyrinde, baka bir isim (Tatar) tercih ettikten sonra da, Dou Avrupada, zellikle
Romanya tarihinde oynad byk rol ksaca belirtmek niyetindeyiz.
Birinci ve ikinci binyln kavanda, Kimek oymak birliine59 mensup olan
Kpaklar, yanlarna birliin bir ksmn da alarak, batya yaylmaya balamlardr.
Kpaklar, 1030 tarihlerinde Edil (Volga) sahillerinde grnmlerdir ve 1055
ylnda, Bolu adnda bir babun ynetiminde, z (Dniepr) kysna yetitiklerini
eski Rus vekyinamelerinde grmekteyiz. 1061de, babu Sokal kumandasnda
Kpaklar (Kumanlar) ilk kez olarak Ruslarn zerine saldrmlardr. Bu hadise ile,
Ruslarn asrlar boyunca bozkr halklaryla srdrdkleri mcadelenin yeni bir
safhaya girdii bilinmektedir. Bir ka yl iinde, Kumanlar Tuna ve Karpatlar
havzasna yaylmlardr. XI.yuzyln ikinci yarsnda, Karadenizin kuzeyinde
bulunan geni bozkrlar tamamyla Kumanlarn eline gemitir. Bu corafya, Islam
kaynaklarnda Det-i Kpak (Kpak Bozkr) adyla anlmaya balamtr.
XI.yuzyln sonlarnda, Kumanlar Irt ile Karpatlar arasnda uzanan fevkalde
geni bir Avrasya bolgesine egemen olmulardr. Byle bir apta hkimiyet kuran
baka bir Trk halk aslnda yoktur tarihte. Fakat, bu alanda, Kumanlar merkezi bir
iktidar etrafnda siyas ve ekonomik bir devlet sistemi oluturamamlardr. Tam
manasyla bir Kuman Imparatorluundan sz edilemez. Rahmetli A.N.Kuratn
grne gre: Bu geni bozkrlarda yaayan Kpak-Kuman urularndan ou,
koyu gebe olmalar, yani gebelik gelenek ve usullerini titizlikle muhafaza
ettikleri cihetle, oturak hayata gememiler ve dolaysyle hi bir yerde
tutunamamlar60. Bence, izah yeterli deil (Cengiz Hann Moollar yerleik
hayata gemilerdi mi ?), nk - ileride zikredeceimiz gibi - XIII-XIV. asrlarda,
ayn Kumanlar baz yerel devletlerin teeklnde n ayak ve ynetici zmre roln
ok baarl bir ekilde oynamlardr. Kuman veya Kpak adnda bir vahid
devletin veya merkezletirilmi bir imparatorluun kurulmamas, fikrimce, igal
edilen topran olaanst geni olmas ve gl bir liderin yokluu ile izah
olunabilinir. Fakat, Kumanlar etkin blgesel tekilatlar kurabildikleri malumdur,
58

Vasary, Kumanlar, s.19-20.


Bu federasyon, IX-X.yzyllarda, Ert (Irt) ile Yayk (Ural) nehirleri arasnda mevcud
olub, yedi kabileden olumu idi: Ime, Imek (Kimek), Tatar, Balandar (Bayandar), Qfaq, Langaz
(Lanikaz) ve Eclad (Aclad) (bk. G.Hazai, Kpcak, The Encyclopedia of Islam (New Edition), V,
Leiden, 1979, s.126; Ahincanov,Kpaklar...., s.101 ve dev).
60
Kurat, Trk kavimleri, s.75.
59

39

nk aksi takdirde egemenlikleri 200 yl sremezdi, tabii. Bat ls ile, Kuman


toplumu erken feodal devlet yapsna sahipti. Hatt, deerli Rus tarihisi
A.I.Iakubovski, XII.yuzylda Kpaklarda gebe bir prensliin var olduundan
bahseder. Amma, tanlm trkolog W.Barthold, Kpaklarn ayr ayr hanlar
olduunu kabul etse de, tm Kpaklarn tek bir hana itaat ettiklerini kabul etmez61.
XII-XV.yzyllarndaki Avrasya tarihini esasl aratran Rus tarihilerin iddia
ettiklerine gre, gebe devletikler sayesinde, Kuman hakimiyeti Det-i
Kpakta mukemmel olmutur62. Bu devlet yaplar o kadar kk te olmamas
gerek, nk o muazzam corafyada, yani Ert ile Karpatlar arasnda, baz
kaynaklara gre, ancak 9 (dokuz) gebe idare merkezi ilemitir. Her biri,
stnlk kazanm iki hanedandan (Ilbari ve Uran) birisine mensup olan bir han
tarafndan ynetilmitir63. Peenekler ve Kumanlar zerine mkemmel
aratrmalaryla tanlan D.A.Rasovskya gre, Kumanlar be blkten ibaretti: 1Orta Asya, 2- Ural-Volga, 3- Donetz-Don, 4-Aa Dniepr ve 5- Tuna bl64.
Burada, bizi ilgilendiren yalnz sonuncu blktr, yani Tuna ve Karpatlar
havzasnda egemenlik kuran Kumanlar.
Tuna bl Kumanlarn hakim olduu mntka, XIII.yuzyldan itibaren,
zamann Latince kaynaklarnda Cumania (Comania) veya Terra Cumanorum
(Comanorum) adn tamakta idi. Bu Kumanlar lkesi, Karpatlarn dou ve gney
blgesinde bulunduu, yani Romanyann Moldova ve Valahia (Eflk) denilen tarihi
memleketlerini de ierdii kesinlikle bilinmektedir65. Fakat, bu lkenin dou snrlar
olduka belirsiz olmasna ramen, XIII. yuzyln ortalarnda, bu topraklarda dolaan
Dominiken ve Fransisken rahipler Kumanlar lkesin Yayk (Ural) nehrine kadar
uzandn belirtmilerdir66. Yani, Cumania ile Det-i Kpak aa-yukar ayn
corafya idi. Ama, burada, bahs ettiimiz Tuna bl deil, tm Kumanlarn
yaadklar geni alan gz nnde tutulmutur (totam terram Comanorum btn
Kuman topra). Zamann kaynaklarndan anlaldna gre, Romanya topraklarna
yerleen Kumanlarn idare merkezleri Aa Tunada deil, Aa Dnieprde, ihtimal
Krmda , Kerson (Akyar) civarnda imi67.
Bat Kumanlarn ilk tanlm hanlar Tugor (Togortak) Han olmu.
Kumanlar, bunun kumandasnda, 1091da, Lebunionda, Peenekleri
mahvetmilerdi. 1094-1095 yllarnda, yine Tugor Han ynetiminde, Bat
Kumanlar Bizans Imparatorlugun dahili mcadelesine kararak, byk nfs
kazanmlardr. Bu vesile ile, Kuman ordusu Dobrucadan gemi ve Balkanlarda
halk tarafnca sevinle karlanm. Hatt, Balkan Vlahlar (Romenleri) bu Kuman
ordusuna klavuzluk bile ettikleri bilinmektedir. 1199da, Balkanlara yaptklar bir
taaruzda, Kumanlarn yannda Tunann kuzeyindeki Romenler de bulunmu. Ayn
61

Bk. Ahincanov, Kpaklar, s.277.


B.D. Grecov i A.I. Iacubovschi, Hoarda de Aur i decderea ei, Bucureti, 1953, s.20.
63
Ahincanov, Kpaklar, s.276-281.
64
Bk.Rasonyi, Tarihte Trklk, s.140.
65
Maria Lzrescu-Zobian, Cumania as the Name of Thirteenth Century Moldavia and
Eastern Wallachia. Some Aspects of Kiptchak-Romanian Relations, Journal of Turkish Sudies, 8,
1984 (Turks, Hungarians and Kipchaks. A Festschrift in Honor of Tibor Halasi-Kun), Harvard
University, s.265-272.
66
Bk. Vasary, Kumanlar, s.21-22.
67
Spinei, The Great Migrations, s.253-254.
62

40

zamanda, Kumanlar Macar krallna da mdahale etmilerdir. Ilk defa, Macar


krall Kumanlarla 1085-1086 yllarnda karlamtr. Eski Macar kral Salomon,
Kumanlar arasna sndktan sonra, onlarn desteiyle tahtn tekrar almak
istemitir. Kutesk adnda babularyla, Kumanlar Macar kralln iine derin
dalmlar ise de, kral I. Ladislau onlar pskrtebilmitir. Bir ka yl sonra, 10911092de, Kolpuun komutanlnda, Kumanlar Moldovadan Karpatlar geerek,
Transilvanyann bat ve gney-bat blgelerini yamalamlardr. Dn yolunda,
ayn kral I. Ladislau tarafnca malup edilmi iseler de, Kumanlar Macar
krallyla savamaya devam etmilerdir. Bonyak ve Altunopa babular
kumandasnda, Kumanlar, 1097de, Macar kral Koloman ok ar bir duruma
drmlerdir. En nihayet, Macar krall Kumanlarn askeri ve siyasi glerinden
istifade etmek maksadyla, kral II. Istvan (tefan) (1116-1131) zamannda, Tatar
Han adnda babu ile birlikte, 30 000 Kuman kralln gney-dou topraklarna
yerletirmitir. 1132 ylnda, Macar kral II. Bela, Tatar Han kumandasnda bir
Kuman ordusunu Italyaya, Lothar desteklemek iin gndermitir. 1099 ylnda,
Kumanlar Polonya krallna da akn dzenlemilerdir68. Bylece Kumanlar, yalnz
Rus knyazlklarn tarihini deil, ayn zamanda, Balkanlarn ve hatt orta ve bat
Avrupa tarihini de etkilemilerdir.
Iki asr boyunca, Bizans Imparatorluuna Balkanlarda ve Macaristan
krallna da Transilvanyada ceitli sorunlar yaratanlar ite bu Kumanlar olmutur,
yani Comania Kumanlar ve onlarn mttefikleri. Bizansl ve Batl kaynaklar
zellikle bu Kumanlardan bahsederler. Pek tabii ki, Kumanlar dedikte halis bir
Kuman toplumundan sz edilmez. Orta Asyadan Dou Avrupaya uzanan yolda,
Kumanlar ile birlikte ceitli kavimler ve etnik unsurlar gelmitir, ilk nce Trk
meneli olanlar. Ayrca, Romanya topraklarnda bulunan Peenek, Uz, Berendi v.s.
kalntlar da bu Kuman blne dahil olmutur. Baka blgelerde de olduu gibi,
buradaki yerliler de Kumanlar ile ibirlii yapmaktan ve kaynamaktan
ekinmemilerdir. Romen tarihilerinin tespit ettiklerine gre, zaman iinde, bu
Kumanlarn nemli bir oran gebe hayatndan tarmcla gemitir,
hristiyanlamtr ve neticede yerliler iinde erimitir69.
Kumanyay hristiyanlatrmak, Macar krall iin yalnz bir din grev
kalmakszn, ayn zamanda dou hudutlarn gvene almak iin ok nemli bir
siyas gereksim de olmutur. Alnan tedbirler sonucu ve yaknlaan Mool-Tatar
tehlikesi karsnda, 1227 ylnda Kumania Kumanlarn bir ksm, daha dorusu
Bori han ve yanndaki Kuman aristokrasisi, Macar kralna mracaat ederek,
hristiyanlama ve tabi olma isteklerini bildirmilerdir. Ertesi yl, 1228de onlar
iin, Moldovann gneyinde bulunan Vrancea vilayetinde, Milkov rma
havzasnda, Kuman katolik piskoposluu kurulmutur. 1233te, kral IV.Bela
Kumanlarn kral (Rex Cumanorum) unvann almtr. Mool-Tatar istilsn
neticesi olarak, Kumania ve Kuman piskoposluu ortadan kaldrlm ise de,
Macar krallar bu unvan asrlar boyunca tamlardr70.
68

Bk. Petre Diaconu, Les Coumans au Bas-Danube aux XIe - XIIe sicles, Bucureti, 1978,
s.24 ve dev.; Spinei, The Great Migrations, s.248-254.
69
Sergiu Columbeanu, Cnezate i voievodate romneti, Bucureti, 1973, s.96 ve dev.;
70
I.Feren, Cumanii i episcopiile lor, Blaj, 1931.

41

Romen tarihileri Kumanlarn Tuna-Karpatlar blgesindeki hkimiyetlerine dair


epey aratrmalar yapmlardr. Onlarn tespit ettiklerine gre, Kumanlar ile Romenler
arasndaki mnasebetler olduka sakin olub, yalnz hakim zmre ile tabi halk
arasndaki ilikiler cerevesinde kalmakszn, ibirlii ve kaynamaya da ynelmitir.
Byk tarihi N.Iorgann, XI-XIV.yzyllar iin, yani Romen halkn olgunlama
an ve Romen devletleiliin doma ve salamlama dnemini gz nnde tutarak,
kulland Romen-Trk sembiyoz, Romen-Trk ibirligi ve Romen-Trk
sentezi gibi deerlendirmesini, genel olarak, cidd Romen tarihileri kabul
etmilerdir71. Fakat, Balkanlarda, 1185de balayan ve Imparatorluk kurulmasyla
sonulanan ayaklanmann liderleri Asen ve Petru kardeleri Romen tarihileri Romen
olduklarn ve kurduklar devletin de Vlah-Bulgar Imparatorluu olduunu srarla
iddia ederler. Bulgarlar ise, bu kardelerin Bulgar meneli ve kurduklar devlet de ilk
nce Bulgar arl olduunu inatla ileri srerler72. Bu konu zerinde, Romen ve
Bulgar tarihileri arasndaki tartma ok zamandan sregelmitir. Bu olaylarda,
Kumanlarn oynadklar ba rol iki taraf ta kabul etmemektedir ve onlara arka plnda,
hatta ek, paral asker roln tanmaktalardr. Halbuki, bu imparatorlugu yneten
Asanlar hanedann kurucusu halis bir Trk ad tamaktadr. Asan ve Asen (Esen,
Isen) szleri, o zamanlardan gnmze kadar, yakn tm Trk toplumlarnda kullanla
gelmi kelimelerdir73. Asen ve Petru kardelerin balk ettikleri byk Balkan
ayaklanmasnda Vlahlar ve Bulgarlar ounlukta olmutur, ama bu harektn
ynetimi, asker kumanda ve destei hristiyanlam Kumanlarn elinde bulunmutur.
Yakn birbuuk asr sonra, Eflk ve Moldova devletlerinin kurulmasnda da benzer
sorunlar karmza kacaktr74.
Hkim Kumanlar iin tabi Romenler eitli taahhtler yerine getirmeli
idiler. Bunlardan en nemlisi vergiler olmutur (tahl, tuz, bal, bal mumu, balk, av
kuu v.b.). Ayn zamanda, yerliler hkimlerin yararna baz hizmetlerde de
bulunmalar gerekiyordu, zellikle tahkimat calmar. Yazl kaynaklarn yansra,
bu alkalar zere Romen dilindeki baz eski szcklerin incelenmesi de ok nemli
sonulara gtrmektedir. Romencede uium, oium terimi tlm buday iin
deirmenci tarafnca alnan un veya buday vergisi anlamnda gnmzde bile
kullanlr. 1247 ylnda, Sent Jean ovaliyerine Macar kral IV.Bela tarafndan
verilen diplomda, Kumanlar lkesinde bulunan deirmenlerden de bahsedilir75.
Bu deirmenlerin sahipleri Kuman boyarlar olduu kabul edilir ve bylece,
uyum terimi, iddia edildii gibi Bulgar veya Srb meneli deil, eski Trk sz
olduunu Romen bilim adamlar ileri srmlerdir76. Ortacada, Moldovada
71

Florin Constantiniu, O istorie sincer a poporului roman, Bucureti, 1997, s.59.


Bk. E.Stnescu (gen. ed.), Rscoala i statul Asnetilor, Bucureti, 1989.
73
Mahmud el-Kgar, Divnu Lugt-it-Turk Tercumesi, I. cild, Ankara, 1985, s.77; Istanbul, 2007,
s.265; Lazar Budagov, Sravnitelny slovar turek-tatarskih narciy, I. cild, Sankt Peterburg, 1869, s.39;
W.Radloff, Opt slovarya tiurskih narciy, cild I-1, s. 874, cild I.2, s. 1526, Sankpeterburg, 1893.
74
Bk.Tasin Gemil, Peste un mileniu de existen a populaiei turco-ttare pe teritoriul
Romniei , Motenirea istoric a ttarilor, vol. I, Bucureti, 2010, s. 12-14, 17.
75
Documenta Romaniae Historica, I, Bucureti, 1966, s.8.
76
Ion Donat, La vie pastorale chez les Roumains et ses problmes, Daco-Romania, I,
Freiburg-Munchen, 1973, s. 78-103.
72

42

toprak sahibi serbest kyl tabakasnn ad rze yine Kumanlardan kalan bir
terim olduunu Romen Akademisin yesi, mehur lengvist Alexandru Philippide
tantlamtr. Ona gre, bu kelime Macarcadan (rszes) deil, Arapa ve
Trkeden gelmitir. Yani, erz+e (arazi orta), metatez ile reze ve rze
olmu77. Bence, bu terim Kuman devrinden deil, Kpak-Tatar (XIII-XIV.yy.),
yani Altn Orda devrinden kald daha mantkl olabilir, nk ancak o zamanlar
Arapa ve Farsa szler buralara kadar yetiebilirdi. Sorun gayet nemlidir, nk
rzeler ortaca Moldova devletinin belkemiini oluturmulardr.
*
XIII. yuzyln ortasndan itibaren, Kuman (Kpak) ile Tatar arasnda bir
karklk meydana kmtr. Bu karklk, o zamanlar yaylan Mool ile Tatar
arasndaki karklk ile sk balants vardr. Batan bildirmek gerektir ki,
XIII.yuzylda hzla kurulmakta olan muazzam Mool Imparatorluun askeri ve
halk byk bir ounlukta gayri Mool rkndan idi, zellikle Trk soydan.
Bertold Spulerin tespit ettiine gre, 1221de Horasan fetheden Mool askerin
ou Trk asll askerlerden olumu idi78. Aslnda, Mool kavmi az sayda olduu
bilgi zerinde kaynaklar ve tarihiler birlemektelerdir79. Cengiz Han ve varislerin
uygulad ok etkinli bir usul zere, fethedilen yerlerin aristokrasisin bir ksm
ldrldkten sonra, elinde silah tutabilecek erkekler gnll veya zoraki Tatar
adnda Mool ordusuna alnyorlard. Bunu, Macar kraln 1237de, Magna
Hungaria(Byk Macaristan) gibi anlan Orta Volga blgesine gnderdii
casuslarndan birisi olan rahip Iulianus ifade eder80. Bylece, Mool ordusu, kar
stnde yuvarlanan bir kar topu gibi, durmadan artyor ve byyordu. Bu usulu,
Cengis Han ilk defa 1202 ylnda, Tatar kavmini acmasz krd Dalan Nemurges
savandan sonra uygulamtr. Yani, savatan sa kan Tatar erkeklerini
silahlandrarak, mteakip savalarda n cephede grevlendirmi ve ilk taaruzlar
onlara yaptrtmtr. Orta Asyada ve sonra Islm dnyasnda ve Hristiyan
lkelerinde Tatar ad Mool adndan nce ve daha ok yaylmtr. Daha fazla
ayrntlara girmeden, demek istediimiz udur ki, Mool ad ile Tatar ad baz
kaynaklarda ve bir ok tarihiler tarafnca zdeletirilmi ve halen de
zdeletirilmekte ise de, bu terimler ayr manalar ifade etmilerdir. Yani, Mool ad
devletin ynetimini elinde tutan ve etnik bakmdan asl Mool olan stn tabakay
belirtmi ise, Tatar ad bu imparatorluun geni serhadlar iinde bulunan eitli
etnik kkenden gelen halkn ve ordusunu ifade etmitir. Bu ayrm yapmayan veya
yapmak istemeyen tarihiler ok kark yorumlar ile yanl sonular ileri srerler.
Imparatorluun Mool asll ynetici zmresi Tatar adn asla kabul etmezdi,
77

Al.Philippide, Originea Romnilor, II, Iai, 1927, s.378-379.


Bertold Spuler, Les Mongols dans lhistoire, Paris, 1961, s.23.
79
1227de, Cengiz Hann varisleri arasnda Mool askerleri ve kabileleri taksim oldukta,
Batuya, yani Cuci ulusuna yalnz 4000 asl Mool askeri tahsis edilmitir (Ren Grousset , LEmpire
des Steppes. Atilla, Gengis Khan, Tamerlan, Paris, 1939, s. 469).
80
Ravil Fahrettin, Altnordu Devleti ve Tatarlar, Trk Dunyas Tarih Dergisi, nr.2, 1994,
s.53 ; Spinei, The Great Migrations, s. 410, 423.
78

43

nk onlar kendilerini stn tabaka hesap ederek, Kke Monghol (Gk


Moollar, yani Gk Tanrsn himayesinde bulunan Moollar) adlanrlard. Tatar
ad genel bir isim olarak tm tabi kavimler iin kullanlrd. Bu meyanda, baka
arastrmaclarn yansra, bizim de katklarmz olmutur81. Gereken deliller orada
sunulduu iin, burada da onlar tekrar sralamayacaz. Herhalde, Mool
Imparatorluun snrlar iinde yaayan tm gayri Moollar iin iletilen Tatar
terimi, Mool-Tatar, daha dorusu Altn Orda devletinin modeli zerine kurulmu
Rus Imparatorluunda da, Trk soydan olan tm halklar iin komnist rejimine
kadar kullanlmtr. Yani, arlk Rusyada, Azeriler, Trkmenler, zbekler,
Kazaklar, Krgzlar ve dier Trk toplumlar Tatar adllandrlmlar idi. Sovyet
esaretinde bulunan Trk dnyasn
paralamak iin, komnistler yerel
milliyetilikleri krkleyerek ayr ayr halklar ve topluluklar ortaya karmlardr.
*
1206 Kurultaynda, Temin, Cengiz Han ilan edildikten sonra, tm Avrasya
yeni bir byk tehlike ile karlat. Bu geni corafyaya uzun yllar Tatar adyla
dehet saan ordular ounlukta Trk askerlerinden oluub, Mool komutasnda
bulunmakta idiler. Bu sebebten, bu ordulara ve onlarn sayesinde kurulan
Imparatorlua Mool-Tatar ad verilmesi tarihi geree uygun olduu kanaatindeyiz.
Fakat, bu adlandrma, bu imparatorluun Bat ksmnn, yani Altn Ordann
slamlamasna ve Trklemesine kadar geerlidir. XIII. asrn ikinci yarsndan itibaren,
slam ve Trk asll Tatar devleti ve, sonralar da, devletlerinden bahsedilmesi lzm.
Dou Avrupa topraklarna, Mool-Tatarlar ilk defa Cebe ve Subotay adnda
kabiliyetli generallarn kumandasnda ayak basmlardr. 31 Mays 1223 tarihinde,
Kalka rmagna yakn bir yerde, Mool-Tatar kuvvetleri Kpak-Rus mttefik
ordusunu mahv etmitir. Ardndan, Krm ve aa Volga boyunu yamalayan
Mool-Tatarlar, zellikle yerleik Kpaklara mthi darbeler indirmilerdir. Ayn
zamanda, blgeye nemli sayda Doudan gelen Kpak urular ymakta idi.
Bunlar, Cengiz Han kuvvetlerin nnden kaarak, Krm ve Edil havzasnda oktan
iskan etmi Kpaklarn yannda gven aramakta idiler. 1223 seferi geni apta
uygulanan bir nevi istihbarat ve tatbikat etkinlii olmu idi. Alnan malumatlar
esasnda, 1235 Kurultaynda Dou Avrupay sistematik surette istil edilmesi
kararlatrlmtr.
Gerekten, 1236da balayan ve 1242de sonulanan byk Mool-Tatar
seferi, Dou ve Orta Avrupa tarihinin kaderini deitiren bir hadisedir. Ruslar ve
Kpaklar iin ise bu sefer tam manasyla ayr bir ehemmiyet tar. Ruslar, 240 yl
iin Tatar boyunduruun altna girmilerdir. Tarihte, Rusya yalnz Tatarlarn
nnde yakn ikibuuk asr diz kmtr. Imparatorluk gururu besleyen Rusya,
Tatarlar asla afetmemi ve gnmze kadar onlara yapmad zulm kalmamtr.
81

Bk. Ta<h>sin Gemil, Tatar ad, Renkler, II. cild (1989), Bkre, 1990, s.178-197 ;
T.Gemil, Problema etnogenezei ttarilor , Originea ttarilor. Locul lor n lume i n lumea turc,
Bucureti, 1997, s.49-63 (Ingilizce tercumesi: The Issue of Tatars Ethnogenesis, Ttarii n istorie
i n lume, Bucureti, 2003, s.24-38).

44

Ruslar bunca zaman boyundurug altnda tutmakla, Tatarlar birok halklarn,


zellikle Trk asll olanlarn, milli kimliklerini korumulardr ve sonralar da
bunlarn z devletlerinin kurulmas iin gereken artlarn yaranmasn
salamlardr. Orta ve Bat Avrupa lkeleri iin ise, Mool -Tatar istils bir
felket olduun yansra, mutlakyet iktidar etrafnda merkezletirilmi devletlerin
kurulma prosesini kolaylatrm ve tevik etmitir. Bu gr amerikan bilim adam
Marshall G.S.Hodgsonun ileri srd Dnya tarihini yeniden dnmek fikrin
dorultusunda aklanmaktadr82. Yani, Mool-Tatar darbeleri Orta ve Bat
Avrupadaki st tabakann (byk feodallar) gcn azaltarak, kral gcnn
artmasna imkn yaratmtr. Ayn zamanda, Avrasya corafyasnda uzun bir
dnem etkili olan Pax Mongolica(Mool bar (dzeni) ktalararas ticaretin ve
ilikilerin gelimesi iin msait ortam salamtr. Gvence altnda bulunan
Avrasya yollarnda mallar ile birlikte insanlar ve fikirler de dolayordu.
Byk Mool-Tatar istils Dou Avrupada Kuman egemenliine son
vermekle beraber, Kuman, Kpak adlarn da tarihe karmas iin yol amtr.
Direnmeye gayret etmelerine ramen, Kuman (Kpak) ordular Mool-Tatar
kuvvetleri tarafnca datlmtr. Kumanlar gvencelerini Krm yarmadasnda,
Volga boyundaki ormanlarda, Kavkaz ve Balkan vadilerinde ve Macar krallnda
aramlardr. Zamann kaynaklarnda yazldna gre, Bat Kumanlarn han olan
Kten Han, ordusu ile birlikte kahramanca savamasna ramen, nderliindeki
40 000 Kuman ile hristyanlamaya mecbur kalmtr ve Macar krallna snmtr.
Mool genel komutan Batu, Kten Han ve yanndaki Kumanlara snma hakk
verdii iin, Macar kral IV.Belaya protesto mektubu gndermitir. Moollar tm
Orta Asya halklarn Cengiz Han sllesine tabi olmalarn doal etkinlik gibi
dnrlerdi ve Panonniada devlet kuran Attila ve Hunlar da z selefleri gibi
gryorlard. Ihtimal, onlarn Avrupa istils planlarnda, Macaristan bir s gibi
kullanlacakt83.
Kumanlarn ou ise Mool-Tatar hkimiyetini tanmtr ve ayak
uydurmaya gayret etmilerdir. yle ki, 1240-1241 yllarnda kurulan Altn Orda
devletinde, Kumanlar batan nemli bir rol oynamaya muvaffak olabilmiler.
Hatt, Rus meneli ve Rus meyilli nl Amerikan tarihisi George Vernadsky,
Altn Orda aslnda Kpak Hanl olduunu iddia ediyor84. Bu fikri Kazak
tarihisi Sercan M.Ahincanovda paylamaktadr. Ayn zamanda, S. Ahincanova
gre: Msr Memluk devleti de tamamyla bir Kpak devleti idi. Gnmzde
Kazan Tatarlar dediimiz halk, aslnda dil Bulgarlar ve Kpaklardr. Krm
Tatarlar da arlkl olarak Kpak ve Ouzlardan teekkl etmektedir85.
82

Bk. Marshall G.S. Hodgson, Dnya Tarihini Yeniden Dnmek, Istanbul, 2003, s.23 v.b.;
John M.Hobson, Batl Medeniyetinin Doulu Kkenleri, Istanbul, 2007, s.58 ve dev.
83
Kurat, Trk kavimleri, s.97; George V ernadsky, Moollar ve Ruslar, Istanbul, 2007,
s.73.
84
Siyasi bakmdan o yllarda Mool mparatorluundaki en nemli gelime, Batunun (yeni
byk han-T.G.) Gney Rusyada bakenti Aa Volga boyundaki yeni Saray ehri olan ve
mteakiben Altn Orda diye bilinen Kpak Hanlnn tesisi oldu ( Vernadski, Moollar, s.82).
Bu kitabnda, melif Altn Orda yerine Kpak Hanl tabirini kullanmaktadr.
85
Ahincanov, Kpaklar, arka kapak.

45

Gerekten, Altn Ordann hzla Trklemesinde, Kumanlar (Kpaklar) esas ve


en dinamik faktr olduu kabul edilmektedir. Altn Ordann veya Kpak Hanlnn
Trklemesi ayn corafyada bulunan ahalinin slamlamas ile beraber gelierek, bu
iki byk proses birbirine destek olmulardr. Aslnda, Moollarn ve baka
toplumlarn Islamlamas ve Trklemesi daha eskilerde balad bilinmektedir. Fakat,
Altn Orda himayesinde bu eylemler sistematik bir ekilde srdrlmtr.
Aratrmaclarn tespitlerine gre86, XIII.yzyln ikinci yarsnda Det-i Kpaka yeni
yanlar da Islm dinini kabul etmilerdir ve XIV. asrn ilk yarsnda, zbek Han
(1312-1342) zamannda, Altn Orda resmen de bir Islm Kpak-Tatar lkesi
olmutur. Bu vaka yalnz Avrasya corafyas iin deil, ayn zamanda Orta Dou ve
Kuzey Afrika tarihi iin de byk nem tamaktadr. Msrda, Kpak meneli olan
Memluk sultanlar bu gelimeleri byk memnuniyetle izlediklerine dair dnemin
kaynaklarnda gereken deliller mevcuttur87.
Zamann dev g saylan Altn Orda tahtna mslman Berke Hann
oturmas (1257-1266), tm Islam dnyasnda fevkalde bir tevik ve destek gibi
deerlendirilmitir. Bu ortamda, Sar Saltk nderliinde, yakn 10 000 adr
Anadolu Trkmeni Dobrucaya iskn edilmitir ve Berke Hann gnderdii bir
Tatar ordusu Enos kalesinde hapiste bulunan eski Selk sultan II. zzeddin
Keykavuzu kurtarm ve maiyetiyle Krma yerletirmi. Berke Han, Sultan
zzeddine kzlarndan birisini zevce olarak ve ok zengin Solhat ve Sudak
ehirlerini gelir kayna gibi vermitir. Selkl sultan lmne kadar (1278)
Krmda yaamtr. Kaynaklardan anlaldna gre, Sar Saltk ve Dobrucaya
gelen Trkmenler de Krma g ederek, sultanlarn yannda kalmlar. 1263-1265
yllarnda olmu bu hadiseler hakknda birok aratrmalar yaplmtr88, fakat Altn
Ordada tam o devirde alan kazanan slmlama ve Trkleme hareketleri ile
balant yaplmamtr.
Trke konuan tm Mslmanlar doal bir srele Tatar (Tartar) adyla
anlmaya baladlar, diye iddia ediyor tanlm eski Orta Asya ve Trk tarihi
uzman Jean-Paul Roux89 . Profesr Halil nalkn kanaatna gre, Altn Orda
snrlar iine toplanan tm Trk gebe kavimlerin kalntlar mterek Tatar ad
altnda tanlmlardr90. Mool-Tatar tarihinin yazmasn 1310 ylnda tamamlayan
Fazlollah Raidoddin tespit etmitir ki, Tatar ad bata Moollardan ayr bir
86

Bk.Charles J.Halperin, Russia and the Golden Horde, Indiana University Press, Bloomington,
1987, s.7. Altn Orda han, Berke Han (1257-1266), Islam dinini ehzadelik dneminde, 1240-1250
yllarnda kabul etmitir ve Cemaleddin Ibrahim ismiyle gl bir Islm taraftar olmutur.
87
Grecov, Hoarda de Aur, s. 73, 76-78, 88-89, 111, 155, v.b. Istorija Tatar s drevneyih
vremen v semi tomah, Tom III, Kazan, 2009..., s.547-550 (Al.Kadrbayev)
88
Bk.Aurel Decei, Problema colonizrii turcilor selgiucizi n Dobrogea secolului al XIII-lea,
Relaii romno-orientale.Culegere de studii, Bucureti, 1978, s.169-192 (Ankara niversitesi, D.T-C
Fak. Tarih Aratrmalar Dergisi, VI(1968), nr.10-11, Ankara, 1972, s.85-111).
89
Jean-Paul Roux, Trklerin Tarihi Pasifikten Akdenize 2000 Yl, Istanbul, 2007, s.286.
90
Halil nalk, Struggle for East-European Empire: 1400-1700. The Crimean Khanate, Ottomans
and the Rise of the Russian Empire, Turkish Yearbook of International Relations/Milletleraras
Mnasebetler Trk Yll, 1982-1991, Ankara, 1995, s.1: The Golden Horde empire comprised all of the
remnants of the earlier nomadic peoples of Turkic language in the steppe area which were then known
under the common name of Tatar within this new political framework.

46

kavmin ad olmu ise, Cengiz Han mparatorluu kurulduktan sonra, Tatar ad


tm Trk kavimlerine verilmitir91. Ama, Altn Orda devletinin balca halk
Kpaklar ve yneticileri de Mool olduuna gre, neden Tatar ad benimsenmi ?!
Bu suala bata Tatar (Kazan) alimleri olmak zere92, aratrmaclar cevab bulmaya
almlardr ve halen de almaktalardr. Fakat, baz yabanc tarihiler bu sorun
ile ilgilenmeden ve hi tereddt de etmeden, Tatarlar Moollar ile zdeletirmeye
devam etmektelerdir. Bunlarn arasnda Romen tarihileri de bulunmaktadr93.
Grmek isteyenler iin, bu mevzu zerinde de zamann kaynaklarnda ikna
edici aklamalar mevcuttur. 1349da vefat eden Sryeli ansiklopedist Fazlallah alOmari, Det-i Kpakta ykselen Altn Ordadan bahsederek, yle yazmtr: Bu
diyar eskiden Kpak ili idi, Tatarlar (yani, Moollar) buraya akn edince, Kpak
ahalisi onlara reaya oldu, sonra onlar ile kartlar, akraba oldular. Toprak onlarn
tabiatlerine ve oruklarna galip, Moollar Kpak topranda sakin olmakla Kpak
ahalisinden kz almakla, ehirleri onlarn arasnda bulunmakla Tatarlar hep Kpak
gibi, guya bir cinsten oldular94. Mehur tarihi Ibn Haldun da Kpaklar ve
Tatarlar arasndaki sk akraba ilikilerinden bahs etmitir. Rus bilim adam
B.Y.Kumekov, Kpaklarla Tatarlar arasndaki shr yaknlklar byk ihtimalle
VIII.yzylda, yani Kpak ve Ouz kabilelerin Orta Asyadaki Mool dilli
gruplarla ilikiler kurulduu dnemde balam olduunu ileri srmektedir95.
Kpak adn, Krm Hanln halk hatt XVII.yzyla kadar, ksmen de olsa,
kulland da ifade edilmektedir96. Herhalde, XIII-XIV.yzyllarda, Altn Ordann
resmi dili Kpak ve Ouz lehelerin karmndan yaratlan edebi Trke bir dil
idi. Sonralar bu dil Tatarca adlandrlmtr97.
XIII.yzyln sonunda Krmda hazrlanan ve dnyaca mehur Codex
Cumanicus Kpak dilinin Tatar diline dnmekte olduunu ok ak ekilde
spatlamaktadr. Krma gelen yabanc tccarlar ve katolik misiynerleri iin bir
dil klavuzu gibi hazrlanan bu kitapta yer alan Kumanca szcklerin ve gramer
kaidelerin byk bir ksmn, gnmzde Tatarca bilen bir ahs kolaylkla
anlayabilmektedir98. Altn Orda devrinde Kpak-Tatar dili bir lingua franca
91

Bk.W.Barthold, Tatar, Encyclopedi de lIslam, t.IV, Leyde, 1934, s.736. W.W.Barthold,


Tatary, Sobranie Socinenij, vol.5, Moskva, 1965, s.559-562. Ayrca bk.Gotthard Jaschke,Zur
Geschichte des Namens Tatar , Reit Rahmeti Arat in, Ankara, 1966, s.279.
92
Bk. Istorija Tatar..., III, s.342-375; Mirfatih Z.Zekiyev, Trklerin ve Tatarlarn kkeni, Istanbul,
2006, s.215-284; I.L.Izmailov, Formirovanie etnopliticeskogo samozosnanija Ulusa Djuchi: nekatorye
elementy i tendenii razvitija tiurko-tatarskoi istoriceskoi traditzii, Istochnikovedenie istorii Ulusa Djuchi
(Zolotoi Ordy). Ot Kalki do Astrakhani 1223-1556, Kazan, 2002, s.244-262; Y.A.Zeleneev, Istochniki po
etnicheskoi istorii Ulusa Djuchi, Istochnikovedenie, s.207-215; E.S.Kulpin, Zolotaja Orda sudby
pokolenij, Kiev-Simferopol, 2010, s.17-22.
93
Bu meyanda, zellikle, bk. erban Papacostea ve Victor Spineiin yaynladklar kitap ve
etdlere.
94
W.G.Tiesenhausen, Altnordu devletine ait metinler, I, Istanbul, 1941, s.373.
95
Ahincanov, Kpaklar..., s.146-147.
96
Zekiyev, Trklerin, s. 226.
97
Bk. IRCICAnn himayesinde hazrlanan ve yaynlanan ok deerli Tatar History and
Civilisation, Istanbul, 2010, s.17-31 (Damir Ishaqov).
98
Yeni ve mkemmel neri, Vladimir Drmba, Codex Comanicus. Edition diplomatique avec
facsimil, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucarest, 2000.

47

niteliine ykselmiti. Krmda yaayan Yahudi, Rum ve Ermeni toplumlar z


dillerini unutarak, Kpak-Tatar dilini benimseyerek, asrlar boyunca ana dilleri
gibi kullanmlard. Yarm asr nce, nl Fransz trkolou Jean Deny, Codex
Cumanicus dilini Tatar diliyle zdeletirmitir 99. Gnmzde ise, Fuat Bozkurt
yle yazmaktadr: Codex Cumanicusun dili Tatare ve Tatar tili olarak
gsterilmitir. Gerekten bu dil gereleri, bugnk, eski Kpak mparatorluu
topraklar zerine kurulan azlarla, zellikle Krm Tatarcasyla birok
benzerlikler tar.100 Tatar dilinin ve tarihinin emsalsz bir abidesi olan bu eser,
Codex Tataricus adn da tayabilirdi.
Ayn zamanda, Altn Ordann resmi belgelerinde, Mool adn yansra
Tatar ad da kullanlmtr. XIV.yzyln ortasndan itibaren ise, Tatar ad rekabeti
kazanm durumdadr. Yani, denilebilinir ki, Altn Ordann esas halkn oluturan
Kpaklar veya Kumanlar z adlarndan vazgeerek, zerlerine gelen fatihlerin
adn benimsemilerdir. Bunun sebebini, prof.V.Ciocltan tarihte benzer vakalarla
mukayese ederek aklamaktadr. Fransann yerli halk olan Romallam Gallar,
zerlerine gelip efendileri kesilen Franklarn adn kabul ettikleri gibi, Dou
Slavlarn Skandinav aknclarndan aldklar Rus ad gibi ve Gney Slavlarn da
Bulgar fatihlerin adlarn benimsedikleri gibi. Romallam Gallarn, dou ve
gney Slavlarn yaptklar gibi, Kpaklar da stn tabakay oluturan Moollar
asimile etmi iseler de, z adlarn kaybetmilerdir101. Ama, imparator slalesin ad
olan Mool yerine, tebaan temsil eden Tatar adn neden benimsediler ? Bunun
izah: Tatar ad zaten bir genel ad olarak Altn Ordann tm gayri Mool halk iin
kullanlmakta idi ve, belki daha mantkls, Altn Ordann can dman olan
Irandaki lhanlar tam o devirde Mool adn almlard 102. Baka halklarn
teekkl iin kullanlan bir deyim, bence Tatarlar iin de geerlidir: Tatar halk
da fethedenlerden deil, daha ok fethedilenlerden olumutur.
1241-1242 Mool-Tatar istils Romanya topraklarndaki Kuman hakimiyetine
de son vermitir. Buradaki Kumanya Kumanlarnn bir ksm, zellikle hristiyan
olanlar, Macaristana ve Balkanlara iltica etmi iseler de, baka yerlerde de
olduu gibi, burada da Kumanlarn birou yerlerinde kaldn kabul etmemiz
gerekir. Doru, bu varsaym spat etmek g, nk zamann kaynaklarnda yalnz
Altn Ordann haricinde hareket eden Kumanlardan sz edilir. Herhalde,
Kumanya olarak Avrupa kaynaklarnda adlandrlmaya devam edilen mntkada,
yani imdiki Romanyann dou ve gneyinde kalan Kumanlar, Altn Ordada
99
Bk. J.Deny, LArmeno-coman et les Ephmeridesde Kameniec (1604-1613), Wiesbaden,
1957, s.9-22, 73.
100
Fuat Bozkurt, Trklerin Dili, 2. bask, T.C. Kltr Bakanl Yaynlar, Trk Tarih
Kurumu Basmevi, Ankara, 2002, s.226.
101
Benzer fikirler Doan Avcolu (Trklerin Tarihi, I, Tekin Yaynevi, Istanbul, 1979,
s.289-290) tarafnca da ileri srlmtr.
102
Virgil Ciocltan, Evoluia semantic a etnonimului Tatar, Motenirea istoric a
ttarilor, vol.I, Bucureti, 2010, s.23-28; An Armeno-Kptchak Chronicle on the Polish-Turkish Wars
in 1620-1621, Budapest, 1968; Tadeusz Kowalski, Karaim lehesi szl, Ankara, 1996; Hlya
Kasapolu Cengel, Ermeni harfli Kpaka sz varl zerine notlar, International Journal of
Central Asian Studies, vol. 13, Seoul, 2009, s. 165-181; Edward Tryjarski, Zopisy sadu duchownego
ormian miasta Lwowa za lata 1625-1630 wjezyku ormiansko-kpczackim, Krakow, 2010.

48

tekaml eden slmlama ve Trkleme proseslerine katldklar mantk


dahilindedir. XIII.yzyln ikinci yarsndan itibaren, Avrupa kaynaklarnda
Kumanya ve Kumanlarn topra yansra Tartaria ve Terra veya Confinibus
Tartarorum (Tatarlarn topra veya serhadd) adlar da gitgide daha ok
rastlanmaktadr. Yani, Altn Ordann bat blgelerinde de, bata Kumanlar olmak
zere, tm halkn Tatar adn benimsedii aklanmaktadr. XIV.yzyln ortasna
doru, Tatar ad bu yrelerde de stnlk kazanmtr. 29 Ocak 1345te, Papa
VI.Klement tarafndan gnderilen bir mektupta, Hristiyanln snrnda,
Tatarlarn ve teki dinsizlerin yaknnda kurulmu Transilvanya Kilisesi nden
szedilir. 13 Ekim 1374te ise, Papa XI.Gregorius Tatarlar tarafnda oturan
Vlahlardan bahsetmitir. Avrupann resmi vesikalarnda, Tatar terimi ile ilgili
coraf ve siyas tanmlamalar XIV.yzylda genellik kazanmtr. Bu onu ifade
eder ki, Kuman ile Tatar arasndaki mubadele Bat Avrupa kanlaryalar tarafnca
da resmen tanlmt. Avrupa haritalcnda Tartaria-Cumania (Cumaniae)
eitlii, Azak ile Hazar denizleri arasndaki topraklar adlandrmak iin XVI.
yzyln ortalarna kadar kullanlmtr103.
Polonya, Macaristan, Moldova ve, belki, Eflkn da birlikte hazrladklar bir
nevi hal seferlerin neticesi olarak, 1370 civarnda, Tatar hkimiyeti Romen
topraklarndan uzaklatrlmtr. Bu seferler esnasnda, Prut nehrin dousunda bulunan
blge de zapt edilerek, Yang eher (Yeni ehir) ve imdiki Kosteti ky yaknlarnda
bulunan baka byk bir Tatar ehri de tahrip edilmi, sakinleri ldrlm veya
kleletirilmi104. Osmanl tarihisi Ali Yazcolu, 1424te tamamlad Tevarih-i Ali Selk adl eserinde unlar da yazmtr: ok mddet Krmdan Karabodan iline
dein mslmanld. Karabodanda dahi adna (Berke Hann T.G.) mesidi durur.
Kfirler iine domuz koyarlarm, fil-cmle105.
Bata N.Iorga olmak zere, drst Romen tarihileri Kpak-Tatar, yani
Altn Orda amilinin Romen tarihinde oynad ok nemli rol itiraf eder ve
deerlendirirler. Romen devletleri Eflk ve Bogdanda karlan ilk resmi
belgelerin tantladklarna gre, ok gen olmalarna ramen bu devletlerin ciddi
messeselere sahib olduklar anlalr. Bunun izahn, salam Romen tarihileri
Kpak-Tatar dneminde kazanlan grgde bulmaktalardr106. Fakat, 1330da
Eflk ve 1359 ylnda Moldova (Bodan) mstakil Romen devletlerin kurulmasnda,
Altn Orda ve Kuman-Tatarlarn payn birok Romen tarihisi halen inkr eder
veya klter. Bundan dolay Romen kamuoyu da byle bir tarihi gerekten
habersiz kalmtr. En nihayet, yaknlarda yaynlanan bir kitap, bu boluu
doldurmay amalamtr. Popler usulde yazlan bu kitabn melifi, profesyonel
103

Vasary, Kumanlar, s. 151-152.


Bu ehirlerin kalntlarnda, Moldova Cumhuriyetin Bilimler Akademisi tarafnca yaplan
arkeolojik aratrmalar srasnda kasden veya bilgisizlikten yanllklar yaplmtr. Edindiim bilgilere gre,
zellikle kitabeler tahrip edilmektedir. Bk.Gheorghe Postic, Orheiul Vechi. Cercetri arheologice 19962001, Iai, 2006; Eugen Nicolae, Quelques considerations sur les monnaies tatares de la Ville Neuve
(Yang-ehr/ehr al-cedid), Studii i Cercetri de Numismatic, XI (1995), s.197-200.
105
Yazyjy Ogly Aly, Seljuk Trkmenlerinin Taryhy, II, Agabat, 2004, s.316; Decei, Relaii,
s.172. Moldova iin, Karabodan deyimi ilk defa Ali Yazcolunun bu eserinde kullanlmtr.
106
Bk.Florin Constantiniu, De la Rutu i Roller la Muat i Ardeleanu, Bucureti, 2007,
s.348-351.
104

49

tarihi olmasa da, saygdeer bir soylu aydn olan Neagu Djuvaradr107. Aslnda,
bu kitapta hi bir bilimsel yenilik yoktur. Ama, eitli akademik tarih kitaplarnda
sakl kalan bilgileri N.Djuvara bir araya getirmi ve herkesin anlayaca bir dilde
okurlarna sunmu. Yarm asr yurtdnda yaad iin, koyu milliyeti ve
komnist doktrinleri N.Djuvaraya bulamam. Bylece, melif Romen
tarihliinde halen tapnak olan baz putlar da ykmaya cret etmitir.
N. Iorgann, 1927de, Romen Akademisinde sunduu bir bildiriyi108 esas
alarak ve baka eserlerden de faydalanarak, N.Djuvara Eflk devletinin kurucular
Kumanlar olduunu inandrc bir ekilde aklamaktadr. Birok tarihinin red
ettii devlet kurucusu efsanevi Negru Vod(Kara Voyvoda)nn bir gerek
ahsiyet olduunu ve Toktemir (Toktemr) adnda bir Kuman babuu ile
zdeletirilmesi gerektiini tekrar hatrlatmaktadr N.Djuvara. Melifin bu giriimi
basnda byk yank yaratm ise de, Romen tarihileri arasnda skut ve reddetme
tepkileriyle karlamtr. Beklemedii bu tepki karsnda, N.Djuvara fikirlerini
tekrar iddia ederek, byle tarihi gereklerin yakn zamanlarda Romen ders
kitaplarnda yer alabileceine inanmadn da bildirmitir109.
N. Djuvarann aklad bu fikri desteklemek iin, ilve bir delil olarak eski
Trklerde renklerin manasna da yer verilmesi gerektiini dnyoruz. Efsanede,
Negru Vod Transilvanyann gneyinde bulunan Fgra da blgesinden
XIII.yzyln sonunda ktn hesaba alrsak, gerekten bu voyvodann Eflka kuzey
dalardan indii iin Kara lakab aldn anlayabiliriz. Ayrca, Eflk ve Moldova
devletlerinin kurulmas ile ilgili efsaneler desclecat (attan inme) motifi etrafnda
yaradlmtr. Bu motif eski Trklerin yurt tutma (kurma) motifi ile bal olduu gz
ard edilemez. Yukarda kaydettiimiz gibi, Mool-Tatarlardan kaan Kumanlarn
nemli bir says Macaristan krallna snmd. Toktemirin olu Basaraba,
Tatarlarn yardmyla, 1330da, Posada denilen bir da geitinde, Macar kral Karol
Roberti ar bir yenilgeye uratyor ve bylece Macar vasallndan kurtuluyor.
Ancak Basaraba olu Aleksandr, Eflkn tahtna oturduktan sonra, 1359 ylnda, siyasi
sebeblerden dolay, ortodox mezhebine gemitir ve Nikolae adn da almtr. Yani,
Toktemir, Macar krallna snan katolik Kumanlarn ikinci kuandan olduunu
hesab edebiliriz. Devlet kurucusu Basarab hanedan Eflkn tahtnda XVI.yzyln
ortasna kadar kalmtr.
Yine N.Iorga, Romen Akademisinde, 1926da, sunduu baka bir bidirisini
Ortaada Romenler ve Tatarlar adlandrmt110. Burada, byk tarihi, eitli
kaynaklar kullanarak, Romenler ile Tatarlar arasnda siyasi, ekonomik, kltrel ve,
zellikle, askeri ibirliinin Romen tarihi asndan yararl olduunu vurgulamtr.
N.Iorga ve baka Romen tarihileri Altn Ordann ve Osmanllarn Romenler iin
107
Neagu Djuvara, Thocomerius Negru Vod. Un voivod de origine cuman la nceputurile
rii Romneti, Bucureti, 2007, 234 s.
108
N.Iorga, Imperiul Cumanilor i domnia lui Bsrab. Un capitol din colaboraia romnobarbar n evul mediu, Studii asupra evului mediu romnesc, Bucureti, 1984, s.67-72.
109
Bk.Neagu Djuvara, Rspuns criticilor mei i neprietenilor lui Negru Vod, Bucureti,
2011, 118 s.; N Djuvarann bu aklamalarnn neticesi olarak, Romanyann eski kltr bakan,
Kelemen Hunorun bir kararyla, Basarab hanedanna mensup voyvodalarnn kabirlerinde bilimsel
arastrmalar (DNA tespitleri) baslatlmt. Fakat, yeni kltr bakan, Puiu Haotti, makamna otururoturmaz bu incelemeleri durdurmutur (!?).
110
N.Iorga, Romni i Ttari n evul mediu, Studii..., s.73-77.

50

dardan koruyucu ve ieriden yapc rollar da oynadklarn aklam iseler de,


birok baka Romen tarihileri bu konu hakknda kalp dncelerden hl
arnamlardr. Bunlar iin tm Trkler, ayrca Tatarlar ve Osmanllar, barbar ve
ykc amiller kalmtr.
Dier Romen devleti, Moldova (Bodan)nn ad ve kurulmas ile ilgili,
yllar nce meydana karlm salam bir tarihsel delil hl kabul edilmemitir.
1287 ylnda, yksek rtbeli bir Fransiskan rahibi (Piskopos ?), bir yl nce vuku
bulan hadiselerden bahsederken, Ymor filius Molday adnda bir Tatar amirinden
(ehzade ?) szeder. Bu kayt Molday olu Timur (Teymur) tercme edildiinde
hi bir itiraz kmad. Fakat, tantlama yaplmadan, bu malumat uygun olmayan
bir haber gibi hesaplanarak, batan red edilmitir ve hlen de edilmektedir111.
Hristiyan Kumanlar Eflk devlet kurma vakasna bilavasta kartklar gibi, Altn
Orda Tatarlar da (yani, balca mslman Kpaklar) Moldova devletinin
kurulmasna ve gelimesine itirak etmilerdir. Moldova ad bir Tatar nderin
adndan geldii gibi, asrlar boyunca Osmanllarn da bu prenslik iin kullandklar
Bodan veya Karabodan ad yine Altn Orda ile baldr. Yani, Macar
basksndan kurtulmu Moldova devletini, eemen Altn Orda han voyvoda
I.Bodan (1359-1365) zamannda resmen tanmtr112. leride gstereceimiz gibi,
Eflk ve Moldova devletlerin ilk aristokrasi tabakasnda gayet ok Trk adl
ahslar ve aileler bulunmutur. Bunlar Romenlemi yabanc unsurlar olmu ise
de, adlar ve stn mevkileri asrlar boyunca muhafaza edilmitir.
Eflk ve Moldova, Tatar eemenliini komu katolik byk devletlerden
korunmak iin baaryla kullandktan sonra, XIV.yzyln ikinci yarsnda, Tatar
eemenliinden kurtulmak iin, yine muvaffakyet ile, katolik devletlerden istifade
etmilerdir.
XIII.yzyln sonuna doru, Aa Tuna havzasnda Altn Ordann ikinci
iktidar merkezi peyda olmutur. Mehur ehzade Nogayn ynetiminde bulunan
bu blge, Don nehrinden Demir Kapya (Tuna Gerdaplar) kadar uzanmakta idi.
Idare merkezi ise Dobrucada, Isak kasabasnda bulunmutur. Ksa srmesine
ramen, bu siyasi faktr Altn Ordann ve Balkanlarn durumunu nemli bir
derecede etkilemitir113.
XIV.yzyln ikinci yarsnda, Tuna azlar blgesinde, yeni bir Tatar
devletiyle karlayoruz Dominus Demetrius princeps Tartarorum114. N.Iorga
Demetriusu Timur ile zdeletirerek115, Bucak ve Dobruca blgesinde bir Tatar
111
Bk. G.I. Brtianu, O enigm i un miracol istoric: poporul romn, Bucureti, 1988, s.146;
V.Spinei, Moldova n secolele XI-XIV, Bucureti, 1982, s. 42.
112
Nicolae, Quelques, s-198; Gemil, Peste un mileniu, s.20. Ilgintir ki, Moldova
devletinin resmi armas olan kz ba, Bakde irvanahlarn ina ettirdikleri kalenin kapsnda da
bulunmaktadr. Ayn zamanda, Bak ( Azerice : Bak) ad ile Moldovann nemli ehirlerinden birisi
olan Bacu ad (okunu : Baku) arasndaki benzerlik bir rastlant eseri olmamas gerek. Bu konular
inallah ileride ileyeceiz. Romen ehri Buzu ad vile Bak yaknlarnda bulunan Buzowna
kasabasnn ad arasnda da iliki olabileceine dnyoruz.
113
Ernest Oberlander-Trnoveanu, Inceputurile prezenei ttarilor n zona Gurilor Dunrii n
lumina documentelor numismatice, Originea Ttarilor.Locul lor n Romnia i n lumea turc,
Bucureti, 1997, s.93-128.
114
Bu kayt, Macar kral I.Ludovikin, 22Haziran 1368de, Tatar tccarlar iin verdii bir
diplomda bulunmaktadr (Documenta Romaniae Historica, D, I, Bucureti, 1977, nr.49).
115
Iorga, Istoria Romnilor, III, s.155, 180, 231, 242, 244.

51

Hanln varlndan haber verir. Bu Tatar devletin bakenti, Babada yaknnda


bulunan Enisala (Yeni Sala/Yeni Sla)116 kalesinde olduu tahmin edilir. Ayn
asrn sonuna doru, ksa bir sure iin, Tatarlarn taraf adyla, bu blge Eflk
voyvodasn unvannda yer almtr117. Bundan da anlalabilinir ki, XIV yzyln
sonlarnda, Osmanllar Dobrucaya ayak bastklar vakt, burada mslman Tatarlar
mevcud idiler. Italyan tarihisi G.Cossutonun da tespit ettiine gre,
Balkanlardaki dier Trk kkenli mslmanlardan farkl olarak, Dobrucada
yaayan mslman Trk-Tatar ahalisi kendilerini bu topraklarn yerlisi (otokton)
olduklarn iddia ederler118. Ayn zamanda, tarihsel kaynaklarn kantladna gre,
Osmanl devrinde de, Dobruca (imdiki hatlarnda) ve Bucakta Tatarlar devaml
counlukta olmulardr119.
III. ORTAK MIRAS
Osmanldan nce Romanya topraklarnda Trk varln, daha dorusu Trk
hkimiyetin tarihi bin yl srmtr. Bu uzun dnem iinde imdiki Romanya
corafyasna ksa veya uzun zaman iin iskn eden eski Trk kavimleri ile yerliler
arasnda savalar da olmu, ibirlii de, kaynama da. Neticede, hepsi eitli
deiimlere maruz kalmlardr. Romanya topraklarna yerleen Trk soylu
gebeler zaman seyrinde asimile yolu ile yok olmu iseler de, Romen tarihinde,
topranda, suyunda, dilinde ve kltrnde silinmez izler brakmlardr. Yukarda
da belirtiimiz gibi, bu kalntlar kavim bana ayrt etmek imkansz bir i olduu
herkese malumdur. Ancak, kavim adn andran birok adlar da hl mevcuttur.
rnein: Bulgar, Peenek, Berindei, Uz, Coman (Koman), Tatar ana terimler ile
yaplan birok antroponim, toponim ve hidronim. Bunlardan ayr, gayet ok adlar
ve szleri mterek Trk miras olarak kabul edilmesi gerek. Fakat, eitli tarihi
gerekleri gz nne alarak, kabul edilmesi gerektir ki, Romanyadaki eski Trk
izlerin en byk oran son gelen ve ok etkili olan Kuman-Tatarlara, daha dorusu
Altn Orda devrine aittir. XI-XIV.yzyllarda, Romen halk da olgunlama
seviyesine yetierek, devlet strktrlerini tesis etmek dneminde bulunduu iin,
bu meyanda Kuman-Tatar tecrbesinden yararlanmtr. Aslnda, Eflkta olduu
gibi, Moldovada da yeni kurulan devlet erknn nemli bir ksm KumanTatarlardan olumu idi. XIV-XVI.yzyllardaki voyvoda divann azalar arasnda
Trk kkenli ad tayanlar az deildi.
116

Krmda, eski zamanlardan kalan dokuz ky adnda sala terimi mevcuttur :Biya Sala, Yeni
Sala (iki ayr ky), Ma Sala, Foti Sala, Qoca Sala, Sultan Sala, Suwuq Sala, Ulu Sala ( Akdes
Nimet Kurat, Topkap Saray Mzesi Arivinde Altn Ordu, Krm ve Trkistan Hanlarna Ait Yarlk
ve Bitikler, Istanbul, 1940, s. 66-67, 179). Dobruca Tatarcasnda ala/salas, halen sla manasnda
kullanlmaktadr. Yani, Enisala terimi, umumen kabul edildii gibi, Trke yeni ve Slavca selo
szlerinden gelmiyor, aslnda tamamyla bir Trke adlandrmadr: Yenisla.
117
Iorga, Istoria Romnilor, III, s.239; Spinei, Moldova..., s.274-278.
118
Giuseppe Cossuto, Il senso didentit dei turcotatari di Romania dal 1878 ad oggi ,
Oriente Moderno, XV, 3, 1996, parte I, s.114.
119
Gemil, Peste un mileniu, s.21. imdi bile, Dobruca Tatarlarn nemli bir ksm
kendilerini Trk olarak tantrlar.

52

Bu konu Romanyada aratrlm ise de, yeterli derecede yaplmamtr,


zellikle toponimler zerinde. Yresel Trk izleri gayet oktur ve, halihazrda, bu
tr aratrmalar Romanyada yapabilecek uzmanlarn says yok denilecek kadar
azalmtr.
Gnmze kadar tespit edilen120 eski Trk asll, yani Osmanl ncesi
Romenler arasna yerleen antroponimlerden rnek olarak unlar sralamak isteriz
(Romen ortografisi ile): Aganan, Acba (Akba), Acu (Akku), Alba, Aldomir,
Asan, Aslan, Azgr, Balaban, Balac, Balc, Barac, Barcan, Bars, Basarab, Baot,
Blcescu, Belcir, Beldiman, Berendei, Bibars, Bocioc, Boil, Boldur, Boldu, Bora,
Boul (< Mo<>ul), Bozgaci, Buga, Buhu, Bulat, Buzdugan, Caiman (Kayman),
Callimach, Cantemir, Caraba, Cazan, Ciacan, Ciolpan, Ciomac, Ciortan, Ciurb,
Ciurea, Ciutacu, Coman, Cotruba, Cuza, Drman, Edumen, Gaman, Goian,
Gurban, Oldamar, Orda, Otemi, Posoba, Selte, erban, iman, Taban, Tabuc,
Talab, Tamzta, Tarcan, Tatar, Tncab, Tobuc, Tocmac, Tocsab, Togan,
Togrul, Tolmaci, Tonguz, Toronmai, Toruntai, Tutarcan,Udob, Vtman v.s.
Romanyada, zellikle Moldovada, ui eklentisi ile yaplan su ve vadi adlar
az deildir: Bahlui, Bldlui, Brlui, Bngui, Clmui, Clui, Covurlui, Derelui,
Desmui, Geamertelui, Suhurlui, Teslui, Turlui, Urlui, Vaslui v.s. Eski Trklerden
kalan baka su adlar da vardr Romen corafyasnda: Arge, Borcea, Cahul,
Carasu, Elan, Ialpug, Oituz, Prut, Tarcu, Taaul, Tatlgeac, Tazlu, Uz v.s.
Eski Trk yer adlarn ok az bir oran tespit edilmitir, maalesef: Abaclia,
Acui, Bacu, Banat, Baurci, Brgan, Brlad, Brsa, Bseti, Bealma, Braov
(Barauw), Bucegi, Bugeac, Buil, Buzu, Caracal, Caraiman, Carpai, Clan,
Ctlbuga, Chiinu, Ciabalai, Ciolpan, Ciutureti, Comandu, Comrat, Congaz,
Cotangalia, Cozia, Drmneti, Etulia, Flciu, Galai, Geamboilc, Gheorghieni
(Grgen), Haeg, Horezu, Hotin, Hui, Iai (Kazakistandaki Yes (Yas) ehri gibi,
Alan meneli olsa da, Trkler tarafnca benimsenmitir), Ilieti, Jeglia,
Joltai, Jupa, Jupneti, Mamaia, Omul (< Omur[tag]), Orac, Orhei, Ozun,
amalia, iulpeni, Talab, Tlmaci, Trclia, Ttuleti, Tecuci, Teleorman,
Teleti, Tighina, Tncbeti, Tocsbeni, Tohan, Tonguzeni, Tortomanu, Turbata
(< Trt Aba), Zagon v.s.
Romen dilinde 2000 civarnda Trk meneli szckler tespit edilmitir.
Bunlardan bir ksm Osmanl ncesi asimile edilmitir: alai, baltag, balt, blban,
bir, boier, bolovan, butuc, buzdugan, caia, cazan, ceaun, chilim, cioban, ciocoi,
ciomag, ciorb, ciutur, cobz, cojoc, copceac, curgan, drmb, duium, duman,
120

Bk.I.Conea I.Donat, Contribution a ltude de la toponimie ptchnegue-comane de la


Plaine Romaine du Bas-Danube, Contributions onomastigues publie a loccasion du VI-e Congrs
International des Sciences Onomastiques Munich, 24-26 Aout 1958, Bucarest, s.139-169; Rsonyi,
Tarihte Trklk, s.149-152; Ion Conea, The Romanians South of the Carpathians and the Migratory
Peoples in the Tenth-Thirteenth Centuries, Relations, s. 277-298; Guboglu, Romen ulusunun,
s.751-782; Ion Conea, Vrancea. Geografie istoric, toponimie i terminologie geografic, Bucureti,
178-190; Ion Dron, Denumirile dangalelor diviziunilor tribale nohaice reflectate n toponime din
sudul Basarabiei, Simpozion de Numismatic dedicat mplinirii a 125 ani de la proclamarea
independenei Romniei. Chiinu, 24-26 septembrie 2002, Bucureti, 2003, s.235-240; Spinei,
Realiti etnice, s.149-155; Virgil Ciocltan, Vestigii turanice n ara Brsei, Studia Universitatis
Cibiniensis, Seria Historica, III-IV, 2006-2007, s.50-57.

53

gorgan, harbuz, iatac, ili, jupn, mire, oaie (oi), odaie, oin, olat, rze, sla,
tabul, trm, toi, tolni, tolb, uium, vtaf, zgan v.s.
Eski Trkler, bata Kuman-Tatarlar olmak zere, Romen tarihinde ilk
evvela koruyucu bir nitelik tamlardr. Bu demek deil ki, taaruz ve aknlarda
tahrip ve krgnlar olmam. Yamaclk ve ldrmek Ortaan alkanlklarndan
saylmtr, bilhassa gebelerde. Fakat, Kuman ve Tatar eemenliinde, Romenler,
Rus ve Katolik istilsndan korunmulardr ve etnik kimliklerini saladklarn
yansra, siyasi teekkllerini de kazandklar tecrbe sayesinde salam temellere
oturtmulardr. Eflk ve Moldova devletlerinin kurulmas ve salamlamas Macar
krall ile Altn Orda hanl arasndaki rekabet ve mnakaa ortamnda
gereklemitir. Herhalde, Romen devletlerin ve Romen halk kimliinin aralksz
var olmasnda Trk unsurunun (Altn Orda ve Osmanllar bata olmak zere)
byk katks olduunu itiraf etmek zaman oktan gelmitir. Ama, bu gerekleri
kabul etmekte Romen tarihilerinin nemli bir ksm henz zorluk ekmektedir.
Yeni yetien Romen tarihileri bu meyanda da gr deiimi yapacaklarna
inanmak istiyorum.
zet
Trk veya Trk varl ve hkimiyeti Tunann kuzey blgesinde, zellikle
imdiki Romanyann dou ve gney ksmnda yakn 1500 yl srmtr ve nehrin
gney blgesinin tarihsel olumasn da nemli bir derecede etkilemitir.
Eski Trk kavimleri birbirinin ardndan gelerek, sz ettiimiz mntkay da
kapsayan geni bir corafyada uzun veya ksa dnemler hkimiyet srerek,
tarihinde, kltrnde, topranda, suyunda, insanlarnda ve dillerinde ok zengin
izler brakmlardr. Ayn zamanda, eski Trk kavimleri zikr edilen corafyada
etnogeneza seyirlerine de katklar olmutur, Romen halk da dahil olmak zere.
Maalesef, bu deerli tarihsel miras gayet az bir oranda aratrlmtr ve gereken
derecede meydana henz karlmamtr.
Bu makalemizde, Hun hkimiyetinden balayarak, Altn Orda devletinin son
dnemlerine kadar uzanan bin yllk bir devirde, sz konusu corafyada srdrlen
Trk varl olduka yeni bir adan ve sentez eklinde ele alnmtr.
Anahtar szler: Romanya, eski Trkler, Tuna, Altn Orda.
Turkic Presence on the Romanian Territory before the Ottomans
The Turkish or Turkic presence and domination in the northern regions of
the Danube, mainly in the eastern and southern parts of the nowadays Romania has
gone on for 1500 years and influenced to a great extent the historical process of
Balkans.
The nomad Turkic populations that came in successive waves have imposed
their domination, for shorter or longer times, on a large geographical area that
comprised the Carpathians and Danubians regions too.They have left deep traces in

54

the history, culture, toponymy, hydronymy, anthroponymy and languages on these


regions. In the same time, the old Turkics have involved in the building of the
some peoples of the Eastern Europe, including Romanian people too. But this
historical legacy was investigate too little.
The Turkic presence in the above-mentioned geographical region for an
entire millenium spanning from the arrival of the Huns to the last period of the
great Tatar state of the Golden Horde is presented here in a synthesized and
relatively a new vision.
Key-words: Romania, old Turkics, Danube, Golden Horde.

55

56

The Historical Archaeological Investigation


of the Monuments of the Golden Horde
and the Kazan Khanate in Tatarstan
(The History, Some Results and Prospects)
ALBERT BURKHANOV
Historical study of archaeological relics of the middle Ages in the Volga
region has rich traditions. Nevertheless, the weakest point of this study is the relics
at the epoch of Ulus Juichi and the late Golden Horde (Tatar) states of XVth
XVIIIth centuries. It is connected either with objective and subjective reasons1. At
the same time excavations of relics of the Golden Horde and post Golden Horde
states on a large scale are very important to understand problems of ethnic
development and culture of native peoples in the Volga and Urals regions, Europe
and Asia on the whole. The results of these excavations will provide a supplement
to already well-known historical data.
The Golden Horde - Ulus Juichi is the least successful in this respect.
Contemporaries and historians wrote much about political events, wars, Mongolian
khans, struggle of conquered peoples against this state. They tried to evaluate its
significance in the process of historical development. But the Golden Horde
civilization itself has been in the shadow and it hasnt been historically enlightened.
The Golden Horde archaeology was in rudimentary state till 1950s (with the
exception of some research carried by Tereshchenkho A.V. in the 40-50s of
the XIXth century and Ballod F.V. in the 20s of the XXth century)2.
Any subject connected with the Golden Horde was prohibited on the basis of an
enactment implemented on the 9th of August in 1944 by the Central Committee of the
Communistic Party with the following content Measures of improving political
activity in Tatar political organizations. Special session of the USSR Academy of
Sciences at the department of history and philosophy was held in Kazan in 1946. It was
dedicated to ethnic development of Tatars. The main stress of the discussion was laid
on Bulgarian period of Tatar ethnic formation in the Middle Volga region. Tikhomirov
M.N., when delivering his speech, was the only one to have the courage to say about
significance of the Golden Horde for Tatar population.
1

/ . , 1996, 3-4, . 103-104.


.. // - . .II, , 1850; ..
. , 1923; . . .
., 1923.
2

57

The fifties of the 20th century were the turning point in the study of the
Golden Horde. Safarghaliev M.G., a professor from Saransk, paid attention to
significance of the Golden Horde period in the history of Tatar people. Smirnov
A.P. and Fedorov-Davidov G.A. made a report for purposes to study the Golden
Horde and its towns3. Excavations of Ulus Juichi towns under the guidance of
Fedorov-Davidov G.A. were systematically carried out starting from 1959.
Intensive excavations of capitals in the state of the Lower Volga during the
period of 1960-1980 gave an impetus to the foundation of the Golden Horde
archeology and all these gave a possibility to reconstruct the civilization of Ulus
Juichi4.
Nowadays, the Golden Horde archeology comprises the names of many
outstanding scientists and explorers. Fedorov-Davidov G.A., Bulatov N.M., Eghorov
V.L., Vainer I.S., Mukhammadiev A.G., Noskov N.M., Guseva T.V., Poluboyarinova
M.D., Busaytskaya N.N., Yablonskiy L.T., Kramarovskiy M.G., Birnya P.P.,
Fakhrutdinov R.G., Galkin L.L., Volkov I.V., Zilivinskaya E.V. and many others
contributed to the study of the Golden Horde archeology.
The results based on the scientific research of the Golden Horde relics carried
out in Tatarstan and the Lower Volga region during the period of 1995-2004 were of
great significance. This scientific research was carried by a historical and archeological
expedition of the Sh. Marjany Institute of History attached to Academy of sciences of
the Republic of Tatarstan (Burkhanov A.A. as the head of this expedition).
The main aim of this expedition was bound with stationary and
reconnoitering research works of relics at Ulus Juichi and the Kazan khanate period
of time on the territory of Tatarstan.
Thus, in particular, excavations outside the nearest limits of Kazan were
carried out in 1995-2001 years. The following places of Iski Kazan territory were
excavated (Urmat settlement, Kamay, Arsk (Archa), Uternyas and Kaban sites of
ancient settlement, Machkara, Kukmara-I, Saby, Stary (Iske) Tulyachy and
Kuraish Sloboda settlements. Some Eastern parts of Tatarstan were explored in
2000. The sites of ancient settlement of Saklic and Tubolgotay were also
excavated. In 2002 an entire exploration of the Front Volga region was started in
2002. Excavations in the sites of ancient settlement of Tavlino (Tau-ile), ChuruBarash, Yapanchya and places of Deush and Sviyazhsk were carried out. These
research works introduced the new data on the culture of population in the Middle
Volga (Idel) region at the epoch of the early and late middle Ages.
Archaeological scientific researches carried out by the Golden Horde
historical and archaeological expedition, on the relics outside the nearest limits of
3

.. // , 1951, 7;
.., - .. //
, 1959, 4.
4
.. XIIIth-XIVth . ., 1985;
- .. //
, 1997, 1, . 88-100; . . .,
1994; . , 2001;
. , 2001 .

58

Kazan are particularly significant. Alongside with Gornaya Storona (Tau yagy), it
is one of the bulwarks of Ulus Juichi and the Kazan khanate. A state national park
museum of Iski Kazan and Institute of History of Tatarstan Academy of Sciences
were founded in 1992 and 1995 respectively. All this gave a real possibility to
study, preserve and use the Golden Horde relics in the protected land within and
outside the limits of Kazan5. The first regional scientific conference, dedicated to
the problem of cultural and historical study of the territory outside the limits of
Kazan, became the turning-point in the study of regional relics6.
The main things of our research work were historical relics on the territory
of Iski Kazan. Iski Kazan is a historical place located 40 kilometers to the northeast from Kazan in Visokogorsky district of the Republic of Tatarstan7. The
importance of this place lies in Urmatski settlement, Kamaev sites of ancient
settlement, and Moslem cemeteries of the middle Ages.
The research carried out in 1995 and 1997 showed that the territory of
Urmatsky settlement, located on both the banks of the Urmatka River, was more
than 200 hectares (earlier it was considered to be 85-130 hectares). The cultural
layer stretched out up to the confluence of the Urmatka (Urmat-su) with the
Kazanka (Kazan-su) River. Highly approximately Urmat settlement was a site of
ancient settlement, not just a settlement as it had been traditionally considered.
Excavations of five places gave traces of architectural remains. Many different
things made of ceramics, metal, bone, stone and glass, also coins, jewelry and
animal bones were found in these places. All these things confirm the high level of
urban life at the epoch of the Golden Horde. Remains of Moslem burial places
were also found in southern part of this site of ancient settlement. It confirmed the
availability of an urban cemetery in this part.
In 1995-1996 and 1998-1999 a research work on the territory of Kamay sites
of ancient settlement and Kamaev-2 settlement was carried out. Kamay and
Kamay-2 were the settlements of an epoch of the early middle Ages. Kamay sites
of ancient settlement of 6.12 hectares in total were located on top of the right cape
in the shape of a triangle, dominating over the valley of the Kazanka River.
Excavations made in 1996 (414 square meters) outlined the whole system of
fortifications in northern part of this settlement (2 ramparts and a moat). This
construction had the following structure: horizontal logs placed on one side,
vertical stakes placed on the other side together with a protective wall built of stone
5

.. //
, . . 18. ., 1966. . 51-52;
.. . // Tatarica, 1,
1997/98, . 137-144; .. . //
. , 1999; ..
. // ,
7, , 1999, . 121-132.
6
: , // . , ,
1995; . , 1999, . 363-366.
7
.. . , 2002, . 4-11; ..
- . , 2002.

59

kept this fortification from destruction. Northern part of this settlement according
to the excavations made in 1999 consisted of a rampart and a moat. All the
excavations determined 2 stages in the erection of this fortress. The foundation of
this site of ancient settlement dates back to the end of the fourteenth and the
beginning of the fifteenth centuries. The development of this fortress dates back to
the fifteenth century. This may be easily confirmed on the basis of remains of
working and living places found inside the fortress. The fortress assumed the
similitude of a protective construction at that time. The destruction of the fortress
was bound with historical events which took place in 1552. At that time the troops
of prince A.Gorbatiy were about to seize Arsk and on their way to it they seized
the stockade town on top of a high mountain8.
The remains of Mesha-Tamak fortress refer to the final stage of the Kazan
khanate. Excavations in 1998 in Uternyas site of ancient settlement in Saba district
of the Republic of Tatarstan confirmed the availability of the fortress here.
According to historical sources this fortress was destructed by a punitive
detachment during the neutralization of public revolt in 1554. The fortress
/200x140x150m/ was surrounded by a system of natural and man-made
fortifications. The remains of 2 ramparts and a moat were found there. Many
different remains of ceramics, armament, instruments of production and jewelry of
the final stage of the Kazan khanate stage were found in the course of three
excavations inside the fortress. Eight coins 6 of which belonging to the period of
Ulus Juichi and 2 to the period of Ivan IV were found in the places of excavations9.
Kamay and Uternyas sites of ancient settlement are unique to study versatile
history and culture of the Kazan khanate population, particularly its latest period. Since
the existence of Kamay site of ancient settlement based on archaeological materials
dates back to XV-XVI centuries, the excavations of Uternyask site of ancient
settlement give us exhaustive information on the final period of the Kazan khanate
existence (it dates back to 30-50s of XIV century). Many cultural and industrial
remains are very significant and useful for the study of the relics found in the Kazan
Kremlin, Arsk, Kaban and other sites of ancient settlement belonging to the period of
the Kazan khanate, particularly in the places which were explored after the 16th century
and which afterwards underwent much destruction and renovation10.
Excavations in the district center of Arsk were made in 1996. Many various
remains were found in the course of these excavations belonging to the period of
Ulus Juichi and the Kazan khanate. Two silver coins of the 15th century minted on
8

.. . . 7-10; -
. .10-11; // 60
. .. . ., 1999, . 171-176; .., ..
// ..
-. ., 1999, . 135-138.
9
.. - ., .3-16.
10
.. ; ..

- // - .
, 2001; -. //
. -, 2001, . 75-78 .

60

behalf of Ulu-Mukhummed were of great importance. This archaeological data


gives a possibility to speak about the foundation of Arsk by Turkic people not later
than the first half of the 13th century. The basic lines of Arsk boundaries were
outlined. Arsk was an advanced post in the Kazan khanate in the north. A fortified
citadel of a stockaded town of Arsk, 9 hectares in total, was located on top of a
high cape on the right bank of the Kazanka river. Nowadays there are the remains
of an old church in this place now. The trading quarters of this medieval town
stretched to the east from the citadel, along the river bank. Numerous excavations
revealed places of conflagration in 1552 and different items of the 14th-16th
centuries. The town methodically stretched both to the east and to the west towards
the starch producing factory11.
Some traces of the golden Horde settlement were revealed in course of
exploration in the outskirts of the district center of Bogaty Saby (Baylar Sabasi), on
top of a high mountain (dubbed by local people as Mamed Babay Tay). Some
items of ceramics belonging to the Golden Horde period were found among the
remains of this town. All the remains date back to 14th-16th and 18th-19th centuries.
On the basis of the above-mentioned the history of Bogaty Saby before the epoch
of the Golden Horde may be enlarged. It is confirmed by the available data.
The scientists had long ago been looking for the remains of a fortress town
of Zury direction. It once used to be an important settlement in the Kazan khanate.
It is well-known that the territory where mainly Tatar population lived in the Kazan
khanate fell under a certain administrative division. It was divided into different
directions. For this purpose a special word darug was used to mean a direction.
There were different directions at that time leading from Kazan to Galich, Alat,
Arsk, Zury and to the Nogai khanate. Alat, Arsk and Zury were the centers of these
directions12. Alat is now located in Visokogorsky (Biek tau) district of the Republic
of Tatarstan nearby Stary (Iske) Alat and Kazaklar villages (in the summer of 2005
we are planning to carry out a research work in the zone of Alat).
Arsk is the center of Arsk direction which is located on the territory of the
nowadays Arsk. We carried out scientific excavations on this territory in 1996 and
we succeeded to get enough confirmation in favor of this fact13.
As far back as 1877 Shpilevsky S.M. in his well-known book Ancient
towns and other Bulgar-Tatar archaeological relics in the region of Kazan
mentioned that: There are the remains of a moat, nearby Stary Zury village, which
ends abut the Mesha river. There is a knoll with a stone on its top with ostensibly
Arabic letters. On this very basis it is supposed to be a capital city of some khan14.
Our observations and scientific research works carried out in 2001 let us
determine the place of location of one-time capital of Zury direction. It is now
11

.. ., . 8, 12; ..
-., . 75-78.
12
.. . , 1923, . 10-11, ., 1991,
. 17-21.
13
.. -., . 75-78.
14
.. -
. , 1877.

61

located on the territory of Tulyachiy district nearby Stary Zury. Here is the
following confirmation of this fact:
1. There is an ancient cemetery in the outskirts of Stary Zury, not far from
the left bank of the Mesha River. A Moslem gravestone of the 16th
century was found on the territory of the cemetery.
2. The present day village is comfortably well located on the left bank of the
Mesha River, particularly, taking into consideration its geographical, natural
and landscape position. There are meadows, rich of grass, here which are
good for pasturing cattle. The land here is very fertile for farming.
3. This area is rife with different legends which are told by local people and
old residents.
4. Archaeological excavations showed cultural layers of up to 110 centimeters.
Many historically worth items (made of ceramics and metal) of 14th-16th
and 17th-19th centuries were found there.
Besides, Gazimzyanov I.R. found some part of a grave mound of the Golden
horde period at a distance of 2.5 km from Tulyajy. We also found lots of articles
made of ceramics and metal of 14th-16th centuries on the right bank of the Mesha
River in the place of the cattle grave.
Sakhib Gireys item of his clothes belonging to the period of 1523 was found
not far from Mamalaevo (Mamalay) village at a distance of 3 km.
Some officials and historians of Tulyachy district center suppose that the
foundation of their district center dates back to 1560. There is a stone in the center
of the village with the date of foundation on it. Excavations carried out on the
territory of this village showed that the cultural layer reached the level of 60 cm.
The finds on this territory belonging to the period of XIVth-XVIth and XVIIIthXIXth centuries let us consider that it was founded before the epoch of the late
Golden Horde or the beginning of the Kazan khanate. There was a small Tatar
settlement before the Russian colonization on this territory. Soon afterwards
Tulyachy became one of the most important centers of the Russian colonization
after Kazan had been seized by the troops of Ivan IV.
Gravestones belonging to the period of the 14th century were found in the
cemetery nearby Stary (Iske) Nirsy village in the district of Tulyachy. The traces of
a Golden Horde settlement were revealed to the south from the village and to the
east from the cemetery. Ceramics and silver coins belonging to the epoch of the
Golden Horde were found there, as well as the Golden Horde gravestones which
were found on the territory of Bolshie (Oly) Nirsy (XIVth-XVth), Tyamty (XVIth)
and Stary Zury (XVIth)15.
In 2001 we witnessed Moslem gravestones of the middle Ages in the district
of Saby. We studied inscriptions written on the gravestones, took prints and
managed to read the inscription in Tatar and Arabic. We managed to identify the
15
.. ., . 12-14; .., ..
2001 // , . 36. -,
2003, . 256-261; ..
// . -, 2002, . 35-41.

62

date of death 1088 (1678). The name of a dead person was Kulmukhammed the
son of Chiruche. The doer of the epitaph is Kulmukhammen, the son of Ishman
(inscription was identified by Akhmetzyanov M.I). The epitaph was written in the
style characteristic to the epoch of the Kazan khanate.
In the summer of 1999 the Golden Horde historical and archaeological
expedition did reconnoitering in the district of Kukmor and carried out excavations
on the territory of Kukmara-1 and Machkara settlements16. The district of Kukmor
has never been archaeologically studied before.
The traces of the medieval settlement were revealed at the foot of the
mountain not far from the district center of Kukmor nearby Kilo region. These
excavations revealed the traces of different constructions made of brick and stone,
a blacksmiths shop, lots of finds belonging to the Golden Horde and Kazan
khanate periods. The boundaries of the medieval settlement Kukmara-1 were
outlined in course of excavations.
The results of researches carried out in Machkara are quite significant. Many
interesting fragments were found in the gardens of Machkara village, among them:
glazed and non decorated ceramics, ceramic sewerage pipes, jewelry, objects made
of metal, 3 coins belonging to the period of Ulus Juchi dating back to XIIIthXVIth centuries.
The traces of the medieval settlement were revealed nearby Nirya village.
An axe belonging to the Golden Horde period was found there. Different fragments
of Chinese crockery belonging to the period of the Golden Horde were found there
too. Some remains of a settlement of the Kazan khanate period nearby Tuembash
village were revealed.
The traces of sites of ancient settlement were revealed on top of a high cape
0.8 to the north from Bolshoy Kukmor (Zur Kukmara) village. The territory in the
shape of a triangle is 0.4 hectares. The excavations also revealed some remains of a
rampart. This side of ancient settlement belonging to the medieval period was a
temporary shelter. The traces of a settlement were revealed on the bank of the river
Nurminka (Norma) , which population in case of emergency hid in the site of
ancient settlement.
All these remains of the past confirm the availability of many settlements at
the epoch of the Golden Horde and the Kazan khanate in northern parts of
Tatarstan. Even nowadays the archaeological map of Bulgar and Ulus Juichi
territories can be expanded on the basis of numerous finds. All this acknowledges
the fact of cultural development of Turkic-Moslem population in the Middle Ages
on this territory. It is safe to say that large handicraft and trade centers of the XIIIthXVIth centuries were available here. Moreover there was also a land trade way to
the north and south to the Nukrat River, which was a navigable way for the
development of trade relations.
In course of study of the medieval history of Kazan a special research work
was carried out in 1997-1999 by the Golden Horde historical and archaeological
16

..
// , . 36. .-, 2003, . 242-244.

63

expedition. The study of several less-known historical relics in Kazan was held. In
1997 a large scale work on the territory of Kaban settlement (former Arhireiskaya
Dacha) which was on top of a high shore of Kaban lake in Privolzhsky (Idel bye)
district of Kazan took place17. Among researches this historical place known as a
former residence of Bulgar-Tatar rulers and the location of the medieval Moslem
cemetery. This is confirmed by three gravestones of the XIIIth-XIVth centuries
which have been widely known since the XIXth century and also by some parts of
gravestones found by us near the Church of Resurrection.
A lot of material was found in 4 places (11 places were studied in total) and
2 of them preserved the layer dated back to the second half of the XIIIth the first
part of the XVI centuries. There were fragments of ceramics in Bulgar-Tatar style,
red square bricks (23x23x6cm) and a coin (presumably it belonged to the 20s of the
XVth century) which had been minted during Khan Baraks reign.
A particular interest has place XIth, where a crypt constructed of bricks was
found. A dead person of nearly 40-50 was buried in accordance with Moslem
funeral rites. On the basis of the available material and by wide analogy we can
conclude that the man buried in the vicinity of Kaban settlement was from the
South of Ulus Juichi territory. In spite of strict Moslem funeral rites there was a
survival of some heathen beliefs like: a funeral mask and a fire in a grave pit. The
crypt dates back to the second half of the XIIIth-XIVth centuries and highly
approximately used to be a burial place for the Golden Horde nobility. There might
have been a mausoleum over the grave that was demolished during the building of
a convent in the second half of the XVIIth century.
It is important to note that the cellars of the Church of Resurrection were
constructed from Moslem gravestones. Analogous occasions are unfortunately not
rare. For example, that was observed in Assumption Church in Bolgar in
Blagoveshchensky Cathedral in the Kazan Kremlin (our observations of 1998)
where fragments of gravestones and a Moslem epitaph of the 20-30s of the XVIth
century with an Arabic text of philosophical-poetical context came to light.
Ceramics and other materials of the XIVth-XVIth centuries were found during
land works and excavations in the vicinity of Usmania religious school in Tukay
Street of Kazan. On the basis of some sources Kuraish Sloboda was located on this
territory at the epoch of the Kazan khanate. A Moslem cemetery with gravestones
was located in this place in the middle of the XIXth century.
In the summer and autumn of 2000 we carried out reconnoitering and
stationary researches in the district of eastern Tatarstan. The remains of the
medieval site of ancient settlement of Tubilgutay in the district of Novosheshminsk
(Yana Chishms) were the major aim of our research18. Archaeological excavations
have never been carried out on this territory before.
17

..
- // . , 2001, . 62-70; 72-74.
18
..
// , . 36, . 245-248; .. -
2000 . , 2001. .

64

The site of ancient settlement is located on the steep bank of the Sheshma
River. The form of this location is square with semicircular corners (140x150m).
The remains of two moats and three ramparts remained clearly.
An ancient cemetery abuts on the site of ancient settlement from the west,
where several gravestones remained. One of them dates back to 1349/50. We
traced the remains of a mausoleum in the vicinity of a medieval cemetery.
We excavated a ditch 38m long and 2m wide to outline the fortification line
of this construction. The ditch went across 3 moats and 2 ramparts (4x6m) which
were located in northern part of this place.
The foundation of the fortress dates back to the XIVth century. In course of
development the fortifications of the town as well as the town itself were many times
reconstructed. The annihilation of the fortified settlement was caused by a large
conflagration during the seizure of the town. The traces of the large conflagration were
revealed. Many different fragments of ceramic crockery in Bulgar and the Golden
Horde style were found as well as cattle bones in course of numerous excavations. The
majority of different finds were revealed inside the rampart and nearby the city square.
Among the most interesting finds are fragments of a cauldron, some part of a pot, a
metal ring and a spearhead and numerous fragments of bronze. Fragments of red
ceramics and modeled crockery in Bulgar and the Kama river side style were found as
well as pottery of the Golden Horde epoch.
Besides, the reconnoitering excavations were carried out in the medieval
place of Saklik on the right bank of the Sheshma River in Almetevsk district. The
traces of a settlement nearby Stary (Iske) Elan village in Zainsk district were
revealed, where we found basically ceramic finds belonging to the period of the
XVth-XVIth and XVIIth-XIXth centuries.
The right bank Volga district of the Republic of Tatarstan and the adjoining
regions of the Middle Volga are of particular significance in the history of
archaeology. This geographical region is widely known under the name of the
Volga River side or Mountain side (Tay yagy).
The river basins of the right tributaries of the Sviyaga river Ulem and
Sukhoy (Kori) Ulem, the Lower Sviyaga (Zoya) itself and the right bank of the
Volga River are being explored very actively owing to population shifts from the
south to the north of the Volga River side. Seventy five relics of the past belonging
to the Golden Horde period were revealed here. All these relics concentrated
around large settlements are divided into 3 parts. Thus, Malo-Kaibitsk (Keche
Kaibych), Sham-Balikhchinsk (Shambalikchi), Kulgany (Kolgan) cemeteries with
Moslem gravestones of the XIIIth-XIVth centuries and a number of sites of ancient
settlements of Churu-Barash, Shongut, Tanay-Turay were related to densely
populated Deush site of ancient settlement.
Bolshoy-Klyarin, Sukeev, Saltigan, Staro-Kazeev settlements with medieval
cemeteries and Urazli, Devichya Gora (Kiz tau) sites of ancient settlement, highly
approximately were related to Bolshoy-Klyarin site of ancient settlement. A
legendary town of Tisyachadomny Shungat associated with the settlement of
Bolshoy-Atryass (Oli Atryach) II and a large cache of coins is related to a wellpreserved cemetery of Bolshoy-Atryass. Most likely they were related to a

65

legendary town of Tyatesh, as well as cemeteries of Urum, Bolshoy-Shemyak,


Bolshoy-Tarkhan with gravestones and a site of ancient settlement of Tyatesh19.
For a detailed characterization of urban development of settlements at the
epoch of the Golden Horde in the Volga River side the results of our historicalarchaeological survey in Churu-Barashe and Yapancha are very significant20.
Yapancha settlement occupying the territory of 2.3 hectares with irregularly
lengthened outlines is situated near a steep curve of the right bank of the Kubnya
(Gobenya) River (the left tributary of the Sviyaga River).
In course of excavations held in 2002-2003 we studied the remains of
protective fortifications and handicraft goods of the settlement, which had been the
biggest centre of handicraft and foundry production. The remains of handicraft
fragments, numerous iron blooms and slag revealed in the rich layer of this place
are another striking demonstration of the above-mentioned statement. Such things
as polished and ornamented ceramics designed in Bulgar and the Golden traditions,
iron items as knives, arrow-heads, cylindrical locks, fishhooks, nails, pivots and
rings are of special interest. Among finds are ceramics, articles made of bone and
stone, jewellery and two Juchian coins of the first half of the 14th century.
The remains of a site of ancient settlement referring to the Golden Horde
period found near Churu-Barishevo village were our next subject of study in 2002.
The village is situated on a high cape of the right bank of the Ulema River (the
right tributary of the Sviyaga River). The cape is made up of a steep curve in the
East and a big ravine in the West. There are 3 ramparts of a settlement are available
nowadays. The settlement round in shape was girdled with a circuit 25 meters
wide. In many parts ramparts and moats had been destroyed. The area of a
settlement occupies 3.7 hectares. A village occupying 80 hectares is near the
northern side of the settlement. The section of a rampart in the south is 2 x 24
meters and its depth is nearly 1-2.2 meters. It was determined that the system of
protective edifices dates back to the epoch of the Golden Horde. All the finds of the
third expedition date back to the second half of the XIIth-XIVth century.
This relic of the past gives us an interesting idea of cast-iron production in
the northwest province of Ulus-Bolgar of the Golden Horde. This province was
remote from the political centre. The pit found on this territory highly
approximately belonged to an iron foundry furnace which was situated nearby.
Taking into consideration the location of hardened cast-iron we can say that the
iron foundry furnace was situated near the southeastern edge of a right-angled pit,
where we found traces of scorched sand.
Cast iron production well used in the XIIIth-XIVth centuries in the capital and
other big cities of Ulus-Bolgar was also used in the provincial town of Churu-Barash.
19
. , 1987, . 198-205;
, ., 1981, . 50, 64-65.
20
.., ..
// . , 2003, .
169-171; .. . , 2003, . 16-24.

66

The traces of cast iron production in Churu-Barash and Yapancha are


contributory to the study of handicraft industry in this region during the Golden
Horde period21.
To study ethnographic processes and anthropological changes of the
population in the Volga river side during the first period of the Golden Horde
epoch it is important to research materials from burial grounds found by us in 2003
on the territory of Tetushy - 1 settlement.
According to the existed funeral rites and the absence of items all 5 burials
were Moslem and dated back to the second half of the XIIIth and the first half of the
XIV centuries22.
Three cultural layers were revealed presumably in the XVIIth XXth
centuries on the territory of Tetushy town. They referred to the Golden Horde and
Imenkovsky periods. The Golden Horde finds were represented by a bronze coin
(1330 - 1340), by fragments of fire-tubes made of clay, by iron items (hooks, hoes),
by fish bones and bones of domestic animals.
In the yards of Uritsky Street a lower part of a gravestone was found. A
Moslem epitaph on a piece of stone referring to the first half of the XIVth century
was found in the center of Tetushy town and then transported to the museum of
local for constant keeping. The local inhabitants gave us 2 coins (silver and bronze)
belonging to the XIVth century of Ulus Juchi epoch.
On the territory of Bolshoy-Atryask we made a detailed examination of
gravestones and copied out different prints from them. This territory had been
known in scientific literature since the second half of the XIXth century23.
This territory comprised a cemetery, a place of settlement and a cache of
coins. The territory of Bolshoy-Atryask is situated near Bolshoy-Atryasky village
in Tetushy district in Tatarstan. The local name of a settlement is Meng ille
Shongut (Shongut consisting of one thousand houses). The village is associated
with the cache of coins. The small cache of coins was found in 1882, but in 1954 a
larger cache of coins was revealed (Maloatryasky (Keche Atryach)). It consisted of
463 coins belonging to the XIVth century and the beginning of
the XVth century. Later 13 of them became the property of science. In 1981 a
cache of copper coins came to light. Local inhabitants used to find different things
something like a golden ring with precious stones and inscription Sultan
21

.., .., ..
2002 // :
. -, 2003, . 40-44; ..
. , 2003.
22
.. , . 25-35; ..
-I . -2//
.. , . 39-45.
23
. 1909 .
. // , . .
XXVIth, . 4. , 1910; .. XIIIthXIVth . // . .-., . 16, 1963; .
- . , 1897; .. -
. .-., 1960.

67

Makhmud Khan and a silver ring. Moreover local Tatar people from this village
know the place where coins were presumably minted.
The cemetery of Bolshoy-Atryask is situated 0.5 kilometer far from the
village to the east. Its area occupies 7600 square kilometers and it is outlined by a
small ditch and palisades from all sides. According to the available legends the
cemetery belonged to the town of Shungat consisting of one thousand houses. By
1961 a number of gravestones belonging to the period of the Golden Horde had
been preserved (in 1949 22 gravestones, in the XIXth century 41). Many
epitaphs had embossed and engraved Khufian inscriptions on. The earliest date
of the gravestones is 1302, the latest dates back to 1343. The local name of the
cemetery is Izgeler Ziraty (the cemetery of the sacred).
Much interesting information was left by Marjany Sh. He wrote particularly
that a Russian landlord from Yambukhtino village took 20 - 30 gravestones from
the cemetery for the basis of a church. The church in Yambukhtino is still in ruins.
In course of epigraphic study in the summer of 2003 we researched 5 prints. It is
important to note that the earliest gravestone referring to the period of Bulgar wellknown in historical literature dates back to 1224 (the Gregorian calendar) or 642 (the
Hegira calendar). The abovementioned gravestone belongs to the territory of BolshoyAtryask. Akhmarov G. studied the gravestone in the same Yambukhtino village on a
threshold of a countryside church. It had a beautiful inscription on and the language of
this inscription was close to the present day Kazan Tatar language. This historical relic
of the past is the most ancient among dated epitaphs. As the cemetery of BolshoyAtryask was the only place examined by us so the gravestone mentioned in historical
literature and dated back to 1244 was not found.
We found Moslem gravestones in the basis of a church while visiting the old
church in Yambukhtino.
14 gravestones were found in the place where Bolshoy-Atryask cemetery
was located. Unfortunately 2 of them disappeared for good within the period of
40 years. But even the rest of the epitaphs are in bad condition. 5 6 epitaphs are
placed vertically, the others are placed horizontally. They are being destroyed by
the nature. Some of them went under the surface of the earth due to their weight.
Apart from the abovementioned they also undergo public pillaging causing
destruction. At the front and back sides of the 4 gravestones modern inscriptions,
names of people, paintings and dates are engraved.
The territory of the Volga River side was being inhabited both at the epoch
of the Golden Horde and the Kazan khanate. At the same time the tendency of
further developing new lands towards the north in the Volga River side was in
progress. At this very time mass settling of the left Sviyaga side came to an end.
All this confirms the appearance of new epigraphy of Tatars from Kazan belonging
to the period of the XVI century, revealed in this district. Our researches in 2002
only in the district of Zelenodolsk (Yuashel Uzen) showed the availability of 510 epigraphic relics in each cemetery, particularly, in Tatar Tanay, Tatar Azeleevo
(Azhal), Bolshoy Shirdan, Molvino (Mulla ile).

68

The remains of Tavlino site of ancient settlement located 300 meters to the
north from Tay-ile (Tavlino) village refer to the same period of time.
In course of excavations in 2002 we started excavating 4 places occupying
100 square meters in total and 5 bore pits. We studied the protective structure of
excavation 1 and determined the cultural layer which reached 140 centimeters.
In course of excavations the traces of handicraft industry were revealed. The
fragments of red clay ceramics belonging to the period of the Golden Horde, and
goods made of metal, stone, bronze and the Golden Horde coin of the XIVth
century were revealed.
Tavlin site of ancient settlement was one of the most important observation
posts and an advanced post in the west of the Kazan khanate.
The number of settlements belonging to the epoch of the Kazan khanate,
compared to the epoch of the Golden Horde is far less in the north of the Volga
river side. It is explained by the fact that the majority of settlements once existed in
the Kazan khanate still exist at present. The names of the current villages are the
same as they were at the epoch of the Kazan khanate according to the data of the
XVIth-XVIIth centuries24.
It is of no small importance that the Volga River side, particularly its
northern part was one of the most significant hotbeds of resistance and fight for
independence in the middle of the XVIth century. It was that part of the khanate
which joined the State of Moscow. It is confirmed by the availability of baptizing
and colonization centers and by the unique archaeological and historical relics of
the middle Ages Sviyazhsk fortress.
All these relics of the past place the Volga river side far beyond the limits of
Tatarstan by its significance. They show that this region was of key importance not
only for the development of the middle Volga region but also for all Eastern Europe.
In 2005 the remains of an ancient settlement Iske Nohrat (The Old Nohrat)
in the Alkeev region of Tatarstan were investigated. The remains of the
fortification of the city, the study of its handicraft and trade parts and a medieval
cemetery, and also assortment of ceramic ware, metal ware, arrow-heads and coins,
all of these allow to date monuments from the Bolgar-Golden Horde period of time
(XIth-XIVth centuries.)25
24

.. ., . 17-21; ..
- ., . 23, 25-26 ; .
XVI . // , . 1. , 1930, . 171-172;
.. // ,
4, 1973; .. . , 2002.
25
..
( 2001-2005 .) // .
., , 2006, . 115-116; ..
2005 . // -
- . , 2007. . 8-10; .., ..
. , , 2010. 148 .

69

In Atninsky region the remains of a fortress of the period of the Kazan


Khanate, and also a series of cemeteries with tomb-stone monuments dated from
the XVth-XVIIth centuries are studied26.
Last years our expedition pays attention to the study of the archaeological
and tomb-stone monuments in the south-east of Tatarstan.
The monuments of an epoch of Golden Horde and Nogaj Horde in the basin
of the river Yk and its inflows are studied. The great attention is given to the study
of burial grounds and tomb-stones monuments with the ancient Turk seals and
Tatar-Muslim inscriptions (XIVth-XVIIIth centuries).
In 1999 within the project undertaken by Russian State National Fund and
with the support of a commercial bank Kara Altin a Tatar-Astrakhan expedition
attached to Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan started excavations
in Selitrenny site of ancient settlement (Saray al-Makhrusa) in Kharabalinsk district
of Astrakhan region, on the territory of the quondam capital of Ulus Juichi27. It was
the first expedition which studied the Golden Horde towns of the Lower Volga side
(Burhanov A.A. as the head of this expedition, Fedorov-Davidov G.A. as the
scientific advisor). Students and graduate students from Tatarstan, Moscow,
Astrakhan and Saransk participated in the expedition.
Selitrenny site of ancient settlement is 120 kilometers far from astrakhan on
the left bank of the Akhtuba River. It was studied and visited by travelers and
archaeologists in the XVIIIth-XIXth centuries. Professor Ballod F.B. carried out an
interesting research work there in 1920. He excavated a well, a forging furnace for
ceramics, the remains of a mausoleum and a number of houses. In 1928-1932 an
expedition under the guidance of Rikov P.S. carried out a research on the same
territory. They excavated part of a hall (presumably, a hall of a mosque), a number
of crypts and houses. Selitrenny site of ancient settlement was being systematically
studied by the Volga archaeological expedition attached to Moscow State
University named after Lomonosov M.B. and Academy of Sciences of the USSR.
This expedition under the guidance of an outstanding historian, archaeologist and
numismatist Fedorov-Davidov G.A. with the participation of Egorov B.L.,
Dvornichenko B.B., Bulatov N.M., Poluboyarinova M.D., Mukhammadiev A.G.
managed to explore lime-kilns, brick-kilns, and glass producing shops, country
estates and public buildings.
Excavations in 1999-2000 were protective and they were carried out in the
middle of this site of ancient settlement, at the foot of Bolnichny Bugor (hillock).
This area is in the most ancient part of the town and it is now being demolished by
Selitrenny village and by the river. The current posture of many country estates and
districts of the former town is getting worse.
26

.. -
2005 // - - . ,
2007. . 10-12.
27
..
// , . 247-250; ..
// . , 2004,
. 120-121.

70

The area of excavation XXIIIth nearly 150 square meters in total revealed the
remains of constructions referring to the XIVth century. These constructions had
2 stages of erection. The remains of a one-roomed flat (6.6 x 6.8m) which corners
faced the parts of the world were examined as well as the remains of adjacent
constructions, mainly, made of burned bricks and adobe. The size of bricks was
19 x 19 x 5 and 22 x 2 x 6 centimeters. Wood was also one of the building
materials. The remains of an oriental sufa (sofa) made of raw-silk which was
customary in the East were found inside the house. A special thermal system made
of burned bricks was constructed inside this sufa. The warmth from the furnace
(kan) went through this system. It was revealed that the sofa was covered by a
carpet. The thermal system was initially constructed in the form of the letter
from the Cyrillic alphabet. The system underwent some reconstruction afterwards
and became straight. Some farmstead and household constructions were both inside
the house and in the yard (pits, badrab, tashnay). However, one part the house was
demolished by buildings of the XVIIIth century.
In course of excavations some details of architectural remains and numerous
fragments of material evidence were found. There were majolica tiles, modeled and
glazed ceramics, and Chinese or Korean celadon among them. There were special
hygienic vessels, some fragments of a flask in the form of a turtle (khorezmian style)
with some stamped ornament, fragments of ornamented and unfixed patterns of
ceramic crockery in the site of excavations. There were two receptacles for mercury
and perfume transportation from the Middle Asia, Egypt and Iran. There were some
receptacles of domestic production as well, found in the site of excavations. A
terracotta chessman of bishop was also of great importance. A lot of military
equipment, metal tools and household goods were found in course of excavations.
Plenty of bronze adornments like a padlock in the form of a bishop, different beads,
and adornments made of silver, copper, glass and stone were found there.
Two silver signet-rings are of particular interest. The first one is with an
inset made of cornelian and a peacock tracery; the second one is with an inscription
in the Arabic script. Fifty copper coins and several silver Juchian coins referring to
the first half of the XIVth century were found. There were many bone items such as
polished pipes, toys, household goods and adornments. There were also many
contrivances made of bone which were presumably used to fix loads on horsebacks
and camelbacks. They might have been also used for different household needs.
The archaeological expedition consisting of students from Kazan State
University and Tatar State University of Humanities under the direct guidance of
Nedashkovsky L.F. carried out a research in Saratov region. In Khmeleevsky I an
excavation measuring 6 x 8 meters was started. In this place of excavation the remains
of household edifices and different goods performing material evidence were found.
Summing up the results of our scientific survey in the 90s of the XXth
century and the first years of the XXIth century we would like to draw attention to
the problems and perspectives of archaeological study and preservation of relics
belonging to the epoch of Ulus Juchi.
The situation in the Middle Volga particularly in Tatarstan is much more
definite although even here there are problems concerning the study of relics and

71

their preservation. Certainly the availability of scientific centers and archaeologists


in Kazan and in the cities of Tatarstan such as Elabuga (Alabuga) and Almetevsk
gives hope to view the future with optimism. We suppose that in the nearest future
we need to do the following:
1. The first thing to do is to continue the large scale excavations both beyond
the limits of Kazan (excavations are being held here since 1995) and in the Volga
River side (excavations are being held here since 2002). We should also continue
excavations in the east of the Republic of Tatarstan and beyond its borders (in
Chuvashia, Uliyanovsk and Kirov regions).
2. The second thing to do is to hold stationary excavations on the territory of
the largest and never touched historical places such as the territory of Iski-Kazan,
sites of ancient settlement of Yapancha, Churu-Barash, Tubilgitay, Saklik and
Kaban (situated in Kazan).
3. The third thing to do is to establish a historical-archaeological museum
and a national park in the Almetevsk (Almyat) area in the south-east of Tatarstan.
Even today there are real prerequisites to solve this task. The archaeologists from
Kazan and Almetevsk have been carrying scientific researches base on multiple
excavations for a few years already within the Almetevsk encyclopedia fund. To
force the salvation of this task it is necessary to enlarge the scale of study by
attracting extra means and new scientific forces.
The same task was set to study and preserve the relics of ancient times in the
west of Tatarstan. Fortunately, archaeologists and experts who are in charge of
keeping relics of the past in a proper way together with the authorities of the
regions take active part in the matter.
Moreover Tatarstan is a region where museums and national parks are still
developing. Security of national parks and museums is the only real way for the
development and preservation of historical and cultural heritage of the nation.
There was only one Bulgar State national park before Perestroika (rebuilding) in
Tatarstan. At present their number has even increased to 13. Among them are the
Kazan Kremlin, Suvar, Bilyar, Elabuga, Jukitay and other national parks. The chain
of Republican and countryside museums is developing28.
The present posture of archaeological relics of the past is not satisfactory.
One of the largest Selitrensky sites of ancient settlement in the Astrakhan area,
Tzarevsky and Vodyansky settlements in the Volgograd area are derelict. Khaji
Tarhan and Ukek settlements are on the edge of extinction. All this happens
notwithstanding the best archaeologists from Moscow, Volgograd, Kazan, Saransk
and Novgorod have been carrying out large scale excavations in Selitrensky,
Tzarevsky and Vodyansky settlements since 1959. In course of these multiple
28

.. : ,
. // . 1, 2007(). . 85-108;
.., ..
//
. -, 2002, . 98-101.

72

researches the unique scientific data was revealed and on its basis much from the
history and culture of Ulus Juchi was changed29.
Today the above mentioned relics of the past referring to the Golden Horde
epoch lack proper attitude and thus the territory of their location is being built and
pelted with trash. On the territory of settlements poachers destroy the cultural layer
and export valuable items abroad.
Thats why we should continue large scale excavations in the major Golden
Horde centers and also in Khajitarkhan which had been the capital of the Astrakhan
khanate. To make this purpose come true we should enlist scientists from
Astrakhan, Volgograd, Moscow, Kazan, Saransk, Saratov and many other cities of
Russia in a cause. Moreover it is necessary to solve the problem of preserving
relics of ancient times in a proper way at government level by establishing the
Lower Volga national park of Federal importance with its subsidiaries in Ukek
(Saratov) and Vodyansky (Dubovka). This concerns particularly the settlement of
Selitrensky. Officially it is the relic of federal importance but its real condition
doesnt meet all requirements.
In 2000-2001 the head of the Astrakhan area Guzhvin A.N., the department
of cinema, culture and art, the authority of the national park and the society took
measures and official acts to continue the study and preservation of historical and
cultural heritage of the nation. It will give us a chance to see the prospective future
of the archaeological relics in the Astrakhan area.
We would like to draw public attention to the problems of study, preservation
and further usage of the remains of the medieval Ukek settlement which is situated
on the territory of modern Saratov. The first thing to do is to preserve the remains
but at the same time we should continue our historical and archaeological research.
To achieve this purpose we must make all agricultural and house building
processes come to an end on this territory. To open a national park in this place we
should outline the borders of the protected land. It is necessary to appeal to highly
placed officials of Saratov region and the Russian federation with a request to
announce the territory of the medieval Ukek settlement as a national park of federal
importance with further financial and logistic support for preserving historical and
cultural relics of the past.
It is urgent to install hoardings with instructions and a monument telling
about the history of Ukek. Since the beginning of the current year we should start
stationary historical and topographical researches on the territory of Ukek. These
researches should be regular at least for the duration of 3 5 years. It is necessary
to hold international scientific conferences to discuss the history and culture of
Ukek-Saratov. It is also important to inform the population and the government
about the historical-cultural with the help of the mass media and lectures. And the
most important thing to do is to obtain recognition of Ukek-Saratov as one of the
largest urban centers of Ulus Juchi Russia among the officials of Saratov region
to raise the question about the celebration of the 750th anniversary of this city.
29
- .. . ., 1994; ..
. ., 1998; . , 2001;
. , 2001.

73

74

Mongol Ilkhanid Legacy in Anatolia


(Impact of the Turkish-Mongolian Steppe Culture
on the Foundation of the Ottoman State)
HALIL ETIN
Byzantium, one of the two states providing political stability in the
geography of Turkey in the first half of the XIIIth century, was nearly destructed by
the Crusaders from the west, and the other, the Seljukids of Anatolia by the
Ilkhanids in the east. Ottoman Beylik was established in the frontier zone of these
two unstable regions at the beginning of the XIVth century. Halil nalck states that
there are three fundemental factors determining the process of the foundation of the
beylik. The first one is demographic revolution resulted by intensive Turcoman
migrations into Anatolia. The second is that Turkish-Islamic ghaza movement holy war- was accelerated under the Mongol expansion and domination. The last
one is that Turkey had preserved its importance on the world trade routes after
Denizli, Antalya, Ayasoluk and Bursa became international market places.1 It is
remarkable that besides demographic, religious and economic factors in historians
evolution, he does not count any political-administrative factors.
Most of the modern Ottoman historians follow nalcks approach on the
problem of foundation. In this respect socio-cultural dynamics of the SeljukidByzantine frontier region are the main tasks on scope.2 It seems that, on the other
hand, the effects of the Mongol administration in Anatolia after the Ksedagh War
and the Mongol thought of sovereignty on the foundation have been untouched
by the most researches. In fact, Anatolia was under the Ilkhanid rule about a
century between the years 1243-1335. Type and thought of government, sources of
legitimacy, fiscal, military and administrative regulations in the Ottoman State bear
deep impacts of the Ilkhanid period.3 From this point of view, it is arguable that the

Assist. Prof. Dr. Halil ETN, ankr Karatekin University, Turkey.


Halil nalck, Devlet-i Aliye, Osmanl mparatorluu zerine Aratrmalar I, stanbul:
Trkiye Bankas Yaynlar, 2009, p. 3.
2
Halil nalck, The Question of the Emergence of the Ottoman State, International Journal
of Turkish Studies, I (1980), pp. 71-79. (Turkish tr.: Osmanl Devletinin Kurulu Problemi, Dou
Bat, Makaleler I, Ankara: Dou Bat Yaynlar, 2005, pp. 121-138). Particularly Lindners work
focusing on the nomads in the frontier region is a good example. See Rudi Paul Lindner, Nomads and
Ottomans in Medieval Anatolia, Bloomington, 1983 (Turkish tr.: Ortaa Anadolusunda Gebeler
ve Osmanllar, ev. Mfit Gnay, Ankara: mge, 2000).
3
For example the tasks such as taxes and the tradition of registry books come first. See Fuat
Kprl, Bizans Messeselerinin Osmanl Messeselerine Tesiri Hakknda Baz Mlahazalar, Trk
Hukuk ve ktisat Tarihi Mecmuas, I (1931), pp. 165-313. Moreover for a detailed information about
1

75

Mongol Ilkhanid rule left the inheritance for the early Ottomans a source of
inspiration for an understanding of policy and administration.
Indeed the Mongol nomads were representing the common tradition for the
Ottoman nomads: Turkish-Mongolian Steppe Culture. This work states that the most
concrete legacy of the Ilkhanids was the institution of khanship in the Steppe Culture as
a model of political organisation which was followed by the Ottomans in foundation.
While evaluating political-administrative effects of the Mongol-Ilkhanid rule on the
Turcoman Identity in Anadolia, especially we are going to focus on determining role
played by the khanship on the foundation of the Ottoman Beylik.
The Early Ottomans bear the Turcoman Political Identity, a product of
political conditions peculiar to the period, like other contemporary beyliks.4 Which
socio-political dynamics produced and which political paradigm fed this identity?
Bernard Lewis warns that to determine and appreciate the old traditions coming
from the steppe and had an impact on the foundation of the Ottoman Beylik is not a
simple work, and furthermore points out that Iranian-Islamic impacts has been
searched, but effects of Turkish culture is scarcely known and are the topics of
some doubtful theories.5
The reason of why more steps have not been taken sufficiently towards
determining and appreciating the impacts of Steppe Culture on the foundation is
not to look at the problem by a broader point of view.6 Modern researches provide
enough datum to support this argument. Those focused on the SeljukidByzantine frontiers, for this reason looking at the question of foundation by a
narrow scope resemble the scientists examining objects under a microscope in a
laboratory. From comments that reaching assertive generalisations by a Kose
Mihal phenomenon7 to efforts aiming to find the mobilizer of foundation by an
adapting of the Ilkhanid methods of minting by the Turcoman beyliks, see Konstantn Zhukov,
Osmanl, Karesi ve Saruhan Sikkeleri ve Trk Bat Anadolusunda Ortak Para Sorunu (1340-1390),
Osmanl Beylii, ed. Elizabeth A. Zachariadou, stanbul: Tarih Vakf Yurt Yaynlar, 1997, pp. 256262. An opposite statement belongs to Belge. He argues that the Ilkhanids left no any important
cultural effects except for their military presence. Murat Belge, Osmanlda Kurumlar ve Kltr,
stanbul: stanbul Bilgi niversitesi Yaynlar, 2008, p. 36.
4
The Turcomans flowed to Anatolia from the eleventh century onwards were appeared with a
different historical experience under the peculiar circumsatances of the region. For example, the culture of
holy war is one of the basic components of socio-political identity of the Turcomans. See nalck, Devlet-i
Aliye, pp. 9-10. In this respect we prefer using the term of Political Identity of the Turcomans.
5
Bernard Lewis, slam Devlet Messese ve Telakkileri zerinde Bozkr Ahalisinin Tesiri,
TED, II-2 (1958), pp. 217,223. nalck who evaluates the system of inheritance in a study indicates
deep influences of the Central Asian Turkish culture on the Ottomans. See Halil nalck,
Osmanllarda Saltanat Veraseti Usul ve Trk Hakimiyet Telakkisi le lgisi, ASBF Dergisi, c.
XIV, no: 1 (Mart 1959), pp. 69-94.
6
Heywoods point of view involves a wider scope: One should look above from the narrow
environment of Bithynia or the last periods of the Seljukids or Anatolia under the Mongol domination
in the late thirteenth century and must look at the Mongol world empire still alive at the end of the
thirteenth century. Thus he determines the conjunction of the foundation as the rivalry on the straits
between Golden Horde and Ilkhanid Empire. See Colin J. Heywood Osmanl Devletinin Kurulu
Problemi: Yeni Hipotez Hakknda Baz Dnceler, Osmanl, I, ed. Gler Eren, Ankara: Yeni Trkiye
Yaynlar, 1999, p. 139.
7
Herbert Adams Gibbons, Osmanl mparatorluunun Kuruluu, Ankara: 21. Yzyl
Yaynlar, 1998.

76

inscription,8 many studies exhibit this method of looking by microscope. On the


contrary, the writer of the this study adopts the method of looking by a wider scope
and thinks that to determine the footprints of the Turkish-Mongolian Steppe
Culture could be possible in this way. By using the mentioned method, also can be
called as looking from periphery, not the center, if the topics such as uc
formation and its culture, gazha, law of dynasty, tradition of jurispuridence, source
of legitimacy can be enlightened, every results clarify the question of foundation
and then Imbers theory of black hole loses its meaning.9
In addition, we must pay attention to nalcks warning that a good survey
of the period is an obligation for the researches who try to explain the question of
foundation.10 The factors that effected the foundation are going to be sought by
the writer in social and political accumulation of Anatolia in the thirteenth century,
rather than in a short history of complex and foggy atmosphere of the frontier
zone.11 On the other hand, we will try to explain the factors by exploring sociocultural and political phenomen of Anatolia under the Ilkhanid-Seljukid rule,
instead of following the traces of land system or military institutions executed and
established in Anatolia by the Byzantine government.
TURCOMANS IN THE PROCESS
OF ACQUIRING POLITICAL IDENTITY
The first step in formation of the Political Identity of Turcomans is
resistance and opposition against the Ilkhanid rule in Anatolia.12 After Kosedagh
War in 1243 Turcoman opposition against the Ilkhanids supported by the Mamluks
defined the frame and method of policy; saving the Muslim country from the
8
Lindner, lk Dnem Osmanl Tarihinde tici G ve Meruiyet, Stten stanbula,
Ed. Oktay zel Mehmet z, Ankara: mge, 2000, pp. 411-415.
9
Colin mber, Osman Gazi Efsanesi, Osmanl Beylii, ed. Elizabeth A. Zachariadou,
stanbul: Tarih Vakf Yurt Yaynlar, 1997, p. 77. mber, almost in a provocative manner, declares the
origins of the Ottomans as a black hole. The hypothesis claims that previous or modern claims on
the origins could not be proved, and the narratives about Osman Ghazi are all imaginary, for his
reason the best thing to be done for the modern historians is to accept the beginning of the Ottoman
history as a black hole.
10
nalck, Osmanl Devletinin Kurulu Tarihi, Kurulu, Osmanl Tarihini Yeniden Yazmak,
stanbul: Hayy Kitap, 2010, p. 43.
11
We dont think to take part in discusses about the origins of the state, mobilizing force in
the foundation etc. Since these debates includes threats of making our point of view narrower,
damaging our attention and losing the point of movement. Nonetheless it is necessary to give a few
references for the interested individuals. See Fuat Kprl, Osmanl Devletinin Kuruluu, Ankara:
Trk Tarih Kurumu (TTK), 1991; Herbert Adams Gibbons, Osmanl mparatorluunun Kuruluu,
Ankara: 21. Yzyl Yaynlar, 1998; Paul Wittek, The Rise of the Ottoman Empire, London: Luzac,
1938; Rudi Paul Lindner, Nomads and Ottomans in Medieval Anatolia, Bloomington, 1983; Halil
nalck, The Question of the Emergence of the Ottoman State, International Journal of Turkish
Studies, I (1980), pp. 71-79.
12
For the negative adjectives used for the Turcomans see Tufan Gndz, Osmanl Tarih
Yazclnda Trk ve Trkmen maj, Osmanl, ed. Gler Eren, vol. VII, Ankara: Yeni Trkiye
Yaynlar, 1999, pp. 92-97.

77

pagan Mongols constituted the basic discourse in appearence; devotion to the


Seljukid dynasty was accepted main political instrument. In essence, method, discourse
and instruments became basic elements of Political Identity of Turcomans.
Mongol expeditions in approximately half of a century from 1230s to
1280s which aimed to punish Turcomans severely and resulted in evacuating their
homelands can certainly be evaluated as the reason of Turcomans otherization.
The evidence of this argument is that all of the Turcoman groups were antiMongolist and they all supported the revolts directed to the Ilkhand rule in
Anatolia.13 Particularly, the expedition of Mamluk Sultan Baybars in 1277 to save
Anatolia from the pagan Mongols and enthronement of the Stingy, Cimri in
Turkish , Alaaddin Keyumers, son of Izzeddin Keykavus II, in the Seljukid capital
Konya by the support of Karamanid Turcomans were turning points in political life
of Anatolia and accordingly in formation of Turcoman identity. While one of
comtemporary writers Aksaray characterized the period as change and
metamorphism,14 the other historian Ibn Bibi described it as the base of the state
was corrupted and the ties on which the state depended on were unfastened.15
In this respect, discourse of pagan / infidel Mongol can be traced clearly in
contemporary histories and correspondences between the Mamluks and Ilkhanids.16
Ilkhanid governments alliance with the west was a real pretexts of the discourse
for the Mamluks.17 Under these developments, Turcomans were equipped with
holy war ideology as a base of policy against the Mongols. The Mongols, in return,
using Seljukid sultans and amirs in front, tried to prevent Turcomans propaganda
of ghaza against themselves.18
These religious factors can also be noticed in the jurisprudential regulations
by Kad Burhaneddin Ahmed after he had become the owner of amirate in 1381.
13

Seljukid sultan Izzettin Keykavus II. especially depended on Turcomans against the
Ilkhanids. In the same way Turcomans supported the revols of Cimri in 1277 and Slemi in 1299 and
were natural allies of the Mamluks in Egypt. See Faruk Smer, Anadoluda Moollar, Seluklu
Aratrmalar Dergisi, I (1970), pp. 1-147. Claude Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, London: Sidgwick
and Jackson, 1960. Osman Turan, Seluklular Zamannda Trkiye, stanbul: tken, 1971.
14
Kermddin Mahmud-i Aksaray, Msmeretl-ahbr, tr. Mrsel ztrk, Ankara: TTK, 2000,
pp. 92-95. The writer is well aware of the development that initiate the process. To him this was the
expedition of Mamluk sultan Baybars in 1277: the state that was founded on the strong basis was collapsed
rapidly as a result of Melik ez-Zahir Baybarss appearance in Anatolia. His presence in Anatolia was, as if,
the pioneer of troubles for the palace of Rum. Tyranny was increased and disorder was spread.
15
bn Bibi, El Evmirl- Aliye fil Umril- Aliye, II, tr. Mrsel ztrk, Ankara: Kltr
Bakanl, 1996, p. 213. The historian describes the period as follows: The fires of troubles has surrounded
more on Anatolia day by day People of the country left their homes by the attacks of rebels.
16
Hleg says in a dialogue between Mamluk Sultan Nasr and him: We are the army of
God. He created us from his anger. As a response the sultan says: These are all adjectives of the
Devil, not the sultans. You are demned everywhere by the Holy Book. Thus you are the infidels as
you claim. The damnations should be on the unbelievers. The dialogue continues in this way. See
Aksaray, Msmeretl-ahbr, p. 42.
17
Even Ghazan Khan who was famous with his Muslim identity and beloved in Anatolia tried
to make an alliance with the Pope. This indicates that the diplomatic preferences of the Ilkhanids were
a requirement of the international relations. See Peter Jackson, The Mongols and the West, 1221
1410, Harlow, Pearson Longman, 2005.
18
Turan, Seluklular Zamannda Trkiye, p. 602.

78

He declared the following orders in the city by means of a town crier: If


somebody has a dispute with someone else, he would appeal to the Islamic court
Decisions wont be delivered according to Mongol law, renevals contrary to Islam
and Islamic law and prohibitions of the Hanefi sect.19 The regulation indicates
plainly an effort to abolish the remnants of Mongol law and a stress on Islamic
identity of Anatolia.
On the other hand, national elements were also added to the Turcoman
identity in the process. According to Eflaks record Ahmet Beg, leader of
Turcomans in Denizli region, adopted to wear white cap, ak brk.20 Until that time
Turcomans were wearing red cap, kzl brk, but after they became famous with the
identity of ghazi and fighter and recognized by Ilkhan Hleg, they had changed
the color of their caps. This development can also be accepted as a sign of their
obtaining political identity.21 Akpaazade gives a similar account that Alaaddin
Pasha offered the same regulation to his brother Orhan Ghazi: My Khan, Thanks
to God that you are a king. Now the number of your soldiers will increase day to
day. We must put a remark on your soldiers that the others never bear it The
caps of surrounding begs are red, yours should be white. Thus, he emphasized
Orhan Ghazis political success and identity.22 In this matter the essential stage was
taken by Karamanolu Mehmed Beg. When he captured the Seljukid capital Koyna
in 1277, he adopted Turkish as official language instead of Persian or Uigur
language used by the Ilkhanids.23 Cahen maintains that the process in which
national consciousness is reviving among the Turcomans reflexes the period of
development of Turkification movement by the efforts of Turcomans.24 In fact,
as Barthold drew attention, we see that together with the Mongol hegemony the
nomad societies began to be proud of their own tradition, way of life and
languages. Particularly the works that were done by the Ilkhanids to enhance their
rights supported the national feelings of the Turks rather than the Mongols. For
example, one of the Ilkhanid historians Reidddin compilled some parts of his
work Camit-tevarih with legends of the Mongols and Turks about their ancestors.
19

Aziz b. Erdeir-i Esterbad, Bezm u Rezm, ev. Mrsel ztrk, Ankara: Kltr Bakanl,
1990, p. 210. Kprl comments this event as a reaction of Kad Burhaneddin against the
administrative and financial systems of the Ilkhanids stemmed from his religious mentality. Fuat
Kprl, Ortazaman Trk Hukuk Messeseleri, slam Amme Hukukundan Ayr Bir Trk Amme
Hukuku Yok Mudur?, kinci Trk Tarih Kongresi Bildirileri, stanbul: Devlet Basmevi, 1937, p. 31.
20
Ahmet Eflak, Ariflerin Menkbeleri, I, ev. Tahsin Yazc, Ankara: Trk Tarih Kurumu,
1995, pp. 485-486.
21
For the objection of Smer to Cahens statement about the first use of ak brk, white cap,
by Karamanolu, see Smer, Anadoluda Moollar, p. 49.
22
Akpaazade, Akpaaolu Tarihi, haz. A. Nihal Atsz, Ankara: Kltr ve Turizm
Bakanl Yaynlar, 1985, p. 57. For Imbers evaluation and critics about the matter that was
approved by the contemporary sources, see Imber, Osman Gazi Efsanesi, pp. 70-71.
23
Yazczde Ali, Tevrih-i l-i Seluk, Yay. Abdullah Bakr, stanbul: amlca Basm, 2009,
pp. 832-833. The order of Karamanolu Mehmet Beg as From now on nobody should talk in other
languages, but Turkish, in government, cabinet, councils and outside was broadened by the edict of
they should write on the registry books in Turkish. However, these orders were not practised since
to write in Turkish is not so easy and has no numbers.
24
Cahen, Osmanllardan nce Anadolu, p. 342.

79

One of the legends, Oghuzname, became a source of aspiration by the Turcomans


especially for their national feelings.25
Ilkhanid rule in Anatolia resulted in a struggle between the Mongols and
Turcomans and in this period Turcomans, as otherizationed, obtained a
national-religious identity. Completing the process of acquiring political identity
Turcomans had a thought of policy and administration that should be sought in the
Turkish-Mongol Steppe Culture.
The first topic that should be dealt with to indicate influence of the Steppe
Culture on the Ottoman Beylik is source of legitimacy. Becoming a puppet
government on the hands of the Ilkhanids and particularly losing their legitimacy
by treatment of Ghazan Khan in a way not suitable to the sultans, the members of
the Seljukid dynasty were regarded succeedingly as a source of political troubles.
Thus Demirta, Ilkhanid governor of Anatolia, killed in a day twenty-nine princes
of the dynasty that he caught in Konya and Akehir.26
On the other hand, when the Abbasid dynasty was collapsed by Hleg
Khan in 1258, there was not any caliph to be addressed on the sermon of the Friday
Prayer, that is to say, the position symbolising the institution of the caliphate was
falled down. For this reason, religious establishment which was aspected to
approve the legitimacy of governments in the Islamic lands was disappeared.
Abbasid caliph, reemerged in Cairo, was a refugee carrying no more titles.27
As the Mongols were not able to fill the political gap remained from the
Seljukids, Turcomans found the way opened for independence.28 However, there
wasnt any legitimate caliph or puppet Seljukid sultan to crown the political
success or to approve the government of the founder of the Ottoman Beylik,
Osman Ghazi. In this situation he was in need of an institution or a tradition to
ratify the legitimacy of the state.
Bernard Lewis summarizes the process of Turcomans participating in
political life as follows: The Turks discovered the honor in their ancestors way of
life by means of a new aristocracy and law came from the steppe with the Mongol
conquests. By praising themselves more, they restarted to seek distinctions and
symbols peculiar to the Turkish sovereignty.29 Henceforth one could find the key
of legitimacy to open the door of power in main institutions of nomad traditions
and politics. More clearly, the only instrument that probably ensure a legal basis
for Osmans power could be the institution of khanship in Steppe Culture. They did
so and chose their beg as khan according to the tradition.
25

Wilhelm Barthold, slam Medeniyeti Tarihi, Ankara: Diyanet leri Bakanl Yaynlar,
1940, pp. 66-67.
26
Yazczde Ali, Tevrih-i l-i Seluk, pp. 908-909.
27
Thomas W. Arnold, The Caliphate, Lahore, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965, p. 98.
28
For more information about the Turcoman beyliks and their taking part in politics,
see smail Hakk Uzunarl, Anadolu Beylikleri ve Akkoyunlu, Karakoyulu Devletleri, Ankara:
TTK, 1988.
29
Lewis, slam Devlet Messese ve Telakkileri zerinde Bozkr Ahalisinin Tesiri, TED,
II-2 (1958), pp. 217, 223.

80

THE INSTITUTION OF KHANSHIP


AND ITS PRACTISING BY THE EARLY OTTOMANS
Joseph F. Fletcher, in the first part of his article Turkish-Mongolian
Monarchic Tradition in the Ottoman Empire, examines peculiarities of the
khanship in the political traditions of the nomad Turks and Mongols ruled in the
settled regions of China, India, Middle East ve East Europe. The writer, studying
the topic in the Ottomans case, argues that the state was transformed into
bureaucratic monarchy which was occured in three phases. The first one is the
period from the foundation to the conquest of Constantinople in which political
paradigm of the state was composed of the khanship tradition.30 By the way, the
thoughts of Ottoman historians like Iorga, Rambaud and Grousset about the
foundation should be treated carefully as they stated that Ottoman Empire was
heavily under the Asiatic / Mongol influence in times of foundation.31 Although
Kprl evaluates these ideas as logical conclusions and fantasies depended on
no evidences, it is estimated that nomad organisation that deeply effected the
foundaton is the reason leading them to conclude with such an opinion.
Akpaazade, wrote legends of perfect ghazis, khans and sultans of the
Ottoman dynasty, uses three titles for the first Ottoman rulers after Osman and
Orhan. These are sultan, khan and ghazi formulated as Sultan XXX Khan
Ghazi.32 It is necessary to mention that like Akpaazade, other contemporary
sources use the title khan for Murad I and his successors. It is undeniable that the
views maintaining that Murad I was the first ruler adopting the title of khan among
the Ottoman sovereigners are depended on the mentioned historical works.33
The title of khan among the other titles that indicate the multiple identity of
the Ottoman rulers was prefered especially by the people around Osman Ghazi, as
the early sources record. Kse Mihal, Dursun Fakih and a Germiyanid offering
market tax (bac), all addressed to Osman Ghazi as My Khan.34 One of the basic
elements of Ottoman society ghazis of Anatolia, gaziyn- Rum, must have viewed
undoubtedly their begs as khan. We should immediately say that the title khan was
depended on an institutional development which was Osmans becoming khan after
an election.35 Thus, it is the time to ask our question: Is it necessary to address the
30
The writers periodization as follows: Beylik 1300-1396; Early Sultanate 1396-1450. See Joseph
Fletcher, Turco-Mongolian Monarchic Tradition in the Otoman Empire. Harvard Ukranian Studies, 3-4
(1979-1980), pp. 242-246. In fact, the institution examined by Fletcher is Grand Khanship.
31
orga evaluates the Ottoman State as an Asiatic state until Mehmed II.; Rambaud as
under the influence of palaces of Bagdad, Pekin or Karakurum; Grousset as semi-Byzantine,
semi-Mongol. See Kprl, Bizans Messeselerinin Osmanl Messeselerine Tesiri, pp. 32-35.
32
Akpaazade, Akpaaolu Tarihi, p. 12. Neri who writes the history of Osmans family
from Oghuz Khan gives the account in the same way. Mehmet Neri, Kitb- Cihn-nm, Neri
Tarihi, I, haz. Faik Reit Unat Mehmed A. Kymen, Ankara: TTK, 1987, p. 7.
33
Aydn Taneri, Han TDVA, vol. XV, p. 518. Taneri maintains that the first ruler was
Bayezid I. who used the title khan on his tughras and Mehmed I. on moneys.
34
Akpaazade, Akpaaolu Tarihi, pp. 21, 27, 28.
35
The task of becoming khan by elections is not a matter of debate so much. Especially
Lindner accepts the event as the most remarkable evidence of the view that the Ottomans were the
tribesmen in foundation. Lindner, Gebeler, p. 58.

81

leader of a tribe as khan in his time as an expression of his political successes,


especially after he selected as khan. However, neither contemporary sources nor
modern historians use a definition as Osman Khan.36 nalck, argues that this title
used for Osman in later records is fabricated.37 For us, the matter must be
discussed, since the most suitable title was khan for the political-administrative
model adopted by the Ottomans in foundation.
Establishment of the Ottoman Beylik coincides with the period in which the
Seljukid dynasty lost its legitimacy when Ghazan Khan dismissed, arrested or exiled
the members of the dynasty. Among the last representatives of the imperial family
Gyaseddin Mesud was fired from the post in 1297 and his nephew Alaaddin
Keykubad III. ascended the throne, but, not sooner, he was exhiled to Isfehan after
punished with a stick. The Turcoman beyliks in Anatolia were founded in those years
and the emergence of the Ottoman Beylik is a part of the process.38 Indeed the Ilkhanid
palace was not in its glorious times. Slemi revolt in Anatolia, unsuccessful
expeditions to Syria in the years 1299-1302, and death of the last powerful Ilkhanid
khan Ghazan all signify the deeply troubles of the throne.39
The event by which Osman Ghazi appeared in the sources as a conqueror
and obtained his political indepence as a charismatic khan was the conquest of the
Karacahisar Castle near Eskiehir.40 Akpaazade cites the question of legitimacy
from Osman Ghazi personally. Tursun Fakih who represents the religious scholars
in dispute between the thoughts of Islamic and Turkish sovereignty stressed the
need of approval and permission from the Seljukid sultan for the Friday Prayer and
appointment of the judge by reminding the Islamic tradition. In return Osman
Ghazi, as the leader of tribe and follower of the Steppe Culture, claims to be khan.
This very interesting argument is in accord with the historical process and the
tradition of sovereignty among the Turks: I captured the city by the sword myself.
The sultan did not give any support so that I should not request permission from
him. God, giving him sultanate, granted me the khanship as I dealt with ghaza.41
36
For instance, Gkbilgin prefers the names Osman Ghazi, Osman Beg, Ghazi Osman Beg
and Sultan Osman. See M. Tayip Gkbilgin, Osman I, MEBA, vol. IX, pp. 431-443. Today the
title khan is being used as an adjective expressing nostalgic associations for the most powerful
figures of the Ottoman dynasty like Mehmed the Conqueror or Abdlhamt II. by the traditionalist
groups. For Example, the title Ulu Hakan is well known used for Abdlhamid II.
37
Halil nalck, Osmanl Sultanlarnn Unvanlar (Titlatr) ve Egemenlik Kavram, DouBat, Makaleler II, Ankara: Dou Bat Yaynlar, 2008, p. 187.
38
Mehmet z, Osmanl Beylii, Anadolu Seluklular ve Beylikler Dnemi Uygarl, ed.
Ahmet Yaar Ocak, Ankara: Kltr ve Turizm Bakanl Yaynlar, 2006, p. 126; Uzunarl,
Anadolu Beylikleri; Smer, Anadoluda Moollar, p. 76.
39
Ibid., pp. 67-70. Lindner accepts Osman Ghazi as a Turcoman chief of the frontier in 1299.
According to the historian, Osman Ghazi was a vassal of the Seljukids and recognized the high
authority of the Ilkhanids, in return, he had the previlidge of minting money on his name. See Rudi
Paul Lindner, How Mongol were the Early Ottomans?, The Mongol Empire and Its Legacy, Ed.
Reuven Amitai Preiss and David O. Morgan, Leiden: Brill 1999, pp. 282-289.
40
nalck gives the Battle of Bapheus and the date of 1302 in the matter. See nalck, Devlet-i
Aliyye, pp. 16-17. For his last view, see Kurulu, Osmanl Tarihini Yeniden Yazmak, stanbul: Hayy
Kitap, 2010.
41
Akpaazade, Akpaaolu Tarihi, p. 27. Ner pictures the rise of Osman in accordance
with the tradition. To him, Osman was the hereditary successor of the last Seljukis sultan who left no

82

Osman Ghazi, seeing the sovereignity as a grant of God, provided himself with a
legal ground for the Ottoman independence, istiklal-i Osman, as expressed by
Neri.42 Henceforth Osman Beg laid down law with the title of khan and delivered
lands to his men.43 Yazczade Ali gives the record of Osman Ghazis becoming
khan: People who had troubles with the Tatars came to the frontier. Begs and
administrators of these regions came together and appealed to Osman Ghazi. They
all had a meeting and said that you should become a khan and we should deal with
ghaza on your service. Osman Beg accepted. Then according to the Oghuz tradition
they knelt down and bowed respectfully. Providing kmran / kmz from the nomad
houses they offered it Osman Beg.44 nalck points out that these records are the
arguments to explain how Osman organized his emirate in accordance with the
Turkish tradition of sovereignity by using his title khan.45 If the sultans titles are
accepted to indicate the concepts of state and sovereignty, and periods of
develeopment of the state, then the title khan reflexes the Turkish tradition of
sovereignty.46
By the way, it should especially be emphasized that the narrative about the
Seljukid sultans sending symbols of domination to Osman Beg for the conquest of
Karacahisar is not coincides with the historical conjuncture. According to the
Ners narrative, although Alaaddin Keykubad III. (1298-1302) approved Osmans
legitimacy by sending him a drum, banner, hourse, sword and costume, Osman
Ghazis name was never heard in the Friday Prayers and minted on moneys until
the death of sultan as a respect to the manners.47 In fact, the seljukid sultans were
not capable of acknowledging the political independence and recognizing the
position of the Turcoman begs.48 In this situation if someone granted the position
of beg to Osman Ghazi, this job must have done not by the Seljukid sultan, but the
Ilkhanid Ghazan Khan.49 The relationship that was sought to be established in this
way between Osman Ghazi and Alaaddin Keykubad III. on the sources should be
interpreted as a claim to possess the political heritage of the Seljukids.
We may state that those who propose the claims of placing the sources of
legitimacy of the Ottomans in Islamic tradition are trying to validate the dynastic
heir. His authority was recognized by the marks of sovereignty sent him by the sultan and his name
was read on the Friday Prayer and minted on moneys. In this respect there is no any interraption from
the tradition of the Seljukids. Thus Osman Ghazi was portrayed like a sultan ascended to the throne in
Konya. Neri, Kitb- Cihan-nm, pp. 110-111.
42
Ner, Kitb- Cihn-nm, pp. 108-109. According to Akpaazade the event was
happened in Hicr 699 (28 September 1299-15 September 1300). Akpaazade, Akpaaolu Tarihi,
p. 27.
43
Ibid., pp. 28-29; Neri, Kitb- Cihn-nm , pp. 111-113.
44
Yazczade Ali, Tevri-i l-i Seluk, p. 872. There are variou variants of the narrative. See
Ltfi Paa, Tevrih-i l-i Osman, haz. Kayhan Atik, Ankara: Kltr Bakanl, 2001, p. 155.
45
Halil nalck, Osman I, TDVA, vol. 33, p. 447.
46
nalck, Osmanl Sultanlarnn Unvanlar, p. 187.
47
Ner, Cihn-nm, pp. 108-109.
48
As an evidence to the task we can give the example of Turcoman chief Mehmed Beg in
Denizli he was acknowledged not by the sultan, but by Hleg himself. Smer, Anadoluda
Moollar, pp. 48-49.
49
Lindner, Nomads, p. 55.

83

traditions of the Seljukids for the Ottoman dynasty. It is certainly clear that
particularly settled groups in society and religious classes desired to see the
Ottoman Beylik in this tradition. But when the Mongols destructed the Abbasid
Caliphate they brought their universal ideology [Thought of World Domination]
instead of universal idea of caliphate; accordingly the right of sovereignty was
granted to Chingiz Khan and his successors by Gods Will.50 The Ottomans made
an effort to provide a legitimate ground for the sovereignty by putting Oghuz
Kagan in place of Chingiz Khan and Ottoman Law, Kanun-i Osman, instead of
Chingizid Legislation, Yasa. When the dominant nomadic and militarist
characteristics of the early Ottomans are taken into consideration, it seems that the
steppe culture living in Turcomans traditions and carried into Anatolia by the
Mongol rule can heavily be felt in political organization.
We can also witness a few phenomen in socio-political structure of the
frontier zone indicating the existance of the khanship tradition. When we look at
the information given by Ibn Battuta who visited the Turcoman emirates during his
travel in Anatolia, we see that the begs living in their palaces resemble the
Seljukids sultans. Among them a different scene is about Orhan Ghazis wife
Nilfer Khatuns reception of the traveller. The interview of the Moroccan traveller
with Nilfer Khatun in znik remind us not the sultans of Middle East, but the
tradition of Turkish-Mongolian khans.51 Was it a coincidence that the traveller had
not any interview with the wifes of other begs? It is unknown. However, it is
estimated that there was a difficulty stemmed from the protocol rules since he was
not able to see anyone. Indeed, Ibn Battuta was so important figure for his age that
he must have attraced the attentions of the khatuns. Likewise it is very remarkable
that traveller gave no information about Orhan Ghazis glory of palace like the
sultans of Middle East although he called him as the greatest of the Turcoman
rulers. Can we consider that whether he didnt possessed any splendor of palace?
May be yes. Since he portrayed Orhan Ghazi differently from the others as a
real warrior fighting continuously with the infidels of Anatolia and spending
his time by inspecting approximately a hundred castles.52
Ibn Battuta talks about the Karasi begs Yahi and Demir with the title khan.53
Zachariadou states that the first beg who used the title of khan was Karasi, and his
successors also bare the titles of khan and beg alternately. The historians argument
is that the title was accepted to signify the difference with the other beyliks.54
Furthermore the founder of the Germiyanids Yakup, son of Ali was recorded in a
letter of possession, temlikname with the title khan.55 As seen from these examples, it
is clear that the title of khan was used by the founders of beyliks in the region. We
also have a similar record about Osman Beg whose name was written as The Sultan
50

Fleischer, Turco-Mongolian Monarchic Tradition, p. 283.


bn Battuta, bn Battuta Seyahatnamesi, I, ev. A. Sait Aykut, stanbul: Yap Kredi
Yaynlar, 2000, p. 430.
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid., pp. 427-428.
54
Zachariadou, Karesi ve Osmanl Beylikleri: ki Rakip Devlet, Osmanl Beylii, pp. 247, 254.
55
Uzunarl, Anadolu Beylikleri, p. 44.
51

84

Osman Khan Ghazi in the waqfiyya of Aspura Khatun, wife of Orhan Ghazi.56
This is an official document and there is no need to comment it.
In addition to these records about the existence of the khanship in the
frontier zone of Anatolia, we can also state that the social structure was, too,
suitable for such a political formation. It is known that one of the main human
sources of the Germiyanids the nomads of avdar tribe, Tatar in origin, were the
neighbours of the Ottomans in the region.57 We can say that they were the
followers of the Steppe Culture since they were nomads. In this respect not only
the Turcomans but also the Mongols had part in forming the nomadic sociopolitical structure of the region. Especially the characteristics of relations between
the Ottomans and Germiyanids or Turcoman Ottomans and Tatar avdars caused
to feel evidently the presence of the nomadic world.58
It seems inevitable that the Steppe Culture took the place of existing political
tradition and the sources of legitimacy when the Seljukid dynasty was ended
politically, legally and practically. The institution of khanship produced its political
instruments and gave them function. The leading instrument is the task of lineage
of the dynasty. For this reason it is a reasonable and persuasive effort in the
political situation of the time for the Ottomans to put forward the line of Gk Alp,
son of Oghuz Kagan, in front of the lineage of the family of Seljuk.59 Moreover
the most influential legal instrument to provide devotion to the khan was the law of
dynasty. When they built this instrument and needed to use it, they found a suitable
ground formed by the Yasa of Chingiz Khan. Bithynia, neither controlled by the
Mongols or the Seljukids belonged to Osman Ghazi as right of sword according
to the nomadic tradition and law of Osman would be established here.
The edict of the Abbasid caliph in Bagdad sanctioned once the legitimacy of
the Seljukid family on the throne, now the law of the Ottoman dynasty took its
place and approved their legal right to the throne. The religion, the state and the
military bureaucracy were enthroning the sultans. However the khans were coming
to power by the support of his tribe and men. For this reason the Seljukid sultans
never used the title of khan and published any codes of law.
The Ottoman institutions could imitate the traditional Iranian or Byzantine
bureaucracy as the state became more centralized, however, it is an undeniable
reality that the Ottoman rulers had adopted the title of khan during the history of
the empire. Like that, one of the last official historians Ahmet Ltfi Efendi
(d. 1907) records the titles of the rulers as Sultan XXX Khan like Akpaazade
about four ceturies earlier.60
56

nalck, Kurulu, p. 171.


Mustafa etin Varlk, Germiyanoullar Tarihi, 1300-1429, Ankara: Atatrk niversitesi
Yaynlar, 1974.
58
Ner Tarih-i Cihn-nm, p. 123.
59
Aldo Gallotta, Ouz Efsanesi ve Osmanl Devletinin Kkeleri: Bir nceleme, Osmanl
Beylii, p. 45.
60
Ahmet Ltfi Efendi, Vakanvis Ahmet Ltfi Efendi Tarihi, I-VIII, stanbul: Yap Kredi
Yaynlar, 1999.
57

85

CONCLUSION
Early Ottomans who were organized under the nomadic social structure
expressed their political presence with the tradition of khanship. Although the
tradition was living in social memory and cultural heritage of the nomads, its
applications were transferred to the region by the Ilkhanid rule and possessed new
characteristics peculiar to the period. Furthermore the tradition was adopted to the
Iranian-Islamic culture of the Middle East and became ready to use as a model
accepted by the Muslim societies.
The most important development that coincedes with the process is the
collapse of Caliphate by the Ilkhanids and the Seljukid dynastys loosing its
legitimacy. Henceforth there was no any religious and political instituion that
would approve the legitimacy of dynasties in the Middle East. Under these
circumstances the source of legitimacy that would consent the power of the early
Ottomans was the tradition of khanship of the Steppe Culture. Established law of
the dynasty, that is to say Law of Ottomans, Kanun-i Osman, became the legal
basis for the dynasty.
Consequently, we can maintain that in forming of the Turkish Identity in
Anatolia the Mongols / Ilkhanids had played the most significant role. Their cruel
policy against the Turcomans was resulted in a positive manner in the long term.
National-religious Turcoman Identity formed in this period not only succeeded in
saving its presence against the powerful Iranian-Islamic culture in the Middle East,
but also functioned as a ferment in the establishment of one of the strongest
empires in Modern Ages.

86

Pices apotropaques de lpoque


de la Horde dOr dcouvertes en Moldavie
EUGEN NICOLAE
Les objets apotropaques que nous allons prsenter proviennent des vestiges
des agglomrations urbaines de lpoque de la Horde dOr dOrheiul Vechi
(Trebujeni, district dOrhei, Rpublique de Moldavie) et de Costeti (district de
Ialoveni, Rpublique de Moldavie). Ils peuvent aider mieux dfinir ces
agglomrations, encore trs peu connues en ce qui concerne lorigine, la
chronologie, la topographie et les institutions, en absence dinformations des
sources crites. Ltude des trouvailles montaires a permis de localiser Orheiul
Vechi la Ville Neuve (Yangi-ehr ou ehr al-cedid dans les inscriptions
montaires)1 et dtablir que les communauts islamiques installes ici par le khan
Abdallah (1362-1369), qui soutint un vaste programme de constructions, furent
dissipes en 1369 comme suite dune attaque commande par le gouverneur local,
identifi avec le prince Dmtrios2, quand le pays se spara du systme politique
de la Horde dOr. Dans les deux agglomrations, la vie a continu sous des formes
plus modestes aprs 1369 et lextension du pouvoir des princes de Moldavie dans
la rgion, atteste par les sources crites de la dernire dcennie du XIVe sicle,
dtermina le changement rapide et profond de la culture matrielle3.
1
S.A. Janina, Novyj Gorod (= Jangi-ehr = ehr al-dedid) monetnyj dvor Zolotoj Ordy i
ego mestopoloenie, Numizmatieskij Sbornik, V/1, Moscou, 1977, p. 193-212 et 235-236, pl. 15-16.
Les doutes exprims par certains sur la localisation Orheiul Vechi sont annules par les rsultats
rcents de ltude des types montaires de latelier de la Ville Neuve et par la concentration dans ce
site des dcouvertes de ses missions enregistres les dernires dcennies.
2
Eugen Nicolae, Quelques considrations sur les monnaies tatares de la Ville Neuve ,
Studii i Cercetri de Numismatic, 11 (1995), 1997, p. 197-200; idem, Dve monety finalnoj stadii
zolotoordynskogo gospodstva k zapadu ot Dnestra, Stratum plus, 1999, 6, p. 143; idem, Monedele de
cupru btute n Oraul Nou (ehr al-cedid), dans Simpozion de numismatic, Chiinu, 24-26
septembrie 2002, Comunicri, studii i note, Bucarest, 2003, p. 167-179; idem, Monedele ttreti din
tezaurul de la Sseni, raionul Clrai, Republica Moldova, dans Simpozion de numismatic,
Chiinu, 29 septembrie-2 octombrie 2004, Comunicri, studii i note, Bucarest, 2007, p. 183-210.
3
On considrait jusque rcemment quOrheiul Vechi na pas t habit de 1369 jusquau
dbut du XVe sicle, mais cela a t infirm par lexamen des dcouvertes montaires: Eugen
Nicolae, Gheorghe Postic, Cteva monede descoperite la Orheiul Vechi, dans Simpozion de
numismatic, Chiinu, 28-30 mai 2000, Comunicri, studii i note, Bucarest, 2001, p. 135-140;
Eugen Nicolae, Le monnayage en Bessarabie dans la deuxime moiti du XIVe sicle, dans XIII
Congreso Internacional de Numismtica, Madrid-2003, Actas, I, d. Carmen Alfaro, Carmen Marcos
et Paloma Otero, Madrid, 2005, p. 1369; idem, Invazia asprilor otomani i riposta lui tefan cel
Mare: emisiunile moldoveneti de tip otoman, Acta Moldaviae Septentrionalis, 4, 2005, p. 125-126;
idem, La pntration des aspres ottomans dans les Pays Roumains aux XIVe-XVIe sicles, Bulletin du

87

Les deux sites archologiques ont fourni beaucoup dobjets exprimant la vie
spirituelle, mais une bonne partie furent dissipes dans le commerce dantiquits et
entrrent dans des collections prives. Nous avons dj publi ou discut quelques
remarquables objets portant des inscriptions ou des symboles magiques dcouverts
Orheiul Vechi au cours des fouilles archologiques4. On enrichit maintenant ce
dossier en prsentant deux bagues (nos. 1-2) et trois monnaies transformes en
objets apotropaques (nos. 3-5). Elles expriment le caractre spcifique de ces
agglomrations de lpoque de la Horde dOr, qui runissaient des pratiquants de
diffrentes confessions.
1. Bague dcor pseudo-coufique (syndrome tall-short-tall). Argent coul,
grav, dor, (probablement) niell ; 2,19 g; hauteur 20,52 mm; largeur 19,17 mm;
largeur du chaton 9,75 mm. Dforme et casse en trois lieux (soude provisoirement
pour la photographie). Datation: XIVe sicle (avant 1369). Collection prive. Trouve
Orheiul Vechi (fig. 1).

Fig. 1. Bague en vermeil. Orheiul Vechi.

Les bagues la tte en forme damande sont trs rpandues dans le monde
musulman au XIVe sicle5. La tte de cette bague prsente un dcor en relief
Cercle dtudes Numismatiques, 44, 2007, 1, p. 305. Les fouilles rcentes ont surpris des vestiges
datant de lintervalle 1370-1400: Gheorghe Postic, Orheiul Vechi, Cercetri arheologice 1996-2001,
Iai, 2006.
4
Eugen Nicolae, Pavel Brnea, Un ornament pseudo-cufic, dans Simpozion de numismatic,
Chiinu, 13-15 mai 2001, Comunicri, studii i note, Bucarest, 2002, p. 151-169; iidem, Platoul lui
Ali (Orheiul Vechi, secolul al XIV-lea), dans Studii i cercetri de turcologie contemporan, Omagiu
profesorului Mihai Maxim, coord. Clin Felezeu, Cluj-Napoca, 2004, p. 33-39; Eugen Nicolae,
Inscripia funerar din secolul al XIV-lea descoperit la Orheiul Vechi n 1986, dans Simpozion de
numismatic, Chiinu, 26-28 noiembrie 2003, Comunicri, studii i note, Bucarest, 2005, p. 81-88.
5
Voir Marian Wenzel, Ornament and amulet, Rings of the Islamic Lands, dans la srie The
Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic art, XVI, diteur gnral Julian Raby, Londres-Oxford, 1993,

88

compos dun ornement pseudo-coufique inclus dans un cartouche form de


torsades (en haut et en bas) et dcussons aux trfles ( gauche et droite, vers les
paules). Le dcor en relief conserve des traces de la dorure; le champ tait
lorigine niell. Chaque extrmit du cartouche continue sur lpaule triangulaire
par un pdoncule qui lunit une bosse losangique, ce qui cre limpression que la
tte ait t applique sur lanneau. Cet effet est renforc par le champ des paules,
grav et lorigine probablement niell, mettant en vidence, par contraste, les
bosses losangiques dores. Par cette caractristique et par la prsence dune bosse
sur la partie infrieure de lanneau, notre pice rappelle les bagues spectaculaires
aux lments appliqus (collage rings) et surtout les pices qui imitent cette
technique (pseudo-collage rings)6. Quelques analogies concernant la forme de la
bague et la conception du dcor suggrent un modle provenant de lgypte ou de
la Syrie7. La forme de la tte et la ralisation en relief de lornement pseudocoufique rappelle aussi les bagues-sceaux destines lapplication lencre (inkseals) et leurs imitations, trs rpandues lpoque mongole8.
Lornement pseudo-coufique est driv de linscription Allah, appartenant la
catgorie appele syndrome tall-short-tall par Richard Ettinghausen, qui le dcrit ainsi:
It is generally composed of two framing uprights set to the right and left,
which may have as decorative additions the wedges or hooks of ornate Kfic
placed at their upper ends, while between them a lower, more exuberant unit
usually rests on an arched or hollowed-out base.9
Ce syndrome, dont lorigine fut reconnue dans les inscriptions de lOrient
Arabe o la liaison entre les lettres lm tait amplifie par dlments dcoratifs
surtout vgtaux, sest rpandu ds le XIe sicle dans lart byzantin, occidental et
de lAsie Centrale, tant trs utilis aux XIIe-XIIIe sicles, pour disparatre ensuite
tant en Occident quen Orient, tout comme lcriture coufique10. Lornement de la
bague dOrheiul Vechi est trs proche de quelques exemples de lart mdival
occidental prsents par R. Ettinghausen, choisis du rpertoire de Kurt Erdmann11
(fig. 2). Les rgions du Bas-Danube sinscrivent donc dans le large espace de
diffusion de ce syndrome, avec la prcision que la bague dOrheiul Vechi nest pas
une dcouverte singulire nous avons eu loccasion dexaminer dautres pices
dcor similaire provenant de Bessarabie, appartenant des collections prives.
Dans lespace de la Horde dOr on utilisait aussi lpoque des bagues avec
linscription Allah nettement figure, comme cest le cas de la clbre bague en or
dcouverte dans une tombe de lglise princire moldave de Rdui, dpartement
nos. 258-259, 262-265, 276-278, 297-305; G.A. Fyodorov-Davydov, The culture of the Golden Horde
cities, BAR International Series 198, Oxford, 1984, p. 232.
6
Marian Wenzel, op.cit., p. 61-62, 219, 231 et 234.
7
Ibidem, p. 94-95, nos. 276 (division du cartouche inspire des blasons mameluks), 332 et
341 (dcor des paules).
8
Ibidem, p. 62-63 et 229.
9
Richard Ettinghausen, Kufesque in Byzantine Greece, the Latin West and the Muslim World,
dans A Colloquium in Memory of George Carpenter Miles (1904-1975), New York, 1976, p. 29.
10
Ibidem, p. 28-47, avec la littrature cite.
11
Ibidem, p. 30, fig. 3.

89

Fig. 2. Exemples de dcor de type syndrome tall-short-tall dans lart mdival europen (daprs R.
Ettinghausen et K. Erdmann).

de Suceava12. Une dcouverte de la rgion de la Basse-Volga, Selitrennoe,


suggre quon produisait en srie des bagues de cette catgorie en matriaux
12

Lia Btrna, Adrian Btrna, O mrturie arheologic despre relaiile internaionale ale
Moldovei n vremea lui Bogdan I, Studii i Cercetri de Istorie Veche i Arheologie, 34, 1983, 4, p.
326-333. Les auteurs ont prpar la publication dtaille des rsultats des fouilles, avec de nouveaux
commentaires historiques, iidem, Biserica Sfntul Nicolae din Rdui. Cercetri arheologice i
interpretri istorice asupra nceputurilor rii Moldovei (sous presse); pour la bague apotropaque
voir les chapitres XII. Consideraii artistice cu privire la inelul descoperit n mormntul voievodului
Lacu et XIII. O mrturie arheologic despre relaiile internaionale ale Moldovei n vremea
voievodului Lacu. Nous remercions les auteurs pour la permission de consulter le manuscrit du
dernier ouvrage cit.

90

communs13. La prsence dun alf supplmentaire droite de linscription unissant les


cts du cartouche en amande des bagues trouves Selitrennoe, amena lide quon a
voulu suggrer un poisson, sans pouvoir expliquer la signification apotropaque dun
tel symbole en milieu islamique14. Comme le cartouche en amande est frquemment
utilis lpoque (sur dautres objets aussi, par exemple sur des missions
montaires15), on doit envisager dautres explications; il pourrait reprsenter plutt
lil , en tant que symbole complexe dans la mystique musulmane16.
2. Tte de bague dcor pseudo-coufique (syndrome Poieneti). Bronze
coul, grav ( lorigine probablement argent); 2,73 g; diamtre 17,3 mm; paisseur
1,57 mm. Datation: XIVe-XVe sicles. Collection prive. Trouve Costeti (fig. 3).

Fig. 3. Tte de bague en bronze. Costeti.

Le dcor grav sur cette tte discodale de bague inclut une figure centrale
laspect de deux trapzes runis leurs bases courtes, accompagne en haut, en bas
et latralement par quatre figures angulaires trois ou quatre lignes parallles
lune des bases. On peut reconnatre dans ce dcor banal une forme trs stylise de
lornement pseudo-coufique appel syndrome Poieneti, daprs une bague en
vermeil dcouverte dans une tombe de la ncropole mdivale de Poieneti,
dpartement de Vaslui (Roumanie), avec une monnaie moldave de Pierre I (13751391) (fig. 4/3)17. Des bagues des XVe-XVIe sicles au mme syndrome furent
dcouvertes en Moldavie, dans le trsor de Schinetea, dpartement de Vaslui
(fig. 4/4)18, en Valachie, Berca, dpartement de Buzu (fig. 4/5)19, et dans la
13
L.L. Galkin, Perstni-amulety s Selitrennogo gorodia, Sovetskaja Arheologija, 1972, 3,
p. 360-363.
14
Ibidem. Voir un cartouche aspect similaire chez Marian Wenzel, op.cit., p. 86-87 et 230,
no. 230 (bague du XIVe sicle provenant du Nord-Ouest de lIran).
15
Voir quelques types en cuivre de latelier de Crime de la Horde dOr, chez Valentin
Petrovi Lebedev, Katalog monet Kryma v sostave Zolotoj Ordy (ser. XIII-na. XV v.), Vestnik
Odesskogo Muzeja Numizmatiki, no. 2, Odessa, 2000, p. 26-27 et 44, nos. 57-59.
16
Jean Chevalier, Alain Gheerbrant, Dicionar de simboluri, II, E-O, Bucarest, 1994, p. 364-365.
17
Mircea Babe, Nicolae Mirioiu, Necropola medieval de la Poieneti, mormntul 729,
annexe chez Eugen Nicolae, Pavel Brnea, Un ornament . . ., p. 157-169.
18
Ruxandra Alaiba, Tezaurul de la Schinetea, jud. Vaslui, Arheologia medieval, 4, 2002,
p. 140-141, no. 4.1.6 et p. 173, fig. 14/5.
19
Eugen Nicolae, Pavel Brnea, Un ornament . . ., p. 156-157, fig. 6.

91

Fig. 4. Dcor dune assiette dOrheiul Vechi (1), la forme dploye de son ornement pseudocoufique (2) et le syndrome Poieneti sur des bagues dcouvertes Poieneti (3), Schinetea (4),
Berca (5) et Giuleti (6-7).

ncropole de Giuleti, dpartement de Maramure (fig. 4/6-7)20. Le prototype de ce


syndrome fut identifi dans un ornement figur sur des assiettes de lpoque de la
Horde dOr trouves Orheiul Vechi, qui runit linscription pseudo-coufique
Muhammad au sceau de Salomon (fig. 4/1-2)21. Le dcor de ces assiettes produites
20
21

Radu Popa, Cnezatul Marei, Baia Mare, 1970, p. 37-38 et fig. 15/e-f.
Eugen Nicolae, Pavel Brnea, Un ornament . . ., p. 151-154, fig. 1-2.

92

Orheiul Vechi avant 1369 avait sans doute une fonction apotropaque. Ce
symbole complexe a dgnr en simple ornement, en perdant sa fonction
originaire, tout comme le syndrome tall-short-tall discut plus haut. La stylisation
accentue du motif sur la pice trouve Costeti suggre la possibilit que celle-ci
ait t confectionne aprs 1369. Comme la vie dans lagglomration a continu,
selon quelques dcouvertes montaires indites, jusque vers le milieu du XVe
sicle, nous la datons provisoirement aux XIVe-XVe sicles. Laspect fruste du
dcor montre quil sagit dune bague-sceau, ce qui vient lappui des considrations
sur le syndrome Poieneti.
La diffusion du syndrome Poieneti en milieu chrtien dans les Pays Roumains
sexpliquerait uniquement par le fait quil devint emblme pour des familles de
laristocratie locale dont les ascendants possdaient lpoque de la Horde dOr des
bagues de ce type. La carrire de cet ornement pseudo-coufique contredit lide
traditionnelle du dpeuplement des rgions spares de lempire oriental en 1369 et
tmoigne de lassimilation dans la culture et la civilisation roumaine mdivale de
quelques lments de lpoque de la domination de la Horde dOr.
3. Monnaie en cuivre au sceau de Salomon utilise comme talisman.
Type Lebedev22 M35; AE 1,52 g; 21,4x19,4 mm; perfore. Datation: XIVe sicle
(avant 1369). Collection prive. Trouve Costeti (fig. 5).

Fig. 5. Talisman (monnaie-pendentif). Costeti.

Fig. 6. Dcor dune bague en tain. Costeti.

La forte puissance magique protectrice quon attribuait au sceau de Salomon


dans le monde musulman, explique le fait quon perforait les monnaies sur
22

Valentin Petrovi Lebedev, op.cit.

93

lesquelles il tait figur pour les utiliser comme talismans. Plusieurs pices
similaires ont t dcouvertes Costeti. Ce symbole, observ plus haut au
prototype du syndrome Poieneti, tait figur aussi sur des bagues apotropaques,
comme le prouve le dcor dune bague en tain de lpoque de la Horde dOr,
trouve toujours Costeti (fig. 6)23.
4. Monnaie en cuivre tamga transforme en talisman. Type Lebedev
M49; AE 1,38 g; 18 mm; au bord dcoup. Datation: XIVe sicle (avant 1369).
Collection prive. Trouve Costeti (fig. 7).

Fig. 7. Talisman (monnaie au bord dcoup).


Costeti (1); dessin du type montaire Lebedev M49 (2).

On ne connat pas danalogies pour ce talisman confectionn dune monnaie


frappe Krm pour le khan Ouzbek (1312-1341). Le bord de la monnaie a t
dcoup en formant huit lobes. Les cartouches lobs et les rosettes sont utiliss
dans le rpertoire ornemental de lpoque de la Horde dOr, mais ceci ne suffit pas
identifier la confession du possesseur. Il semble que celui-ci a t attir par le
tamga du revers, dont le pouvoir magique a t renforc par le dcoupage qui
rpte le cartouche polylob. Il pourrait donc sagir dun non-musulman.
5. Monnaie en cuivre transforme en croisette-pendentif. Type Janina24
31v; 0,99 g; 17 mm; dcoupe en forme de croix grecque et perfore. Datation:
XIVe sicle (avant 1369). Collection prive. Trouve Orheiul Vechi (fig. 8).
Cette remarquable croisette-pendentif a t confectionne dune monnaie en
cuivre, dcoupe et perfore. La monnaie est au type anonyme la rosette sur
lavers de latelier de Saray al-cedid. On reconnat aisment la rosette du droit et la
lgende du revers, sans pouvoir prciser lanne de lhgire. La plupart des pices
de ce type ont t frappes sous le khan Canibek, dans la priode 1350-1357, mais
23

Eugen Nicolae, Pavel Brnea, Un ornament . . ., p. 155, fig. 3.


S.A. Janina, Monety Zolotoj Ordy iz raskopok i sborov Povolskoj Arheologieskoj Ekspedicii na
Carevskom Gorodie, dans Povolie v srednie veka, Moscou, 1970, p. 201-203.
24

94

Fig. 8. Croisette-pendentif (monnaie dcoupe et perfore).


Orheiul Vechi (1); dessin du type montaire Janina 31v (2).

aussi plus tard, lpoque des luttes civiles25. Elles sont les plus nombreuses dans
les dcouvertes montaires du troisime quart du XIVe sicle des villes de la Horde
dOr. On a dmontr quil y en a des imitations, produites soit dans dautres
ateliers officiels soit dans des ateliers clandestins26. Notre pice nest pas trs use,
ce qui montre quelle na longtemps circul ni comme monnaie ni comme
pendentif et permet de la dater avant lattaque sur la ville orientale de 1369. Il y a
dautres indices quon utilisait lpoque les anciennes monnaies en cuivre, dont la
plupart taient de ce type, comme matire premire dans les ateliers de ehr alcedid. Ainsi, pendant les fouilles archologiques dans la zone centrale de la ville
(les environs du bazar et de la mosque), on a rcupr des monnaies coupes avec
le ciseau: Muse dOrheiul Vechi, inv. 2 (trouve louest de la mosque, dans
lhabitation 44) et 9 (au nord de la route vers Trebujeni, dans une habitation) et
25

Ibidem, p. 194-218.
V.B. Klokov, V.P. Lebedev, Zagadki novosarajskogo ekana mednyh monet v Zolotoj
Orde, dans Sedmaja Vserosijskaja Numismatieskaja Konferencija, Jaroslavl, 19-23 aprelja 1999,
(rsums des communications), Moscou, 1999, p. 64-67; iidem, Monetnoe obraenie
zolotoordynskogo goroda Beldamen, dans Drevnosti Povolja i drugih regionov, vypusk III,
Numizmatieskij Sbornik, tom II, Ninij Novgorod, 2000, p. 87-94; iidem, Monetnyj kompleks s
Selitrennogo gorodia (Zolotaja Orda, g. Saraj), dans Drevnosti Povolja i drugih regionov, vypusk
IV, Numizmatieskij Sbornik, tom III, Ninij Novgorod, 2002, p. 148-150; Eugen Nicolae, Bogdan
Costin, Monede din secolele XIII-XIV descoperite n Dobrogea, Buletinul Societii Numismatice
Romne, 92-97 (1998-2003), 2003, p. 183; Eugen Nicolae, Le monnayage . . ., p. 1369 et 1371; V.P.
Lebedev, V.V. Smirnov, Novosarajskie puly s cvetonoj rozetkoj iz Kryma i Azova, dans Trudy
Medunarodnoj Numizmatieskoj Konferencii Monety i denenoe obraenie v mongolskih
gosudarstvah XIII-XV vekov , III MNK-Staryj Krym, 3-9 oktjabrja 2004, Moscou, 2005, p. 24-30;
Eugen Nicolae, Roxana Bugoi, Bogdan Constantinescu, Compositional analyses of some Golden
Horde period copper coins, dans Studia archeologiae et historiae antiquae, Doctissimo viro
Scientiarum Archeologiae et Historiae Ion Niculi, anno septuagesimo aetatis suae, dedicatur,
Chiinu, 2009, p. 385-392.
26

95

Muse Archologique de lInstitut dArchologie de Chiinu, inv. 379b (pice


ayant laspect dun crou, par le dcoupage dun disque de la partie centrale
trouve lextrieur de la mosque, louest), 465a (entre le bazar et la mosque),
778 (dans latelier de bijoutier adoss au bazar) et 989 (au nord du bazar, au-del
de la route vers Trebujeni)27. On prsume quon utilisait une telle matire premire
dans latelier de bijoutier adoss au mur ouest du bazar, proximit du coin nordouest de ldifice28. Par laspect disharmonieux de ses bras, notre croisette est une
ralisation de basse qualit, faite la hte, probablement par lun des membres du
personnel de quelque atelier, pour son propre usage ou celui de sa famille.
La croisette-pendentif reprsente une nouvelle preuve de lexistence des
chrtiens dans lagglomration urbaine de lpoque de la Horde dOr dOrheiul
Vechi. Nous rappelons quon a rcupr de la strate archologique correspondant
cette poque deux monnaies byzantines en cuivre du XIe sicle, dont lune avait t
utilise comme pendentif et lautre comme petite icne 29.

27
Ces donnes ont t enregistres en 1997-1999, loccasion dune vrification de
lensemble des dcouvertes montaires des anciennes fouilles, effectue avec le regrett P. Brnea.
Les collections du Muse Archologique de lInstitut ont t ultrieurement transfres au Muse
National dArchologie et dHistoire de Moldavie.
28
Voir sur cet atelier P.P. Brnea, Juvelirnaja masterskaja XIV v. iz Starogo Orheja,
Arheologieskie Issledovanija v Moldavii (1973 g.), Chiinu, 1977, p. 229-241 et Pavel Brnea,
Tatiana Reaboi, Eugen Nicolae, Nicolae Telnov, Materiale arheologice relative la economia
monetar din epoca Hoardei de Aur descoperite la Orheiul Vechi, dans Simpozion de numismatic,
Chiinu, 28-30 mai 2000, Comunicri, studii i note, Bucarest, 2001, p. 142-147.
29
Pavel Brnea, Tatiana Reaboi, Eugen Nicolae, Nicolae Telnov, op.cit., p. 145-146.

96

De la ttari la otomani:
mutaii n reeaua comerului pontic
la mijlocul secolului XIV
VIRGIL CIOCLTAN
ntre principalele schimbri petrecute n reeaua comerului din Marea
Neagr la mijlocul secolului XIV sunt de amintit nchiderea drumurilor mongole,
prin Ilhanat i prin Hoarda de Aur, precum i modificarea raporturilor de fore la
Strmtori. Ele formeaz tema studiului de fa. Repercusiunile lor n ansamblul
bazinului pontic vor forma obiectul altei analize.
I. NCHIDEREA DRUMULUI PRIN ILHANAT
Pornind din Trapezunt, aflat sub stpnire Marilor Comneni, marea rut
comercial a Ilhanatului ajungea la metropola comercial a statului mongol din Iran,
Tabriz, unde se desfcea n trei direcii: spre est i spre vest negustorii urmau celebrul
Drum al Mtsii, iar spre sud pn la Ormuz, unde soseau spieriile i mirodeniile din
bazinul Oceanului Indian. Aceast rut a fost deosebit de frecventat de negustorii
italieni, n special genovezi, n primele trei decenii ale secolului XIV.
Condiiile fundamentale asigurate de ilhani pentru creterea schimbului de
mrfuri au fost ct se poate de mbietoare pentru oamenii de afaceri din Apus: pe
lng securitate, ei au contribuit activ prin dou prghii la formarea unor preuri
competitive ale produselor aduse din ndeprtatul Iran pe pieele din bazinul Mrii
Mediterane, unde pe multe dintre ele, mai ales spierii, le atepta cea mai dur
concuren din partea articolelor oferite n porturile apropiatului Egipt1.
Cea dinti a constat n moderaia taxelor percepute pe teritoriul statului ttar2, a
doua nu mai puin important n libertatea acordat strinilor de a traversa Persia
1

Dac se are n vedere c transportul pe mare ieftinea marfa, iar cel pe uscat o scumpea,
este de neles c exploatarea vamal a tranzitului comercial peste cea mai scurt punte de pmnt ntre
cele dou mari bazine cu produse complementare, anume ntre Oceanul Indian i Marea Mediteran,
aducea statului mameluc beneficii fr pereche n lumea cunoscut situaie descris n urmtoarele
cuvinte de SanuL 23: Per magnam vero commoditatem navigii sive dextrum, quam vel quod habent
Saraceni, maior pars speciariae et aliorum mercimoniorum quae ab India conducuntur ad Occidens, ab
ista parte [= Cairo] in Alexandriam conducuntur; de quibus percepit Soldanus in diversis locis tantum
de thelloneo quod tertium valoris omnium specierum aerarium suum intrat, propter quod thezaurizat,
preter immensam utilitatem quam mercatores et populi sui exinde consequuntur. Comparativ, spieriile
aduse n Europa apusean erau dezavantajate economic i de lungimea superioar a drumului prin
Ilhanat i prin Marea Neagr.
2
La care se adaug, firete, cele din Trapezunt: nsumate grosso modo, ele par s fi fost sub 10%
din valoarea produsului vmuit (vezi CiocM 125 n. 213).

97

pentru a se aproviziona direct de la surse3, ceea ce sporea profitul negustorului


proporional cu reducerea numrului de intermediari. Prin aceste dou msuri, ilhanii
au inut economic n via drumul iranian mai lung i mai costisitor al mirodeniilor
dect artera rival plin de vigoare a Egiptului4.
Dei aceast nfptuire, obinut de suveranii mongoli prin conlucrare cu
negustorii apuseni constituie o performan n sine tocmai prin caracterul ei
artificial, ponderaia taxelor percepute pe circulaia mrfurilor, impus de natura i
dimensiunile drumului creat, a avut urmri dintre cele mai nefaste asupra bugetului
extrem de plpnd al statului. ncepnd cu criza din anul 1294, cnd prin introducerea
forat a bancnotelor de hrtie s-a cutat o soluie falimentar i ea de redresare a
finanelor Ilhanatului, decalajul ntre micile venituri i marile cheltuieli, frnat
vremelnic de reformele lui Ghazan, a sporit irepresibil sub succesorii si, astfel c la
moarte ultimului dintre ei, Abu Sa`id, n 1335 statul se afla n stare de bancrut i a
fcut desigur i din alte cauze implozie5.
Unul dintre simptomele prevestitoare de ru att pentru activitatea comercial
n Ilhanat, ct i pentru existena statului este sugerat de incapacitatea puterii centrale
de a organiza un sistem de desfurare a negoului apt, pe de o parte, s-l protejeze
eficient pe negustor, iar, pe de alta, s rein integral veniturile din exploatarea
negoului cuvenite destinatarului legiuit, ilhanul6. Parazitat din ce n ce mai intens de
corupia generalizat, baza economic a ultimilor suverani mongoli din Iran s-a
ngustat progresiv i, mpreun cu ea, putina de a-i plti pe agenii nsrcinai cu
ndeplinirea funciilor vitale ale statului.
Deznodmnt inevitabil al acestei eroziuni, prbuirea Ilhanatului, a antrenat
din cauza sistrii funciei sale de furnizor de securitate dezastrul, la fel de implacabil
i n tagma unora dintre cei mai de seam contribuabili i beneficiari ai acestui
serviciu: negustorii. Ct de conjugat le-a fost destinul cu cel al cinghizhanizilor din
Persia demonstreaz i tentativele postilhanide ale genovezilor i ale veneienilor de a
reveni pe vechiul drum al Tabrizului.
n urma fragmentrii statului mongol, metropola iranian a czut n lotul
ciobanidului Hasan (1337-1343), a crui politic comercial simplist a constat n
3

Prin privilegiul din 1320 acordat veneienilor, ilhanul le ngduie s mearg in tute parte del
nostro Imperio (DVL I 173), dar cu siguran i dincolo de hotarele lui atitudine evideniat, pe lng
numeroasele mrturii care surprind prezena negustorilor italieni n Oceanul Indian i n prile maritime
ale Chinei, i de SanuL 23 prin contrast cu cea a suveranilor mameluci: Soldanus vero per terras quas
tenet non permittit aliquem Christianum transire, qui in Indiam cupiat transfretare.
4
Aceast infirmitate congenital i remediul ei ilhanid sunt nfiate ntr-o clarvztoare ecuaie
cu vnjoasa arter concurent din Egipt de Marino Sanudo: Nam conductus mercium per hanc viam [din
Persia] magnas expensas sustinet de salmatio vel vectura et de commercio vel thelloneo modicas; sed a
partibus Aegypti, conductus mercium parum constat, propter dextrum et commoditatem fluminis, sed
solvitur maximus thelloneus, qui datur Soldano (SanuL 23); o comparaie orict de aproximativ arat c
n timp ce sultanul putea ridica vama pn la 33% din valoarea mrfii, ilhanul i mpratul Trapezuntului
trebuiau s se mulumeasc mpreun cu mai puin de 10% (vezi mai sus n. 2). Pentru a reduce cheltuielile
de transport, negustorii care mergeau n Iran i mai departe s-au specializat n comerul cu mercimonia
modici ponderis et magni pretii sive valoris (SanuL 23); vezi AshtH 264.
5
Vezi SpulM 107 urm.
6
Vezi CiocM 123 urm.

98

confiscarea samavolnic a mrfurilor. Pagubele i suferinele oamenilor de afaceri


genovezi au fost att de mari, nct comuna s-a vzut nevoit s recurg la msura
extrem n atari situaii: consilul celor Otto savi alla Navigazione a decretat mpotriva
Tabrizului n 1340 boicotul total, pe care l-a reiterat n 13427.
Acest devetum a avut consecine economice att de severe asupra bugetului
micului principat teritorial, nct noua lui cpetenie, Melik Aref, a trimis ndat dup
ce a luat puterea n 1344 o ambasad cu scopul de a promite autoritilor genoveze
despgubirea complet a celor prejudiciai de precursorul su i de a insista pentru
reluarea legturilor comerciale. Dup atta abstinen, negustorii liguri au dat n mas
curs invitaiei. Dac principele ciobanid a fost din capul locului de rea credin sau
doar la vederea bogiilor i-a pierdut cumptul nu se poate ti. Oricum, reflexul de
brigand a fost mai puternic dect simul statului, astfel c a procedat ntocmai ca i
predecesorul su, cu deosebirea c folosul material obinut din atacul banditesc asupra
negustorilor, dintre care muli au cunoscut cu acest prilej temniele Tabrizului, a fost
incomparabil mai consistent8.
Din ponosul genovezilor au tras nvtur veneienii. Marco Foscarini, bailul
republicii n Constantinopol, a primit n 1344 instruciuni s fie ct se poate de precaut
cu mesagerii lui Melik Aref, ceea ce demnitarul a i fcut: prudena sa a mpiedicat
ncheierea oricrui acord9.
Avansurile au fost reluate abia de sultanul gelairid Uveis din Bagdad, n al
crui patrimoniu se afla din 1357 i Azerbaigeanul. El a acreditat un ambasador la
Veneia i i-a invitat n 1369 pe cetenii ei s frecventeze iari piaa Tabrizului. n
scrisoarea de rspuns din august 1370, negustorii Serenissimei venii la Trapezunt i-au
adresat reprouri amare: de doi ani s-a format aici i crete zilnic cu noii venii pe
mare o magna carauana, care tot ateapt s vin dinspre Tabriz negustori pentru a se
convinge c drumul ntr-acolo este sigur. Rugminile de a interveni ca supuii
Veneiei s se bucure de aceeai pace pe calea dintre Trapezunt i Tabriz ca n timpul
lui Bonsaich, adic Abu Sa`id, par s fi rmas fr efect, nu pentru c eihul Uveis ar
fi fost insensibil la interesele veneienilor cu care se ngemnau n definitiv i ale
sale , ci pur i simplu pentru c era neputincios s asigure ordinea i sigurana pe ruta
dintre Trapezunt i Tabriz. Pentru a-i dovedi bunele intenii i pentru a-i ncuraja
interlocutorii, el cita n 1373, deci dup doi ani, pedeapsa aplicat unui rufctor,
care i prdase pe negustori10.
7

LopeL 393, LopeD 454, BautR 277, BalaR II 720, PeteM 569; vezi CiocM 117 n. 165 cazul lui
Tommasino Gentile, care a nclcat fr voia lui interdictul i era tras la rspundere n ianuarie 1344 de un
tribunal din Genova. Concomitent au nceput problemele i la Trapezunt, unde tulburrile interne din 1340
au artat slbiciunea autoritii mpratului: el nu a putut ine n fru dezlnuirea sentimentelor antilatine
ale populaiei greceti n 1344, exaltat de alungarea veneienilor i genovezilor din Tana; pai decisivi
pentru normalizarea relaiilor s-au fcut spre sfritul deceniului, dar n noul cadru care va rmne
aproape neschimbat pn la cderea Trapezuntului sub turcii osmani n 1463 nu va mai pulsa viaa
comercial din perioada ilhanid (GregB II 687, HeydH II 103-107, KarpI 85-85).
8
StelM 1081, HeydH II 129, PeteM 574.
9
PeteM 569; politica celor doi epigoni ciobanizi ai ilhanilor a fost la fel de antieconomic i fa
de proprii ageni comerciali, care i-au pus ndejdea izbvirii n Geanibek, hanul Hoardei de Aur (vezi
GrIaH 249-250 i CiocM 182-201).
10
DVL II 158-159, HeydH II 129-131, PeteM 569-570.

99

Veneienii n-au gsit garania suficient pentru a merge la Tabriz i s-au


hotrt s atepte vremuri mai bune. Ele nu au mai venit niciodat11.
II. NCHIDEREA DRUMULUI PRIN HOARDA DE AUR
Cea dinti concluzie tras din prezumia c revendicrile teritoriale n Iranul
lipsit de vlag vor putea fi satisfcute doar cu fore proprii l-a determinat pe Geanibek
s degradeze irevocabil relaia cu mamelucii din funcia de direcie politic major a
statului giucid. Aliana antiilhanid cu Egiptul i-a pierdut din unghiul intereselor
ttare orice nsemntate dup 1335.
Dispariia motivaiei politico-militare, care fusese pentru Sarai fora motric a
relaiei cu Egiptul, a pus sub semnul ntrebrii i latura subaltern, adic cea
economic, a acestei legturi. Exportul de sclavi o plag care sectuia din veacul
trecut Hoarda de Aur fusese consimit de hanii ttari doar ca un sacrificiu
indispensabil ntreinerii prieteniei cu sultanii din Cairo. Or, rostul acestei amiciii
pierind, a disprut odat cu el i considerentul care i mpiedicase pe naintaii lui
Geanibek s opreasc necontenitele pierderi demografice ale statului ttar.
Pe fundalul marcat de acest dezinteres i-a fcut apariia la civa ani dup
nscunarea hanului un factor necunoscut naintailor si, care a acionat tot n sensul
stoprii comerului cu sclavi: ciuma12. Dei proporiile ravagiilor nu sunt cunoscute,
ele se numr cu siguran n rndul cauzelor care au introdus ulusul giucid pe panta
ireversibilului ei declin13. Datorit acestui flagel, hemoragia cronic a Hoardei de
Aur a intrat n faz acut, ceea ce a impus msuri radicale de salvgardare a
potenialului ei uman.
Lipsit odat cu resotul politic, care a inut n via aliana antiilhanid, i de
principala ei component economic, adic de negoul cu robi, legtura ttarilor cu
mamelucii i-a pierdut orice relevan n planul relaiilor interstatale. n peste un
deceniu i jumtate, ct a msurat domnia lui Geanibek, au fost trimise numai dou
ambasade la Cairo: prima n 1342/3 pentru a anuna urcarea pe tron a noului han, a
doua pentru a comunica n 1357 cucerirea Tabrizului14. Ele au fost simple gesturi
de politee15.
11

Pentru consideraii referitoare la dezagregarea stucturii negoului oblduit de ilhani i la


sistemul comercial care i-a succedat, vezi InalQ 89 i ZachTT 356.
12
Geanibek catapulta cadavre de ciumai din oastea ttar, bntuit de epidemie, peste zidurile
Caffei asediate n 1345 (HeydH II 196, GrouE 483, SkrP 64-65, PeBaCi 175, SpinM 268, BassG 98);
porivit lui Ibn al-Ward/PoliC 231, ciuma a ptruns venind din Extremul Orient n ulusul giucid abia n
1346/7. Efectele rzboiului bacteriologic au fost neteptate: Caffa a rezistat, dar vasele ancorate n portul
ei au transportat, odat cu bolnavii, agenii patogeni n Egipt i n Europa apusean, unde au fcut
prpdul cunoscut (vezi ZakiO 91 i, pentru aspecte generale, HeckV, GasqD).
13
SafaR 107-108 conjectureaz: Ot posledstvij umy Zolotaja Orda dolgo ne mogla opravitsja.
Tolko v poslednie gody pravlenija Danibeka ona byla v sostojanii vozobnovit vojnu s Hulaguidami na
Kavkaze zakonivujusja vremennym prisoedineniem Azebajdana k Zolotoj Orde (vezi ZakiO 91).
14
TiesS I 255 (Viaa sultanului al-Malik an-Nsir), 427 (al-Maqrz), 498 (al-Ain).
15
SpulH 100: Es waren reine Hflichkeitsakte ohne praktischen Wert. Apreciere identic la
ZakiO 90 cu remarca suplimentar c scderea intensitii acestei relaii s-a datorat situaiei din Iran. n

100

Prin dezafectarea axei Sarai-Cairo, Geanibek a pus capt uneia dintre cele mai
nsemnate orientri politice a Hoardei de Aur, fixat cu aproape un secol n urm de
hanul Berke. Modificarea de fond a relaiilor ttaro-mameluce nu putea s nu se
repercuteze cu rigoarea dintotdeauna! asupra politicii pontice a statului giucid:
Geanibek a rupt i n acest domeniu cu trecutul.
Poate c n nici un alt cmp de exercitare a atribuiilor de suveran deosebirea
nu a fost att de evident ntre numitul han i printele su ca n politica fa de
genovezi i veneieni.
Dei prima msur, anume reconfirmarea ntocmai n 1342 a privilegiului
acordat cu un deceniu mai nainte de zbek veneienilor pentru Tana16, prea s arate
c fiul va clca pe urmele tatlui, Geanibek a prsit un an mai trziu n chip violent
echilibrata politic italian din a doua jumtate a domniei tatlui su, conceput s
controleze profitabil rivalitatea veneto-genovez.
Conform mrturiilor contemporane, una dintre frecventele ncierri petrecute
la Tana17, pornit de un veneian i soldat cu moartea unui ttar, a fost pictura care a
umplut n 1343 paharul rbdrii hanului : pentru a curma rul din rdcini, Geanibek a
hotrt izgonirea tuturor negustorilor italieni de pe rmul Mrii Negre aflat n
stpnirea sa18.
n majoritatea relatrilor privitoare la eveniment, decizia hanului este nfiat
ca efect al unui acces de furie cu finalitate justiiar19. Amploarea i elurile operaiilor
militare ordonate de Geanibek arat ns c uciderea lui Acamar20 poate fi apreciat
doar ca incident declanator al unei aciuni planificate la rece, al crei obiectiv
principal nu a fost n nici un chip restaurarea pcii mongole pe litoralul nord-pontic.
Dealtminteri, soluionarea litigiilor ntre veneieni i localnici n aezarea de la
vrsarea Donului nu era nicidecum de competena hanului, ci inea, potrivit tratatului
ncheiat n 1342, de atribuiile consulului i ale guvernatorului ttar al oraului,
obligai s delibereze simul sedentes21.
privina cauzei, SpulH ibidem, atribuie n mod complet greit nc de pe acum turcilor osmanli rolul de
stpni ai Stmtorilor, pe care l vor deine abia peste un veac: Die osmanischen Trken hatten groe
Teile Anatoliens erobert und griffen um 1354 nach Gallipoli ber, um sich von dort aus auf dem Balkan
auszubreiten. Dadurch wurde dem Qypaq der Weg durch die Meerengen abgeschnitten, seine
Beziehungen zu Byzanz und Bulgarien verloren fast ganz ihre Bedeutung. Was die Absperrung vom
Mittelmeer bedeutete, braucht kaum gesagt zu werden: der Weg nach gypten und damit die Verbindung
zur groen Politik an den Gestaden des Mittelmeeres war fast unterbrochen.
16
DVL I 261-263; vezi HeydH II 186, SkrS 10.
17
Vezi schimbul de scrisori pe aceast tem ntre dogii Genovei i Veneiei (DVL I 259-260).
18
Cum este de ateptat, evenimentul a fcut mult vlv, dovad c a fost nregistrat n
numeroase cronici: Stella, Dandolo, Dolfin, de Monacis, Sanudo, Gregoras, Cantacuzino (extrase din
sursele veneiene n DVL I 268; cea mai amnunit descriere a episodului bazat pe izvoarele menionate
la HeydH II 187 urm.; vezi i NyPV 31, BalaR I 154, PapaT 206).
19
W. Heyd a mbriat fr rezerve motivaia furnizat de izvoare: Geanibek-khan, outr du
meurtre commis sur un de ses sujets dans son propre pays, rsolut den finir une fois pour toutes avec les
colonies d'Occidentaux (HeydH II 187 urm.); BalaR I 154 consider c hanul a luat crima ca pretext
pentru a pune capt fraudelor vamale comise de genovezi i veneieni n paguba Hoardei de Aur.
20
RoccN 283; probabil, cum a presupus HeydH II 187, form corupt pentru Khogea Omar.
21
Vezi mai sus n. 16.

101

Curnd dup alungarea fr dificulti a occidentalilor din Tana22 i din


Soldaia23, inta originar, de cpti, a ntreprinderii ttare a fost perspicace sesizat de
ambasadorii Veneiei, obligai s cunoasc inteniile exacte ale hanului pentru a veni
n ntmpinarea lor cu propuneri de pace adecvate. Emisarii Serenissimei au reinut
din surse demne de ncredere c scopul primordial al lui Geanibek fusese de la bun
nceput distrugerea Caffei24.
Asediile, care au nceput n 1343 i au durat cu intermitene cel puin pn n
1346, au fost zadarnice25, dar ele demonstreaz obstinaia hanului de a lichida
aezarea fortificat de pe coasta Crimeii. Ceea ce i-a determinat ndrjirea nu este greu
de ghicit. Pe fondul dizolvrii definitive a alianiei ttaro-mameluce, Caffa (re)creat
de zbek n 1313 tocmai cu scopul de a servi aceast relaie special cu Egiptul26
contravenea att prin statut, ct i prin funcie intereselor Saraiului.
Semnificaia politic a operaiunilor militare din 1343 este ct se poate de
limpede: Geanibek a contestat armata manu regimul aezrii, adic autonomia ei,
conferit cu exact treizeci de ani n urm de tatl su. Caracterul tacit al concesiei
originare27 i-a vduvit ns pe negustorii Genovei de instrumentul juridic apt s
dovedeasc suveranitate republicii ligure la Caffa. De aceast caren s-au folosit
veneienii pentru a-i consolida poziia n tratativele cu venicii lor rivali, ajuni acum
aliai de nevoie28, i dac s-a mai mpiedicat de asemenea formalitate nainte de a
recurge la for hanul ttar.
22

Vezi HeydH II 187.


Principalii pgubii au fost veneienii, care aveau aici un consulat: n ciuda eforturilor de
redobndire a acestei poziii, pierderea a fost definitiv (pentru vicisitudinile prin care a trecut localitatea
n secolul XIV, vezi ThirR I 77, 82, NystT, NyPe4V 26-27, BalaR I 158, CiocR 590 n. 32, 591 n. 68).
24
Ei raportau din Caffa senatului veneian urmtoarele: ... per illud quod apparet omnimodo
Imperator intendit habere terram Gaffe et ista fuit sua intencio principalis primitus quando ipse disposuit
se transire flumen Til [= Volga] pro destruendo Gaffa et ad dapnum et destructionem omnium
Cristianorum. Et non credat vestra dominacio quod novitates quam fecit dominus Imperator fecisset pro
morte Acamar qui mortuus fuit in Tana ... sed principaliter propter destructionem Gaffe movit se dominus
Imperator, ut dictum est, et hoc nos simus per fratres minores et predicatores et multos gentilles homines
Ianuenses et isti IIIIor qui hic sunt pro communi Ianue habeunt pro certo quod ita sit veritas ... (RoccN
283; vezi PapaT 211).
25
Dup HeydH II 187-188, 195-196 au fost dou atacuri: n 1343 i 1346, acesta din urm
ncheiat fr speran de revenire; PeBaC 219 consider c dup primul asediu din 1434, pe care hanul a
fost obligat s-l ridice n 1344, au mai avut loc pn la sfritul deceniului alte dou asalturi, tot att de
neizbutite; vezi i PapaT 206 urm.
26
Vezi CiocM 158-181.
27
Ibidem.
28
n procesul verbal, dresat n octombrie 1344 de Marco Ruzzini i Giovanni Steno,
ambasadorii Veneiei aflai la Caffa, este evideniat poziia oficial a senatului fa de miezul
controversei, anume cui i aparinea de drept oraul, de care depindea reglementarea problemelor eseniale
ale comerului: Et si per vos dominos sindicos et ambaxatores communis Ianue vellet dicere quod
mercaciones possent fieri in Caffa, vollendo dicere ipsum Caffam esse communis Ianue et non
Imperatoris anibec, nos sindici et ambaxatores communis Veneciarum dicimus quod hoc dicere de
racione non potestis, cum commune Ianue habeat terram Caffe ab Imperatore cum certis condicionibus et
pactis et quod ipse dominus Imperator teneat in Caffa suos rectores et officialles qui faciunt iusticiam et
racionem in omnibus gentibus excepto quam in Ianuensibus, qui officialles etiam nomine ipsius domini
Imperatoris exigunt in dicto Caffa nomine comercli tria per centenario tam a Ianuensibus quam a
quibuscumque alliis personis, sicut proprie ipsi faciunt in Tana, ita quod commune Ianue in dicta terra
23

102

Al doilea izvor al tensiunii dup condiia de extrateritorialitate a Caffei care


sfida principial suveranitatea Saraiului a fost regimul comercial al metropolei
pontice, modificat de genovezi n contextul escaladrii conflictului cu ttarii.
O dat cu proclamarea fi a independenei29, colonitii republicii ligure au
decretat ca adevrai stpni ai aezrii obligaia pentru negustorii strini de a le plti
lor vama. Dei sursele menioneaz doar protestele veneienilor30, este de presupus c
aceast msur i-a afectat pe toi cei care fceau comer la Caffa, inclusiv pe supuii
Hoardei de Aur. Se pare ns c autoritile genoveze nu i-au expulzat pe oficialii
ttari i nici nu au lichidat vama imperial31, probabil pentru a nu compromite de tot
ndejdea ntr-un aranjament panic cu Geanibek.
Avantajul strategic de care beneficiau genovezii a fost contientizat de
Geanibek ndat ce trupele sale, nzestrate cu maini de asalt, i-au artat neputina n
faa zidurilor Caffei: el a neles c oraul-port nu va capitula ct vreme dinuiau
legturile sale maritime. Pornind de la acest considerent, hanul a luat o decizie unic
n istoria Hoardei de Aur: el a hotrt dotarea statului eminamente continental al
ttarilor cu mijloace navale.
Dup eecurile militare din 1343-134432, Geanibek a preconizat pentru
primvara anului urmtor o operaiune combinat, terestr i maritim, de anvergur.
Pentru a-i asigura succesul, el a dispus ca, simultan cu concentrarea n Solhat a
forelor de uscat, s fie construite n porturile apusene ale Crimeii, dar i n nvecinata
Soldaie, galere, menite s blocheze Caffa dinspre mare33. Replica genovezilor n
Caffa dicere iurisdicionem habere inter suos Ianuenses tantum et non in aliqua allia persona. Et si per vos
dominos sindicos et ambaxatores communis Ianue vellet dicere quod vos in Caffa excucitis comerclum, nos
sindici et ambaxatores communis Veneciarum dicimus quod comerclum quod excucitis est tantum
solomodo a vestris Ianuensibus, quibus licitum est a vobis ipsum ab ipsis excutere tamquam a vestris
civibus, sed a nulla aliqua allia persona comerclum non excucitis nec de racione facere non debetis, ita
quod si aliquis vellet ipse Caffa non esset in Inperiio Imperatoris anibec, hoc de racione et cum veritate
dicere non posset (RoccN 291; pentru nepotrivirea de fond a comparaiei propus de solii veneieni ntre
statutului Caffei i cel al Tanei, n ciuda unor elemente comune, vezi mai sus p. 236 urm.; referitor la
vicisitudiniele prin care au trecut relaiiile veneto-genoveze n timpul rzboiului cu ttarii lui Danibek, vezi
n special PapaT 206 urm.); singurul contraargument invocat de negociatorii genovezi a fost starea de fapt,
legitimat de propriul ei trecut, care trimite cu siguran la vremea lui zbek: ... allegantibus ipsis raporta
acelai sol, Giovanni Steno, senatului quod non habebant nec habent, quod locus predictus Gaffe sit et
includatur in imperio Zanibechi imperatoris predicti, sed habebant et habent, quod sit ipsius domini Ducis
et communis Janue ... (DVL I 329 urm.); n absena unui nscris, genovezii i ntemeiau, aadar, dreptul de
stpnire la Caffa pe o eviden, existent n 1344 la fel ca n anii precedeni, pe care contemporanii
familiarizai cu situaia de pe rmul nord-pontic nu aveau cum s o ignore.
29
Pare s fi fost prima n ordine cronologic (vezi PapaT 211).
30
Vezi mai sus n. 28 i PapaT 211-212.
31
n actul redactat la Caffa n octombrie 1344, solii veneieni folosesc timpul prezent cnd se
refer la rectores et officiales pe care hanul i ine n ora (vezi CiocM 188 n. 267).
32
Ibidem 187 n. 261.
33
Solii veneieni au trimis n ianuarie 1345 dogelui i aceast tire: ... de extra sentimus quod
Imperator facit fieri ad Cibanum, Calamitam et per Gotiam galleas .XXX. vel circha et, ut predicitur, in
Sorgati facit preparari (e)difficia et gentem et, ut apparet, ipse Imperator intendit in isto primo tempore
veniendi ad obsessum Gaffe per mare et per terram ... (RoccN 282; vezi PapaT 212); alte informaii au
fost preluate trei luni mai trziu de la un domn genovez, cruia i fusese ncredinat misiunea s
spioneze zona: Die .XV. mensis marcii applicuit in Gaffam dominus Federicus Pichameio cum illa gallea
armata que possita est ad custodiam istius terre, que gallea missa fuit per istos dominos per riperiam

103

care experiena multisecular de marinari i-a spus cu siguran cuvntul n


nfruntarea pe ap cu oamenii stepei a fost ct se poate de prompt i de eficace:
escadra, pentru care se fceau intense pregtiri n martie 1345 la Caffa, a zdrobit n
stadiu incipient industria naval proiectat de Geanibek34.
Aciunea de curire a rmului Crimeii nu a certificat numai nc o dat
dominaia genovez n Marea Neagr stricto sensu, ci a deschis printr-unul dintre
rezultatele ei cele mai de seam i un nou capitol n istoria colonial a republicii ligure
n aceast parte a lumii. Membrii expediiei navale, pornii din Caffa foarte probabil
tot n 1345 sau, cel mai trziu, n anul urmtor, departe de a se limita doar la
distrugerea vaselor ttare, au comis un act profund inovator n politica pontic a
Genovei: ei au ocupat Cembalo, poziie-cheie att economic, ct i strategic pe coasta
vestic a peninsulei35. Prin intrarea sa n patrimoniul Genovei, Cembalo simbolizeaz,
aadar, o piatr de hotar care desparte dou etape istorice i dou moduri diferite de
mplinire a unui postulat unic: asigurarea cu orice pre a dominaiei Caffei n regiune.
Cum este de la sine neles, victoria naval a genovezilor din 1345 sau 1346 s-a
repercutat nemijlocit i asupra cursului rzboiului: ea a demonstrat lui Geanibek, care
mizase pe aportul hotrtor al flotei ttare36, inexpugnabilitatea Caffei. Este sigur c
hanul a inut seama de aceast eviden, dovad c operaiunile militare ample din
prima jumtate a deceniului nu au avut replic ulterioar: a fost mai mult o pnd a
ttarilor, hrnit conform observaiilor efectuate de caffioi chiar de sperana c
imposibilitatea de a-i plti pe aprtori din cauza cheltuielilor exorbitante, reclamate
de asediul prelungit, i ciuma, care le rrise drastic rndurile, vor slbi ndeajuns fora
defensiv a oraului pentru a fi capturat37.
Gotie usque in Cressonam causa siendi novam. Qui dominus Federicus dixit quod in Calamita fiunt .V.
gallee, de quibus ipse vidit .III., et in Soldaia dicitur quod similiter .IIIIor. galle fiunt et alique galiote, que
galle quousque huc videntur malle esse ad pontum. Fuit datum domino Imperatori magnum
intendimentum et magnam spem predictarum gallearum et incepte fuerunt cum magna (s)ponte et trionfo,
sed, sicut nobis apparet, modicum effectum habebunt. .... Item dixit ... quod civitas Cressone et omnes
marine *** (deser)tantur et quilibet trait se infra terram et hoc de precepto domini Imperatoris ad hoc ut
aliqua v(ictualia) detur Gaffe. Dixit etiam ... quod ... dice(batur) publice de adventu Mogalbey, ... qui, ut
dicitur, venit cum magno exercitu ad obsedium Gaffe (RoccN 288-289).
34
O misiv veneian trimis la sfritul lunii amintite capului republicii de la faa locului a
surprins strdania constructiv a genovezilor i finalitatea ei: In ista terra sunt facte multe galiote a viginti
usque in .LX. remis, cum quibus isti intendunt cursiare et derobare per riperiam marinam istius Imperii
... (RoccN 288-289); succesul a fost total (vezi p. urmtoare).
35
Calitile aezrii, numit astzi Balaklava, au fost nfiate de caffioi dogelui Giovanni de
Murta ntr-un moment dificil din intervalul 1347-1350: Ac eciam Tartari multum sperant in castro
Cimbali, quia si castrum ipsum haberent, possemus dicere amisisse mare et fore obsessos omnium
victualium et refrescamentorum; ex quo dictum locum multum opportet habere optimum et suficientem
custodem in dicto castro ... (PeBaC 226, PapaT 212-213); retragerea locuitorilor de pe litoral spre
interiorul Crimeii, ordonat de Geanibek n 1345, a urmrit tocmai lipsirea Caffei de baze de
aprovizionare apropiate (vezi n. 284).
36
Vezi mai sus nota 228.
37
ntr-o scrisoare nedatat, dar cu siguran din a doua jumtate a deceniului adresat de
conducerea Caffei dogelui Giovanni de Murta (1344-1350), este solicitat asistena financiar a patrieimame pentru strmtorata colonie pontic, quia Tartari oculum non habent nisi dumtaxat quod espensse
deficiant et locus bellatoribus denudetur, maxime quia sperant de infinita pestilencia mortalitatis, que
infinitos bellatores prostravit, et taliter sunt consumpti quod pauci remaneant viri (PeBaC 226).

104

Ceea ce nedumerete la prima vedere este c aceast stare caracteriza nu


rzboiul, cum ar prea firesc, ci pacea, ncheiat de genovezi cu ttarii n 134738.
Rezervele mentale ale lui Geanibek, care fceau ca acordul s fie potrivit acelorai
corespondeni bine informai din Caffa de tot precar39, sunt uor de neles. La fel de
lesne se bnuiete motivul care a acionat n sens contrar i l-a determinat pe han s
accepte un aranjament pacificator.
Dificultatea de a ajunge la o pace ferm cu hanul care presupunea
recunoaterea prin ea nsi a rezultatului umilitor al rzboiului, adic independena
Caffei era dat de nsui statutul de suveran cinghizhanid: pentru cel ce crede(a) c
stpnete ntreaga lume sugereaz iritai i ironici informatorii genovezi preteniile
de dominaie universal ale lui Geanibek40 era imposibil s consacre o cesiune
teritorial. Din direia opus necesitii de a-i salva prestigiul presa nevoia de a
asigura trebuinele economice nu mai puin imperative ale organismului statal pe
care l administra. Rezultanta celor dou tendine contradictorii a fost tratatul
desigur, tot verbal! din 1347, a crui via lung a pecetluit realitatea de fond a
relaiilor ttaro-genoveze pn n 1380: nici pace, nici rzboi.
Este indubitabil c Geanibek nu i-a putut nchipui cnd a declanat
operaiunea de expulzare a negustorilor apuseni ct de mult va dura, ct de mari vor fi
costurile i ct de nefavorabil va fi sfritul ntreprinderii. Judecat prin consecinele ei
adnci, aciunea n care s-a nglodat hanul a mcinat n asemenea msur potenialul
Hoardei de Aur, nct a marcat n mod fatal destinul ulterior al statului ttar.
O serie de indicii permit presupunerea c pierderile umane, datorate rzboiului
i ciumei, au fost nsoite n hoard la fel ca n tabra genovezilor asediai n Caffa
de o grav epuizare economic. Principala vinovat de aceast slbiciune a fost lunga
stare de beligeran, ale crei efecte s-au manifestat n domenii diverse, ntre ele
aflndu-se la loc de frunte negoul. Intervenia nemijlocit a lui Geanibek n acest
sector de activitate a fost de-a dreptul catastrofal: interzicnd supuilor si s fac
comer cu genovezii i cu veneienii41, el a condamnat Hoarda de Aur la tiuta izolare,
cu urmri pe ct de inevitabile, pe att de pernicioase.
Rapoartele veneienilor trimise conducerii republicii n 1344-1345 din Caffa,
care i reclamu necontenit pe genovezi c, nclcnd boicotul comun, fceau comer
cu ttarii, nu uit s menioneze c aceast activitate ilicit se desfura i mpotriva
voinei declarate a hanului, uneori n complicitate cu oamenii si, nsrcinai tocmai s
38
Membrii senatului veneian au ales la 19 iunie 1347 doi ambasadori, quoniam nova habemus
explicau ei , quod Imperator Zanibech cum Ianuensibus est concordatus et cum Dei auxilio sit
sperandum quod aconcium et concordium obtinemus etiam nos (RoccN 275; vezi HeydH II 197, PeBaC
219, PapaT 213).
39
Ei comunicau n scrisoarea meninat mai sus n n. 292: ... cum Caffa locus fuerit longevis
temporibus expugnatus ... ad finem honorabilem pervenerimus cum illo qui toto mondo dominari se
credit, ex quo secuta est pax, licet incerta et non secura, ymo pocius sediciosa pro Tartarorum parte ....
40
Ibid.
41
Vezi nota urmtoare.

105

o anihileze42. Cu toate c aceste scrisori atest nc o dat! istoricete verificata


for de penetrare a negustorului cu mrfurile sale, performana genovezilor din Caffa
de a conlucra cu supuii statului ttar, sfidnd hotrrea marilor puteri nconjurtoare,
Hoarda de Aur i Veneia, nu poate induce n eroare: dei restriciile la care au
colaborat, ntr-un fel sau altul, toate prile implicate n conflict nu au creat un baraj
impermeabil, ele au provocat sigur o diminuare drastic a traficului comercial n
inuturile septentrionale ale Mrii Negre.
Despre efectele embargoului impus de Geanibek depun mrturie tot rapoartele
veneiene, care i-au semnalat i fisurile: prohibite la export, n centrele comerciale din
interiorul Hoardei de Aur se adunau mari cantiti fie de produse indigene, fie de
mrfuri asiatice, tranzitate prin stepa cuman43. Ele amintesc de stocurile pe cale de
depreciere, gsite de zbek la nceputul domniei ca urmare a politicii antigenoveze a
lui Tokta44, att de asemntoare cu cea promovat de Geanibek.
Mai concludente n aceast privin au fost repercusiunile externe ale
trangulrii exporturilor din ulusul giucid: o penurie acut de grne i pete srat a
cunoscut Bizanul, n timp ce n Occident preul esturilor de mtase i al
mirodeniilor s-a dublat45.
ntreruperea activitii comerciale a adus pagube i locuitorilor hoardei. Ele au
fost att de mari, nct nc din toamna anului 1344 negustorii i tot poporul ttarilor
nu se sfiau s protesteze n gura mare mpotriva rzboiului46, cutezan remarcabil,
42

RoccN 279-80: ... homines Ianue publice et pallam faciunt mercaciones isto imperio in Caffa,
al Tosso et al Cibano, al Pesse, a Senorco et omnibus cartaribus, et si per dominum Imperatorem
proybitum non esset, quia ipse non vult quod mercaciones firent, et ille que fiunt furtive fiunt contra
voluntatem domini Imperator, certe Ianuenses in hoc anno consecuti erant maximam utilitatem, quia,
sicut apparet, ipsi erant dispossiti et sunt ad dictas mercacioes exercendam, non habendo aliquod
respectum ad (a)liquod pattum quod dominacio vestra habeat cum commune Ianue ...; p. 281: ... in istis
contratis est multa blada, et de nova et de vetera, sed dominus Imperator non permittit eam traere aliquo
modo, sed per aliquod navigium Genuensium extraitur de nocte et furtive; p. 292: Et quod Taycoga, qui
est capitaneus exercitus domini Imperatoris in partibus Caffe per illas mercaciones que fiebant in
partibus Tossi et Cibani, dimitendo ipsas transire, fuerat lucratus infinitam pecuniam ...; ncriminri nc
mai detaliate la p. 290-291.
43
RoccN 279: Iterum dicunt dicti quod caminum Inperii de medio [= China] sit aparatum. Hoc
non possimus scire pro certo, sed tantum bene videmus quod aliquis iudi Armini et allia gens qui de
Sorgati veniunt in Gaffa dicunt quod in Sorgati sit una magna quantitas sirici et, si ita esset quod tanta
quantitas seda quanta ipsi dicunt esse in Sorgati, nobis videretur signum quod esset ita verum quod
caminum esset apertum; p. 280 aceeai constatare; p. 285: De furmentum, per illud quod sentimus, satis
est in istis partibus; precium aliquod non potest nominari quia bandum est positum per Imperatorem de
persona et havere quod aliquis non audeat ipsum extraere (tot despre grne i p. 281); p. 286: ... in
Horgai [= Urgenci] si una gran quantitadhe de speie e sedha.
44
Vezi CiocM 151 i urm.
45
GregB II 683, 686, HeydH II 188, BrtCE 646-647 (pentru o situaie analog din 1268: BrtQ
96), NyPV 31.
46
Revenit n perioada menionat la Caffa, franciscanul Petru a relatat veneienilor ... proprio suo
ore qualiter omnes mercatores de Sorgati et omnis populus multum dexiderat habere pacem et similiter
populus Tartarorum habere pacem dexiderat, et similiter omnes dicunt non in oculto sed pallam ex
incomoditate quam suferunt (RoccN 277-278).

106

dac se are n vedere c la originea ostilitilor se afla tiut de toat lumea voina
hanului, cruia i datorau supunere absolut.
III. SCHIMBAREA RAPORTURILOR DE FOR
LA STRMTORI: ALIANA OTOMANO-GENOVEZ
Ceea ce l-a silit n anul menionat pe emirul Orhan, fiul i succesorul lui
Osman, care ntemeiase la cumpna secolelor XIII i XIV dinastia otoman i un
beilic n Bitinia, s se angajeze plenar ntr-o alian cu genovezii, care tocmai se
rzboiau n regiunea Bosforului cu veneienii, bizantinii i catalanii, a fost situaia
special a principatului su, supus unei presiuni demografice interne excepionale.
Aceast stare tensionat a fost rezultatul afluxului de nomazi turci spre prile
vestice i nord-vestice ale Asiei Mici, zonele cele mai convenabile pentru lansarea
incursiunilor de prad n insulele greceti din Marea Egee i, mai ales, n inuturile
din sudul Peninsulei Balcanice.
Nu ncape ndoial c Orhan a fost deplin contient c viitorul statului su
era condiionat n chip absolut de expansiunea n Europa. Problema-cheie, de care a
depins la rndu-i vreme de o sut de ani, de la nceput pn n 1453, lirea puterii
turceti n Peninsula Balcanic, a fost trecerea trupelor otomane de pe un rm al
Strmtorilor pe cellalt. ntruct nalta Poart nu a dispus pn la cucerirea
Constantinopolului de mijloace navale capabile s-i asigure acest pasaj
nestingherit, n orice mprejurare, ea a fost nevoit s apeleze la sprijin extern. De
acest handicap congenital i structural, veritabil clci al lui Achile, au ncercat s
profite i amicii, i inamicii sultanilor din casa lui Osman 47. Generat de aceast
chestiune, politica otoman la Strmtori a devenit de la mijlocul secolului XIV o
component din ce n ce mai nsemnat n focarul de interese divergente i
convergente din aceast regiune att de nevralgic.
n vederea satisfacerii acestui imperativ, emirul a fost nevoit s apeleze n
absena capacitii proprii la concurs strin. El a avut de ales ntre dou oferte:
bizantin i genovez. Exprimat n plin ncletare pentru controlul Strmtorilor,
opiunea sa, care a influenat probabil decisiv soarta rzboiului, a fost categoric: n
ciuda rugminilor, Orhan l-a prsit fr ezitri pe mpratul Ioan VI Cantacuzino,
aliatul de pn atunci, i a mbriat cauza genovezilor, pe care i-a ajutat s fac
fa forelor navale coalizate ale Veneiei, Bizanului i Aragonului48.
Motivele reorientrii politicii externe a statului otoman n anul 1352 se
gsesc, desigur, n inegalitatea ofertelor din perspectiva intereselor turceti:
Genova a fost preferat Bizanului, deoarece avantajele pe care le propunea Porii
ntreceau cu mult pe cele ale adversarilor din Constantinopol.
Cele dou condiii indispensabile pentru lansarea expansiunii otomane n
Europa, anume nstpnirea peste pmnt bizantin, pe care basileul nu o putea
47

Blocarea Strmtorilor de ctre forele navale ale Occidentului figureaz n toate proiectele
cruciailor ca prioritate strategic n intervalul 1352-1453 o realitate frecvent semnalat
istoriografic, dar niciodat tratat sistematic.
48
GregB III 99; DlgR V 30, nr. 2987; HeydH I 508; IorgL 316; KyrrJ 343-344, BalaB 449.

107

admite n ruptul capului, respectiv garantarea pasajului fr restricii peste


Strmtori, pentru care lipseau mijloacele, au fost deficienele capitale ale ofertei
fcute de Ioan Cantacuzino lui Orhan, pe care cinstea cooptrii emirului turc n
familia imperial bizantin nu le-a putut, firete, contrabalansa.
Prin comparaie, propunerile concurente ale genovezilor au fost irezistibile,
deoarece ele promiteau s satisfac deplin ambele cerine de care atrna extinderea
puterii turceti pe continentul european. Era, cu siguran, notoriu faptul c
adevraii stpni ai Strmtorilor au fost din 1261 negustorii liguri, care au reuit
s-i apere mpotriva tuturor vicisitudinilor poziia hegemonic la Bosfor i n
Marea Neagr, consacrat prin privilegiul acordat n anul menionat de mpratul
Mihail VIII Paleologul49. Pera, suburbie a Constantinopolui fortificat samavolnic
de colonitii genovezi la nceputul secolului XIV, s-a impus ca redut inexpugnabil,
capabil s controleze cu ajutorul escadrelor ancorate n portul ei att legtura
Mrii de Marmara cu bazinul pontic, ct i traficul de pe un mal al Bosforului pe
cellalt50. Deintoare de facto a cheii Strmtorilor, n msur s le apere i s le
dicteze regimul, Genova a fost predestinat s devin partenera fr egal a turcilor
osmanli. i a doua nsuire, care o diferenia net de Bizan, a fost n contextul dat
de nepreuit pentru Orhan: cu excepia Constantinopolului, n pntecul cruia era
adpostit Pera lor51, genovezii erau complet indifereni dac nu chiar favorabili!
eventualelor cuceriri otomane n Peninsula Balcanic, deoarece ei nu aveau nici cel
mai mic interes de salvat n aceast parte a Europei.
Superioritatea geopolitic a Genovei n relaiile cu turcii nu s-a manifestat
numai fa de Bizan, ci i fa de Veneia, nempcata ei rival, care a ncercat cu
ardoare, inclusiv prin rzboaie grele, s lichideze supremaia negustorilor liguri la
Strmtori i n Marea Neagr pentru a le lua locul. Ca s compenseze handicapul
fa de adversari, care dispuneau la Pera de o baz strategic de importan
primordial, Serenissima a tins n funcie de mprejurri s dobndeasc poziii
proprii, precum Tenedos, Gallipoli sau Scutari52. n ciuda mijloacelor angajate,
strdaniile de a contracara militar i comercial aezarea adversarilor de la Bosfor au
fost zadarnice, astfel c Veneia a rmas o simpl aspirant la controlul
Strmtorilor, ceea ce a constituit un dezavantaj permanent n competiia cu Genova
pentru graiile sultanilor.
nc mai apstor a fost grevat contenciosul veneto-otoman de ciocnirile
inevitabile ale celor dou puteri n Balcani i n rsritul Mrii Egee: dup cum este
tiut, Republica Lagunelor a practicat n aceste arii o politic activ, realizat fie
prin stpniri directe, fie prin influenarea forelor locale, pentru a proteja interesele
49

ManfR 791-809; HeydH I 426-431; BalaR I 42 i urm.; ThirR 103-104, BrtR 81-82;
PapaT passim.
50
Ibidem I 182 i urm.
51
Conducerea Genovei i exprima n 1382 ngrijorarea, deoarece periculum imminet ne
Civitas Constantinopolitana subiugetur domino prelibati Amorati turchi; quod si accideret ad
maximum cederet Communis Ianue detrimentum et dampnum (BarkD 55); ea l ruga n 1424 pe
sultanul Murad II, aliatul ei, s nu atace capitala bizantin, ntruct prin aceast aciune penetrat
usque ad viscera terre Peyre et consequenter huius reipublice (BaneA 581-582).
52
Aceste tentative vor fi analizate ntr-un studiu viitor.

108

de securitate i de comer din golful ei, adic din Adriatic. Angrenat masiv
nc din prima jumtate a secolului XIV n problemele Sud-estului european, cnd
turcii operau n prile de miazzi ale peninsulei ca mercenari ai Imperiului
Bizantin, Veneia a devenit n deceniile urmtoare una dintre cele mai vajnice
rezistente la naintarea invadatorilor asiatici i susintoarea hotrt a oponenilor
ei: greci, latini, srbi, bulgari i romni53.
Condiia geopolitic a Serenissimei a acionat n relaiile cu nalta Poart la
fel de obiectiv i de dictatorial ca i determinrile de aceeai natur ale Genovei n
raport cu statul otoman, doar c au avut un sens contrar. Acest cadru sever
restrictiv nu a putut fi depit nici n perioadele favorabile dezvoltrii relaiilor
turco-veneiene, de exemplu n vremea lui Murad I, dup ce genovezii au prsit
aliana ncheiat cu Orhan n 135254: cu toate eforturile diplomatice depuse de doge
i de sultan pentru a-i nlocui pe defectorii liguri, legtura politic nu s-a putut
consuma fond i s-a concentrat i limitat la procurarea n Veneia i trimiterea la
Brusa a unor cini cu capul mare, mult dorii de suveranul otoman55.
Disponibilitile structurale ale Genovei de a stabili o legtur trainic de
colaborare cu Poarta, incomparabil superioare celor ale Bizanului i ale Veneiei,
au fost suplimentate i garantate de nevoia stringent a Republicii Ligure de a
cultiva prietenia cu turcii. Rzboiul Bosforului a dezvluit n mod dramatic limite
periculoase ale puterii maritime a genovezilor, ubrezit substanial de trecerea
Bizanului n rndul adversarilor declarai56, i a indicat i unicul remediu: aliana
cu puterea continental a otomanilor. Constrni de adversari, genovezii nu au
pregetat s-i valorifice plenar calitile.
Dei turcii lui Orhan au fcut n 1352 primul pas ireversibil n Europa prin
aezarea lor la Tzympe (Cinbi) n peninsula Gallipoli ca lefegii ai lui Ioan VI
Cantacuzino57, aceast instalare nu ar fi avut viitor fr concurs genovez.
Complicitatea Republicii Ligure la acest act major al istoriei universale a scpat
aproape complet ateniei specialitilor, n contrast cu contribuia bizantin la
acelai fapt, mereu evideniat i frecvent reproat, mai cu seam mpratului
amintit58. Un istoric avizat i perspicace a observat ns c genovezii au ocupat n
1351 Heracleea (Eregli) la 40 de mile spre nord de Tzympe, fapt pe care exegetul l
exclude din jocurile ntmplrii i l interpreteaz ca act cu finalitate precis: un
reazem pentru primul cap de pod turcesc n Europa59. Sprijinii exclusiv pe informaii
53
Conflictul este anunat nc din 1345, cnd Ioan VI inteniona s-i trimit pe mercenarii
turci mpotriva craiului Serbiei, tefan Duan, susinut de veneieni (IorgL 299-300); pentru
iniiativele ulterioare ale Serenissimei n spaiul carpato-balcanic, vezi HaleE 25 i urm.; FabrA
passim; PapaVR 351-376, CrisV 174-181.
54
Vezi BrtV 148-162.
55
FabrA 158 i urm.
56
Vezi mai sus n. 1; n tratatul de alian veneto-bizantin, ncheiat n mai 1351, se preconiza
soluia final pentru Pera: ea trebuia ruinat, fcut una cu pmntul i redus la nimic (IorgL 313).
57
Ibidem 318.
58
N. Iorga, ibidem 328, reproeaz sever acest pcat mpratului amintit, n timp ce HaleE
10 este mai indulgent.
59
InalQ 80: It should be emphasized that it was not a coincidence that the Ottomans
developed their foothold on European soil shortly after the battle of the Bosporus in 1352. Alredy in

109

furnizate de Ioan Cantacuzino, specialitii au socotit c hazardul a intervenit n


aceast lucrare peste doi ani sub forma unui cutremur, care a vtmat zidurile
cetii Gallipoli, ceea ce a permis turcilor s ptrund n fortrea i s o ocupe60.
n mod surprinztor, a fost complet trecut cu vederea depoziia ambasadorului
aragonez Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo la Timur Lenk: el a aflat n 1403 c turcii au
primit cetatea de la genovezi61. Aceast mrturie, susinut de supoziia interveniei
lor anterioare la Heracleea n favoarea otomanilor, i incrimineaz pe colonitii
liguri ca principali complici ai turcilor la instalarea lor definitiv n Europa.
Acest eveniment a avut repercusiuni imediate asupra condiiei i
comportamentului imigranilor anatolieni: din simpli mercenari ai suveranilor
cretini din Peninsula Balcanic, ei i-au anunat rapid intenia de a participa pe
cont propriu la lupta pentru hegemonie n spaiul menionat62. Sleiman, fiul lui
Orhan, a organizat de ndat la Gallipoli i n teritoriul adiacent un u, prima marc
de frontier pe sol european, semn inconfundabil al inteniei de a prinde picior
dincoace de Dardanele i de a porni din acest nucleu campaniile de cuceriri i de
colonizri ale turcilor din Anatolia63. nsemntatea acestei baze strategice
deopotriv terestr i maritim a fost, ntr-adevr, uria, tocmai datorit dublei ei
deschideri: pe uscat spre Tracia, pe ap peste Dardanele la Lampsaki n Asia Mic.
Din vremea sultanului Baiazid I (1389-1402), care a acordat o atenie special
ntririi acestei baze navale64, a devenit manifest i ncercarea de a controla cu
ajutorul ei traficul convoaielor de vase prin Strmtori65. Ceea ce se cuvine neaprat
remarcat n aceast privin este c dobndirea i consolidarea cetii i portului
Gallipoli nu a rezolvat n fond problema trecerii de pe un rm pe altul al
Strmtorilor dect pe timp de pace; cu toat dezvoltarea lor impresionant n suta
de ani de dinaintea cuceririi Constantinopolului, forele navale otomane nu au fost
n msur s asigure acest pasaj vital n caz de rzboi cu talasocraiile
1351 the Genoese had occupied Heraclea (Eregli), on the European coast, forty miles to the north of
Tzympe, which was to be the first bridgehead on European soil; InalG 983: situat la nord de
Gallipoli, Tzympe controla legtura puternicei ceti portuare cu hinterlandul trac; vezi i HeydH I
507: genovezii au ocupat, pe lng Heracleea, i Sozopoli.
60
IorgG I 196-197; IorgL 319; InalI 51; WernG 145-146.
61
ClavL 98: The city of Gallipoli was the first place that the Turks took possesion on the
European side of the straits, and at the date of its capture it was in the hands of the Genoese.
62
WernG 148.
63
Acest sangeac a fost condus la nceput de fiii lui Orhan, Sleyman pn la moartea sa n
1357, apoi de Murad, viitorul sultan (InalG 983); IorgG I 196; IorgL 316: Sleyman i Halil, alt fiu al
lui Orhan, au condus corpuri de oaste n Tracia, pe care au devastat-o i au impus chiar haraci
locuitorilor; privitor la colonizri, vezi WernG 146-147 i InalH 14.
64
Clavijo a evideniat n jurnalul su de cltorie aceast nsuire a locului, pe care amintitul sultan
se strduise s o pun ct mai bine n valoare: n port se gseau ancorate vreo 40 de vase, iar n arsenalul
foarte mare i pe chei se afla oaste numeroas; ntre bazinul interior i cel exterior era un pod cu turn;
legtura cu marea se fcea printr-o poart mic n zidul puternic; fr Gallipoli, turcii vor pierde toate
posesiunile din Rumelia (ClavL 58); aceast din urm constatare a fost confirmat ntocmai dup un
deceniu i jumtate de diplomatul francez Guillebert de Lannoy: Et qui auroit le dit chastel et port les Turcs
nauraient nul sieur passage plus de lun lautre et serait leur pays quils ont en Grce comme perdu et
deffect (LannP 161); vezi DucaG 41, SilbP 115; FleeA 134-135; InalG 984.
65
InalG 984: His aim was to control the Strait; Gallipoli a fost unul dintre principalele
puncte vamale ale statului otoman nainte de 1453 (ibidem 986).

110

occidentale66. Recursul n asemenea situaii la serviciile unei mari puteri navale,


care nu putea fi alta n contextul geopolitic dat dect Genova, era inevitabil.
Nu numai ca dovad de recunotin pentru susinerea salvatoare a flotei lui
Paganino Doria blocat n Bosfor n februarie 1352, ci, probabil nc mai mult, cu
gndul de a dobndi o poli de asigurare pentru viitor, genovezii au dat noii aliane
un fundament politic cert i notoriu. n tratatul impus n luna mai a aceluiai an
mpratului nfrnt, Ioan VI Cantacuzino, care a reactualizat cu adausuri nc mai
nrobitoare pentru Bizan privilegiul din 1262 de la Nymphaion, actul fundamental
al hegemoniei genoveze la Strmtori i n Marea Neagr67, figureaz o clauz
extrem de concludent pentru noua constelaie a puterilor n regiune: acest tratat nu
trebuia s aduc n nici un chip prejudicii celui ncheiat cu Orhan, numit de
genovezi nici mai mult, mai puin dect fray i payre de li nostri de Peyra, adic
frate i tat alor notri din Pera68.
Formula, aparent hazlie, marca n limbajul diplomatic al vremii statutul
modificat al aezrii genoveze de la Bosfor: tat, apelativul acordat lui Orhan,
nsemna suzeran, cruia vasalii peroi i plteau, ntr-adevr, tributul legiuit69. Era,
de fapt, o tax de protecie, prin care locuitorii genovezi ai Galatei se puneau la
adpost fa de previzibilele noi asalturi ale inamicilor, care intenionaser recent
s le nimiceasc cuibul de la intrarea n Marea Neagr.
Prin tratatul otomano-genovez din 1352, al crui text nu s-a pstrat70, a fost
consacrat politic probabil cea mai de seam ax militar-strategic din zona
Strmtorilor, care i va menine timp de un veac nsemntatea primordial,
inclusiv n perioadele ei de laten71.
*
Cteva fapte edificatoare din istoria timpurie a Imperiului Otoman, luminate
de exegei din unghiuri mai puin tradiional(ist)e, demonstreaz convingtor c
nici nalta Poart nu s-a putut sustrage acestei fataliti i c printr-o determinare la
fel de implacabil partenerii ideali ai emirului Orhan i ai succesorilor si au fost,
cel puin pn n 1453, negustorii genovezi.
Turcii osmanli i oamenii de afaceri liguri au fost silii s se ntovreasc
n 1352 nu numai din cauza creterii paroxistice a tensiunilor n prile vestice ale
reelei marelui comer euro-asiatic, descrcate n des pomenitul Rzboi al
Bosforului, ci i ca urmare a mutaiilor petrecute n deceniul precedent n prile
66
Aflat la apogeul dezvoltrii ei n secolul XIV, flota lui Baiazid I nu a fost capabil s
intercepteze n 1399 la Gallipoli galerele marealului Boucicaut, aflate n drum spre Constantinopol
(InalG 984; BarkD 70-71, 99).
67
Publicat n DVL II 6; IorgL 316-316 a remarcat ca nouti rennoirea vechii donaii a
Perei i denunarea alianei cu Veneia.
68
IorgL 316-316; ManfR 709-710.
69
InalQ 79.
70
El este cunoscut din referinele cuprinse n actul similar ncheiat de sultanul Murad I cu
ambasadorii Genovei n 1387 (publicat de IorgPr 82-85 i de FleeT 13-33).
71
InalQ 79.

111

rsritene ale aceleiai reele, care i-au gsit punctul de fixaie i rezolvarea tot n
zona Strmtorilor.
Criza comerului pontic consecutiv nchiderii rutelor patronate de ttarii
Hoardei de Aur i de cei din Ilhanat i-a lovit n plin pe genovezi, principalii si
ageni i beneficiari. Pentru a supravieui economic, ei au fost silii s caute o
soluie de compensaie. Printr-o coinciden fericit, au fost gsit n momentul
potrivit partenerii potrivii, turcii otomani, pe ct de calificai s preia funcia de
promotori ai marelui nego72, tocmai abandonat de hanii ttari, pe att de presai
de circumstane s o fac n cooperare cu genovezii.
Pilonii acestei conlucrri au fost de la bun nceput dou orae nvecinate,
Pera genovez i Brusa, prima capital, politic i comercial 73, a statului ntemeiat
de Osman. Rolul acesteia din urm n transformarea emiratului n imperiu a fost
definit Halil Inalcik, Nestorul istoricilor turci, n cteva cuvinte memorabile:
Dezvoltarea Brusei ca pia mondial (world market) n a doua jumtate a
secolului XIV a devenit fundamentul economic al puterii otomane74. Potrivit
aceluiai savant, viitorul Brusei a fost pavat de Pera75. Cele dou aezri au
alctuit, ntr-adevr, un tandem inseparabil, asigurat de un dute-vino nentrerupt, n
special al colonitilor liguri, dup cum observa n 1433 cltorul francez
Bertrandon de La Broquire76; ei dispuneau de scrisori-paapoarte, emise de
stpnul Turciei, fr de care nici un strin nu putea trece peste Strmtori n Asia
Mic77. Regimul special n privina libertii de micare, de care s-au bucurat
genovezii de la bun nceput, rezult i din dispoziia dat n 1358 de Orhan fiului
su Sleyman, comandantul cetii Gallipoli, de a nu stnjeni navigaia acestor
aliai n Dardanele78. Aceste iniiative prieteneti s-au ntemeiat, de altminteri, pe
acordul general din 1352, din pcate pierdut. Din explicita lui rennoire de ctre
Murad I la 8 iunie 1387, rezult c, de fapt, a fost vorba de un privilegiu comercial
n toat puterea cuvntului, care a inaugurat seria lung a capitulaiilor acordate de
statul otoman puterilor strine cu interese economice n imperiu79. Prin tratatul
originar, Perei nu i-a fost garantat doar securitatea ca vasal a emirului Orhan80, ci
i un regim comercial de excepie: colonitii liguri de la Bosfor au fost scutii de
72

Ibn Battuta l-a descris n 1333 pe Orhan ca pe cel mai bogat dintre emirii turci (InalI 227).
BroqV 132: Ceste ville de Bourse est bien bonne et bien marchande, et est la meilleure ville
que le turque aye; amnunte despre dimensiunea metropolei a lsat SchilL 56; vezi InalI 227; HeydH
II 352, HeerG 380-381.
74
InalH 223.
75
Ibidem 222.
76
BroqV 141: Pera est une ville bien marchande et ont grant hantise avec les Turcz, lesquelz
ont en ladite ville une telle franchise; un cltor spaniol l-a pomenit n treact, ca exemplar normal
i banal, pe proprietarul perot al unei case n Brusa, semn c n 1438, cnd a umblat prin partea
locului, comunitatea genovez prinsese rdcini adnci n prima capital a statului otoman (TafuL
149); vezi HeerG 381-385.
77
BroqV 131: fr document de la seigneur de la Turquie nul ne passe le destroict que
nous nommons le bras de Sainst Georges de la Turquie en la Grce sil nest homme de
connaissance.
78
BeldR 125.
79
InalI 224.
80
Vezi mai sus p.
73

112

plata vmii la intrarea i la ieirea din cetatea lor n schimbul achitrii unei taxe de
pia, mult mai convenabil, de 8% din valoarea mrfurilor comercializate81.
Prezena agenilor Porii, nsrcinai cu strngerea numitei taxe, n localitatea
genovez arat c suveranul otoman nu considera Pera un teritoriu strin82.
Actul din 1352 a consacrat, aadar, politic o realitate de fond economic:
cartierul constantinopolitan locuit de colonitii genovezi depindea comercial mai
mult de statul otoman, n spe de Brusa, dect de capitala bizantin din care fcea
geografic parte83. ngemnarea celor dou centre s-a bazat pe disponibilitile lor
complementare, capabile s ofere simultan o dubl deschidere: spre lumea cretin
i spre cea musulman. Aceast nsuire a plasat binomului Pera-Brusa n irul
ilustru al punctelor de contact, n majoritate intrnduri cretine n Casa Islamului
sau la marginea mpriilor ttare, ca Acra, Tripoli, Antiohia, Armenia Mic cu
Ayas, respectiv Trapezunt, Soldaia, Caffa i Tana, predestinate s gzduiasc
schimbul de mrfuri intercontinental de mare anvergur.
Ansamblul Brusa-Pera a funcionat ca o veritabil plac turnant, o rscruce n
care s-au ntlnit patru drumuri, dou asiatice i dou europene, venite din cele patru
zri. Spre metropola otoman din nord-vestul Anatoliei, erijat n a doua jumtate a
secolului XIV n capital economic a Orientului musulman84, se ndreptau caravanele
venite din dou direcii: din Rsrit, pe Drumul Mtsii, prin Tabriz, Erzerum,
Erzingean, Sivas i Ankara sosea marfa omonim, produs, dup sistarea exporturilor
chinezeti, n provinciile irvan i Gilan din nordul Iranului n cantiti impresionante,
solicitate de importatorii europeni85; dinspre miazzi, din Peninsula Arbic i din
bazinul Oceanului Indian erau aduse mirodeniile i spieriile drenate prin Bagdad,
Damasc, Homs i Alep spre ruta care traversa Asia Mic n diagonal de la sud-est spre
nord-vest prin Adana, Konya, Ktahya, Eskiehir86.
Cteva decenii dup 1352, genovezii din Pera mpreun cu cei din Chios, a
doua mare poart a Brusei spre Apus87, au dispus n Europa de un cvasi-monopol
asupra comerului cu produse orientale provenite de din emiratul otoman.
mprtierea lor pe continentul nostru s-a realizat pe dou ci: fie pe traiectul vestic
obinuit prin mareea Egee spre porturile italiene, fie spre nord prin Marea Neagr
ctre scalele de la Dunre (Vicina, Licostomo, Chilia) sau la Cetatea Alb, de unde
erau tranzitate prin teritorii romneti spre fie spre Ungaria , fie spre Polonia88. Este
de presupus c drumul moldovenesc de-a lungul vii Nistrului ca substitut al
drumului ttresc, care legase Lvovul de porturile din Crimeea i de la vrsarea
Donului89, a fost plmdit n deceniul al aselea al secolului XIV ca una dintre cele
81

InalI 224.
Ibidem.
83
HeerG 382.
84
Ibidem 379.
85
Ibidem; InalH 218-255 (capitolul Bursa and the silk trade); InalI 220-224.
86
Clavijo tia c Brusa era ultima destinaie a caravanelor (ClavL 329); vezi InalI 226; HeerG 379.
87
HeerG 385-404.
88
Ibidem 382-385.
89
Vezi problematica i bibliografia aferent la PapaI 181-198; HeerG 382-385; InalH 179.
82

113

mai semnificative schimbri n contextul marilor mutaii din reeaua comerului


euro-asiatic.
Cuplul Brusa-Pera, deservit primordial de ageni comerciali genovezi,
ocrotii de puterea otoman, a fost n multe privine o copie i un succesor al
perechii Tabriz-Trapezunt, a crei funcionare se bazase pe cooperarea acelorai
negustori liguri cu ilhanii, stpnitorii mongoli ai Iranului.
*
Acordul ncheiat de emirul Orhan cu amiralul genovez Paganino Doria n
1352 a fost, de fapt, actul de natere a unui nou sistem al negoului pontic, ivit dup
dispariia pcii mongole. Constrngerile economice, asociate cu cele de ordin
militar-strategic, au fcut ca aliana otomano-genovez s fie timp de un secol n
mod obiectiv de nenlocuit, apt s reziste tuturor ocurilor din afar i
contradiciilor din interiorul ei, care nu au fost deloc mrunte. Ea s-a impus ca
realitate dominant, n orbita creia s-au organizat toate celelalte raporturi de fore
la Strmtori i, n bun parte, i n Marea Neagr.
Von den Tataren zu den Osmanen:Verschiebungen im pontischen
Handelsnetz um die Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts
(Zusammenfassung)
Der Aufsatz behandelt zwei der wichtigsten Vernderungen im pontischen
Handelsnetz, die um die Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts stattgefunden und die
Schicksale des Schwarzmeerraumes langfristig beeinflusst haben: einerseits die
Schlieung der groen Routen nach Zentralasien ber Trapezunt und das Reich der
Mongolen im Iran nach dem Tod des letzten Ilchans Ab Sad (1335) bzw. ber
das Territorium der Goldenen Horde als Folge des langen, 1343 ausgebrochen
Kriegs zwischen den Tataren Dschanibeks und den italienischen Kaufleuten,
andererseits die neue Krftekonstellation an den Meerengen, in die sich das 1352
geschlossene osmanisch-genuesische Bndnis zunehmend als entscheidender
Faktor durchsetzte.
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117

118

When the Italians Turn into Tatars: Notes on the Italian


Legacy in Eastern Europe and Black Sea
GIUSEPPE COSUTTO
The aim of this short contribution is to provide an overall view of the diverse
Italian colonies and settlements in Eastern Europe and Black Sea starting from the
Middle Age, focused on Crimean and Dobrugian area.
These settlements lead to many traces not only on the territories, but also in
the political construction of the identity of people, like the Crimean Tatars and
others. In order to better understand the whole picture of the situation, it is first
necessary to have a clear perspective of some specific characteristics of the Black
Sea Italian colonies, like the inhabitants origins, their activities and the perception
of the identity belonging to them and, mainly, to their verifiable and presumable
descendants and the role that the Tatars had in this milieu.
Starting from this definition, automatically, we can do a clear definition of
the Italic and Tatar mixed presence in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and other
Oriental lands during the Middle Age.
These presences, with big cities (like Caffa/Kefe) and countless commercial
outposts, remain still now in various form among different people, that by the
tIalic roots connect themselves to the Europe, i.e. the Western Civilization, as
a great Crimean Tatar political thinker, Cafer Sayd Seydahmet pointed out in his
work La Crime. Pass, Prsent. Revendications des Tatars de Crime,1 during the
first years of XXth century.
For better understanding the over national and composite identities that
developed themselves on the western and northern Black See coasts needs to give
almost a short definition about who were the Italians and who the Italics (the
last definition doesnt exclude the previous), the two identitary definitions,
recently studied, about the Italianity.
Briefly, the Italian is the citizen with Italian language and culture (in its
various acceptations), that live in the Italian Peninsula under the administration of
the present Italian Republic. As Italics are designed, specially in the Globus et
Locus acceptation: italians in origin and of different generation (resulting by the
old migratory processes and by the new mobilization of the global era); italophones
from Ticino, Dalmatians, people from San Marino, and their rounds in Europe,
Canada, United States, South America, Australia etc., but also italophilies, whom,
unnecessarily have formal links of citizenship with Italy, are ready to identify with
sympathizer for the culture, the aims, the proper values of the Italic civilization.2
1
2

Lausanne, 1921.
Extras from the goal of Globus et Locus, http://www.globusetlocus.org/it/italici

119

It is necessary to establish and to identify the basic features of Italicity, the


mains, at least:
a) In the first place there is the direct or indirect derivation from a place or
from a definite group of Italians or Italics (recognized or identified by surrounding
environments) that is able to maintain a cultural independence, in certain
significant aspects and, at best to preserve/became leading or autonomous or
politically independent.
b) The predominant presence of cultural elements, also kept (vedi infra) that,
automatically lead to identify the same and undeniable presence of elements of
persistent Italicity (typical products of the motherland, language, cultural and
folkloric elements, and so on).
c) The implicit acknowledgement of the Italic belonging also to subjects that
have no direct origin or ancestry from Italian Peninsula.
If we apply these definitions to the medieval era3 it is possible to demonstrate
that there was a very long happening that regard both the Italians (i.e. the colonists
of Italian language, culture and customs, so completely Western Europeans), and
the Italics descendants from them, that will continue to spread under various
forms Italic main features in their proper Tatar descendants, specially among the
Tatars of the Black Sea area, in different levels.
Chronologically, we can put the starting of Italian presence outside from
Peninsula and from dalmatic-histrian coasts after the XIth century, and it is in
relation chiefly with the settlement in the east of the Mediterranean.
Obviously, before this period there were little and very active but sporadic
settlements connected to the homeland (in most of the cases, a seaside city with
republican political structure), but the great impulse to the voluntary emigration
direct to the East Mediterranean and Black Sea Coasts will be developed with the
Crusade (and with the huge capitals and human masses that they move), with the
instauration of the pax mongolica in XIIIth century and with the completion that the
various actors do among themselves, everybody following its proper interests and
often in open disagreement with the respective motherland,4 that is sometimes put
aside for a different identity.5
These settlements, specially in the early stage, a representative function or
are commercial emporiums and follow the well experimented pattern used by the
Amalfians, that were the first Italians to settle widespread in the Eastern
Mediterranean Sea and that were able to became protectors of the various Jewish
3

Ive tried, recently, to give a definition for the question in Appunti sullItalianit e litalicit
in periodo pre-unitario: il caso delle colonie e degli insediamenti in Europa orientale e sul Mar Nero,
Altreitalie, 41 (2010), pp. 26-41.
4
Representative is case of the Genoese Galata, that remain neutral (refusing every help to
the Byzantines) during the Mehmet II conquest of Constantinople (1453), meanwhile the 700 Genoeses
sent by Genoa, single western help to the besieged city, foght until the last men.
5
Giuseppe Cossuto, LItalianit trasformata: la caduta di Caffa nel Mar Nero e il ruolo degli
Italiani della ex colonia tra Tatari e Ottomani in M. Tirabassi (a cura di), Atti del convegno
internazionale Con gli occhi della globalizzazione. I nuovi studiosi e la ricerca sulle migrazioni
Italiane, organized by Altreitalie (Fondazione Agnelli), Torino, 5-6 luglio 2007, in Altreitalie, 2637, 2008, pp. 163-72. http://www.altreitalie.it/UPLOAD/ALL/84241.pdf

120

groups living there, building a reliable commercial network in a lot of ports of call,
specially in Levant. The Amalfians, attested in Antiochus in the VIIth century and
in Constantinople in 994 AD (but this fact doesnt meaning the existence of a
colony). Moreover, the Amalfians had given a naval support to the Fatimides for
their conquest of Egypt 969 d.C., guaranteeing themselves privileged conditions
for their commerce.6
Mainly, Italians were involved in trade, with little interests for other economic
activities. Their main activity was the transport of goods coming from India to
Mediterranean ports, or trading in Mediterranean Sea, selling the more requested
western merchandise on Levant places: the slaves from Longobardia, in addition to
arms, amours, dresses, furs, timber and metals as copper, lead and a tin.7
The settlements were often in important cities (Antiochia, Constantinople,
Tabriz, etc.) but the Italians that lived in this contest were under the concessions of
the host institutions, and did not fully develop, a form of colony, or rather of
people that move away themselves (spontaneously, or for motherland or other
entities wish, in a other location where remain united in a community with a proper
cultural identity (often linguistic, too) characterized by relationship among the
persons that form itself.
The Italian (and Italic) typical colony, in general, was born after the
signature of a contract, more rarely with an abusive territorial occupation. The
authorization to establishment is granted with a pact with whom possessing the
territory. The Italians applied the administrative rules in force on motherland, in
respect of the local situations, that were variable in every place.
A typical example of this model was given by the Black Sea colonies of the
post-Mongolic era, that growth by little emporiums in structured cities that will
prosper in powerful multicultural cities after a relatively brief period of
destabilization, caused by the mongolian invasion
In this area, the Italians, starting by the first years of XIIIth century, found a
modus convivendi with the Cumans.8 With the arrival of the first mongol invasion
(Tatarshina), leaded by Gebe and Suboday, the most important Italian settlement,
Soldaia (Sudak), was destroyed (January 27, 1223) and its inhabitants were
dispersed everywhere (apud Ibn al-Athr).9
As a matter of fact, the engiz Khans successors perpetuate for a long time
6

Amalfi, around the X century, has reached a so high status that the authoritative muslim
traveller and geographer Mohammed Abul-Kassem ibn Hawqal in his Kitab al masalik wa al mamalik
[The Book of way and realm] lead this description: Indi il territorio della Qillawria (Calabria)
confina con quello di Ankubardah (Longobardia, principati longobardi), il primo de quali S.tur.y
(read Salerno). Indi [si viene a] contorni di Malf (Amalfi): la pi prospera citt di Longobardia, la pi
nobile, la pi illustre per le sue condizioni [civili?] la pi agiata ed opulenta. Il territorio di Amalfi
confina con quello di Napoli; la quale bella citt, ma meno importante di Amalfi. Translation and
edition by Michele Amari, Biblioteca arabo-sicula, Turin-Roma, E. Loescher, 1880, pp. 114-115.
7
Ibidem, p. 201.
8
Ciocltan, Virgil, Mongolii i Marea Neagr n secolele XIII-XIV. Contribuia cinghizhanizilor la
transformarea bazinului pontic n placa turnant a comerului euro-asiatic, Ed. Enciclopedica, Bucureti,
1998, p. 130.
9
Ibidem, pp. 26 and 130.

121

the protection relationship with the foreign merchants promoted by the great
mongol leader, and this condition was very useful for the Italians and, after the
second half of the XIIIth century the Italians (in particular Genoeses) orientated
their settlements to the Black See area and started to buy several sites to establish
their emporiums.
As underscored by G. I. Bratianu: The meeting in Black Sea basin between
Mongols and Italians is one of the factors and not of little importance that has
contributed to expand the first phase, commercial and banking, of European
capitalism.10
Under the protection of the pax mongolica the Italian colonies on Black Sea
became prosperous and growth a lot the number of their inhabitants, as however,
they were exposed to the troubles of the steppes (dynastic or legitimistic fighting,
insurgence of various leaders) as to the politic events of european motherland.11
For example the slipway of Caf12 was given by the Golden Horde Tatars to
the Genoeses in 1266, during a period characterized by the military conflict
between Venetians and Ligurians.
As a matter of fact, the Acre loss on Mediterranean caused by Pisans and
Venetians in 1258,13 and the prestige loss in Little Armenia, the Genoeses concentrated
their action on Black Sea area. The Genoeses, on March 13 1261, with Treaty of
Nymphaion Michael VIII Paleologus, gain the guarantee of key action on Bophorus.14
This treaty, full of privileges for Genoa, also included, by Byzantine side, the
interdiction for every enemy of Genoeses to the Black Sea access and the free moving
for the Genoeses.15
Immediately after the purchase of Caffa, the Genoese transferred their
Constantinoples colony in the area of Pera-Galata in 1267, orienting their trade toward
the Black Sea, and intensifying the Italian presence in different places as Sinop,
Amastris, Samsun and Trabsond, and move themselves further Lajazzo, in Little
Armenia.
In a short time Caffa became one of the most important cities of the Black
Sea coast. The Italians settled in a composite milieu, among Tatars (especially of
Cuman origin),16 muslims (probably of Selgiukid origin) and Armenians. There are
10

Brtianu, Gheorghe I., Marea Neagr, I, ed. a cura di V. Spinei, Bucureti, 1988, p. 102.
Sure, there were periods of strong tensions, as in 1308, when Toktai, Khan of Golden
Horde, confiacated all the goods of Sarays Genoeses and send a big army to siege Caffa, that in 1296
has been attacked in force by Venetians. In the same way happened, in the colonies, the political
struggles between Guelphs and Ghibellines that covered with blood Italy itself. Ibidem, p. 170.
12
For a more esaustive exposition of the events in connection to the foundation and development of
Caffa, see the bibliography in G. Cossuto, LItalianit trasformata., op. cit., pp. 163-172.
13
Bratianu, Mareacit., vol. I, pp. 95 e ss.; Ciocltan, op. cit., pp. 85 e ss., with all the
discussion of the case.
14
Ciocltan, op. cit., p. 85, n. 29 e p. 138.
15
The treaty clauses are in Balard, M., La Romanie gnoise (XIIe- debut du XVe sicle),
Roma, 1978, pp. 45-55.
16
For the Westeners of first decades of XV century, must exist a clear identitary difference
between Tatars and Cumans. In a act of 1410, Pope John XXII done reference toCumani, Philistei,
Valachi, Tartari, et quamplurimi alii infideles in finitimis partibus commorantibus, or rather to the
different not-catholic people. Harmuzaki, Eudoxiu, Documente privitoare la istoria romnilor,
11

122

four cemeteries: a muslim, a saracen (Cuman?), a Greek (orthodox Christian), an


ungaro (catholic), and a franciscan church, a catholic hospice and a mosque.17
Some Genoese notarys deeds show the tendency of the various religions to
have proper cemeteries in the city: for example the proprieties sold by Saladino
dOvada (thats name may be significant for an Italian-not Italian that furnished an
Italic identity) to Cristiano Alamanno (also this name seems to be full of ethnicreligious indications),18 may be interpreted in this sense, too.
Thanks to the concessions given to Genoeses by the Khan and his
representatives, belonging in a good part to the powerful irin clan, the Italians
were able to develop their penetration on the huge lands of the Crimean Khanate.
Caffa, gradually, became the biggest slave market place (in particular of people
of the steppe, well appreciated for their military virtue), of Black Sea19 and, together
with Pera, became the point of irradiation of the Italian colonists toward other places.20
In the half of XIVth century, the Italian element, now turned in Italic, represents a real
political and ethnic presence, as to inspire aims and actions anti-Genoese, like the
marauding action done by the Kaliakra despot, Dobroti.21 During the XIVth century is
persistent, in the area, a well-based venetian presence, for example in the important
Varna port, where is demonstrated the Italicization of a part of the population.22
Archeological dates demonstrate that in this period in Black Sea, among the materials
imported from Italy, was developed also the trade of artistic and serial works and
manufactures. The Italians imported Venetian glasses and Tuscany pottery,23 and
begun to have also local workshops, strong signal of territorial stabilization and of
cultural production irradiation.24
The Italian presence gone hand in hand with Catholic penetration. Firstly
Dominican, and after, massively, the Franciscan friars intensified their missionary
efforts toward the coast and inland, toward the Cuman steppe and the Balkans, also
establishing a recognized authority that get through the possible conflicts amongst
colonists of different motherlands or aims and put places of ecclesiastical
administration at the outside of the lands under direct colonial administration.25
Bucureti, 1887, vol. I, p. 259 reported in Ciurea, Dimitrie, Frmiarea feudal i lupta pentru
centralizarea statului, AIIAADX, XVI (1979), p. 312
17
Brtianu, Mareacit., vol. II, p. 100.
18
Ibidem.
19
Ashtor, E., Storia economica e sociale del Vicino Oriente nel Medioevo, Einaudi, Torino, p. 314.
20
Balard, op. cit., I, 1978, p. 199 e ss.
21
Gjuzelev, V., Le citt della costa Bulgara del Mar Nero nei secoli dal XIII alla met del
XV (caratteristiche generali), in Idem, Mittelalterliches Bulgarien. Quellen, Geschichte, Hauptstdte
und Kultur, Isis, Istanbul, 2001, p. 317.
22
Ibidem, p. 320 e ss..
23
Ibidem, p. 321 e ss..
24
If the theory of V. Pokhlebkin, A History of Vodka, Verso Books, London, 1992, pp. 65 e
ss. that wants that were the Genoeses of Caffa to show (1386)) to Russian boyards and farmacists how
they can make the vodka (aqua vitae), however is undeniable the Italian strong presence everywhere
on Black Sea and Eastern Europe.
25
With a letter of February 26 1318, Pope John XXII estabilished the diocese of Caffas
episcopate, in the following way: Dalla citt di Varna in Bulgaria fino a Saray compresa, per
lunghezza, e dal Mar Nero fino alla terra dei Ruteni, per larghezza. Gjuzelev, Le citt della
costa, cit., p. 327.

123

One of the cultural heritage of this extraordinary intersection and coparticipation of different cultures was the Codex Comanicus, a trilingual dictionary
(Latin, Cuman and Persian), a primary documentary source to establish the
connection degree between Western Europe and the steppe world26 and, naturally,
the travel reports of westerners that discovered the far away Eurasian lands.
Connection and interaction was present in every level, also in the maritime
crew, where we can find people of Tatar and Bulgar origin, that spend their lives in
the city of the Genoeses, and in Genoa itself,27 how is shown by the boarding
books.28 We find, for example, a Tatar shipboy called Giovanni (Christian by
name) in Genoa, in 1395, coming from the dobrugean coast.29
A very important act for the identification of the Italianity on Black Sea
Tatar coasts was the concession given by zbek Khan to the Venetians (1333),
to build palisades and fortifications to La Tana (Azak, Azov). To grow the
population of this place, the Venetian Senate had given the citizenship, with the
condition that they must be Latins of language and origin30. This change of the
colonial politic on ethnical and religious basis, may be its indicative of an
important factor of concretization of the extra-citizen Italianity on Black Sea.
In the Italian colonies, except the Italians, was very strong the Tatar and
Greek (orthodox) presence. In their languages the dragomans (interpreters), with
a rule for the minorities of 1434, must translate the chancellery acts. The Tatars
that lived in the colonies were administered by a titano (tudun,31 tax collectors
chief and, consequentially, a sort of governor, present in Caffa by 1289-1290)
and were under the jurisdiction of the irin32 by long time before that the Giray
dynasty took the independence from the Golden Horde.33 On lands, the Karau (the
Crimean Tatar tribal aristocracy), will continue to have meetings to decide the most
important acts of the Khanate.34 The irin, seems, followed an independent politics,
how is indicated by their role during the Ottoman conquest of Caffa (vedi infra).
26

One of more recent editino of the manuscript, with fac-simile, is done by Vladimir Drimba,
Codex Comanicus, Ed. Enciclopedica, Bucharest, 2000.
27
Gjuzelev, V., Il Mar Nero e il suo litorale nella storia del medioevo Bulgaro,
ByzantinoBulgarica, VII, 1981, with the documentary lists.
28
Gjuzelev, Le citt della costa, cit., p. 332, n. 2 per lelenco dei documenti.
29
Ibidem.
30
Brtianu, G. I., Les Venetiens dans la mer Noire au XIVe.La politique du Snat en 1332-33
et la notion de latinit, Bucuresti, 1939, p. 18.
31
This charge was very important in the traditional turkish steppe culture. Frequently, the
tudun is expression of a determined group that is charged to mantain the diplomatic relations with the
sedentaries or the tributary cities. For example the Frankish cronicles report that the name of the last
Avar khan was Tudun, and we can ipotize that he was not the real Avar-Khan, or that he had united
the two charges. See, for details Giuseppe Cossuto, "Tracce turche" in Europa medievale. I popoli
delle steppe in Europa dalla comparsa degli Unni alla nascita della Turchia, ed. Aracne, Roma,
2009, pp. 132-133.
32
H. nalck and Donald Quataert, An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire.
1300-1914, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1994, p. 275-276.
33
Barthold, W., s.v. Kafa, EI2, p. 657.
34
C. M. Kortepeter, s. V. Karasu-Bzr, EI2, p. 655.

124

The Tatars, on the basis of a contract of 1380, can live only in the suburbia
(antiburghi) of the city but, after, they can establish themselves in he central zone,
too, and every Tatar family that lived in Caffa and its environs by more than a year
passed under the direct authority of the Genoese Consul, conserving by rule his
proper cultural and social customs. In the statute of 1449 was specified that the
Tatar inhabitants of Caffa were not administrated by titanus seu vicarius.35 Before
this year, with a law for minorities issued in 1434, the dragomans must translate in
Tatar and Greek the chancellery acts.36
Between the end of XIVth century and the beginning of XVth century, Caffa
change its structure, building powerful fortifications, and growing in population37,
with a lot of catholic, Armenian and Greek churches, mosques and synagogues38.
The fall of the Italian politic administration begins during the first decades of
XV century (1427 A.D.), with the menaces of Theodoro, the Greek suzerain of the
little State of Goth (Theodoro-Mango), with the foundation of the Crimean
Khanate (ca. 1430)39 and with the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople (1453).
One of the main problems of Caffa was strictly related to its cosmopolite
population. Caffa population was considerated with ingizkhanide imperial order of
Timur Kutlu (800/1398)40 a legal possession of Golden Horde Khan but, in the
same time, the Giray wanted it because one of their ancestry, Uran Timur (a Juci
descendant), had signed a pact with the Genoeses when the colony was established
and, consequently, Caffa was in the middle of the claims of the different Tatar
factions.41
In this situation the history of Caffa, and of the Italian colonies on Black Sea
reached a conclusion in short time. Caffa was ceded to Banco di San Giorgio, that
must protect the other cities, too,42 and of the reorganization of the two most
important social classes in the urban colonies: the cives and the burgenses (bigger
than the first, and where the Tatar element was considerable), that were not in
pacific relations. After a siege in 1454, the relation with Hac Giray and Mehmet II,
thanks to the payment of two different tributes, become clearer.
35

Brtianu, Mareacit., vol. II, p. 267.


Brtianu, Mareacit., vol. II, p. 266.
37
Le testimonianze al riguardo sono molto discordanti. Si veda Orhonlu, C., s.v., Kefe, EI2,
36

p. 901.

38

Skrzinska, E., Le colonie genovesi in Crimea, in LEurope Orientale, n.s., XIV, 1934,
pp. 132-34.
39
Hac Giray, il fondatore della dinastia che dominer la Crimea fino al XVIII secolo, come i
suoi successori, erano pi interessati allEuropa orientale che allAsia. Dal 1454 la residenza del
Khan, divenne Bahe Saray, ad una preoccupante vicinanza per le colonie Italiane. Sintesi di questa
dinastia in Barthold, W., s.v. Giry, EI1, pp. 181-2 oltre a Inalck, H., s.v. Giry, EI2, p. 1138-40
(with bibliography) e Idem, s.v. Giray, IA, pp. 783-9.
40
Kurat, A. N., Topkap Saray Mzesi Arivindeki Altn Ordu, Krm ve Trkistan Hanlarna ait
yarlk ve bitikler, Brhaneddin Matbaas, 1940, pp. 148-9 (transcription in modern turkish). A discussion
about the works in relation to this document is in Jan Reychman J. and Zajaczkowski, A., Handbook of
Ottoman-Turkish diplomatics, (translated by A. S. Ehrenkreutz), Mouton-The Hague, Paris, 1968, pp. 61,
93 e ss.
41
Orhonlu, op. cit., p. 901.
42
Brtianu, Marea, cit., pp. 279 e ss..

125

In 1462 Caffa, looking for a protection, asked help to the Polonian King
Casimir IV, without ending its relations with the Banco di San Giorgio.43
After the death of Hac Giray (summer 1466), two of his sons, Mengli and
Nur Devlet, seemed to have ruled on Khanate at the same time. Mengli had lived in
Caffa, under protection of Genoeses and of the powerful irin bey, Eminek.
Eminek and the Genoeses seem to help the Mengli election to Khan, in 1469. The
first formal act of Mengli was to write a letter of protest to the Ottoman sultan
Mehmet II, because the Yakub Bey Ottoman forces had attacked Caffa, city that
the Khan considered his own residence (konak).44
In 1473, another big problem upset the Caffas stability: the death of the
tudun Mamak. After a year, Sartak, a son of Mamak, enter in hostility against
Eminek that would become tudun. Caffa is besieged by the Eminek partisans,
which defeated Sartak and his allied Mengli Giray, which escaped to other
Genoeses. In this chaotic situation appears in 1473/1474, the khan of Golden
Horde, Ahmed Khan seeking to re-establish the supremacy of his dynasty. Ahmed
Khan army defeat Mengli Giray.45
In 1475, Eminek wrote a letter to Mehmet II, asking for his help.46 In June 1475,
an Ottoman fleet, led by Gran Vizir Gedik Ahmed Paa, conquered almost all the
Genoese colonies on the Black Sea, including their territories in the Ottoman Empire.47
These events, especially what happened to Caffas population, are described
with a wealth of details in Historia Turchesca of Donado da Lezze (G.B.
Angiolello)48 a man of court of Mehmet II. According to this author, the city fell
because of the fighting between Eminek and Sartak and because of the attitude of
Genoeses to manzare (mangiare, to eat), or rather to corruption.49 The corruption
brings some notables of Caffa (Giuliano dal Fusto, Battista d'Allegre, Sisto
Senturio e Gregorio Rossi) to betray and to give the city in the hand of Ottoman
invaders, in change of the safety only for the Italiani (as written in the text). But
the Ottoman repression hit strongly the Italians, too, that were deported (srgn)
and mainly transported on the asiatic coast of Istanbul, meanwhile others, took
refuge slaves, escaped from their warder and to take refuge under the protection of
43
Papacostea, ., Caffa et la Moldavie face lexpansion Ottomane (1453-1484), in
Colocviul romno-Italian, Genovezi la Marea Neagra in secolele XIII-XIV, 27-28 martie 1975,
Bucuresti, 1977, (coord. S. Pascu), pp. 136-37.
44
This letter (preserved into the archives of Topkap Museum, E. 11.776/1) written in kpak
is reported in Benningsen, A.; Boratav P., N.; Desaive D.; Lemercier-Quelquejay, C., Le Khanat de
Crime dans les Archives du Muse du Palais de Topkap, Mouton, Paris-La Haye, EHESS, Paris,
1978, pp. 41 and ss.
45
In a letter probably sent by Mengli Giray to Gedik Ahmed Paa or to is father Ishak, at the
moment of the Caffa Ottoman conquest, the Khan writes that the city of Caffa has found the Islam
way and invites the conquerors to do not listen to the lies of his enemies, refering, with good
probability to Eminek bey. Ibidem, pp. 55 e ss.
46
Ibidem.
47
Cossuto, G., Affinit e divergenze nel sistema di tassazione Ottomano applicato agli stati
vassalli di Moldavia, Valacchia e Crimea, in (a cura di S. Cavaciocchi) Relazioni economiche tra
Europa e mondo islamico secc. XIII-XVIII, Atti della XXXVIII settimana di Studi, 1-5 maggio 2006,
vol. I, pp. 75-96.
48
I use the edition done by I. Ursu, Bucureti, 1909, pp. 72-83. A copy of this passage (in
Italian language) is at the end of this article.
49
The same opinion in Brtianu, Marea, cit., p. 279 and ss..

126

Stephen of Moldova (Kara Bogdan) and, from there, arrived in western Europe,
meanwhile others inhabitant of the Crimean coasts were killed or enslaved.
After the fall, we can find however, a lot of Italians in Caffa, but without the
indication of their born places, but under the adjective of frank (Frank), as owners of
transport ships on the Black Sea lines, as shown in a register of customs duties in 14861490: there was a Lorenzo, that followed the maritime way between Azak (La Tana) to
Caffa, and Gerge (Giorgio?) that seems involved between Galata and Caffa, and
various names without specific indication of nationality but with an Italian sound: a
Knoto and a Zorzi (Istanbul-Inebolu-Caffa) and a lot of Christian name but of very
difficult identification.50 Other, Italics are boarded on ships as merchants or with
various activities, with date and place of birth, mainly a places on Black Sea.51 Very
interesting is the presence of a warder in the Caffa fortress, called Karagz Efrenc, may
be an Italian or an Italic, or a westerner, rested in Caffa after the Ottoman conquest and
indicated with a Turkish nickname.52
If the Italic established presence disappears,53 some Ottoman documents
demonstrate their arriving in Crimea, of many, took other colonists in the XVIth
century, escaped from Western Europe: Yahudi-i Efrenciyan, the Frankish Jews.54
The Italian colonization was not exclusively catholic, and the interaction
between Tatars and Italians was so strong also in other Tatar milieu (i.e. Ilkhanid,
etc.) and when the second generation of Italian colonists appeared, in the XIIIXIVth we can find various Italic jews (sons of Italian people of Jewish religion
but with a Tatar name, as other Italic): Buscarello de Ghisulfi (belonging to a
Jewish family) called his proper son Arguno, in honor di Arghun Khan (circa 12511291), the buddhist ilkhanid khan that dreamed a franco-Tatar alliance. This khan,
took in too strong consideration the Italic elements and asked to the adventurer
Zolo Boleti, known as Isolo il Pisano55 (who became governor of province, too)56
to be godfather his son ljait (baptized as Nicholas, in honor of Pope Nicholas
IV). ljait-Nicholas, became firstly buddhist, after sunni muslim to turn himself
in shiite, had as man of confidence and ambassador Tommaso Ugi, an Italian from
Siena.57 We can find various Tatar names, in the same period, among the most
important Italian families like the Doria: Tartaro, Alaone, Abaga, Casano (Ghazan),
Aitone (Haytun, a Cilician ruler).58
50

A list in Inalck, H., Imperiul otoman. Epoca clasic. 1300-1600, ed. of M. Maxim,
Ed. Enciclopedica, Bucarest, 1996, pp. 259-60.
51
Ibidem, p. 269.
52
Ibidem, p. 270.
53
Fisher, A., The Ottoman Crimea in the mid-seventeenth century: some problems and
preliminary considerations, Harvard Ukranian Studies, III/IV, 1979-80, pp. 215-226 and Idem, The
Ottoman Crimea in the Sixteenth Century, HUS, V/1, 1981 pp. 135-170.
54
Fisher, A, The Ottoman Crimea in the Sixteenth Century , cit., pp. 141 e ss., specially
pp. 146-147 (appendice II, population tables).
55
Richard, Jean, "Isol le Pisan: Un aventurier franc gouverneur d'une province mongole?"
Central Asiatic Journal, (1970), 14, pp. 18694
56
Roux, J. P., Gli esploratori del medioevo, Garzanti, Milano, 1990, p. 108 e ss.
57
Phillips, J.R.S., The Medieval expansion of Europe, Oxford University Press, New York,
1998, p. 102.
58
Ibidem, p. 102.

127

Very interesting, for the story of Italicity and of Tatar-Italic compenatrion is the
Ghisolfis event on the Black Sea. The Ghisolfi, descendants of Buscarello, mixed
themselves with the Tatars: in 1419 Simeone de Ghisolfi get married to a Tmurtakan
Tatar princess, Bikhak Hanim, and took possession of Matrega (Phanagoria). In 1482,
after the fall of Caffa, the last lord of Matrega, Zacharias de Ghisolfi, (of TatarGenoese-Jewish origin) fought a lot against the Ottomans outside of his possessions
with his Tatars and Circassians followers, waiting for economical help from the Bank
of St. George with which to retain the friendship of his allies, the Crimean Goths.
When he stated that unless he received the support of the republic he would move to
Wallachia, where the wayward Stepfan had offered him a castle. Notwithstanding the
fact that the Turks had captured Tana (Azov) and most of the settlements in Chazaria,
Ghisolfi continued the war from his island Matrice, but with only a small measure of
success. Learning that he had expressed a desire to come to Russia, and glad of an
opportunity to attract the Circassians, the czar Ivan III directed Nozdrovaty, his
ambassador to the Tatar khan Mengli Giray, to forward a message to Zacharias
(Skariya) the Jew, at Caffa.59 This message is dated March 14, 1484, and forwarded
by Luka and Prince Vasili, both court dignitaries.
From a dispatch in Latin dated Conario on the Kuban, June 8, 1487, and signed
Zachariah Guigursis, it is clear that Ghisolfi, intending to accept the czar's
hospitality, left for Russia, but while on the way was robbed by Stephen the Great, and
returned home. Notwithstanding this experience, Ghisolfi and his men declared
themselves ready to join the czar provided that guides were furnished them. Replying
to this dispatch, March 18, 1488, the czar repeated his invitation, and informed Ghisolfi
that he had notified Dmitri Shein, his ambassador at the Crimean court, that he had
requested Mengli Giray to send to Tscherkassy two men to guide Ghisolfi to Moscow.
He directed Shein to add to this number a Tatar from his own suite.
Several years passed before guides were sent, but in the spring of 1496 they
reached the mouth of the Miyusha and Taigana rivers, where Ghisolfi was to meet
them four weeks after Easter. It had been arranged that in the event of either party
reaching the rendezvous before the other, the first should wait until Whitsuntide,
and if need be until Peter and Paul's Day. The guides waited until St. Nicholas' Day
(Dec. 6), when they learned that Ghisolfi was unable to advance on account of
disturbances among his people, for "the man Zacharias is substantial, his family is
great, and probably it is difficult to induce them to move." In his report to the czar
the Crimean ambassador declares that, out of friendship for his royal master, the
khan Mengli Giray would take Ghisolfi under his protection, but fears he dare not
do so, since Ghisolfi has antagonized the Turks, who are the khan's protectors.
Subsequent events it is evident that Ghisolfi entered the service of the khan, for
further negotiations were carried on, and in April, 1500, the czar, instructing his
ambassador, refers to Ghisolfi as Zacharias the Fryazin [i.e., "the Italian"], who had
lived in Circassia and is now in the service of Mengli Giray, but who never
reached Russia. 60
59

References of documents in Rosenthal, H., s. v. Guizolfi (Gielfuxis), Zacharias de, in Jewish


Encyclopedia: http://www.Jewishencyclopedia.com/view.jsp?artid=493&letter=G&search=guizolfi
60
Ibidem.

128

It is very clear that Zaccaria was, on the foreigner eyes an Italian of Black Sea,
or rather with a terminology more actual and accurate, a true Italic, resultant of the
Italo-Tatar cohabitation. A definition that doesnt exclude the religious belonging.
In the matter of predominant presence of cultural elements, included the
hiddens that, automatically lead us to the identification of the undeniable presence
of elements of persistent Italianity we cannot forget the basic theme of the
language that, in this article, we can subdivide in two main items: the use on
Chancelery (diplomatic and commercial) and the use on maritime communications
(lingua franca).
As a matter of fact, in Levant, during the centuries, had been mainly the
Italians (and the Italics) to hold the functions of dragomans (tercman),61 the
official interpreters and translators, very useful for every linguistic translation,
commercial such as diplomatic.62
In the beginning of Mongol domination they are recruited among the resident
merchants. Among the most famous there was the Venetian merchant Pietro Vilioni,
resident in Tabriz in 1264. When they needed, the Mongols sent these merchants as
interpreters or guides of their ambassadors, as happened to Genoese Tommaso de
Anfussi in 1287, that was charged by the Il-Khan to go with Rabbam Sauma to the
Pope and to the Kings of France and England,63 or as Buscarello de Gisulfi (Ghisulfi),
that took part in different ilkhanid embassies in Western Europe between the end of the
XIIIth and the first decade of XIV century.64
With the rise in Crimea of Giray dynasty, Italian, together with Latin, was often
followed as diplomatic translation language in the relations with Poland during the first
period of Crimean Khanate65 (a signal of the Italic presence in this Black Sea area) and
some Crimean Tatar ambassadors have a name undoubtly Italic.66
Translator of Italian origin were employed also by the polish special office
(Crown Chacellery) charged with the relationships with Ottoman Empire and with
the Crimean Tatar (Pietro Marini, Francesco Giuliani, Angelo Crutta, only for
record the most important).
In addition, if we consider that the text in western language Kk Kaynarc
Treaty (21 July 1774), that has ratified the end of Crimean political independence,
was redacted in Italian language between the counter-parties Russian and
Ottoman,67 the place of Italian language in the diplomatic relations of Great Powers
of the Black Sea area was not of second level.68
61
We can note the not arbitrary coincidence of the name with the emancipate jadidist revue
founded by Ismail Bey Gaspiral.
62
http://www.islamistica.com/giuseppe_cossuto/levantini.html
63
Phillips, Op. cit., p. 102.
64
Ibidem.
65
The problems regarding the dates and other various aspects of the foundation of Crimean
Khanate are exposed in Nagy Pienaru, Fondarea Hanatului din Crimea, Motenirea Istorica a
Tatarilor, I, 2020, pp. 107-122.
66
Jan Reichman and Ananiasz Zajaczkowski, Handbook of Ottoman-turkish diplomatics,
Mouton, 1967, p. 158.
67
An image of commemorative plaque of the Treaty, with the part in Italian is reproduced
here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Treaty_of_K%C3%BC%C3%A7%C3%BCk_Kaynarca1.jpg.
68
How underlines Bernard Lewis, I musulmani alla scoperta dellEuropa, Mondadori,
Milano, 1992, p. 76: Da quanto ci risulta lItaliano rimase, per un certo tempo, la lingua europea pi

129

As an enclosure of a circle, the last Khan of Crimea, ahin Giray (Edirne


1745-Rhodes 1788) knew very well the Italian language and culture and studied in
Venice. He tried, during his brief realm to re-build and modernize the Crimean
Khanate. These reforms centered on the economy and government infrastructure
but included opening factories and moving the capital from Bahesaray to Caffa.
With these and other historical basis the common legacy of Italians and
Tatars is an undeniable matter of fact of a multicultural area, including mainly
the actual States of Romania, Bulgaria, Crimea and Turkey, where they lived
together for centuries.
Franks of the coast and Turks of the inland: as good had perceived was
aveva ben intuito Cafer Seydahmet, unconsciously changing Angiolellos phrase
regarding riguardo Caffa: luoco era tenuto per Genovesi, et il resto della
campagna da Tartari.69
*
The Italian and Tatar during the conquest of Caffa according to Historia
Turchesca (1300-1514) of Donado da Lezze (G. M. Angiolello) from the edition
of I. Ursu, Ed. Ac. Rom., Bucarest, 1910, pp. 72-83.i
[72] Della presa di Capha
Essendo in differentia li signori di Capha, citt de' Genovesi, posta di l dal
Mar Maggiore, questo luoco era te[73]nuto per Genovesi, et il resto della
campagna da Tartari. Havendo il Gran Turco mandato a Capha a dimandar alcuni
garzoni schiavi fugitivi di Trabizonda, per haver parlamento con Eminech Capitano
dell'Imperatore della campagna, dal qual hebbe promess' et fede di esser
favorevole, et propitio ad ogni impresa li fosse com essa per il Gran Turco. Et
avanti il partir di detto ambasciator, havendo havuto notitia li governatori di Capha
di questa prattica carcarono di spegner il fuoco, che gi era intrato nell'interiora, ma
portarono l'acqua col crivello, perch in continente nacque divisione fra essi
governatori, che come stato sempre di Genovesi d'esser divisi al bene, et amici
alli tradimenti et al male, alcuni cercavano la morte di questo Eminech at altri lo
difendevano. Hebbero modo di far venir l'Imperatore in Capha che conducesse il
detto Eminech et venne li fatto ch'egli procurando di avvelenarlo et datogli il
vleno, ma quella parte, che lo favoriva, lo avvis, et esso non volse mangiare di
cose li fosse poste dinanzi. Era in suo potere di farlo occidere dentro di Capha, et fu
arricordato da molte persone et non si seppero mai accordare di farlo, et, perch li
governatori di Capha havevano giurisdittione di eleggere signori della campagna.
Era un altro signore per capitano, il qual' haveva nome Saxtech, figliuolo di
diffusa tra i turchi e, persino nel XIX secolo, i barbarismi europei che si rinvengono nella lingua turca
hanno invariabilmente forma Italiana. Si tratta di termini politici, meccanici e di sartoria,
indispensabili per designare gli abiti, i congegni e le istituzioni di origine europea successivamente
adattate alla realt turca.
69
Op. cit., p. 73.

130

Manech, credendo con questo mezzo dismetter il detto Eminech, il quale Saxtech
imbocc i consuli, e laltri cittadini per esser favorito, il questo era contra
l'opinione dell'Im[74]peratore. Il qual uscito di Capha, et dubitando Eminech
d'esser preso, scamp con pochissimi cavalli et men con lui un fratello
dell'Imperatore, il quale haveva nome Chaidar di farlo lui Imperatore se voleva
aiutarlo che tornasse capitano et signor della campagna. Ogni giorno correva sin le
porte di Capha, et facevano gran danni.
L'Imperatore di nuovo ritorn in Capha, et cercava di pacificar le cose della
campagna, et dismetter l'uno et l'altro, cio Chaidar suo fratello, et Eminech
Capitano, et cos havria fatto, se li governatori di Capha gli havessero' atteso, ma
per haver manzato grossamente, chi da uno, chi da l'altro, et sperando di manzare
maggiormente, perfidiando in tal maniera, che mai non fu rimedio, che volessero
prender partito, et stettero in questa contentione che ciascuno voleva usar modo
fin'alla venuta dell'armata del Turco, che sprovvedutamente venne sopra Capha, a
d ultimo di Marzo a hore 22, et bench sapevano della grand'Armata che si
metteva in ordin'a Constantinopoli et a Gallipoli, non sapevano per dove dovesse
andare, et pur gl'era dato avviso da pi bande che detta armata si feceva per Capha,
et massim'a d 21 Maggio certo lo sapevano, et cominciarono da quel giorno sin al
d che gionse di continuo a non restar mai di far provisione, di fortificare la terra di
ripari, muri, et di fossi, et d'apparecchiar'artegliarie, ma tutto era in vano, perch la
fortezza di Capha era l'haver accordo con la campagna, ma era il contrario, ogni d
si combatteva con quelli della campagna, et tenevano la terra assediata, et davano il
guasto alle vigne, et alle possessioni della terra, tamen parte di quelli primati della
campagna cercavano accordo, et pregavano di haver pace con Capha, perch
ancora loro senza la terra stavano con grandissimo detrimento, et mai quelli ch
governavano la terra volsero prender accordo per esser divisi, che l'una parte
favoreggiava Eminech, l'altra
[75]Saxtech, et a tal modo il diavolo gli havevaccecati, che ancorch
s'intendesse di venir la rovina del Turco addosso, non fu mai rimedio d'accordarli
insiem'a bene commune, che se la campagna era d'accordo con Capha, l'Armata del
Turco non havria m'ai ottenuto di metter scala in terra, ne d'accamparsi a Capha,
che fu un grandissimo terrore a tutta la brigata, et questo fu per il poco governo
delli governatori, che se havessero voluto, havriano saputo d'hora in hora la sua
venuta, et gionta quella sera lontano da Capha, dove hebbero parlamento con
Tartari, et inteso come loro havevano guerra con Capha, la qual cosa fu a Turchi di
grandissimo favore. Il primo d del Giugno circa hora di terza, messe scala in terra
ad un luoco dov' la Chiesa di santa Maria, dove discarg 1.000 cavalli, et distesi li
paviglioni, et in quel medesimo d circondarno la terra, et andarno fino sopra le
porte, La detta armata fu di 350 vele cio 208 galere compite, et 4 galeazze. Il resto
erano palandarie, et foste, et altri navilij, et avanti che detta [76] armata si. partisse
da Capha si trovarono da 500 velle et pi.
Il 2 d di Giugno discargarono 14 bocche di bombarde, et in cadauna tal
due, et tal tre cannoni haveva, delle qualli ne messero 4 per contra le torri et
rivelino di San Teodoro, et altri tre messero per contra la porta, e rivelino di San
Georgio, et quattro che tiravano dentro dalla terra alle case e d et notte non
cessavano per modo che facevano tremar la terra, et furono morti alcuni huomini
alle poste di dette bombarde, ch'impaur assai il popolo, per non esser esperti di

131

guerra simil a questa, pur si preparavano di riparar a pi potere donde veniva la


rovina. A' d 6 di Giugno hebbero parlamento quelli di Capha con Turchi, et fecero
tregua per 3 giorni, et furono eletti per la terra quattro ambasciatori ch' andassero
dal capitano dell'Armata, il qual' era Achmat Bassa, et vedessero che patti potevano
havere, li quali ambasciatori furono questi: Ser. Giuliano dal Fusto, S. Battista
d'Allegre, S. Sisto Senturio et S. Gregorio Rossi. Che patti et parlamento
havessero, non si ha potuto intendere, salvo che loro con le sue corte furono
francoggiati con altri 7 famiglie, et tutto il resto della terra vendettero, dandogli ad
intendere fraudolentemente haver ottenuto dall'Armata, id est dal Capitano, che le
persone che l'havere del tutto fosse salvo, et che tutti coloro ch'erano maritati et
nativi del luoco restassero nella terra carazzarij, cio pagassero tributo al Gran
Turco, et che tutti l'altri vivandieri o mercanti fossero in sua libert, o d'andar, o di
stare cpn tutto il suo havere ad ogni suo buon piacere, et con questo inganno
dettero la terra senza [77] conferir col popolo, et non aspettando li 3 giorni della
tregua, che in termine di due hore fu messo da Turchi le bandiere sopra le porte di
San Giorgio, et di Santo Theodoro, che pochi della terra lo sapevano, ch' ancora
erano alle poste le persone per le mura, le persone, che non combattevano con
Turchi, i quali non sapevano, che la terra fosse resa, che appresso il danno fu gran
vituperio. A d 7 et 8 detto tutti li Vallachi, Rossi, Giorgiani, Zichi et d'ogni natione
Christiana fuori li Italiani, furono presi, et levatogli le loro robbe et venduti per
schiavi et messi in catena. A d 9, 10 et 11, il Capitano Achmet mand un suo
commesso con quelli 4 che gli havevano dato la terra, etiam vi era un M. Aluise di
Gasparino, ch'era del numero dei franchomati, i quali tutti havessero ad essaminar
et scrivere la conditione d'ogn'uno particolarmente, si dei franchi, come d'Armeni,
Greci et Giudei et d'ogn' altra natione et cos scrisse tutte le anime, dimandando
puntalmente a ciascuno, oltra la conditione, di qual luoco fosse, et quanto era che
stava in Capha, et da che luoco era venuto, et s'era maritato, et da quanto in qua, la
qual cosa messe gran terrore a tutta la brigata, et massime a' quelli, ch'erano suti al
soldo, et a' quelli, che non havevano robbe dubitando non li facessero morire, come
gi stato fatto nell'altri luoghi, et per questo rispetto ogn'uno s'ingegnava di dar in
nota qualche conditione per mostrarsi mercante, per scampar la vita, et se alcuno
dava qualche cosa manco di quello haveva, quelli cinque traditori lo giudicavano et
astrengevano molto a dar in nota pi di quello havevano, et davano ad intender alla
brigata, che questa cosa non si faceva per altro, che per pagar il suo carazzo
ordinato, et volse fossero messi li [78] debitori, et argenti lavorati et gioie, che si
trovasse haver cos nella terra, tutto il mar maggiore.
A d 12 et 13 fu fatto comandamento in pena dela testa, che si dovesse
appresentar li figliuoli et le figliuole di anni 7 fin a 20 et furono tolti circa 3 m.
garzoni da 10 fin a 20 anni, et cerniti etiam garzoni, che li piacque da 450; molti,
ch'erano maritati, tolse il marito et la moglie, alcuni altri il marito senza la moglie,
et la moglie senza i mariti secondo la fortuna et et. Qual gridi, qual pianti, et qual
strepiti si viddero mai simili, qual batter di mano, qual stracciar di capelli, et le
carne con le proprie ungve ad alcuni fu tagliata la testa per non manifestar i
figliuoli, alcuni si ritrovavano impiccati per le braccia, alcuni per il smisurato
dolore s'impazziva et andava battendo la notte per la via publica, et quanti
tramortiti cadevano abbracciati al collo delli figliuoli. Non so qual infernal Cerbero

132

non fosse mosso a piet, et oltre questo tolsero tutt'i schiavi, et schiave si trovavano
in Capha che furono da 3 m. et pi. Si vidde etiam un'altra crudelt, che molte
lattavano garzonetti d'otto giorni et d'un mese et d'un anno, levar' da parvolini, et di
braccia loro, et porli in terra dicendo a colui li erano li tolesse, et le schiave
mandarno in galea, vero che'l d sequente per forza del dinaro rendetero molti di
esse schiave a chi volse spendere.
A d 17 detto fu fatto le gride, che si dovess'aprir li botteghe, et ch'ogn'uno
andass'a. far fatti i suoi come prima, et ch' ogn'huomo s'assicurasse, et non
dubitasse pi d'alcuna cosa, che fu un poco di refrigerio, all'afflitione delle persone,
bench poco durasse, che non molti giorni doppo fu fatto comandamento, che fu
com'un [79] fulgore tempestuoso all'Italiani che in pena della testa, in termine di 3
giorni havessero pagato la met di quello havevano dato in. nota, et se pur
havessero tolta la met di quello havevano dato in nota, ma volsero denari contati,
cosa imposibile, dove fu forza dargli le robbe a prezzo, et a questo modo si venne a
pagare pi delli 1/4 et a tutti non gli bast tutta la sua facolt, et restar in camisa, et
volevano, l'oro, et l'argento lavorato, et le gioie per due terzi di! quello volevano, si
che si pu dir the Capha sia messa a saccomano, che non solamente non s'ascose la
robba, ma ciascuno era sforzato dar in nota pi di quello si ritrovava havere per
timore com' stato detto di sopra ancora. Non vi dir li discorsi et li tormenti dati
a, quei che non pagavano cos presto la met, fu etiam presa et malmenata.
A d 18 di Luglio, circa hore due di giorno, fu fatto commandamento, che
tutti l'Italiani, et chi contrattava per Italiani, et tutti li schiavi et schiave d'Italiani in
pena della testa, in termine d'un d et mezzo, tutti con la sua, famiglia dovessero
esser imbarcati sopra quelli navilij, che gli saranno disegnati, et dal termine a loro
consegnato in dietro, se saranno trovati in terra, saranno tagliati a pezzi, et fu fatto
commandamento, et grida a pena della testa, che niuna persona di quelle restavano
in, Capha dovesse tuor in deposito, ne in salvo, robbe d'alcuna sorte d'Italiani, si
che fu forza a' mercanti, li quali. alcuni si trovavano haver li magazzini pieni, et li
cittadini ch'havevano le massarie grosse, tuorsi quel poco meglio a loro possibile,
et imbarcarsi. Erano molti artegiani, che vivevano a giornate, chi s'imbarcarno
senza far. provisione al vivere, e tutto il resto delle robbe de' mercanti; et cittadini
rimasero in abbandono. Dall'altra parte si sen[80]tiva un tumulto di famiglie
meschine, che s'appresentavano alla ripa per montar in nave, et quanti sono stati di
quelli che poi imbarcati hanno portato disagio di pane, et d'altre cose, molti
desideravano pi tosto d'esser venduti per schiavi che ridotti a tal partito.
Alli XI di luglio tutti si trovarno imbarcati, et alli 12 partirono da Capha, et
alli 3 d'Agosto imboccarno il canale di Constantinopoli, et per esser la peste nella
terra furono fatti dismontare ad Ascoder cio dalla banda della Turchia per mezzo
Constantinopoli, et doppo cessata la peste, furono ridotti per comandamento del
Gran Turco ad habitar in Constantinopoli, et gli fu consegnato un luoco chiamato
Cheivicho, dove era al tempo de' Christiani un barco dell' Imperatore, et volse il
Gran Turco che tutti li Caphioti stessero uniti, et si facessero case par habitare, et
non potessero stantiar in altra contrada in pena a loro, et a chi gli dava ricapito
d'allogiare. In breve tempo furono fabricate case honorevoli et chiese, si che fu
fatta delle belle contrade che siano in Constantinopoli botteghe, et mercato, et al d
d'hoggi non si chiama pi el Cheivicho, ma Capha, per amor dell'habitanti.

133

Ancora quest'armata avanti la sua ritornata tolse il Cupa, el Zibano, etil


Todoro Lumanicha et molt'altri luoghi alla riviera del Mar maggiore, et soggiog
molte nave.
[81] (parla di alcune vicende di Belgrado)
Hora torniamo ad Achmet Bassa. Avanti il partito suo da Capha, havendo
cernito circa 300 putti, la maggior parte di .loro Italiani et forestieri venuti a Capha
da Genova et altri, luochi con mercantie et altri suoi disegni come accade, li fecero
montar in nave tutti a cargar detta nave d'assai meglioramenti per mandar al Gran
Turco, et partita la nave da Capha per andar a Constantinopoli furono alcuni di
quelli putti pi prattichi del mare degl'altri, i quali havevano navigato et fatti viaggi
in diverse bande del Mar maggiore da [82] luoco a luoco, et alcuni ben intendevano
il mestiere, et l'ordine del navigare, et secretamente la maggior parte s'accordarono
di non voler esser menati a Constantinopoli et esser schiavi de' Turchi, et cos
navigando, quando conobbero. esser in luogo da poter far il fatto suo, tutti ad
un'animo secondo l'ordine data assalirono i marinari et altri suoi. contrarij, li quali
erano in detta nave all'improviso, et superati, alcuni morti, altri fecero saltar in
mare, et cos: acquistato il dominio della nave, tolsero la volta di Moncastro, la
qual citt del Conte Stefano, signor della Vallachia, et posta' sopra il detto mar
maggiore, et gionta la nave a salvamento furono accettati, el il conte Stefano, detto
da Turchi Carabogdan, tolse le robbe. con la nave et lasci in libert detti giovinetti
de' quali la maggior parte andarono in Polonia et in Ongaria, et ultimatamente.
passarono in Italia et a Genova.
Il Gran Turco intendendo questo, adirato, sped un ambasciatore al Conte
Stefano, il quale gli pagava tributo,. che facesse che havesse la sua nave con le
robbe e tutti li garzoni senza fallo, altramente s'aspettasse alla sua ira. La risposta
del Conte Stefano fu che lui non era obligato a tal cosa, imperoch li suoi porti et
terre erano liberi, et che ciascuno ci pu arrivare, e stare, e andar a loro piacere, et
ch'ogni hora v' arriva gente, et che lui non ha. da tener mente a tal cosa, et che
quelli, ch' erano venuti con detta nave, erano capitate altre flate de li con sue [83]
mercantie et non erano stati interdetti, ma liberamente lasciati andare al suo
viaggio, et cos haveva fatto questa fiata.

i
Si riporta il testo integrale, senza annotazione. I. Ursu ha stabilito che Donado da Lezze ha
ricopiato integralmente una lettera redatta da un anonimo toscano, allepoca della presa di Caffa l
residente ed in seguito fatto prigioniero dagli Ottomani. La lettera venne pubblicata da M. Canal,
Della Crimea, del suo commercio e dei suoi dominatori dalle origini fino ai d nostri. Commentari
storici, tomo III, p. 36. La data della lettera del 15 agosto 1475 da Costantinopoli. Unaltra versione
della stessa lettera, con diverse varianti in A. Vigna, Codice diplomatico delle colonie Tauro-liguri
durante la Signoria dell'Ufficio di S. Giorgio, in Atti della Societ Ligure di Storia Patria, Genova,
VII (1879), 2, p. 239.

134

Hac Giray (1438-1466). Han i negustor


NAGY PIENARU
n amintirea bunicului meu
Abdulachim Kemal

n ultimul ptrar al veacului al XV-lea, canonicul Jan Dugosz a lsat o


proiecie fascinant asupra fondatorului Hanatului din Crimeea: Pe la jumtatea
lunii august <1466>, mpratul ttarilor Hac Giray a rposat, otrvit fiind
precum muli spun de ai si. Pe toat perioada stpnirii lui, acesta a pzit i
meninut o pace desvrit cu regatul Poloniei i cu inuturile Rusiei. Omenos i
civilizat i dornic de a face bine, acesta i pe cretini se oferise struitor s-i ajute
cu forele sale mpotriva Turcului, numai s-i cear acest lucru Cazimir, regele
Poloniei; i pe ttari, oprindu-i de la prdciuni i jafuri, i-a obligat s i cultive
ogoarele, s se ndeletniceasc cu meserii i meteuguri i s triasc din munc
sau din nego <s.n.>. Fa de polonezi, care adesea erau nrolai la el, pentru ca
acetia s i dea mai mult srguin pentru victorie, n luptele purtate pentru el, i
fa de toi cretinii, de oriunde ar fi sosit la el i locuind n imperiul su, s-a
dovedit att de omenos, civilizat i generos nct nu prea deloc s corespund unui
om barbar i educat n religia mahomedan, dei caracterul nu poate fi judecat dup
naie. A murit spre paguba mai mare a cretinilor dect a sa 1.
Acest portret elogios al unui suveran ttar, de confesiune islamic, ns o
fresc fr pereche n ntreaga cronistic medieval cretin, creionat de pana unui
nalt ierarh catolic, aduce o lumin directoare asupra inovaiilor produse de
proiectul economic chibzuit de Hac Giray (1438-1466), menit s asigure
viabilitatea hanatului ntemeiat n Crimeea. Schematic, reforma i setul de msuri
adiacente au urmrit deplasarea pilonului principal de venituri financiare din
structura economiei de rzboi (dobndirea de prad i robi) n economia de
pace (producie i nego) prin protejarea sectoarelor de agricultori, pstori,
meseriai i negustori.
1

J. Dugosz, Historiae Polonicae, vol. II, Lipsiae, 1712, col. 396-397: Circa medietatem Mensis
Augusti, Tartarorum Imperator Eczigeri absumptus est, & utnonnulli ferunt, suis venenatus. Qui sub
omni tempore sui Imperii, pacem optimam cum Regno Poloniae, & terries Prussiae, custodiuit & tenuit:
humanus, ciuilisque, & bene agenda cupidus. Qui & suis potentiis Christianos contra Turcum, dummodo
Casimirus Poloniae Rex id sibi imperasset, enixius se iuuaturum obtulerat, & Thartaros praedis &
rapinis abstrahens, agros colere, mechanicas artes agere, & elaborato, aut mercato coegerat viuere. In
Polonos, qui frequenter apud illum agebant militiam, quod enixius in certaminibus, pro eo susceptis,
operam suam pro Victoria nauassent, & in omnes Christianos vadecunque ad se venientes, & in suo
commorantes imperio, adeo humanus, ciuilis, & liberalis, ut nequaquam barbaro homini, & in ritibus
Mahumeticis educato, quamuis nihil attinet mores natione perpendi, conuenire videbatur, maiori
Christianorum, quam suo damno extinctus est.

135

Corolarul acestui program l-a constituit eliminarea concurenei genoveze,


prin capturarea portului Caffa, cel mai activ centru comercial din ntreg bazinul
Mrii Negre. Etapele de conflicte ttaro-genoveze au alternat cu cele de boicot din
partea ttar i s-au intersectat, mai ales n deceniul al VII-lea, cu faze de
parteneriat lucrativ ntre aceiai actori concureni.
Dei n rndul elitei ttare crmlene domina aspiraia i ispita cuceririi
bogatului ora amplasat n apropiere de Solhat (Solgat/Eski Krm), de pe coasta
oriental a peninsulei, iar ecourile eecului militar din 1434 nu se stinseser deplin,
Hac Giray, spirit pragmatic, a ncheiat o convenie cu autoritile din Caffa nc de
la nceputul domniei sale. Noua nelegere ttaro-genovez, cuprindea alturi de
formula clasic de loialitate: prieten prietenului i duman dumanului, prevederi
ce reglementau negoul ntre ttari i caffioi. Textul scris al acestui acord nu s-a
conservat, ns o parte din clauzele ei pot fi depistate i recompuse n esena lor
prin apelul la tere surse documentare contemporane, precum registrele ntocmite
de administratorii contabilitii vistieriei (massarii) din Caffa i Statutul acestui
ora intrat n vigoare n anul 1449.
n acordul parafat de Hac Giray au fost incluse prin reactualizare cteva
dispoziii prezente n tratatele ttaro-genoveze din anii 1380-1387, prin care hanul
Hoardei de Aur , Toktam legitimase juridic stpnirea Genovei nu numai asupra
porturilor Caffa, Cembalo (Balaklava) i Soldaia (Sudak), ci i asupra litoralului
Goiei (riparia Gotie) i a litoralului Soldaiei (riparia Soldaie), cesiune
teritorial care a stvilit perspectiva constituirii unor centre portuare ostile
genovezilor2. Vremelnic, Hac Giray a acceptat acest transfer de patrimoniu
teritorial i chiar a vndut terenuri n folosul oraului Caffa.
Pare verosimil supoziia pe care o propunem, anume de a-l substitui pe
Hac Giray n enigmatica autoritate ttar care a vndut genovezilor fortul Lerici
(Illice), de la gura Niprului, centru comercial capturat ulterior, n jurul anului 1454,
de voievodul Moldovei Petru Aron3.
Prin clauze speciale se asigura mutual deplina securitate a negustorilor,
integritatea mrfurilor traficate, extrdarea sclavilor fugari i rambursarea
debiturilor. n perimetrul Caffei, interesele comerciale ale hanului erau asigurate
printr-un vame, iar pricinile iscate ntre supuii hanului erau n competena unui
tudun. Comunitatea Caffei numea un daruga (guvernator civil), dregtor care
mijlocea legturile cu hanul4.
2
Analiza acordurilor ttaro-genoveze din perioada 1380-1387 la Virgil Ciocltan, Restauraia
Hoardei de Aur i tratatele ttaro-genoveze din anii 1380-1387, n Revista istoric, t. I, 1990, nr. 6,
p. 571-595; Enrico Basso, Il bellum de Sorcatied i trattati del 1380-87 tra Genova e lOrda dOro,
n Studi Genuensi, nuova serie, 1990, p. 11-26; erban Papacostea, Virgil Ciocltan, Marea Neagr,
rspntie a drumurilor intercontinentale. 1204-1453, Constana, 2007, p. 193-194.
3
tefan Andreescu, Politica pontic a Moldovei: tefan cel Mare i castelul Illice, n
Revista istoric, t. VII, 1996, nr. 7-8, p. 511-520; Enrico Basso, De rebus castri Ilicis et alia:
Genova, la Moldavia e la Valacchia fra cooperazione e contrasto nel secondo Quattrocento, n vol.
Italia e Romania. Due popoli e due storie e confronto (sec. XIV-XVIII), ed. S. Graciotti, Firenze,
1998, p. 93-96; Alina Minghira-Robin, Du nouveau sur lafaire du chateau de Lerici et les frres
Senarega, n vol. Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani, ed. I. Cndea, V. Srbu, M. Neagu, Brila,
2004, p. 613-623.
4
Din registrele massariei din Caffa din anii 1440 rezult c daruga era ales de comunitatea
oraului i nu numit de han. Asupra rosturilor dregtoriei daruga n lumea turco-mongol, vezi Istvn

136

Funcionarea unei clauze a tratatului lui Hac Giray este mrturisit de o


nregistrare consemnat n registrul massariei din Caffa sub data de 2 martie 1446,
cnd s-au rambursat cheltuielile ocazionate de demersurile ntreprinse pentru
rezolvarea cazului naufragierii unei nave genoveze pe coasta ttar. Recuperarea
legal a prejudiciului s-a efectuat prin apelul la litera pactului ncheiat de
mpratul ttarilor cu comuna Genovei la Caffa (litteras pactorum imperatoris
Tartarorum et commune Janue in Caffa)5.
Convenia ttaro-genovez nu prevedea explicit pentru Caffa obligaia
achitrii unui tribut pecuniar ctre autoritile ttare din Crimeea. Socotelile Caffei
din anii 1441-1446 precizeaz zeci de cazuri de rambursare ale cheltuielilor
prilejuite de donaii oferite hanului, familiei sale, subalternilor si, ct i emisarilor
ttari. Doar spezele misiunii mplinite n mai 1442 de ambasadorii Giovanni de
Reynaldo i Francesco de Fieschi, trimii cu daruri la mpratul Hac Giray, s-au
ridicat la 806 aspri6. Rosturile acestei ambasade erau cu certitudine de natur
comercial deoarece cei doi soli erau bancheri i negustori notorii. Ultimul, nrudit
cu familia Di Negro, gira la Caffa afaceri de sute de mii de aspri n tranzacii
negustoreti cu grne, esturi, bumbac i mtsuri traficate de la Trapezunt7.
Aceleai registre contabile dezvluie apriat c Hac Giray beneficia
suplimentar din partea Caffei de dou stipendii distincte: o subvenie financiar de
susinere (monetan arzir / pecunia alzilis) i darul numit novenas8. Ultima, cu
nelesul de Nou n valoare de 240 aspri, achitat n iulie 1446 prin daruga
intrat n uzul mediului turcofon cu denumirea de dokuz i n cel mongol de yesun
avea i semnificaie de recunoatere de donator a subordonrii fa de primitor9.
Aceste venituri externe erau insuficiente si departe de a permite lui Hac
Giray de a consolida temelia hanatului su i de a menine afilierea i coeziunea
marilor clanuri tribale ttare. Pentru a se implica n competiia pentru primordialitate
Vasry, The Golden Horde daruga and its survival in Russia, n Acta Orientalia, t. 30, 1976, nr. 1,
p. 187-197; idem, The origin of the institution of basqaqs, n Acta Orientalia, t. 32, 1978, nr. 2,
p. 201-206; Donald Ostrowski, The tamma and the dual-administrative structure of the Mongol
empire, n Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, t. 61, 1998, p. 262-277. Ilyas
Kamalov, Altn Orda ve Rusya (Rusya zerindeki Trk-Tatar Etkisi), Istanbul, 2009, p. 173-175.
5
N. Iorga, Notes et extraits pour servir lhistoire des croisades au XVe sicle, vol. I, Paris,
1899, p. 38-39.
6
Ibidem, p. 35: pro expensis Johannis de Reynaldo et Francisci de Flisco, ambassatorum
missorum ad dictum imperatorem Agicarei, cum dictis exeniis asp. DCCCVJ.
7
Bancherul Francesco Fieschi, proprietar de nave la Caffa i Pera, a continuat s fac mari
afaceri n Marea Neagr pn n jurul anului 1475, Serghej Pavlovi Karpov, Una famiglia nobile del
mondo coloniale genovese: i Di Negro, mercanti baroni dei Grandi Comneni di Trebisonda, n
vol. Oriente e Occidento tra Medioevo ed Et Moderna. Studii in onore di Geo Pistarino, ed. Laura
Balleto, Genova, 1997, p. 602.
8
N. Iorga, Notes et extraits, vol. I, p. 38.
9
Derivaia politic i sacr a termenului nou provine de la flamura hanului suprem al
mongolilor, Cengiz Han, care cuprindea 9 cozi de cal (tu), Histoire secrte des Mongols (Monggholun niuca tobciyan). Chronique mongole du XIIIe sicle, ed. M.-D. Even, R. Pop, Gallimard, 1994,
p. 140, 285. Timur Lenk solicita oraelor dobndite prin predare diferite cadouri ale cror cantiti
erau multiplii cifrei nou, Cuneyt Kanat, Osmanl ve Memlk Devletlerinin birbirlerine gnderdii
armaanlar, n vol. Uluslararas Osmanl Tarihi Sempozionu (8-10 Nisan 1999) Bildirileri, ed. Turan
Gkce, Izmir, 2000, p. 37.

137

n lumea ttar din nordul Mrii Negre, Hac Giray avea nevoie de resurse mari,
stabile i permanente. Priceput organizator, Hac Giray a gsit sursa principal de
alimentare a fondurilor sale bneti n sfera negoului. Aceast soluie pacific era
ns strict condiionat de mplinirea cu succes a dou cerine: 1. atragerea
nluntrul hotarelor hanatului a negustorilor strini poteni; 2. asigurarea desfacerii
pe tere piee a mrfurilor produse n hanat.
Peninsula fertil i stepa adiacent produceau, n anii fr secete, molime i
ploi abundente, recolte mbelugate i permiteau pstoritul turmelor de oi, al
cirezilor de vite cornute i al hergheliilor de cai. Pentru potenialul economic al
zonei de la gurile Donului sunt concludente mrturiile contemporanului Giossafatto
Barbaro care relateaz despre caravane cu 4000 de cai trimise spre Persia i despre
traficul cu boi frumoi (boi bellissimi) care parcurgnd Polonia, Moldova
(Blachia) i Germania (Alemania) ajungeau pn n Italia10.
Din hanatul crmlean se exportau la Caffa cu precdere materii prime
precum: grne (gru, mei), furaje (orz), sare, produse apicole (miere, cear), piei i
blnuri. O furnizare de mei este precizat n actele negustorului de grne Simone
de Levante, care n aprilie 1440 efectuase o tranzacie cu meiul din cmpia
ttarilor (ex miliis campanie Tartarorum)11. Chiar dac nu se poate ntocmi o
diagram a volumului i a valorii comerului bilateral ntre Hanat i Caffa
datorit srciei surselor totui, prin analiza structurii traficului reciproc se poate
nchega concluzia c ttarii vindeau produse cu preuri ieftine, n avantajul
genovezilor, i c achiziionau, prin canalul unic al genovezilor, sortimente de
marf scumpe: mirodenii, postavuri, articole de lux, stofe, mtsuri, etc. Acest
schimb teoretic neechivalent era i practic neproductiv pentru trezoreria lui Hac
Giray deoarece angrena o scurgere monetar dinspre Hanat spre Caffa. n plus,
negustorii genovezi alimentau firav veniturile fiscale produse de centrele de taxare
i impozitare (taxe vamale, de cntrire, de nmagazinare, de pod, de trecere a apei,
etc.)12 amplasate pe reeaua drumurilor terestre ce traversau teritoriul hanatului pe
direcia Caffa Perekop i debuau la Lwow (Lemberg).
Deinnd monopolul asupra comerului din Marea Neagr, asigurat de o
flot suveran asupra luciului apei, ct i sigurana oferit de fortreele lor din
Crimeea, inexpugnabile pentru asaltatorii ttari, negustorii din Caffa n cutare de
profituri mari i imediate i-au deplasat inerent investiiile din perimetrul hanatului
crmlean n alte zone ttare mai rentabile. Dei s-au conservat un numr redus de
documente privitoare la negoul cu robi practicat de negustorii genovezi i veneieni
10

Iosaphat Barbaro, Viaggio alla Tana, n vol. Barbaro i Kontarini o Rossii. K istorii italoruskih sviazei v XV v.,ed. E. . Skrijinska, Leningrad, 1971, p. 124-125.
11
tefan Andreescu, Noi tiri despre exportul de cereale prin Cetatea Alb i gurile Dunrii
(prima jumtate a secolului al XV-lea), n Studii i Materiale de Istorie Medie, vol. XX, 2002, p. 325.
12
Despre dregtorii ttari i taxele (tamga, tartanak, harc haracat, kabaclk, karavulluk, etc.)
din sistemul vamal al hanatului din Crimeea de la mijlocul veacului al XV-lea, vezi Halil Inalck,
Osmanl Karadenizi zerinde kaynaklar ve aratrmalar. I. Kefe gmrk beky defteri, 1487-1490 /
Sources and Studies on the Ottoman Black Sea. I. The Customs Register of Caffa, 1487-1490,
Harvard University, 1995, p. 98-99. Istvan Vasary, Jalovanniye gramontii Djucieva Ulusa, dannie
italianskim gorodam Kafa i Tana, n vol. Istonikovedenie istorii Ulusa Djui (Zolotoy Ordi). Ot
Kalki do Astrahani 1223-1556, Kazan, 2001, p. 202-203.

138

n nordul Mrii Negre, se poate observa c acetia nu achiziionau sclavi din trgurile
comerciale controlate de Hac Giray unde preurile erau mai ridicate deoarece nu
exista o aprovizionare curent ci procurau marfa uman direct de la sursa
furnizoare. Ilustrativ pentru acest ocoli, impresariat de negustorii din Caffa, prin
care nu s-a mai nutrit vama colectat de Hac Giray, este modul n care s-a organizat
procurarea unui lot consistent de sclavi n primvara anului 1442. Dup datele
consemnate n massaria din Caffa, autoritile oraului au asigurat transportul
maritim pe ruta Matrega Caffa pentru prinul Kasm, fiul lui Ulu Mehmed,
aductor al unei przi de 500 capete de sarazini (cum preda capitum Serracenorum
quingentorum) acompaniat de negustorul Bartolomeo de Flisco13. Un alt exemplu
este la fel de elocvent pentru refluxul genovez din Hanatul crmlean. n 1451, patru
negustori ttari: Temir Goza (Hoca) i fiul su Erecip, mpreun cu Husain de Saidun
i Dolat Goza (Devlet Hoca), care activau la La Tana (Azak/Azov), au solicitat
medierea consulului local, veneianul Marco Duodo, pentru a recupera o paguba de
3.600 aspri produs de compania Batista de Via din Caffa14. nclinm s credem c
reclamanii ttari nu erau supui ai hanului Hac Giray.
Situaia traficului comercial anemic ntre Hanat i Caffa era o realitate
cunoscut de Hac Giray, dar i de Genova. Acest fapt rezult cu claritate din modul n
care dogele Genovei recomanda conducerii Caffei n 1443 s rezolve petiia lui
Dario Grillo. Acest personaj ndeplinise n 1430 o misiune diplomatic ctre curtea
principelui Lituaniei, Vitold, i fusese prduit pe traseu, de banii, caii i mrfurile
sale, de ttari, bunuri a cror valoare total era preuit la 200 sommi, adic la 2400
lire genoveze. Dup 13 ani dogele solicita ca petentul s fie despgubit cu
dregtorii remunerate i, n ultim instan, pentru acoperirea ntregului prejudiciu
s i se acorde compensator un venit special (drictus) din tarifarea tranzaciilor
efectuate de negustorii ttari pe piaa din Caffa15.
Legturile subversive ale Caffei cu rivalul su capital, Seyyid Ahmed, dar i
dorina sa ardent de a impune hanatul ca un pivot lucrativ al traficului dintre
nordul i sudul Mrii Negre, l-au determinat pe Hac Giray s deschid n Crimeea
o nou cale comercial terestr legat direct prin rute maritime cu porturile Sinope
i Trapezunt. Lipsit de porturi cu instalaii adecvate, de corbii dar i de echipaje
marinreti16 handicapuri congenitale ale puterii ttarilor hanul din Crimeea a
gsit un partener, cointeresat n spargerea monopolului genovez, n Olobei
(Ulubei), principele ortodox din Teodoro. Ultimul stpnea n limanul Calamitiei
13

N. Iorga, Notes et extraits, vol. I, p. 35-36.


Bernard Doumerc, Les Vnitiens a La Tana (Azov) au XVe sicle, n Cahiers du Monde
russe et sovitique, t. XXVIII, 1987, no. 1, p. 12.
15
Documentul din 1443 precizat ca inedit de S.P. Karpov (New Documents on the Relations
between the Latins and Local Populations in the Black Sea Area (1392-1462), n Dumbarton Oak Papers,
t. 49, 1995, p. 37) a fost publicat anterior i integral de t. Andreescu, Trois actes des archives de Gnes
concernant lhistoire de la mer Noire au XVe sicle, n Revue des tudes Sud-Est Europennes, t. XXI,
1983, no. 1, p. 31-50. Istoricul rus a echivalat summorum ducentorum cu 300 sommi.
16
Numai n cazuri excepionale ntlnim marinari ttari angajai cu simbrie n echipajele
galerelor genoveze, M. Balard, Le systme portuaire gnois doutre-mer (XIIe-XVe sicles), n vol. I
porti come impresa economica. Atti della Diciannovesima Settimana di Studi, 2-6 maggio 1987,
ed. Simonetta Cavaciocchi, Firenze, 1988, p. 34.
14

139

un port cu multiple atu-uri naturale care permiteau navigaia corbiilor maritime i


activitile portuare: rada era la adpost de vnturile dominante dinspre uscat; lipseau
curenii maritimi iar adncimea apei ngduia acostarea navelor cu tonaj ridicat17.
Aliana regional antigenovez s-a transformat n jurul anului 1446 ntr-o coaliie
transpontic prin aderarea mpratului din Trapezunt i a emirului din Sinope18.
Tentativele genovezilor de a scinda patrulaterul care aduna pe Hac Giray, Olobei,
Ioan IV i Ismail, prin stratagema de a angrena pe ttari contra principelui din
Teodoro i de a dobndi cooperarea mpratului din Trapezunt, au euat.
Zelos n organizarea exploatrii surselor financiare, Hac Giray a antrenat n
deturnarea i restructurarea dinspre rsrit spre apus a drumurilor comerciale din
Crimeea i pe negustorii din Caffa. Amplitudinea acestui demers ttar subversiv
este detaliat de articole i paragrafe incluse n statutul Caffei din anul 144919. Prin
acest act legislativ se considerau ilicite i erau penalizate operaiunile orenilor
caffioi de a ncheia tranzacii comerciale directe cu hanul, cu dregtorii si sau cu
reprezentantul hanal din ora. Erau puse sub obroc arendarea i achiziionarea
salinelor i a srii din hanat. Un articol special avea ca subiect: Despre nlturarea
legturii orenilor cu ttarii (De conjuctione burgensium cum Tartaris
removenta). Sub pretextul c: din cauza friei i legturii pe care orenii Caffei
sau o parte a lor o au i o ncheie cu mpratul ttarilor <Hac Giray> i cu supuii
i cu demnitarii (baronibus) acestuia rezult o mare pagub i neajuns (magnum
damnum et incommodum) pentru aceast cetate a Caffei i pentru comuna Genovei,
mai ales deoarece secretele sale le sunt dezvluite ttarilor de menionaii oreni i
aceasta pentru daruri i alte recompense pe care le primesc orenii de la amintitul
mprat i de la supuii lui, se adoptau msuri restrictive. Aceste ngrdiri
reglementau urmtoarele interdicii: ca orice persoan de sex brbtesc sau
femeiesc de orice condiie ar fi, s nu ndrzneasc sau s cuteze, de acum nainte,
personal sau printr-un intermediar s primeasc sau s fac s primeasc vreun dar
sau vreun lucru sau lucruri de la mpratul ttarilor sau de la vreun ttar supus al
acestuia sau nu. De asemenea se interzicea gzduirea ttarilor i ca nici un
orean al Caffei s nu ndrzneasc sau s cuteze s aib vreo convorbire cu
ambasadori ai amintiilor ttari care ar veni la Caffa, n amintita cetate a Caffei sau
n afara ei, cu excepia cazului n care amintitul ambasador ar fi avut mai nti o
convorbire (colloquium) cu consulul Caffei.
Mobilul ofensiv urmrit de Hac Giray i uriaa miz economic care a
nveninat raporturile ttaro-caffiote au fost raiunile introducerii n statutul coloniei
genoveze din 1449 a unor stipulaii particulare: crearea unui departament de
supraveghere a fortificaiilor (officium provisionis); suprimarea exportului materialelor
17

n antierul naval din Calamita la sfritul veacului al XIV-lea se construiau i galere, R.


Morozzo Della Roca, Notizie da Caffa, n Studi in onore di Amintore Fanfani, vol. III, Milano, 1962, p. 26.
18
S. P. Karpov, Limpero di Trebisonda, Venezia, Genova e Roma. 1204-1461. Rapporti
politici, diplomatici e commerciali, Roma, 1986, p. 165-171. Arhitectura relaiilor emirilor din Sinope
cu Genova la erban Papacostea,Gnois et riverains du bassin pontic au XIVe et XVe sicles: le cas de
Sinope, n Studii i Materiale de Istorie Medie, t. XXIV, 2006, p. 1-8.
19
Amedeo Vigna, Statuto di Caffa, n Atti dela Societ Ligure di Storia Patria, vol. VII,
parte II, fasc. II, 1881, p. 575-680.

140

de construcii; zidarii i meterii din antierele navale nu puteau prsi Caffa fr


permisiunea consulului; toate ambarcaiunile cu velatur ptrat care ancorau n
portul Caffa aveau sarcina de a duce pietre de construcie, etc.
Deoarece pe scena Mrii Negre a aprut un nou actor cu pretenii, turcii osmani,
genovezii nu au reprimat manu militari rzboiul economic declanat de adversari i
s-au limitat la msuri de securizare a fortreelor deinute pe coastele mrii cu sperana
c flota lor va fi capabil s blocheze comerul porturilor concurente.
Manevrele lui Hac Giray de a submina tranzitul mrfurilor prin Caffa i de a
brana piaa Hanatului la comerul internaional sunt puse n eviden de surse
documentare care l focalizeaz pe hanul crmlean n postura de mare negustor i
de proteguitor al negoului.
La nceputul anului 1453, printr-un raport semnat de consulul Borruele
Grimaldi, massarii i consiliul btrnilor din Caffa, crmuirea din Genova era
informat c mari cantiti de mrfuri erau transferate la Krkyer (ufut Kale) i la
reedina mpratului ttarilor <Hac Giray>, unde nsui mpratul a pus de curnd
s fie construit i ridicat cu mare rvn un palat i locuiete acolo nu precum
obinuiesc mpraii ttarilor, ci ca i cum ar fi un negustor latin (et mansionem
imperatoris Tartarorum, ubi imperator ipse nuper pretorium in magna forcia
construi et fabricari fecit residatque ibi non ut solent imperatores Tartarorum, sed
uti esset mercator Latinus)20.
Documentul descrie anvergura inovaiilor din dispozitivul pus n micare
de Hac Giray menit s transforme capitala sa ntr-un centru nodal al marelui
comer internaional. n cooperare cu conductorul principatului Mangop, hanul
crmlean croise noi drumuri terestre care debuau la Calamita (Inkerman), port
prielnic acostrii bastimentelor negustoreti21, n rada cruia conform mrturiei
genoveze se desfoar un comer intens i sosesc n permanen, mai mult
dect de obicei, multe corbii, nave i galeote ale turcilor cu muli negustori i mari
ncrcturi de mrfuri (ad locum Calamite frequens comerchium et acesus
continuus ultra solitum fit per multas naves, navigia et galeacias Teucrorum cum
magna mercatorum et mercium somma). Perspectivele sumbre ale destinului
coloniei aduse la tiina Genovei putei fi siguri c oraul nostru <Caffa> va pi
precum Tana, odinioar mare i foarte bogat, iar azi n ruin, deoarece este lipsit
de negoul obinuit i de sosirile i plecrile negustorilor erau urmate de
diagrama breelor produse n venele monopolului genovez asupra Mrii Negre: Pe
lng aceast scal de la Calamita, turcii de curnd au instituit alta <scal> la
Savastopoli i pe coasta de la marginea Zichiei Albe, unde ei ajung cu navele,
negustorii i puzderie de veminte i de acolo export muli robi, care de obicei
20

Document tiprit i analizat de tefan Andreescu, Un act genovez din 1453 sau despre
limitele metodei cantitative, n Studii i Materiale de Istorie Medie, vol. XXI, 2003, doc. II, p. 146148 (= n Idem, Izvoare noi cu privire la istoria Mrii Negre, Bucureti , 2005, p. 55-60). Raportul lui
B. Grimaldi a fost semnalat i rezumat de Alfonso Assini, Una filza ritrovata. La riscoperta di
importanti documenti genovesi su Constantinopoli e il Mar Nero, n Romnia Orientale, t. 12,
1999, p.30-32.
21
n secolul al XVI-lea, Martin Broniowski (Tartariae Descriptio, Coloniae Agrippinae,
1595, p. 15) descrie cele trei porturi din Inkerman ad quos naves multae commode accedere.

141

erau adui aici <Caffa>, dup cum ordon ornduiala veche i prerogativele pe care
strmoii notri <negustorii> le aveau cu demnitate din vechime (Ultra quam
frequenter scalam Calamite aliam nuper susitaverunt ipsi Teucri que non parva est
in Savastopoli et confine costeria, nuncupata Alba Zicha, quo acessus fit per eos
cum navigiis, mercatoribus et infinita rauba et inde extrahunt multa capita que
omnia solita erant huc conduci, ut iubent antiquus ordo et prerogative quas nostri
maiores in ista civitate antiquitus digne habebant). i se continua graficul: Pe
lng aceste scale menionate, de curnd este ntemeiat una nou, care dac ar
dura ar fi mai rea dect celelalte (Ultra quas specifficatas scalas nuper nova
susitatur que si perseveraret ceteris pernicisior esset). Portul cu pricina era Copa,
staiunea n care debarcau negustorii turci cu mrfuri i veminte.
Secvenele succesive ale giraiei complete ntreprinse de traficanii turci erau
expuse succint: Aceti negustori turci cu astfel de mrfuri cumpr un mare numr
de robi i roabe, pe care de acolo i duc la Ker (Vosporo), pe rute maritime tainice,
cu monoxile i brci; de unde pe uscat ajung la menionatul loc Krkyer i de acolo
la Calamita. Dac aceast situaie ar continua, pe lng paguba robilor, de vreme ce
turcii i goii au neles un asemenea confort i ctig <al negoului>, ne temem c
n scurt vreme va nceta i ctigul pe care negustorii notri i acest ora obinuiau
s l obin n amintitul Copa i n toat Zichia; deoarece numiii turci pot s aduc
uor orice marf n menionatele locuri Copa i Zichia i s le vnd cu un pre mai
mic dect ale noastre, deoarece aici <la Caffa> astfel de lucruri i mrfuri se
cumpr mai scump i n acelai mod pun preuri extrem de mari i n privina
robilor, iar aceste locuri Copa i Zichia sunt printre cele mai nsemnate membre pe
care oraul nostru le are n acest moment (qui quidem mercatores Teucri cum
talibus mercibus comperant magnam sommam sclavorum et sclavarum quos exinde
secreta via maritima cum monosolis et casapalibus, lignis navigabilibus conducunt
Vosporum, unde via terrestri acedunt ad dictum locum Chercararum et sucesive
Calamitam, quod si prosequeretur ultra dampnum capitum cum gustaverunt ipsi
Teucri et Gotici similem habilitatem et comoditatem dubitamus quod in brevi
tempore cessabit et comodum quod nostri mercatores et civitas ista in dicto loco
Coparii et tota Zichia percipere soliti erant, quia Teucri antedicti possunt
quascunque res in dictis locis Coparii et Zichie expeditivas portare er viliori precio
vendere nostris quia hic eiusdem nature res et merces emunt cariores similiter et in
capitibus precia multum excesiva conferunt quod nostri facere non posunt, que
loca Coparii et Zichie sunt ex prestancioribus membris que ista civitas
presencialiter habeat).
Protecia negustorilor turci22 care traficau n ambele sensuri ntre Crimeea
i Anatolia, pe tronsonul maritim direct Calamita Sinope i pe cel ocolitor prin
cabotajul litoralului oriental al Mrii Negre, era asigurat de marina emirului Ismail
22
Nominalizarea propus de t. Andreescu (luc. cit.) i acceptat de Ovidiu Cristea, Genoas
Struggle for Hegemony in the Black Sea (Thirtheenth-Fourtheenth Centuries), n Historical Yearbook,
vol. II, 2005, p. 132, de a identifica pe des citaii teucri din actul din ianuarie 1453 cu turcii
otomani, a fost amendat convingtor de erban Papacostea (Addenda et Corrigenda, n Studii i
Materiale de Istorie Medie, vol. XXVI, 2008, p. 325-326) prin mai concordantul turcii din Sinope.

142

(1443-1461). Ascensiunea acestui emirat pontic n postura de for naval


concurent este surprins n breviarul genovez din ianuarie 1453: tim dintr-o
relatare sigur c stpnul Sinopelui <emirul Ismail> a pus s fie construit o nav
cu tonajul de 800 modii23, cu care i-a propus s fac numai asemenea cltorii,
dei acest lucru este mpotriva tratatelor fcute cu noi de curnd, prin care
amintitului stpn al Sinopelui nu i se permite s aib o corabie att de mare fr
permisiunea noastr, dar vznd c nu avem <Caffa> la ndemn fore pentru a ne
opune, nu se sinchisete c ncalc pacea, dei a ncheiat-o cu noi de curnd
(certifficati sumus veridico relatu prout dominus Sinoparum fabricari fecit navem
unam portate mediorum octingentorum cum qua similia viagia tantum modo facere
propoxuit, licet hoc sit contra federa nobiscum nuper condita per que dicto domino
Sinoparum non licet tantam navem habere sine nostra licentia, sed visso quod in
obstando non habemus promptas vires paucum curat ipsi paci contravenire, non
obstante quod nuper eam nobiscum celebraverat).
Graie intensitii traficului comercial pe noile rute, n Crimeea s-a produs o
rsturnare radical de roluri. Antrepozitele din Krkyer i Solgat au devenit, contrar
situaiei precedente, furnizori ai Caffei pentru produse precum bumbacuri, mtsuri
i piei argsite. Negustorii strini, n special cei originari din Imperiul Otoman,
Egiptul mameluc i emiratul Candaroullar, erau atrai de bazarul de robi din
Krkyer datorit preului redus al robilor i al cheltuielilor mici pentru transportul
lor n portul de ambarcare, Calamita.
Consistena efectului financiar produs de redirecionarea convoaielor de robi
i alegerea de traficani a unui terminal maritim concurent stabilimentelor genoveze
din Crimeea poate fi evaluat dac comparm conjunctur economic de la
mijlocul secolului al XV-lea cu cea descris de Pero Tafur n jurul anului 1438.
Cltorul spaniol a consemnat despre Caffa: n acest ora sunt vndui mai muli
robi, brbai i femei, dect oriunde n lume i sultanul Egiptului are oamenii lui
aici care achiziioneaz robi i i trimit la Cairo i lor li se spune mameluci24.
Pentru impulsionarea negoului internaional, Hac Giray a creat o nou
infrastructur cu drumuri amenajate cu hanuri, poduri, antrepozite i caravanseraiuri.
Totodat, a organizat locaii vamale cu vamei i staiuni de taxare a traficului cu
dregtori speciali nsrcinai cu ncasarea tarifelor aferente operaiunilor de vnzarecumprare, transport, cntrire, nmagazinare etc. Nivelul valoric al acestor taxe era
inferior celor din Caffa, ns global hanul a drenat solitar surse financiare consistente.
Dimensiunea pecuniar a ctigurilor dobndite de Hac Giray din afaceri
negustoreti, n special din vnzarea robilor, desigur egal valoric cu cuantumul
pagubelor suferite de Caffa, ct i modul n care perdanii genovezi au ncercat s
sufoce concurena emulilor, prin blocarea limanului Calamita dinspre perimetrul
23

La studiul Un act genovez, n varianta din vol. Izvoare noi, Dl. tefan Andreescu a adugat
cteva precizri, din care una stabilea tonajul corbiei din Sinope la 225, 208 tone. Editorul de izvoare
genoveze, ce au adus la lumin episoade necunoscute din istoria ttarilor, a reluat chestiunea (idem,
Addenda et Corrigenda 6. Corabia din Sinope n Studii i Materiale de Istorie Medie, vol. XXIV,
2006, p. 267-268), apreciind corabia drept o realizare tehnic excepional, n msur s ngrijoreze
profund autoritile genoveze din Marea Neagr i s strneasc interesul sultanului Mehmet II.
24
Pero Tafur, Travel and Adventures. 1435-1439, ed. M. Letts, London, 1926, p. 133.

143

maritim, sunt punctate ntr-un amplu raport consular adresat metropolei n toamna
anului 1455. La 6 septembrie crmacii Caffei au notificat: La Officium Sancti
Antonii25 nu se mai obine nici un venit deoarece aici nu a mai venit aproape niciun
<negustor> musulman, datorit portului Calamita unde au debarcat pn de curnd;
ceea ce nu vor mai face, de vreme ce sunt nspimntai cu desvrire din cauza
capturrii navei domnului din Sinope, interceptat de Marino Cigalla, mpreun cu
aproximativ o sut de robi, nav pe care au adus-o aici <Caffa> (Ab officio sancti
antonij nil estraitur cum nuli saraceni quaxi amplius hic capitant. respectu porti quem
actenus habuerunt in calamita. quod tenemus amplius non facient. cum perterriti sint
ex captione nauis domini sinopi intercepte per marinum cigalam cum capitibus circa
centum. quamque nauem huc conduxit)26. n acelai raport se precizeaz: i chiar o
galer a noastr <a Caffei> a capturat dou galeote turceti, lipsite de ncrctur, din
care una a fost scufundat pe loc i una condus aici pn la Cembalo (Et etiam galea
nostra cepit galeatias duas theucrorum vacuas. quas in eo loco reperiuit et unam huc
conduxit aliam in cimbalo). Corbiile menionate n document aparineau cu mult
probabilitate emirului turc din Sinope. Lezaii actului de piraterie, hanul Hac Giray i
emirul Ismail, nu au recuperat pagubele iar negustorul Marino Gigalla a revenit la
Chios cu prada de 114 sclavi ambarcai n portul Cembalo27.
Autoritile din Caffa, experte n diversiuni diplomatice i politice, pentru a-l
extrage pe Hac Giray din coaliia care reunea alturi de liderul ttar pe principele
din Mangop (Teodoro) i pe eful emiratului Candaroullar, alian n care ultimul
asigura braul naval de legtur ntre Crimeea i Anatolia, au direcionat tiul
reaciei lor armate asupra marinei emirului Ismail (1443-1461). Prin acest tertip, pe
de o parte au zgzuit vremelnic linia maritim Calamita Sinope, iar pe de alt
parte, au nruit valenele comerciale ale portului crmlean.
Pentru a atrage actori poteni n jocul schimburilor comerciale din Crimeea,
Hac Giray a acordat faciliti particulare negustorilor strini. La 8 martie 1453, din
sarayul su din Krkyer, Hac Giray a emis un privilegiu (yarlk) de imunitate
(soyurgal) n beneficiul lui Hakim Yahya, fiul lui Mahmud din Ankara.
Beneficiarul scutirii (tarhan) era absolvit de plata unui ir de taxe vamale, de drum,
de cntrire, de depozitare, de paz etc., ct i de efectuarea unor servicii n
localitile Krkyer, Krm, Krkediyer, Ker, Taman (Matrega), Kaba (Copa) i
Kpak, asigurndu-i-se accesul liber la Caffa28.
25

Departamentul Officium Sancti Antonii din Caffa supraveghea i controla comerul cu robi.
Amedeo Vigna, Codice diplomatico delle colonie tauro-liguri durante la signoria del
Banco di San Giorgio (MCCCCLIII-MCCCCXXV), vol. I, Genova, 1868, doc. CLI, p. 364-368.
27
Jacques Heers, Gnes au XVe sicle. Civilisation mditerranenne, grand capitalisme, et
capitalisme populaire, Paris, 1971, p. 264.
28
Akdes Nimet Kurat, Topkap Saray Muzesi Arivindeki Altn Ordu, Krm ve Trkistan
hanlarna ait yarlk ve bitikler, Istanbul, 1940, doc. 4, p. 68-80; W. Hinz, Zwei SteuerbefreiungsUrkunden, n vol. Documenta Islamica Inedita, ed. J.W. Fuck, Berlin, 1952, doc. I, p. 213-217; Le
Khanat de Crime dans les Archives de Topkap, ed. A. Bennigsen, P.N. Boratav, D. Deseive, Ch.
Lemercier-Quelquejay, Paris, La Haye, 1978, p. 33-35, fotocopie la p. 36-37. Editorii au omis n
traducerea francez toponimul kpak, care apare la nceputul rndului 43; A. Melek zyetgin, Altn
Ordu, Krm ve Kazan Sahasna Ait Yarlk ve Bitiklerin Dil ve slp Incelemesi (Inceleme-MetinTercme-Notlar-Dizin-Tpkbasm), Ankara, 1996, p. 112-115, 142-145.
26

144

Pe linia protejrii negustorilor autohtoni se nscrie privilegiul hanal


promulgat la 27 noiembrie 1459, acordat locuitorilor din Krkyer, mai precis
membrilor locali ai comunitilor musulmane, evreieti i armeneti29. Evreii i
armenii au primit aceast concesiune deoarece, de obicei poligloi i dotai cu un
spirit mercantilist, ndeplineau n Crimeea rosturi multiple. Prin capitalurile i
reelele transfrontaliere intermediau i coordonau transferul de mrfuri de lux
(mtsuri, mirodenii) dinspre Asia Minor i Persia i, totodat, traficau articole
orientale i ttreti prin nodurile ramificaiilor drumurilor care legau locaiile
crmlene de oraul Lwow. Prin canalul via tartaricum se distribuiau i arme
manufacturate de armurieri i artizani ttari, precum sbii, arcuri i tolbe cu
sgei30. Deseori ca negustori, curieri, spioni, diplomai sau translatori, ei au mediat
contactele lui Hac Giray cu regatul polon i cu citadela Caffa31.
mplinirea cu strictee a condiiei sine qua non a comerului la mare distan,
asigurarea securitii depline a vieii negustorilor i a integritii averii lor, s-a
circumscris fondului ambiental prielnic, de toleran etnic i confesional.
Negustori prigonii de administraia din Caffa au gsit un azil salvator n hanatul
crmlean. La sfritul anului 1452 genovezul Lorenzo Spinola, urmrit de creditori,
a evadat din nchisoare i s-a refugiat la Solgat32.
Prin amploare i structura participanilor, programul economic iniiat de
Hac Giray la mijlocul veacului al XV-lea are un antecedent exponenial de la
sfritul veacului al XIV-lea. Axa politico-militar Saray-Bursa-Cairo, trilaterala
antitimurid care reunea pe Toktam, Bayezid i Berkuk, a avut roade pe plan
comercial. Mecanismul cooperrii este elucidat de izvoare. n misiva adresat de
Ulu Mehmed lui Murad II la 14 martie 1428 se precizau relaiile excepionale
dintre Bayezid i Toktam drept fundalul prielnic pentru traficul negustorilor
asociai (bazirgan ortaklar) ntre Hoarda de Aur i Imperiul Otoman. n 1391,
Berkuk a solicitat lui Bayezid s intervin la autoritile din Caffa pentru eliberarea
negustorilor mameluci. n rspunsul su, datat 6 septembrie 1391, sultanul otoman
relata c n urma interveniei sale genovezii au eliberat pe negustori mpreun cu
averea lor i l-a asigurat c negustorii musulmani erau liberi s practice comerul n
teritoriul genovezilor din Marea Neagr33. Funcionarea acestui releu a fost
29

V. D. Smirnov, Tatarsko-hanskie iarlki iz kollekii Tavrieskoj Uenoj Arhivnoj Komissii,


n Izveztija Tavrieskoj Uenoj Arhivnoj Komissii, t. 54, 1918, doc. 1, p. 1-19; M.A. Usmanov,
Jalovannie akti Djuieva ulusa XIV-XVI vv., Kazan, 1979, doc. 5, p. 32.
30
Armele de origine ttar sunt semnalate ntr-un proces derulat la Lwow n mai 1443, Akta
grodzkie i ziemskie z czasw Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z Archiwum tak zvanego Bernardyskiego we
Lwowie, vol. XIV, ed. Al. Stadnicki, Lwow, 1889, doc. 745, p. 94. n privilegiul primit de Lwow n
iulie 1444 sunt enumerai printre negustorii care traficau aici: greci, armeni, sarazini, iudei i
bessermeni, ibidem, vol. V, 1875, doc. 104, p. 133-134.
31
n 1465, Cochos Iudeus a purtat negocieri ntre Hac Giray i Caffa, G.G. Musso, Il
tramonto di Caffa genovese, n vol. Miscellanea di storia ligure In memoria di Georgio Falco,
Genova, 1966, p. 329.
32
E. Basso, Caffa 1453: tensioni interne e difficolt economiche alla vigilia della caduta di
Constantinopoli, n Romnia Orientale, t. XII, 1999, doc. 6, p. 84-85.
33
Ahmed Feridun Be, Mneat es-Selatin, vol. I, Istanbul, 1274 H/1857-1858, p. 114-115.
Bayezid i-a exprimat sperana c cele dou sultanate sunt ca dou suflete ntr-un singur corp i dou
mini ntr-un singur bra.

145

efemer, fiind anihilat i distrus de cuceritorul ttar Timur Lenk al crui program
economic viza transformarea Samarkandului ntr-un centru comercial mondial.
n alte circumstane, dar la fel de vremelnic, s-a dovedit i tentativa regional
iniiat de principele Alexie de Mangop n anul 1431 de a captura portul i fortul
Cembalo (Balaklava) i de a produce cu concursul ttarilor crmleni o bre n
sistemul comercial monopolist impus de Genova. Genovezii, n coniven cu
sultanul otoman i emirul din Sinope, au recuperat pierderea n anul 1434,
redobndind controlul asupra litoralului Crimeei34.
Perioada de elan al avntului economic generat de ruta Krkyer Calamita nu
a durat mai mult de un deceniu i jumtate. Spre deosebire de cazurile precedente
al cror declin a fost parafat n consecina unor nfrngeri pe cmpul de lupt
recesiunea din Crimeea s-a datorat marilor mutaii produse n bazinul pontic dup
cucerirea de otomani a Constantinopolului. Parteneriatul lui Hac Giray cu
Mehmed Cuceritorul dup eecul tentativei comune de a captura Caffa (1454) n
beneficiul hanului, a evoluat lent i ireversibil, datorit intereselor divergente i
concurente, dup o faz tranzitorie de rcire a bunelor raporturi, la deplasarea
hanatului crmlean n rndul statelor oponente Imperiului otoman. Hac Giray a
resimit ocul economic propulsat de integrarea sub flamura otoman a ntregului
litoral meridional al Mrii Negre prin achiziionarea fortreei genoveze Amastris
(1459), a emiratului din Sinope (1461) i a microimperiului din Trapezunt (1461).
Produse care anterior erau tranzitate pe calea mrii spre Crimeea, acum erau
vehiculate terestru pe ruta transanatolian median spre antrepozitele i
manufacturile din Tokat, Bursa i Istanbul. La acest releu comercial erau deja
racordai negustorii moldoveni i poloni n urma intrrii Moldovei sub suzeranitate
otoman, umbrel care a dat o coloratur concurent drumului moldovenesc fa
de drumul ttresc.
Reorganizarea traseelor maritime i terestre de pe faada sudic i vestic a
Mrii Negre i instaurarea controlului otoman n periferia imediat a Hanatului
crmlean, pe luciul apei Pontului, l-au determinat pe Hac Giray s renune
definitiv la blocada economic a Caffei i s accepte un nou echilibru cu
autoritile din citadela genovez.
Dup un deceniu de tensiuni comerciale i conflicte armate, care au culminat
cu asediul ttaro-otoman din 1454, hanul a ncheiat n 1456 o nou pace cu
caffioii, acord care insera calitatea de tributari pentru genovezii din Crimeea35. n
contextul politicii expansioniste promovate de sultanul Mehmed Cuceritorul,
pentru Genova meninerea pcii i alianei cu Hac Giray a devenit un vector al
34

erban Papacostea, Genovezi i otomani n 1431-1434. Din istoria unei aliane, n vol.
Istorie i diplomaie n relaiile internaionale. Omagiu istoricului Tahsin Gemil, Constana 2003, p.
91-96; Idem, Un rvolte antignoise en Mer Noire et la riposte de Gnes, n Il Mar Nero, t. 1, 1994,
p. 279-290; t. Andreescu, Alte acte genoveze cu privire la expediia lui Carlo Lomellino n Marea
Neagr (1434), n idem, Izvoare noi, p. 22-41; Idem, New Genoese Documents Relating to Carlo
Lomellinos Expedition in the Black Sea Area (1434), n Il Mar Nero, t. V, 2003, p. 259-272.
35
n 1456 la Caffa s-a nregistrat notificarea pcii cu Hac Giray (notificandum pacem
factam Agigarei), Gian Giaccomo Musso, Russia e Genovesi nel Levante nel quatrocento. Note su
documenti, n Rasegna degli Archivi di Stato, t. XXV, 1965, nr. 2, p. 233, nota 4.

146

politicii sale n bazinul pontic. La nceputul anului 1458, metropola solicita


crmuitorilor din Caffa pe de o parte s adopte msuri represive asupra cetenilor
si care spionau n serviciul ttarilor i, contrar regulamentelor, retribuii de ttari
strngeau pentru mpratul ttarilor birul numit canlucum (colligunt vectigal
illud imperatoris tartarorum quod canlucum nominatur), i pe de alt parte s
triasc n deplin nelegere cu Hac Giray. Totodat, se recomanda ca hanul s fie
primit la Caffa cu mare curtoazie iar autoritile locale s reglementeze amiabil
comerul cu sare din salinele amplasate n hotarele hanatului. Aceste sfaturi
prudente prescrise de Genova erau necesare deoarece Caffa nu reuise s pun
stavila expansiunii principilor din Teodoro n Gotia i s stopeze activitatea
comercial grav duntoare a portului rival, Calamita36.
Panta cordial a raporturilor ttaro-genoveze este relevat de un episod
consemnat n registrele massariei din Caffa. Trezoreria local a acoperit la
sfritul anului 1459 cheltuielile ocazionate de serbarea n ora a evenimentului
circumziunii (snnet toy) fiului hanului. Ospeia a necesitat tierea a 14 berbeci i
suma de 176 aspri. Probabil nu ntmpltor, sindrofia a fost gzduit n reedina
negustorului Francesco Guarco37. Aceleai condici ofer informaii asupra
legturilor lui Hac Giray cu regele Poloniei. Cazimir IV aflat n conflict cu
inamicii nordici, cavalerii teutoni, mediase conflictul ttaro-genovez i dorea
articularea hanului crmlean n rolul de pzitor al hotarelor regatului su,
primejduite de invaziile ttarilor din Hoarda Mare. La 10 septembrie 1459 s-a
nregistrat: Exenium datum legato serenissimi regis Polonie qui venit ad Agigarei
et qui venit ad videtur Caffam ...38.
Aflat la zenitul puterii sale, victorios asupra Hoardei Mari, Hac Giray ca
succesor i suveran legitim al Hoardei de Aur la scurt vreme dup cderea
Trapezuntului i-a manifestat nzuina de a revitaliza traficul comercial terestru care
lega Crimeea de Lwow. La 22 septembrie 1461 a eliberat un yarlk regelui Casimir, n
calitatea primitorului de mare duce al Lituaniei, prin care a recunoscut beneficiarului
dreptul de stpnire asupra unor vaste teritorii, ntre care cnezatele Pskov, Riazan i
Marele Novgorod erau deja subiectul disputei aprige dintre Vilnius i Moscova39.
n primvara anului 1462, n conjunctura n care Hac Giray ncheiase pace
i nelegere (pacem et fedus) cu regele polon, autoritile din Caffa solicitau
medierea regelui pentru ca hanul crmlean s ofere bastionului genovez din
peninsul auxilia et favores40.
n absena datelor statistice, instrumentul comensurabil indispensabil pentru
istoria economic, putem totui conchide c politica comercial promovat de Hac
Giray a fost prghia principal prin care a restructurat economia, asigurnd
36

A. Vigna, Codice, vol. I, doc. CCCLXXVII, p. 808-818.


N. Iorga, Acte i fragmente cu privire la istoria romnilor, vol. III, Bucureti, p. 37-38;
G.G. Musso, Il tramonto, p. 317.
38
G.G. Musso, Russia e Genovesi nel Levante, p. 234.
39
Darius Koodziejczyk, The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania. International Diplomacy
on the European Periphery (15th-18th Century). A Study of Peace Treaties Followed by Annotated
Documents, Leiden, Boston, 2011, p. 14-16, 529-533.
40
A. Vigna, Codice diplomaticum. Supplementum, Genova, 1881, doc. XIV, p. 468-470.
37

147

tezaurului su resurse financiare suficiente pentru a susine campanii militare


victorioase contra adversarilor.
n conjunctura n care banii erau principatul nerv al purtrii rzboiului, dar i al
practicrii negoului, plecnd de la premiza c inexistena unei dovezi nu constituie
dovada unei absene, putem conchide plauzibil c Hac Giray a finanat tranzacii
comerciale care necesitau investiii pecuniare masive. Aceast supoziie are reazm
documentar n reforma monetar iniiat de Hac Giray, resort prin care a asigurat o
circulaie internaional a monezilor emise n numele su. Datorit calitii lor,
monedele crmlene circulau i erau convertibile pe tere piee. n spaiul Moldovei,
Lituaniei i al Poloniei, banii lui Hac Giray erau utilizai n diferite specii de trocuri, n
speculaii ale samsarilor i zarafilor sau tezaurizai ca bunuri valorice41.
Reformele promovate de Hac Giray nu au urmrit metamorfozarea ttarilor
crmleni din clrei ai stepei n mnuitori ai coarnelor plugului, dar au avut ca
efect durabil sedentarizarea unor colectiviti seminomade i urbanizarea aezrilor
stabile i prospere.
Documentul genovez din ianuarie 1453 aduce dovada incontestabil c actul
de natere al reedinei imperiale Bahesaray dateaz din anul 1452 i c apariia sa
pe harta politic a Crimeei s-a datorat performanei traficului i negoului organizat
i rulat de Hac Giray pe ruta Krkyer Calamita42.
Sintagma Han i Negustor ca rezultat al conexiunii intime ntre puterea
politic i agenii comerului poate fi aplicat lui Hac Giray.
Hac Giray (1438-1466). Khan and Merchant
Abstract
Hac Giray, the founder of the khanate of Crimea, was also the initiator of an
extensive reform program of Tatar society. His reforms and related measures aimed
to transfer the main source of income of the khanate from the war economy
(acquisition of booty and slaves by raids on the neighboring lands) to the peace
economy (crafts, manufacturing, and trade), by protecting the lucrative sectors of
41
Tezaurul descoperit la Crpii cuprindea i 11 aspri emii de Hac Giray. Cea mai veche moned
era btut la Krkyer avnd data baterii: 858 H. (1 ianuarie 21 decembrie 1454), Octavian Iliescu, Monede
ttreti din secolele XIII-XV, gsite pe teritoriul Republicii Populare Romne. Not preliminar, n
Studii i Cercetri de Numismatic, vol. III, 1960, p. 263-277. Pentru semnificaia zlotului ttar
menionat n Moldova pentru prima dat n hristovul emis la Suceava n martie 1446 care nu era o creaie
a ttarilor din Crimeea, vezi Ernest Oberlnder Trnoveanu, Tartarian Zlots A Golden Horde legacy
in the monetary terminology and practice of medieval Moldavia and its neighbouring countries, n Revue
Roumaine dHistoire, t. XXX, 1991, nr. 3-4, p. 189-220. n opinia lui t. Andreescu (Note despre Cetatea
Alb, n idem, Din istoria Mrii Negre (Genovezi romni i ttari n spaiul pontic n secolele XIV-XVII),
Bucureti, 2001, p. 15) zloii ttreti utilizai n Moldova pn n veacul al XVII-lea sunt ducaii de aur
veneieni sau imitaii ulterioare produse de genovezi.
42
Datarea propus de W. Barthold (Baghe Saray, n E.I., ed. I, vol. I, A-D, 1913, p. 562563): pe la 1454, pentru stabilirea de Hac Giray a capitalei hanatului la Bahesaray, a fost preluat
tacit de specialitii n istoria ttarilor, prin renunarea la dubitativul pe la, Mehmet Ablay, Din
istoria ttarilor, Bucureti, Cluj, 2005, p. 146.

148

farmers, shepherds, craftsmen, and tradesmen. Giray was successful in connecting


the market of the khanate to the trans-Pontic trade and making its capital into a
nodal center of traffic between the northern and southern regions of the Black Sea. In
cooperation with the Prince of Theodoro, the Crimean Khan made new commercial
routes leading to the port of Calamita (Inkerman), which was directly linked to the
ports of Sinope and Trebizond. The four-member coalition the Crimean Khan, the
Prince of Theodoro, the Emir of Sinope, and the Emperor of Trebizond posed a
considerable threat to the trade monopoly held by Genoa in the Black Sea.
Commercial traffic on the new routes elicited a radical reversal of roles in Crimea.
Contrary to the previous practice, the warehouses of Krkyer and Solgat became the
suppliers of Caffa, with cottons and silks. However, the economic boom generated
by the Krkyer Calamita route did not last more than a decade and a half.
With the financiar support officiated by the new routes, in the opening and
the proximity of Krkyer, the proud tatar and the protector of the tradesmen, Hac
Giray like a rich latin merchant (mercator latinus), built in the year 1452 a new
palace (saray) known as Bahesaray, became the future permanent residence of the
Khans of Crimea.

149

150

Krm Hanlnda Klelik


ve Kle Ticaretine Genel Bir Bak
AHMET TRK
A-GR
Yakn gemie kadar olaan kabul edilen klelik kurumu gnmz
toplumlarnda ok olumsuz bir arm yapmaktadr. Bu kavray insanln bugn
geldii dzeyde kleliliin insan haklar ve onuruna kar olduu hususunda
salanan evrensel mutabakatn bir sonucudur. Bu uzlama btn hakllna
ramen aratrmaclar iin kavramsal tuzaklarla dolu ve yanltcdr. Bu noktadan
hareketle Krm Hanlnda klelik kurumunun incelenmesi de azami dikkat
gerektirmektedir, dolaysyla konunun ok boyutlu olarak ele alnmas gereklidir.
Karmza kan ilk sorun Hanlkta klelik hususunda bize ulaan tanklklarn
hemen hemen tamamnn yabanclardan gelmesidir. ounlukla Hristiyan olan bu
kiiler genellikle kendi dindalarnn aclarn abartm ve yaam koullarn
dayanlmaz olarak tasvir etmilerdir.1 Fakat bu tanklklar dikkatlice incelendii
zaman aslnda ikayet edilenin klelerin durumu deil bizatihi Hristiyanlarn
Hristiyan olmayanlar tarafndan esir edilmesi olduu grlmektedir.2 zellikle Rus
ve Sovyet tarihileri bu bilgileri, Krm Hanlnn yklmas ve Krm
Tatarlarnn cezalandrlmalarnn hakll konusundaki tezlerine dayanak olarak
kullanmlar ve kullanmaya devam etmektedirler.3 Halbuki, baz grece nesnel
tanklklardan klelerin durumlarnn gsterildii kadar kt olmad ve hatta bir
ksmnn (zellikle din deitirip Mslman olanlar) Krmda kendilerine yeni bir
hayat kurduklar anlalyor.4
Anlalaca zere, Krm Tatar toplumunda klenin durumunu dzenleyen
kurumlarn banda slam dini gelmektedir. slamiyet klelii geii bir durum
olarak grm, zellikle Mslmanl kabul eden klelerin azad edilmesini tevik
etmi ve kleye ev halkndan biri gibi muamele edilmesini tavsiye etmitir. kinci
*Ahmet Trk, Bilkent niversitesi Tarih Blm (Department of History).
1
Alan Fisher, Muscovy and Black Sea Slave Trade, A PRECARIOUS BALANCE: Conflict,
Trade, and Diplomacy on the Russian-Ottoman Frontier, Istanbul, 1999. s. 35-37. Mesela Litvanyal
Mikhailon klelerin kpeklerden de kt bir hayat srdn alnlarndan damgalandn ve her
trl ikenceye maruz kaldklarn yazyor.
2
agm, p.37.
3
Bu konuda A.A. Novoselskiy, Borba Moskovkogo Gosudartsva s Tatarami v Pervoy Polovine
XVII Veka, Moskova, 1948 rnek olarak gsterilebilir.
4
Orest Subtelny, Cossack Ukraine and the Turco-Islamic World, Rethinking Ukrainian History
(ed.Ivan L. Rudnytsky) Edmonton, 1981. s. 123. Bir kronie gre Ivan Sirkonun 1675 ylnda Krmda
serbest brakt 7.000 Slav esirden 3.000 kadarnn dnmeyi kabul etmediini bunun zerine
Sirkonun ise onlar katl ettirdiini aktaryor.

151

tuzak da ite tam bu balamda nmze kmaktadr. Kleliin bat merkezli ve


toptanc olarak deerlendirilmesine bir tepki olarak ortaya km olsa da bu
yaklam da dier bir hataya dp pratik ile teoriyi birbirine kartrmaktadr.
yle ki, slami dogmay (Kuran ve Snnet) gerekliin yerine koyup
sorgulamamaktadr, kleciliin her eyden nce ekonomik bir faaliyet olduunu
gzard etmektedir. Her ne kadar klenin sahibinin evinde grece olarak rahat bir
hayat srmesi mmkn gibi gzkse de temel zorluun esirin kle pazarna
ulatrlmas olduu ve en byk zayiatn bu srete olduu unutulmamaldr.5
Hem Osmanl hem de yabanc tanklar klelerin esir pazar yolunda maruz kald
muamelinin arln belirtmektedirler.6
Grld zere konunun tam anlamyla anlalabilmesi iin ok boyutlu olarak
ele alnmas gereklidir. Bu almada Krm Hanlnda klelik ve kle ticaretinin
corafi, tarihi, kltrel ve sosyo-ekonomik kkenleri incelendikden sonra klelerin
hukuki stats incelenecektir. ncelikle klelik kurumunun insanlk tarihi kadar eski
olduu ve farkl klelik trleri olduu gzden karlmamaldr.7 Ne yazk ki popler
kltrn (medyann) tek tipletirici etkisinin sonucu olarak bugn sradan insan iin
kle denilince akla ounlukla 19. yy. Amerikasnn gney eyaletlerindeki plantasyonlar
ve o plantasyonlardaki klelerin ileli yaam gelmektedir. Halbuki, zikr edilen
blgede tehis edilen bu usl klelik kurumunun trevlerinden yalnzca biridir. Klelik
deiik trleri ile yakn zamanlara kadar geerli bir toplumsal bir olgu olarak kabul
grmekle kalmam zaman zaman da yceltilmitir.8 Klelik insanlk tarihinin bir
gerei olarak hemen her toplumda eitli tezahrleriyle grlmtr. Bu konuyu
incelerken kleliliin yalnzca tarihsel olarak farkllamakla kalmayp ayn zaman
dilimi ve hatta corafya iinde farkl klelikler olabildii kesinlikle gzden
kamamaldr, yani kleliliin belirli bir tarihte ve belirli bir corafyada farkl trleri bir
arada bulunabilir. Mesela Osmanl mparatorluunda ayn anda hem esaret sonucu
klelik hem de bir nevi topraa bal klelik olan ortak kulluk bir arada grlmektedir.9
B-KIRIM HANLIINDA KLECLN
VE KLE TCARETNN KKENLER
Krm Hanlnda klelik kurumunun kkenlerini incelersek farkl
kaynaktan beslenmi olduunu grebiliriz. ncelikle Krm Hanlnn tevars
ettii kadim Bozkr (Trk-Mool) kltrnde varolan kleciliktir.10 Cengiz Han
yasasnda klelikle ilgili bir ok madde vardr.11 Hatta Cengiz Hann askeri
5

Alan Fisher, agm, s. 35.


Sigismund von Herberstein, La Moscovie Du XVI Sicle, Paris, 1965. s.170. ve A. Fisher,
agm, s.35.
7
Mehmet Zeki Pakaln, Tarihi Deyimler Szl, C. II, stanbul, 1993. s. 300-302.
8
Sosyalizm Ansiklopedisi, C.I, s.182-189 ve Ekler s.168 ve 569-576, stanbul, 1988.
9
Ortak kullar hakknda daha fazla bilgi iin baknz; Hasan Tahsin Fendolu, slam ve Osmanl
Hukukunda Klelik ve Cariyelik, stanbul, 1996. s. 282-302 ve Halil nalck Ky Kyl ve mparatorluk,
V. Milletleraras Trkiye Sosyal ve ktisat Tarihi Kongresi. Tebliler. Marmara niversitesi Trkiyat
Aratrma ve Uygulama Merkezi, stanbul 21-25 Austos 1989. Ankara, 1990. s. 1-11.
10
Hasan Tahsin Fendolu, age, s.32.
11
Curt Alinge, Mool Kanunlar, stanbul, 1967. s. 143-215. rnein kim kam olan bir
kleyi veya bir tutsa bulur ve onu eski zilyedine geri vermezse lmle cezalandrlr. veya bir
6

152

baarsnda ki en nemli unsurlardan birinin, esir edilen kabile mensuplarnn basit


kleler olarak kullanlmas yerine onlarn nkerlik (yoldalk) yoluyla sistem iinde
ykselmelerini salamak olduu kabul edilmektedir.12 Demek ki, Krm
Tatarlarnn geleneksel kltrlerinde klelik vard. kinci olarak Krm Hanlnn
da mensubu olduu slam dini btn caydrc nlem ve nerilerine ramen
klelii meru kabul etmekteydi.13 slamiyet klelie verdii cevazn dnda Allah
yolunda savarken esir almay meru grmtr. Bu prensipler zerine bina edilen
kltr ise Krm Hanlndaki klecilik faaliyetleri iin geerli bir dini ve hukuki
zemin salamtr.14 Son olarak Krm Hanlnn hkm srd corafyaya
bakarsak; Kuzey Karadeniz steplerinde kleliin yalnzca var olmakla kalmayp
blgenin eski dnyann en nemli kle ticareti merkezlerinden biri olduu
gzkmektedir. Bu blgede kle ticaretinin ne zaman balad tam olarak
bilinmese de Kiev Rusyas ile Bizans mparatorluu, Alman devletleri ve slam
dnyas arasnda mhim bir kle ticareti olduu bilinmektedir.15 Ticarete konu olan
bu kleler ounlukla Slav asll ve hatta Kiev Rusyasnn kendi halk idi. Kiev
Rusyasnn dalmasndan sonra zellikle Drdnc Hal seferi (1204) sonras
kurulan talyan ticaret kolonileri, blgenin Mool mparatorluu devrinde i
blgelerle de sk skya balanmasndan istifade ederek kle ticaretini st seviyeye
karmlardr.16 Kefe ve Azak (Tana)da kurulan kle pazarlar btn Akdeniz
havzas ve Ortadouya dzenli olarak kle arz salamlardr. Fakat her ne kadar
talyan tccarlar bu ticaretten aslan payn da alsalar kle avcs deillerdi ve bu
ilev Tatarlar tarafndan yerine getiriliyordu.
C-KIRIM HANLIINDA KLE TCARETNN GELM
15. yy.da Krm Hanl kurulduu ve Osmanl hakimiyetine girdii devirde
Krm zaten nemli bir kle ticareti merkeziydi, yeni olan talyan kle tccarlarnn
yerlerini Osmanl tebas (Mslman ve gayr- Mslim) tacirlere brakmalaryd.
Gebe yaam tarzlarnn da yardmyla insanlar sanki bir sr gibi ynlendirme
ve kontrol edebilme becerileri Krm Tatarlarn kle yakalama iinde ok usta
birer kle avcs haline getirmiti. Krm Hanlar ve Krm Tatarlar ise bu ok karl
ticareti kolaylkla benimsedi. zetlersek, Krm Hanl hem varolduu devir ve
corafya hem de mensup olduu medeniyet itibaryla klelii ve kle ticaretini hem
hukuki hem de meru olarak grm ve bu faaliyetin ekonomik getirilerinden azami
yabancy odalnn yannda yakalyan kimse onu tamamyle soyabilir, yannda bulunan at, para ve
ne varsa alabilir ve onu rlplak kap dar edebilir. Odalk cezalandrlmaz.
12
B. Y. Vladimirtsov, Moollarn timai Tekilat, Ankara, 1987. s.100. Bozkr geleneinde
sava veya karlma dnda mahkumiyet sonucu klelik de mevcuttur.
13
Mehmet Zeki Pakaln, agm, s.301. ve Hasan Tahsin Fendolu, age, ve M. Akif Aydn ve
M. Hamidullah, Kle, DA, C.XXVI., Ankara, 2006. S. 237-246.
14
slam dini esaret yoluyla klelii devam ettirirken borlanma ve mahkumiyet sonucu
klelilii ilga etmitir. Daha fazla bilgi iin baknz; Hasan Tahsin Fendolu, age. ve M. Akif Aydn
ve M. Hamidullah, Kle, DA, C.XXVI., Ankara, 2006. S. 237-246.
15
Alan Fisher, agm, s.28. ve George Vernadsky, Kievan Russia, New Haven, 1959. s. 149150. Vernadsky Kiev Rusyasnda esir olarak klelik yannda borlanma ve ceza yarglamas
sonucunda da kleliin var olduunu belirtiyor.
16
Alan Fisher, agm, s.28.

153

derecede faydalanmtr. Bu halde, Krm Hanl ve Krm Tatarlarnn yaadklar


devri ve zihniyeti gzard ederek klecilik yznden peinen mahkum etmek yerine
bu sistemin nasl altn ve ilevini anladktan sonra karar vermeliyiz.
Yukarda Krm Hanlnn zaten hazr olan bir kle ticareti ebekesini miras
aldn ve askeri becerileriyle bu ii daha ileri gtrdn belirtmitik. fade
edilmelidir ki, srekli bir kle arz salamann en geerli yolu askeri harekatlar idi.17.
Bu askeri harekatlar sefer, apul ve be ba eklinde snflandrabiliriz.18 Seferler,
Krm ordusunun genellikle Padiahn emriyle bizzat Han veya Gerey ailesinden bir
Sultann komutasnda gerekletirdii harekatlardr. Krm askerinin Osmanl
ordusuyla beraber yapt savalar da sefer olarak saylmaldr. Orta byklkte ki
harekatlar apul daha kk lektekiler ise be ba olarak adlandrlmtr.19 Sefer
Osmanl ordusuyla beraber yaplacaksa Krm Hanna belli bir miktar deme
yaplrd.20 Lehistan-Litvanya ve Moskova tarafndan bu aknlara kar alnan btn
tedbirler yetersiz kalm ve tahminen bir milyondan fazla Lehistan tebas ve bir o kadar
da Moskova Knezlii tebas Krm Tatarlarna esir dmtr.21 Bu devletlerce
aknlarn durdurulmas iin yaplan btn mracaatlar boa km ad geen devletler
ya ykl bir miktarda vergi vermeyi kabul etmek zorunda kalm ya da aknlara
katlanmak zorunda kalmlardr.22 Krm Tatar aknlarnn etkisi Hanlk Rus
hakimiyetine girinceye kadar tam olarak yok edilememitir. Aslnda hazineyi
demek bile kurtulmaya yeterli deildir nk Hanln i yaps gerei kabile reisleri,
mirzalar veya gzkara kiiler kendi hesaplarna aknlar dzenleyebilirlerdi.23 Kk
lekli aknlarla baetmek kolayd snr devriyeleri bu tr aknlar engelliyebiliyor hatta
bazen esirleri de kurtarabiliyordu nk bu aknlarn yalnz aplar deil ayn zaman da
yapldklar zamanlarda belli idi.24
17
Baz bozkr halklar (Nogay, Kalmuk v.d.) ve Kafkas halklar (erkes kabileleri) arasnda
kendi ocuklarn kle olarak satma gelenei vard.
18
V. Henzel, Problema Yasrya v Polsko-Tureskih Otnoehiyah XVI-XVII VV., Rossiya,
Pola Priernomorye V XV-XVII VV., (ed. B.A. Rbakova) Moskova, 1979. s. 147-158.
19
Agm, s.155. M. Horn aknlar Byk; 5,000 kiiden fazla, Orta; 3,000 kiiye kadar ve
Kk; 250 kiiden az esirin alnd aknlar olarak snflandrmtr.
20
Krm Hanlna yaplan demeler iin baknz; Halil nalck, Krm Hanl, DA C.XXV,
Ankara, 2002. pp. 450-458. Mria vanics, Krm Hanlarnn dier devletler hesabna sefere ktklar
zaman da ayn paray aldklarn belirtiyor bkz., Mria vanics, Enslavement, Slave Labour and the
Treatment of Captives in the Crimean Khanate, Ransom Slavery along the Ottoman Borders (early
fifteenth-early eighteenth centuries), (ed. Gz Dvid and Pl Fodor), Leiden, 2007. s. 198.
21
A. Fisher, agm., s. 32-34. ve A.A. Novoselskiy, age., s. 436. 1600-1650 arasnda ikiyzbinden
fazla kiinin Krm Tatarlarnca esir alndn yazyor.
22
Krm Hanlnn Moskova ve Lehistanla olan resmi yazmalarnda da eer aknlara
maruz kalmak istemiyorlarsa ykl bir hazine gndermeleri gerektii sk sk belirtilmitir. rnein;
Kalgay Devlet Gerey Sultann Moskof ar Mihail Fedorovie gnderdii Zilhicce 1039/ 12
Haziran-11 Temmuz 1630 tarihli yarlkta eer dostluk istiyorsa hazineyi bir an nce yollamas
isteniyor. ... hazinemiz koltkamz ile ve kullarmznn tylarn bile cbarkaysz uzun uzak dostlk
klub iki yurtnn dinliin fikir klgaysz yarl- erifimize itimad ve itikad itkaysz ulay bilkaysz
iki yurtnn yahiliin tilab din bolgann fikr klub ana gre tedarik klgaysz ... V.V. VeliaminovZernov, Material dllia storii Krmskogo Hanstva, St. Peterburg, 1864. s. 63.
23
M. Horn 1605-1647 yllar arasnda ou otuzdan az esirle dnlen 76 akn olduunu
belirtiyor. Aktaran A. Fisher, agm., s. 34.
24
Remmal Hoca, Tarih-i Sahib Giray Han, (ed. zalp Gkbilgin), Ankara, 1973. S. 46., ...,
Bu vilayetde aknn iki vakti vardr: Biri orak zaman ve biri k eyyamdr.

154

Aknlar o kadar ok kazan vaad ediyordu ki bir ok kii ganimet umuduyla


aknlara bor aldklar at ve tehizatla dahi katlyordu.25 Ordu veya birlikler sakma ad
verilen belirli yollardan geerek akn yaplacak blgeye giriyorlar bir merkez tespit
ettikten sonra ko ad verilen gruplara blnerek hzla dalyorlard. Bir sre sonra
ganimetleriyle birlikte kararlatrtlan merkezde toplanarak hep beraber fakat bu kez
farkl bir yoldan geri dnyorlard.26 Seferin tr ne olursa olsun Krm Tatarlar
eyalar ve hayvanlarla ilgilenmiyor esir toplamay tercih ediyorlard, eer yabanc
ordular ile beraber veya yabanc devletler adna sefere kmlarsa esir toplama
haklarn garanti altna alyorlard.27 Hem Krm askeri hem de esirler iin en tehlikeli
ksm Krma dn yolculuu idi. Krm askerinin en byk korkusu dman
ordusuna veya Kazaklara yakalanmakt nk yanlarndaki ganimet nedeniyle ordu
ok yava hareket etmek durumundayd ve saldrlara kar savunmaszd. Krm Tatar
birliklerinin geri dnerken baskna urad ve ellerinde ki esirleri tmyle kaybettii
eitli seferler vardr.28 Bu artlar altnda acilen geri dnebilmek ok nemliydi ve ie
yaramayaca veya ayak ba olaca dnlen ganimetten kolaylkla
vazgeilebiliyordu, bunlar da daha ok yal ve zayf dmler oluyordu. 29 Yoldaki
zorluklar nedeniyle bir ok esirin zayi olduunu ve bu durumun kle fiyatlarnn ok
artmasna yol at konusunda ikayetlerin varlndan sz edilmektedir.30
D-SLAM HUKUKUNA GRE KLELETRME VE KIRIM
HANLIINDAK KLELETRME UYGULAMALARI
Ancak gz nnde bulundurmaldr ki bir esir ancak ordu Krma kadar
ulatktan ve Han esirlerden eri hakkn aldktan sonra kle haline geliyordu.
slamiyet kleletirme konusunda normlar belirledikden sonra yetkiyi devlet
bakanna vermiti.31 Esirler hakknda verilebilecek eitli hkmler vard. Bunlar;
25

Martin Bronevskiy, Krm, Ankara, 1970. s. 52.


Krm Tatar aknlarnn tasvirleri iin baknz; Guillaume Le Vasseur Beauplan, A
Description of Ukraine, Cambridge, 1993. s. 49-61 ve Evliya elebi, age,.
27
Evliya elebi, Seyahatname, C.V., stanbul,2001. s. 72-73. ... Cmle atlarn ve
kemerlerinde mallarn Tatar askeri alup sair mal- ganaimlerin kavm-i Kazak ve kavm-i Leh alup
nehb (u) garet etdiler, zira ahd (u) aman ve yemin-i Kuran ann stne idi kim mal ve canl makulesi
Tatarn ola. Sair kelepr-esbb sonra Lehin ve Karda Kazan ola.
28
Age., s. 108., 1068/1657-1658 senesinde Leh-Moskova seferi srasnda esirleri stanbula
gtrmek zere yola karken verilen t... Saknn, gafil (olman). Bu esirleri ve bu kadar mal-
ganaimleri elinizden Kazak kurtarmak in Perezen suyu kenarnda ve Dalbora nam derede nnz
alalar. Ceng edb mal kurtaralar, gafil meba dey bizlere tenbih ederken. Ve age, C.V. s. 201.,
ahinkerman yaknnda Doan (Gazikerman) geidinde tuzaa dn anlatrken. ... zira bu kala
yok iken, Izbara seferinde mnhezim olup yedi gn yedi gece kaup bu mahalle geldiimizde meer
kafir beri kemingahlarnda katlanrm. Atlarmz erenlerimiz yorgun argn bu bu mahalle geldikde
kafir nmz alup bir ceng-aub edp aldmz mal- ganaimimi cmle saralar braup can
havliyle nehr-i zye kendmz urup karu ahinkirmana gep can kurtarup nie yz atlarmz ve
gazilerimiz suda yaldadrken kurumla kffar su iinde alt yz aded gazilerimiz ehid edp binden
mtecaviz gaziler mecruh beri tarafa kdlar. Hatta bu hakirin ol asrda bir abd-i memlukum ve iki
atm bu z suyunda gark- ab oldu.
29
Sigismund von Herberstein, age, s. 170.
30
A. Fisher, agm, s.35.
31
Hasan Tahsin Fendolu, age, s.122-140. slamiyete gre esirlerin kle olmas iin art
gereklidir; her eyden nce meru bir sava, esirin esir edildii zaman gayr- mslim olmas ve devlet
26

155

ldrme (el-katl), kleletirme, karlksz olarak serbest brakma (menn), fidye


karl serbest brakma (Fidhaul-esra) veya mslman esirlerle takas.32 Ordu
Hanlk snrlarna yaklatnda Hann Sagu Aas (Sagu Moolcada bete bir
veya pencik) muhtemelen Or Kapda esirleri tefti edip Hann bete bir dini
payn alrd; eer Kalgay Sultan veya Nureddin Sultan ordunun banda ise onda
bir alrlard.33 Daha sonra komutanlar her birlikten esirler seerek paylarlar ve son
olarakta askerler kalan esirleri kendi aralarnda paylard. Esir paylam
balamadan ncelikle zarar olan askerlerin zarar tazmin edilip daha sonra
paylama geilmesine dikkat edilirdi.
Krm dahilindeki paylam yapld srete esirin kaderi de belli olurdu.
Bir ksm ibret-i alem iin idam edilirdi ki bunlar ounlukla halka zarar vermi
azl Kazaklardan seilirlerdi.34 Karlksz serbest brakmak pek mmkn
grnmemektedir fakat esirleri dei tokuta kullanmak daha sk grlen bir
uygulamadr.35 Kle olarak satmaktan daha karl olduu ak olan fidye karl
serbest brakma ise nemli bir sektr haline gelmiti.36 Bunun iin asil veya zengin
ailelerden gelenler tespit edilmeye allr ve ailelerinin ne kadar deyebileceklerinin
anlalmas iin gerekirse zor dahi kullanlrd. Esirin ailesinden bir teklif gelmez
ise aileye bir arac (genellikle Ermeni veya Yahudi) gnderilip pazarlk srecine
giriilirdi. Fidye genellikle ok yksek olarak istenir ve pazarlk yaplrd. Pazarlk
sonulanana kadar esirler genellikle altrlmaz ve gzetim altnda tutulurdu.
Asiller daha ok ufutkalede ve grece olarak hareket serbestisi altnda muhafaza
edilir dier esirler ise kylere datlrd.37 Asillerin ve zenginlerin fidyeyi demeye
yetecek mallar (her ne kadar zaman zaman aileler tarafndan fidye demenin
reddedildii durumlarda olsa da) vard ve fidyenin denmeyecei aa kana
kadar ie koulmazlard.
Sradan esirlerin ise fidye deyecek imkanlar hemen hemen hi yoktu ve
aresiz durumdaydlar. Yine de ufak dahi olsa bir kurtulu midlerdi vard; Devlet
veya bir hayrsever tarafndan fidyelerinin denmesi. Hem Lehistan Krall hem
Moskova Knezlii yllk hara veya kendi deyimler hediye vererek Krm Tatar
aknlarn batan nlemeyi veya bu demeler ile Krm Hanln birbirleri zerine
sevk etmek gibi eitli yntemlere bavurmulardr.38 Hatta, hem Krm Hanln
bakan veya vekilinin esirin kleliliine karar vermesi. Bu noktada savaa katlmayan kadn ve
ocuklarn durumu daha deiiktir yukarda ki artlar dnda mtekabiliyet (karlkllk) ilkesi ve
kle sahibinin cariyenin kendi payna dtn ispat etmesi kleletirme iin gereklidir.
32
Age., s. 116-127.
33
Hazerfen Hseyin Efendi, Telhissl-Beyan Fi Kavanin-i l-i Osman, (ed. Sevim lgrel),
Ankara, 1998. S. 170. Alan Fisher ise Martin Bronevskiye dayanarak Hann da onda bir pay aldn
iddia ediyor; agm., s.35.
34
Evliya elebi, age, s. 263. Krmdan kaan Kazaklarn yol gstermesiyle Ker kalesini
vuran Kalmuklar ve Kazaklar yakalayan IV. (Sofu) Mehmed Gerey Hann (1641-1644 ve 16541666) onlar nasl cezalandrd. ... krk yedi bin Kalmk atlar ve Krmdan bile firar eden
Kazaklar yine cmle esir edb Krma gelirler. Ve her Kazak birer eedd-i ukubetle katl ederler.
35
Martin Bronevskiy, age, s. 55. Yine Bronevskiy Tatarlarn esir denleri kurtarmak
konusunda kendilerine gre ok daha kararl ve srarc olduklarn belirtiyor.
36
Age. s.54.
37
Mria vanics, agm., s. 207-218.
38
Alan Fisher, agm., s. 41-45.

156

hem de Osmanl mparatorluunu uzun sre uratran Kazak sorunu hem Krm
Tatar aknlarnn blgede yaratt otorite boluu ve hem de Kazaklar Krm
basksna kar bir alternatif olarak gren Leh ve Moskova ynetimlerinin gz
yummas ve tevii ile yakndan ilgilidir.39 16. ve 17. yzyllar boyunca Osmanl
mparatorluu ve Krm Hanl hala glerinin zirvesindeyken gnderilen
hazinelerin herhangi bir etkisi yoktu. Krm Hanl kimi zaman Osmanl d
politikasna uyarnca kimi zamanda kendi menfaatlerine gre aknlar srdrmeye
devam etti ve bu stnln kendi yararna kulland. Lehistan klelerin serbest
braklmas iini genellikle esirlerin ailelere brakrken, Moskova esirlerin
durumuyla devlet olarak ilgilenme yolunu semi ve mmkn olduka her snftan
esirlerin fidyelerini demiti. Hazineye ar bir yk getiren bu uygulama srarla
devam ettirilmi ve 1649da poloniyani sbor (esir harc) adyla bir vergi
konulmutur.40 Yllk btesi 150,000 ruble olan bu fon uyarnca saray grevlileri
ve soylular iin kii bana 20 ila 50 ruble aras ve geri kalanlar iin 10 ila 20 ruble
aras fidye deeri tespit edilmiti.41 Ayrlan btenin bykl ve verginin
Dileri dairesi (Posolskiy Prikaz) tarafndan toplanyor olmas klelik sorununun
hem maddi hem de uluslararas boyutlar olduunu gstermektedir.
Eer esir fidyesini deme ansna sahip olamayp kle durumuna dmse
gelecek hayatn byk lde ans ve yetenekleri belirleyecektir. Hann, kabile
reislerinin ve yksek grevlilerinin payna den kleler eitli amalarla
kullanlrd ki bunlarn banda ev ve iftlik ilerinde istihdam gelmektedir.
Osmanldan farkl olarak Krm Hanlnda klelerin devlet hizmetine girerek
askeri-idari bir kariyer yapmalar grlmemektedir.42 Hanlar ayn zamanda
klelerini sk sk kendi siyasi amalar dorultusunda da kullanrd. zellikle
Osmanl Padiah ve st dzey grevlilere kle hediye ettikleri ve konumlarn
glendirmeye altklar grlmektedir.43 rnein Krm Gerey Sultan Bahadr
Gerey Han (1637-1641) ldnde Padiaha (I brahim 1640-1648) 500 erkes
kle yollayp Hanl istemi fakat Hanlk Sofu Mehmed Gereye verilmiti.44 Yine
ayn ekilde Adil Gerey Han (1666-1671) Hanlnn onaylanmas srecinde
Padiaha (IV Mehmed 1648-1687) 400 Rus ve donanma iin 300 Kazak
gndermiti.45 Son olarak 17. yydan itibaren Krm Hannn sefer kma izni
almak iin Padiaha 100 esir yollamas bir gelenek haline gelmiti.46 Dier yksek
39
Kazaklar hakknda bilgi iin baknz; G. Patrick March, Cossacks of the Brotherhood, New
York, 1990 ve Philip Longworth, The Cossacks, New York, 1970.
40
Agm., s. 42. IV. van 1535 ylnda Novgorod valisine gnderdii namede Tatarlar
tarafndan karlan kiiler iin maddi yardm toplanmasn istemitir.
41
V.O. Kliuchevsky, A Course in Russian History, New York, 1994, s. 235. Esir vergisi ehirler ve
kilise kyleri iin hane ba 8 ruble, dier kyller iin 4 ruble, devlet grevlileri iin 2 ruble idi.
42
Belki Hanlk idaresinde nemli bir yer tutan erkesler bundan ayr tutulabilir fakat bu kiilerin
kle kkenli olup olmadklar hakknda bilgimiz kstl olduu iin kesin bir karar verilmesi zor gzkyor.
43
Mria vanics, agm., s. 197.
44
Krml Hac Abdlgaffar, Umdetl-tevarih, stanbul, 1343/1927, s. 123. Krm Giray bin
Selamet Giray Han Bahadr Giray Hann fevti vaktinde taraf- devlete erakese seras pike idb
hanlk taleb eylemidir. Myesser olmayub Mehmed Giray hana virld.
45
Mria vanics, agm., s. 197. M. Bronevskiye gre Hann devaml olarak stanbula hediye
olarak gnrdedii esirler bir verginin gereiydi. Martin Bronevskiy, age, s. 49.
46
Agm., s. 197-198. Topkap Saray Mzesi Arivindeki bir belgeye gre; Azametl Padiahum,
hanlara taraf-i padiahiden akna ruhsat verildi zaman yz esir dahi ziyade gnderrlerdi ....

157

rtbeli grevliler ile Krm aristokrasisi arasnda da kle hediye etme ve balama
ok yaygn bir uygulama idi. Krm Hanlna miras kalan uygulamalardan biri de
belki bir kle iin en mitsiz durum gibi gzken donanmaya kreki olarak
gnderilmekti. Kleleri donanmada kreki olarak kullanmak Akdeniz dnyasnda
gemii Romallar devrine kadar uzanan eski bir yntemdi. Ukrayna-Kazak
folklor krekilerin ileli hayat ve mucize kurtulu ykleriyle doludur.
Krekiler arasnda lm oran ok yksek olmakla beraber eer baarl olunursa
kamaya en msait durum da krekilikti.47
E-KLE TCARETNN KIRIM HANLII N
SOSYO-EKONOMK NEM
Yukarda grld gibi klelik ancak Krm Hanl snr geildikden ve
paylam yapldkdan sonra hukuki bir stat haline geliyordu ama klelii Hanlk iin
vazgeilmez klan onun ekonomik ynyd. Krm Hanl ekonomisi byk lde
kle ticaretine ve kle emeine dayanyordu. Krm Hannn gelirlerindeki en byk
kalemi klelerden elde edilen gelir ile Osmanl devletinden alnan yardmlar
oluturuyordu.48 yle ki, Karlofa (1699) ve stanbul (1700) antlamalar sonucu
Krm askerinin Lehistan ve Moskovaya aknlar engellenince Hanlk ekonomisi ciddi
bir bunalma girmi ve Osmanl sbvansiyonuna daha da muhta hale gelmiti.49
Karlofa antlamasndan sonra Devlet Gerey Hana gnderilen aban 1110/02 ubat02 Mart 1699 tarihli fermanda yaplan antlama gereince artk Leh ve Moskova
topraklarna yama ve apul iin akn yaplmamas isteniyordu.50 Krm Han sadece
esirlerden pay almakla kalmayp ayn zamanda kle sahiplerinden ve kle ticaretinden
de nemli bir gelir elde ediyordu. M. Bronevskiy, Krm Hanlarnn her yl soylu kle
bana 3 altn, sradan esirler bana 1 altn topladn ve kle satlarndan da % 10
vergi aldn belirtiyor.51 Evliya elebi ise 1666da (oban) Adil Gerey Han kle
bana 5 kuru vergi almaya kalktnda kabilelerin nasl ayaklanp onu geri adm
atmaya zorladklarn anlatyor.52
Krm Han kle ticareti zerindeki kontroln yukarda bahsedilen Sagu
Aas veya Penik Emini eliyle yrtyordu. Hem kle tccarlar hem de kle
sahipleri ancak Penik Emininden aldklar belgelerle ticaret yapabiliyor veya kle
sahibi olduklarn ispat edebiliyorlard. II Mengli Gerey zamanna ait Hicri
Ramazan 1138/ Miladi Mays-Haziran 1726 tarihli bir sicile gre Han tarafndan
Bahesarayl Kadir Bey isimli bir tccara Penik Emini Hac Mustafa Aa eliyle
47

Alan Fisher, agm., s. 38.


Alan Fisher, Les rapports entre lempire Ottoman et la Crime: Laspect financier,
Between Russians, Ottomans and Turks: Crimea and Crimean Tatars, stanbul, 1998. s. 19-34.
49
Agm., s. 21.
50
Krm Hanl Kad Sicilleri, C.34 S.97. ...Devlet-i Aliyye-i ebed-peyvend ile neme
asar ve venedik doju ve leh kral ve cumhurlar ve mosku ar beynlerinde bi-inayetl-allah- teala
muvazaa ... ve msalaha vaki olmakla badel-yevm mosku ar ve leh kralnn memleketleri
muzafatnda olan yerlerine tatar askerine akn ve apul virmeyb teadi ve tecavz ve nehb-i garet ve
esir ve istirkak misll halet ve keyfiyet olmayub ....
51
M. Bronevskiy, age., s. 49.
52
Evliya elebi, age., C.VII., s. 14-15.
48

158

kle ticareti yapma imtiyaz verildii kayt ediliyor.53 Yine II Selamet Gerey Han
devrine ait Hicri Evast- Rebil-evvel 1155/ Miladi 16-25 Mays 1742 tarihli
sicilde Kefe Penik Eminliine 200 ve Karasu Penik Eminliine 50 adet olmak
zere toplam 250 adet mhrl kadn gnderildiini belirtiyor.54 Bu bilgilerin
nda hem Krm Hannn kartt mhrl katlarla kle ticaretini kayt
altna alp vergi kaan nlemeye altn gryoruz hem de biri Kefede ve
biri Karasuda olmak zere en az iki Penik Emini olduunu gryoruz.
Hanlk iindeki gelirler dnda, Osmanl tarafndan Hanlara salyane tahsis
edilen Kefe gmr gelirlerinin nemli bir ksmn kle ticaretinden alnan
vergiler oluturuyordu.55 Krm Hanlnda kle istihdamnn vazgeilmez olduu
alanlardan biri de tarmd. Krm aristokrasisi (Beyler ve Mirzalar) profesyonel
asker olduklar iin tarmsal faaliyetlerden imtina ediyorlard yine Krm kyls
zgr olup topraa bal olmadndan Krm asilzadeleri topra iletmek iin kle
emeine ihtiya duyuyorlard.56 Krm Hanlnn nfus yapsnn ve dalmnn
bozukluu da kle emeine duyulan ihtiyacn bir dier nemli nedeniydi.57 Son
olarak Krmda sk sk yaanan alk ve kuraklklarnda hem mali hem iktisadi
adan kle ticaretine olan bamll arttrd belirtilmelidir.
Krm Hanlnda kleliin tamamyla ekonomik bir ilevi olduunu yukarda
belirtmitik. Bununla beraber kle hukuki olarak bir insan deil meta olarak
deerlendirilmitir; alnm, satlm, devredilmi, miras braklmtr. Klenin
hukuksal stats doal olarak slam hukukunca belirlenmi ve eri hkmlere gre
karara balanmtr. Temel sorun elbette klenin kim olduu ve kleliin nasl balayp
nasl sona erdii idi. Krm Hanl kad sicilleri bu konuda bir ok rnei
kapsamaktadr. slamiyette klelik konusundaki en temel prensip bir Mslmann
kle edilemiyeceidir. Klenin sonradan Mslman olmas onun statsn deitirmez
yani onu zgr klmaz azad edilmesini sahibinin kararna brakr.58
F-KIRIM HANLII KADI SCLLERNE GRE KLELK
KURUMUNUN LEY VE BU LEY SIRASINDA
KARILAILAN BAZI SORUNLAR
Kleliin srmesi hususunda temel sorun olduu gzkyor; birincisi
azat edilmi klelerin ocuklarnn karlatklar sorunlar, ikincisi tedbir
53

KHKS. C.53. S.4.


KHKS. C.64. S.62.
55
Halil nalck, Giray, DA, C. XIV, Ankara, 1996. s.77. Hanlara tahsis edilen miktar
1,500,000 ake olarak veriyor. Alan Fisher, The Ottoman Crimea in the Sixteenth Century, Between
Russians, Ottomans and Turks: Crimea and Crimean Tatars, stanbul, 1998. s. 39. Kle ticaretinden
alnan verginin 650,000 ake olduunu bu miktarnda 2,759,499 akelik toplam gelirin drtte birine
denk geldiini belirtiyor.
56
M.Bronevskiy, age., s. 47-48. ... leri gelenleri kylerde yaarlar. Kylerini ekseri
ormanlara yakn yerlerde kurarlar. Her Tatarn bir veya birka tarlas vardr. Bu tarlalarn Macar,
Rus, Moldovan milletlerinden esirlerine ilettirirler. Byle esirleri oktur. Esirlerine kar kabadrlar
... Ayrca V.E, Sroeckovsky, Muhammed Geray Han ve Vassallar, Ankara, 1978. s. 45-48.
57
Mria vanics, agm., s. 193.
58
Hasan Tahsin Fendolu, age, s. 99-102. Devletin kleleri resen azad etme yetkisi olduu
istisnasyla beraber.
54

159

szlemesinin geerlilii, sonuncusu kitabet hkmlerinin vaktinde yerine


getirilip getirilmedii. Azat edilmi (mutak) kleler sorunu slam hukukunun bir
dier prensibiyle yakndan ilgilidir; klenin durumunu annesinin belirledii
prensibi. yle ki kleden doan ocuk kledir ve mlkiyeti kle sahibine aittir
bunun tek istisnas cariyenin (kadn kle) efendisinden dourduu cocuun yine
efendisi tarafndan kabul edilmesi halidir (umml-veled).59 Krm Hanl Kad
Sicillerinde mutak klelerin hukuki statlerini ispat etmek zorunda kaldklar eitli
davalar vardr hatta bunlardan birisinde durum zlemedii iin dava III slam
Gerey (1644-1654) Hann divanna kadar gitmi ve ancak orada zme
kavuturulabilmitir. Hicri 1057/Miladi 1647-1648 tarihli davaya gre kars
Mustafa kz Bikeye vekaleten Kefeli Baki elebiye gre ikayeti olunan
Ahmed olu Mustafa ve Ahmed kz Raziye kardeler hicri 1025/ miladi 16161617 tarihinde vefat eden Mah- Devran Bikein cariyesi Sevcihann ocuklar
olduklarndan ve mteveffa Mah- Devrann miras z kardei Mustafaya ondan
da kz Bikeye intikal ettiinden dolay hem cariye hem de ocuklar da Bikeye
tevars etmi kleleridir. Buna gre vekil Baki elebi Mustafa ve Raziye
kardelerin hr olmadklar halde hr gibi davrandklarn ve eer zgr iseler ispat
etmelerini istiyor. Kardei adna da sz alan Mustafa ise validesi Sevcihann daha
hicri 1005/miladi 1596-1597 tarihinde mteveffa Mah- Devran Bike tarafndan
azad edildiini ve daha sonra hr olarak babas Gedik Ahmetle 25 flori mehirle
evlendiini ifade ediyor. Sonuta annesi azad olal 52 Mah- Devran Bike vefat
edeli 32 sene gemi olmasna ramen bugne dein kimsenin ikayeti olmadn
ifade etmitir. Bunun zerine kendilerinden iddialarn ispat iin delil istenince
gvenilir kiilere geldii noktada
sayfa bitiyor ve davann gerisi kayp
gzkyor.60 Fakat daha ilerideki sayfalarda davann Hann kulana kadar gittii
ve davann devamnn Hann divannda grld yazl. Hac Bayram olu
Mehmed Efendi ve Hasan olu Sofu Mehmed Hann divannda ahitlik iin hazr
olup. Merhume Mah- Devran Bikein lmnden 20 yl evvel Mustafa ve
Raziyenin anneleri Sevcihan azad ettiini ve Mah- Devran Bike Mustafa ve
Raziye doduktan sonra vefat ettii halde ouklar zerinde hak iddia etmediini
ve bundan baka bugne dein bu konuda hi kimsenin herhangi bir itiraz
olmadn beyan ediyorlar. Bu durumun slam Gerey Hann kulana gittiini
duyan vekil Kefeli Baki elebi divana gelmekten kannca itirazndan vazgetii
ve 36 seneden beri kimsenin ikayeti olmamasna binaen Mustafa ve Raziyenin
hrriyetlerine hkm olunuyor.61 Bu dava bize klelik hukukunda annenin nemini
aklkla gsteriyor baba zgr olsa ve aradan seneler gese bile ne tr mdaheleler
olacabileceini kantlyor.
Hicri Safer 1057/ Miladi Mart-Nisan 1647 tarihli dier bir davada ise kle
annesinin ve kendisinin zgrln ispat edemeyince stats deimiyor.
59

Age., s. 175-176. Kle evlilikleri drt balk altnda incelenip doan ocuun stats buna gre
belirlenmitir. A- Kle ile cariyenin ortak ocuklar kle olur. B- Kle ile hr kadnn ilikisinden doan
ocuk anneye bal olarak hr olur. C- Hr bir erkek ile cariye ilikisinden doan ocuk yine anneye binaen
kle olur. D- Efendi ile umm-l veled cariyeden doan ocuk yine hr olur.
60
KHKS, C.3a. S.62.
61
KHKS. C.3a. S.61.

160

Abdullah kz Glizara vekil olan kuyu kynden Koay olu Devinali


mahkemede Hasan Kethda kz Fatmann vekili Hzr Bee olu Abdlbaki
elebiden anne tarafndan kzkardei olan Glizar ve kz ems-i Mahn Hasan
Kethdann kleleri iken Hasan Kethdann ikisini de azad ettiini ve Abdlbaki
elebiden bu durumu tasdik etmesini istemitir. Abdlbaki elebinin inkar
zerine Devinali adna ahitlik yapan Kurma olu Mevlud ve Gazi Mehmed olu
Devingeldi Glizar ve ems-i Mahn azad edildikleri hakknda ahadet ettiler.
Fakat iddia edilen olayn ok eski olmas ve ahitlerin yetersiz saylmalar zerine
ems-i Mahn kleliinin devamna karar verilmitir.62
Yukardaki gibi sorunlarla karlamaktan kurtulmann en gvenli yolu azad
edilen klenin bu durumu mahkemede ahitler huzurunda kayt ettirmesi olarak
gzkyor. Bu konuda azadl klelere kolaylk salanm kadlardan tkname
karl en fazla bir kuru alnmas istenmitir. 63 Bir ok kle mahkeme nnde
hr olduklarn kayt ettirme yolunu semilerdir. rnein Hicri 1057 Rebilevvel/ Miladi Nisan-Mays 1647 tarihli sicilde vefat eden Seferahn van adl
erkek ve Devlet adl kadn klelerini lmeden azad ettii smail olu Mehmed ve
Hzr olu Piri ahitlikleriyle asabesi (baba tarafndan) mirass Baki Mirzann
yannda ispat edildii iin van ve Devletin zgr olduklar kayt edilmitir.64
Mkatebe veya kitabetin azadl klelerin karlatklar en nemli
sorunlardan birisi olduu yukarda belirtilmiti. Mkatebe ksaca klenin
hrriyetini belli bir bedel karlnda satn almasdr.65 Kitabet anlamas yapan
kle baz haklar kazanr rnein mukavele yapma (kitabetin kendisi bir
mukaveledir), mukavele sresince satlamaz, devredilemez ksacas kitabet
artlarn yerine getirmesine kar ilere zorlanamaz. Kitabet koullar genellikle
belirli bir sre alma ya da belirli bir retim kotasn doldurmakdr. rnein Hicri
1057 Rebil-ahir/ Miladi Mays-Haziran 1647 tarihli sicilde Otar kynden
Abdullah olu Yusuf mahkemede Rus (Ukrayna) asll Mslmanla dnm
klesi Abdullah olu Rstem ile yedi sene alma karl kitabet anlamas
yaptn belirtiyor. Kle Rstemin bu yedi senenin alt senesini tamamladn bir
sene daha alrsa mkatabe artlarn tamamlayarak azad olacan Rstemin de
tasdikiyle kayt ettiriyor.66
Yine Hicri 1057 Zil-hicce/Miladi Aralk 1647-Ocak 1648 tarihli davada
Kazasker aban olu Abdurrahman Efendi klesi Abdullah olu Kenandan eer iki
sene sonunda ikiyz koyunu ikibin yaparsa, iki tulum peynir verir ve yerine kendisi
gibi bir oban bulursa azad olacan kle Kenann da tasdikiyle kayt ettiriyor.67
62

KHKS C.3a. S. 82
KHKS, C.1. S.23. Canbek Gerey Hann 1061 Rebil-evvel evaili tarihli ferman (14-23
Mart 1622) ... taknameye bir gurudan ziyade almaynz ...
64
KHKS, C.3a S. 77. Bu davada ahitlerin muteber kiiler olmas dnda en az iki ahit
olmas prensipine de uygun karar verilmitir.
65
Hasan Tahsin Fendolu, age, s. 208-219.
66
KHKS, C.3a S.75. Kitabet anlamalarnn sreleri genellikle 3 ila 7 yl arasndadr daha fazla
bilgi iin baknz Halil nalck, Osmanl mparatorluunun Ekonomik ve Sosyal Tarihi C. I 1300-1600,
stanbul, 2000. s. 341. Ayrca Herberstein da Krm Tatarlarna esir dp kle olan kiilerin genellikle alt
yl boyunca kle olarak kaldklarn belirtiyor, Sigismund von Herberstein, age, s. 170.
67
KHKS, C.3a S.58.
63

161

Kitabet anlamasnn klelere salad bir dier hak da klenin anlama


artlarn yerine getirmekten aciz olduu zaman anlamay tek tarafl olarak
bozabilmesiydi yle ki; Hicri 1057 Zil-kaade/ Miladi Kasm-Aralk 1647 tarihli
davada Abdullah olu Perviz kitabeten sahibi Avramdan doma lya adl
Yahudiyle senede 25 flori demek karlnda kitabet anlamas yaptklarn fakat
demekten aciz olduu iin kitabeti bozduunu ifade ediyor. lya da Pervizi tasdik
edip kitabetinden ktnda onu Selimah Beye 30 floriye sattn beyan ediyor.
Selimah Beyin vekili olduu Hac Ahmet olu Dervi Halife ve Ferman olu
Kuali adl kiilerin ahitlikleriyle sabit olan Abdlvahhab olu Abdlhay eer
Perviz Selimah Beyin ayrn tamir ederse azad edilmi olacan syledii talep
zere kayt edilmi. Grld zere kle kitabeti tek tarafl olarak fesh etmi ve
ancak ondan sonra satlmtr.
Kle lehine kullanlan bir messese ise Tedbirdir. Kiinin kendi
arkasndan klesini azad etmesidir, lmmden sonra hr olsun denilen kle
mdebbirkledir.68 Tedbirli kle de satlamaz, balanamaz ve devredilemez
mdebbire cariyenin ocuu da tedbirli saylr. rnein Rebil-evvel Hicri 1057/
Miladi Nisan-Mays 1647 tarihli sicilde Abdullah olu Hasan Atalk mahkemede
Kutlu Bek ve Kutlu Ayak adl cariyelerinin lmnden sonra serbest kalmalarn
tedbir-i mutlak ile tedbir eyledii kayt olunuyor.69 Hicri Zil-hicce 1057/Miladi
Aralk 1647-Ocak 1648 tarihli baka bir davada Elbak (?) isimli bir gayr- mslim
mahkemede Abdullah olu Hac Mustafann annesinden Lain adl bir kleyi 60
floriye satn aldn, fakat Lain tedbirli olduunu Bahesaray Kads Mft
Recep Efendi nnde iki ahitle ispat edince satn iptal edildiini ve dolaysyla
zararnn tazminini talep ediyor. Hac Mustafa ve annesi borcu kabul edip ve lakin
demeye gleri olmadn sylyorlar ama eer Elbak (?) isterse Abdrrezzak
adl baka bir klelerini yll 8 floriden kiralayabileceklerini syleyince. Elbakn
kabul etmesi zerine yeni bir anlama yaparak sorunu zyorlar.70
Klenin slam hukukunda ki statsne bal olarak miras alnp satlp miras
braklabildiini grmtk. Yukardaki rnek kiralanabileceini de gsteriyor.
Yine bu balamda kleler miras yoluyla veya ortak olarak satn alnabiliyordu.
rnein, Hicri aban 1057/Miladi Eyll 1647 tarihli davada Cani olu Bayar
mahkemede Celal Bee olu Tanrberdi ve Turmehmed olu uka (?) ile beraber
Esenaliden Ostrafavski adl Kaza ortaklaa 500 floriye satn aldklarn,
Tanrberdi ve ukann 200er flori kendisinin de 100 flori verdiini sylyor.
...verdi olu ne Atalk ve Maksud olu Devin Bayarn ifadesini tasdik edici
ahadet ettiklerinde klenin mlkiyeti ortaklaa kayt olunuyor.71
Bir dier davada ise Esen kz Sefer ve Esen olu Airali kzkardeleri Esen kz
Surbikeyi dava edip, Surbike elinde olan Canpare adl cariye babamz Esenin
cariyesinden olma 3 kardeten birisidir fakat babamz hukuka aykr olarak Surbikeye
hibe etmitir, biz hakkmz isteriz demilerdir. Surbike ise sylenenleri tasdik edip ve
68

Hasan Tahsin Fendolu, age, s. 220-226.


KHKS, C.3a S.79.
70
KHKS, C.3a S.58.
71
KHKS, C.3a S.65.
69

162

lakin babasnn hibesinin meru olduunu ifade eder. Sonuta Sefer ve Airalinin
gerekli delil ve ahitleri olmad iin davalarnn reddi ile hkm verilir.72
Grld zere kle mlkiyeti neminden dolay prensiplere balanmt
ve bunlar sk skya takip ediliyordu. Bu prensipler arasnda Mslmanlarn kle
olmamas, gayr-i mslimlerin kle sahibi olamamas, uslsz kle satlarndan
doan zararlarn tazmini ve kaak klelerin durumu gibi kurallar vardr. Bir kii
mslman olduktan sonra kesinlikle kle yaplamyordu ama kle olduktan sonra
mslman olmak klelii ortadan kaldrmyordu. Fakat Bozkr ve Kafkas halklar
arasnda esirler kadar kendi yaknlarn (hatta ocuklarn) kle olarak satmak
gelenei baz hallerde (sk sk yaanan ktlk, sava vb.) zorunluluu olmas
dolaysyla satlan kiinin mslman olup olmamas pek nemli deildi.73
rnein, Hicri Evast- Muharrem 1116/ Miladi 16-25 Mays 1704 tarihli
bir sicilde Gzlevede Saliha adl hilebaz bir kadnn kendi z kzn 65 kurua
Hac Yahyaya satt anlaldndan satn iptali ve kadnn ald parann
iadesine hkmediliyordu.74 Bu davada iki prensip birden ihlal ediliyordu hem bir
mslman hem de zgr bir kii kle olarak satlyordu. Kle diye satlan kiinin
zgr olduu anlald zaman sat hemen iptal ediliyor ve satn alann zarar
sat yapan tarafndan tazmin ediliyordu eer birden fazla sat yaplmsa zarar
geriye doru giderek tazmin ediliyordu. rnein, Hicri Muharrem 1058/ Miladi
Ocak-ubat 1648 tarihli bir sicilde Mehmed olu Osman adl bir tccar Yusufdan
doma Yakov hakknda ikayeti olup, bundan nce Samoilden doma
Mortehaydan 250 kurua bir cariye satn aldn fakat kadnn zgr olduunu
ispat ederek serbest kaldn, bundan dolay Mortehaydan verdii 250 kuruu
talep ettiini sylyor. Mortehay mahkemeden mhlet isteyince Yakov ve Ebu
Yusufdan doma Evrahimin Mortehayn ahsna kefil olduklarn sylyor.
Yakov ve Evrahim Osmann ifadesini tasdik ediyorlar ve Yakov kefil olduu
Mortehay Bahesarayda mahkemeye teslim ettiini bildiriyor.75 Bu davada hem
hukuken zgr kiilerin kle yaplamayaca hem de kusurlu satlar iin yaplan
masraflarn tazmini ilkesi uyguland grlyor.
Kle hukukunun bir dier nemli prensibide gayr-i mslimlerin bir slam
devletinde kesinlikle kle sahibi olamamalar art idi fakat Krm Hanl Kad
Sicilleri gayr-i mslimlerinde kle sahibi olduklarn gsteriyor. Krm Hanlnda
da bir ok slam devletinde olduu gibi esas olarak dikkat edilenin gayr-i
mslimlerin mslman kle sahibi olmamalar hususu olduu gzkyor.76
Yukarda kle sahibi gayr-i mslimler hakknda rnekler verilmiti. Son olarak
kle mlkiyeti ile ilgili olarak bir ok soruna yol aan kaak kleler konusuna da
72

KHKS, C.3a S.68.


M. Akif Aydn ve M. Hamidullah, Kle, DA, C.XXVI., Ankara, 2006. S. 244.
74
KHKS, C.73 S.54.
75
KHKS. C.3a S.53. Kefalet messesesi in baknz; Mehmet Akman, Osmanl Devletinde
Ceza Yarglamas, stanbul, 2004. s. 56-59.
76
Hasan Tahsin Fendolu, age, s. 101. Hatta bir gayr-i mslimin mslman klesi darlislama ayak bast anda zgr saylyordu ve M. Akif Aydn ve M. Hamidullah, Kle, DA,
C.XXVI., Ankara, 2006. S. 245. Osmanl mparatorluunda gayr- mslimlerin kle sahibi olmalar
ve karlalan sorunlar iin baknz; Alan Fisher, The Sale of Slaves in the Ottoman Empire:
Markets and State Taxes on Slave Sales. Some Preliminary Considerations, A Precarious Balance:
Conflict Trade and Diplomacy on the Russian-Ottoman Frontier, stanbul, 1999. s. 89.
73

163

deinmek gereklidir. bak bir klenin sebebsiz yere efendisini brakp kamasdr,
firar eden kleler yakalanrlarsa iddetle cezalandrlrd gerekirse idam dahi
edilebilirdi.77 Dier hallerde sahiplerine iade edilmeleri gerekliydi. Hicri Zil-hicce
1057/Miladi Aralk 1647-Ocak 1648 tarihli davada Abdullah olu Mehmet,
Bayram olu Arslan Ali Beyi ikayet edip, Arslan Ali Beyin 14 sene nce firar
eden cariyesi Glistan annesinin aldn fakat cariyenin tekrar firar edip Kefe
Subas tarafndan yakalandn, daha sonra cariyeyi kendisinin Subandan 16
floriye satn alp Arslan Aliye teslim eyledii halde Arslan Alinin 16 florilik bu
masraf kendisine hala demediini ifade ediyor. Arslan Ali ise kaan cariyenin
Mehmet ve annesinin ellerinde olduu halde bunu kendisinden sakladklar, cariye
tekrar kap yakaland zaman i meydana knca itiraf ettikleri ve cariyenin
Arslan Aliye verildii hakknda mahkeme kararn gsteriyor. Bunun zerine
Mehmetin davasnn hukuka uygun olmadna ve red edilmesine karar veriliyor.78
G-SONU
Klelik kesinlikle insanlk tarihinin en acmasz kurumlarndan biridir. Fakat
kleliin eletirisini yaparken dikkat edilmesi gereken en nemli husus onu ada
kavramlarla deil iinde varolduu toplumun klelie bak as ve klelik
kurumunun toplumsal ileviyle deerlendirmektir. Hereyden nce, Krm Hanl
kle ticaretini kendisi balatmam ncellerinden miras almt ve klelik hem
hkm srd corafya hem de mensup olduu medeniyete yabanc deil hatta
meru idi. Krm Hanlnda klelik ve kle ticaretini incelerken duruma vicdani
adan bakmak yerine bu durumun Krm Hanl iin nemini anlamaya almak
daha aydnlatcdr. Evliya elebi Krm Hanl topraklarnda 1,100,000den fazla
Kazak kle olduunu belirtmektedir.79 Eviiya elebinin mbalaas hepimize
malumdur ve verdii rakam ok abartlr fakat bu rakamlar gereki deil diye
toptan red etmek yerine Krm Hanlnda dikkat ekecek miktarda ok kle
olduu eklinde yorumlamak daha mantkldr.
zetle, Krm Hanlnda klelik ve kle ticareti znde ekonomik bir
kurumdur. Kle ticaretinden elde edilen yksek mebla hem genel olarak Hanlk
ekonomisi hem de birey olarak Krm Tatarlarnn geimleri iin vazgeilmezdi.
Kle ticareti uluslararas boyutunun dnda Krm Hanlnn i dinamikleriyle de
yakndan ilgiliydi. Kleler bir taraftan Krm Han ve aristokrasisi tarafndan hem
iktisadi hem siyasal amalar olarak kullanlm dier taraftan da ahali tarafndan
kylerde tarmda ehirlerde emek youn ilerde istihdam edilmilerdir. Klenin
toplum iinde yeri ise slam hukuku tarafndan belirleniyor ve ona gre karar
veriliyordu. slamiyet btn ekincelerine ramen klelie izin vermitir ama dier
yandan da onu geici bir stat olarak kabul ederek kle yararna bir ok dzenleme
yapmtr. Bu noktada da bilhassa ok dikkatli olup slami prensiplerin olduu gibi
77

Baknz 33. Dipnot.


KHKS, C.3a S.56.
79
Evliya elebi, age., C. VII. s. 229. ... zira nefs-i Krmda drd kerre yz bin dahi Kazak
esir olduu muhakkakdr. Ve drd (?) kerre yz bin dahi Kazaklarn avretleri ve kerre yz bin aded
kopna nam kk evladlar kzlar vardr.
78

164

uygulandn kabul ederek slam devletlerinde klelerin kolay bir hayat olduu
hatasna dmemek gereklidir. Son olarak Krm Hanlnda klenin durumunu
anlamak iin Kad sicilleri byk bir nem tad grlmektedir, siciller kle efendi
ilikileri ve kleliin sosyo-ekonomik yaps hakknda ok deerli bilgiler vermektedir.
te bu ksa almada Krm Hanlnda klelik kurumunun kkenleri ve ilevleri
incelenip, klelerin hukuki stats anlalmaya allmtr.

165

166

Krm Hanl eriyye Sicilleri


NURI KAVAK
ERYYE SCLLER
eriyye Sicilleri, ehir tarihi yazm iin olduu kadar Osmanl Devletinin
iktisadi, idari, sosyal ve kltrel hayat zerine de zengin veriler ihtiva eden birinci
derece orijinal kaynaklardr. Siciller, bir ok alanda tarihe kaynaklk edebilecei
gibi, zellikle hukuk tarihi ile ehir ve mahalli hayata dair yaplacak aratrmalar
iin incelenmesi zaruri metinlerdir. Nitekim eriyye Sicilleri, Osmanl Tarihi
kaynaklar iinde nemli bir yer tutmaktadr. Sicillerin kaydn tutan kadlar,
devletle halk arasnda iki ynl ilikinin kurulmasnda kpr grevi grerek, bu
dorultuda yaplan her eylemi bu defterlere kaydetmilerdir. Dolays ile mahalli
idarelere dair yaplan hukuki dzenlemelerle beraber mahallin sosyo-ekonomik ve
kltrel yapsna dair bilgilerin yan sra, halkn devletten olan beklentilerine kadar
her trl konuyu sicillerde bulmamz mmkndr (Ergen, 1995: 86-87).
Gemiten devralnan geleneklerin bir devam olarak Osmanl Devletinde de bu
tr faaliyetlerde araclk grevini kadlar yrtmtr ve ayn zamanda da kayda
ve zabta geirmilerdir (Ta, 1998: 175). Bu bahsi geen kaytlara eriyye sicili,
kad defteri veya zabt- veky denilmektedir (Aslan, 1995: 187).
Dier yandan adalet datan kadlara hkm vermede yardmc olan bir takm
kaynaklar bulunmaktadr. Bu kaynaklar kendi iinde birka gruba ayrlmaktadr.
Kitaplar, fetva mecmualar (Aydn, 1999: 97-98), kanunnameler1 ve eriyye sicilleri
gibi. Bu tr kaynaklar yeterince tecrbesi olmayan kadlara ve mahkeme katiplerine,
dzenledikleri belgelerde kendilerine yardmc olmak zere, yarglama usuln ve
muameltn iyi bilen alimler tarafndan daha nceki sicillerden, kendi
zamanlarndaki dzenlenen belgelerden seilerek oluturduklar eserlerdir (Kaya,
2005: 379-416). Ayrca Osmanl adalet sisteminde kadlar, mahkemelerde esas
itibari ile Hanefi fkh zere davalar grrler idi (Mardin, 1997: 43).
*Dr. Nuri KAVAK Eskiehir Osmangazi niversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakltesi Tarih Blm
Eskiehir/TRKYE
1
rfi hukukun temeli, padiahlarn kanunlarn toplayan eserlerdir. Padiahlara ait ferman ve
bertlar ile Krm Hanl iin Han ve Kalgaya ait yarlk ve fermanlar srekli bavuru kayna olarak
sicillere kaydedilmektedir. Karasu kazas sicillerinde Osmanl padiahlarndan ziyade han ve kalgayn
ferman ya da yarlglarna rastlamaktayz. rnein Karasu eriyye Sicili (K..S.), 33-36b-340
numaral hkmde kaytl olan ferman ile Han, Karasuda bulunan zabta kullaryla sekbankullarnn
koordineli olarak gvenlii salamalarn buyurmutur. Yine K..S., 65-8a-36 numaral hkmde yer
alan Kalgaya ait emr-i erif ise, konak meselesinden dolay reayaya eziyet olunmamas uyarsnda
bulunmaktadr. Ksacas bu iki rnek benzeri bir ok kayt sicillerde yer almaktadr.

167

Bahsi geen sicil-i sakk defterlerinin iinde merkezden gelen emirler ile
kazada meydana gelen sosyal ve cezai olaylar da mevcuttur. eriyye Sicilleri ad
verilen bu defterlerin saklanmasna dair emirler verildiinden dolay, byk bir itina
ile muhafaza edilirlerdi. eitli ebatlarda bulunan bu siciller genelde anlalr bir
Trke ile yazlmlard. Mahkemede bulunan ktipler zel bir slup ve dzen iinde,
hukuk terminolojisine uygun olarak davalar bu defterlere kaydederlerdi. Daha sonra
gelenler gemi davalar emsal alabildikleri gibi, doabilecek itirazlara da cevap
verebilmek amacyla defterdeki kaytlara geri dnebilirlerdi. Deftere kaydedilen
belge trleri iinde arl, kadya ait olanlar oluturmakta idi. Kad tarafndan
dzenlenen belgelerin banda ise hccetler (senedt- eriyye) gelmektedir.
Hccet, delil, bir fiilin ispat olan ey, yani senet, vesika ve dierleri gibi.
ncelediimiz sicillerin byk bir ksmn oluturan hccetlerin delil olarak
kullanld konu balklar ok eitlidir. Nitekim vekalet, vasiyet, kefalet, nafaka,
fera, alm-satm, kira, hibe, bor, keif, rdn ispat, vakfiyeler, nezir v.b.
ilemlerde hccetler bulunmaktadr. Bir dier sklkla karlatmz belge tr ise
ilmlardr. lmn szlk anlam bildirmektir. Hukuki olarak ise, eri bir hkm
ile hkm veren kadnn imza ve kararn ieren belgeye ilm denir. lmlarn
konusu; iki ime, zina yapma ve iffete iftira olduu gibi yine zina, evlenme ve
boanma ile kefalet ilmlar gibi adlar almtrlar (Aslan, 1998:192). te yandan
kadnn icra makamlarna yazd belgeler ile halkn kadya veya icra makamlarna
ilettikleri ikayet dilekelerine maruz denilmektedir. Bu tr belgeler az olmakla
birlikte herhangi bir tespit veya kad kararn iermemektedir. Ksaca bir st makama
yazlan istektir. Eer kad kendisine denk veya daha aa makamdakilere hitaben
yazarsa bu tr belgelere mrsele denilmektedir (Akgndz, 1988: 38). Dier
yandan baka makamlardan gelen belgeler olarak ise; bata fermanlar olmak zere
merkezden gnderilen belgeler de sicillere kaydedilirdi.
Btn bu kaytlar mahkeme diye kullanlan zel bir yer varsa orada, yoksa,
kadnn evinde veya camide saklanrd.Sicillerde yer alan mahkeme hkmleri
iinde; dava zabtlar, veklet, mukavele, senet, azatlk belgesi, sat, nikah,
izinname, vakfiye kaytlar, keflet, vesyet, borlanma, gnlk narh listeleri, tereke
ve taksim senetleri, esnaf teftiiyle ilgili kaytlarn tutulduu defterler, ayrca ferman,
berat, rus ve tezkire kaytlarnn yer ald grlmektedir (Ortayl, 2001: 73).
te yandan son yllarda sosyal ierikli tarih yazmnn en nemli unsurunu
oluturan ehir tarihi yazma arzusunun, vazgeilmez kayna olarak yine eriyye
Sicilleri grlmektedir (pirli, 1991. 157). Yine gemiten gnmze ulaamam
olan mimari eserlerin tespiti ile yerleim yerlerine ait byk bir bilgi eksiklii
ortadan giderilmitir. rnein vakf eserleri, cami, han, hamam, medrese, kale,
kervansaray ve kilise gibi yaplarn, varlklar gnmze ulaamam olsa dahi
siciller vastas ile isimleri renilebilmektedir. Dier yandan eriyye Sicilleri
olmadan, btn sadelii ile bireyin bireyle ya da bireyin devletle olan ok ynl iliki
ve problemlerini inceleme imknmz bulunmamaktadr. Tm bu ilmi zaruretler
nda, taradaki yer isimlerinin tespiti, sicillere kaydedilmi nemli ahsiyetler
hakknda bilgi temini gibi hususlar da ayrca bir ehemmiyet tamaktadr. Ayrca
hukuk, kendi iinde byk bir alan kapsamaktadr. Yine hukuk, bir ok yorum
farklar ile beraber uygulamada ilgin sonular sergileyebilen bir ilim sahasdr. Bu

168

nedenle hukuk tarihini inceleyenlerin bu tr skntlar objektif ve net bir ekilde


grerek ortadan kaldrabilmesi iin, eriyye sicillerindeki sade, mdahalesiz ve
aracsz uygulamalar grmeden hareket etmemeleri gerekmektedir2.
zellikle sicillerin tutulduu corafyann hayat ve geim tarz, yetitirilen
rnler, mal fiyatlar, sn mallar, meslek ve sanat kollar, toprak kaytlar,
dardan giren ve darya satlan rnlerin bilinmesi ile denen vergilerin
isimleriyle miktarlarn grmek, eriyye Sicilleri ile mmkn olmaktadr. Genel
anlamda tm lkenin ve dar anlamda da sicillerin kaydedildii yerleim yerinin
hayat standardn ortaya koyabilmenin tek yolu sicil kaytlarnn iyi bir ekilde
incelenmesinden gemektedir. Ksacas iktisat tarihinin vazgeemeyecei
esizlikteki verileri ancak sicil kaytlarnda bulabilmek mmkndr.
Btn bu sicillerin salad avantajlara ilave olarak, askeri sahadaki
eylemlerin oluum ve gelimelerini takip edebilmede de bu kaytlara ihtiya
duyulmaktadr. nk merkezden taradaki kadlara askeri konulardaki istekler
bildirildiinde, gelen metinler bu sicillere kaydedilerek korunmaktadr. Hulasa bu
kaytlar dikkate alnarak askeri meselelere aklk getirmek, halkn savaa olan
bak zerinde fikir yrtebilmek mmkn olmaktadr( Ergen, 1995: 87).
Kadlar, tutmu olduklar bu defterleri kaybetmeleri sonucu ceza-yi ilem
grmekte idiler. Bu nedenden tr greve yeni gelen bir kad, nceki kaddan
defterleri talep eder, iki emin tayin edilerek onlarn nnde bunlar gzden geirirdi.
Mahkeme sicilleri ayn zamanda ehrin ticari kaytlar, noterlik arivi zelliindeydi
(Ortayl, 1994: 67). Uzun bir zaman getikten sonra bile geriye dnk ihtilaflarn
zm iin temel bavuru kaynaklardr. te taraftan Divan- Hmayundan kan ve
Osmanl Arivleri'nde bulunan hkmlerin eksiklerini eriyye sicillerindeki kaytlarla
tamamlama imkn bulunmaktadr (Gedikli, 2005: 188).
eriyye mahkemeleri 1924te kaldrldktan sonra yzyllar boyunca
arivlerde birikmi bulunan eriyye Sicilleri, Milli Ktphanede bir araya
getirilerek toplanmtr. Fakat aada bahsedeceimiz zere, Krm Hanlna ait
eriyye Sicilleri ise henz bu tasnif ve muhafaza iine alnm deildir.
KIRIM HANLII ERYYE SCLLER
Osmanl corafyasnn bir ok yerine ait siciller elimizde mevcut iken, Krm
Hanl sahasna dair tek bir sicil rnei yakn bir zamana kadar elimizde
bulunmamakta idi. Bu durum, Krm Hanl ile ilgili yaplmakta olan aratrmalar
zerinde doldurulmas g bir eksiklii ortaya karmt. Sorunun temelinde,
zaman zaman Krm tahrip eden Rus igalinin olduu hususunda biz
aratrmaclar mutabk kalm idik. Ancak Trkiye-Ukrayna arasndaki ilikilerin
temin edilmesi ile balayan aratrmalar sonucunda, ilk kez Halil nalck vastasyla
2

Ahmet Akgndz, eriyye Sicilleri Mahiyeti Toplu Katalou ve Seme Hkmleri, c.II,
stanbul, Trk Dnyas Aratrmalar Vakf Yay., 1988-89, eser iinde; ahs hukuku s.245-246, aile
ve miras hukuku s.247-250, borlar ve eya hukuku s. 251-264, ceza, usl ve vergi hukuku s. 265269, miras hukuku s. 309-360, bir ok hukuk dalna ait rnei bir arada bulmamz mmkndr.

169

sicillerin olduuna dair bir tespit bilim dnyasnn nne konulmutur (nalck,
1996: 165-190). Bu tespit, Krmn Simferopol ehrinde bulunan Gaspral
Ktphanesinde 61 adet sicilin olduu eklinde idi. Daha sonra sicillerin tamamnn
ise St. Petersburg Mill Ktphanesinde bulunduu ortaya karld3. Belirtilen
ktphanede Fehmi Ylmaz ve Ahmet Cihan tarafndan yaplan incelemeler
sonucunda 121 cilt olduu ve 1608-1813 yllarn kapsad tespit edilmitir (CihanYlmaz, 2004: 131-176). Fehmi Ylmaz ve Ahmet Cihan bu konuda Krm Sicilleri
Katalou adyla almalarn bitirmilerdir ve ksa zaman iinde yaynlanacaktr.
Ayrca Han Saray arivi Katalounu hazrlayan Hseyin Badaninskinin bahsettii,
ama varln dorulayamadmz iki adet sicili de eklediimiz de, toplam 123 adet
sicilin bulunduundan sz edilebilir (Turan, 2003: 5).
Krm Hanlna ait eriyye Sicillerinin bir ksm, bilim ve kltr
birikimimize kazandrlmas amacyla yaplan almalar erevesinde Trkiyeye
getirilmitir. TKA ve onun desteiyle yrtlen proje ile Akmescitdeki smail
Gaspral Krm-Tatar Milli Ktphanesinde bulunan 61 adet sicil u an
Babakanlk Arivler Genel Mdrlne teslim edilmitir.
Ayrca Kad Defterleri fotoraf formatnda cdlere kaydedilmi olarak temin
edilmitir. Bu hali ile bilgisayar ortamnda incelenmesi bize pek ok adan
kolaylklar salamtr4. Genelde ilk ve son sayfalarda meydana gelen tahribatn
dnda, geri kalan ksmlarn okunmas ve incelenmesi ok kolay olmaktadr. u
an Babakanlk Arivler Genel Mdrlne kazandrlan Krm Hanlna ait
eriyye Sicilleri, Akmescitdeki smail Gaspral Krm-Tatar Milli
Ktphanesinden alnan cilt numaralaryla birlikte cd ortamnda bulunmaktadr.
Ciltlerdeki varak numaralar aynen korunmutur. Henz arivdeki siciller,
aratrmacnn almasna hazr hale getirilmediinden dolay, hkm
numaralandrlmasna da gidilememitir. Bu aratrmamzda yer alan tm hkm
numaralar tarafmzdan verilmitir5.
Baz tereke kaytlarnn ba taraf, kimisinin de son ksm ya da her iki
ksmnn olmad gzlemlenmitir. Bu durum sayfalarda eksiklik olabilecei
ihtimalini aklmza getirmitir. Ancak sayfa numaralar konusunda yukarda
bahsettiimiz gibi, cd ortamna kaydedilen numaralar biz de aynen muhafaza
ettiimizden dolay, bu numaralardaki bahsettiimiz olumsuzluklar sayfa olarak
atlanmam durumdadr. Biz de atlamadan aynen numaralar olduu ekliyle
kullandk. Sonu olarak bu eksik sayfalara ramen bilgi eksiklii olmad
grlmtr. nk konu veya anlam sknts yaratacak trden herhangi bir
olumsuzlukla karlalmamtr. Bilhassa uzun olmasndan dolay tereke
kaytlarnda bu tr eksiklikler grlmtr.
3

V. Dubrovskiy, Trk Krma Dair Tarihi Kaynak ve Aratrmalar, Dergi, Sovyetler


Birliini renme Enstits, 2. yl, No: 4, s.53de Leningrad Umumi Ktphanesinde 124 tane deri
ciltli defterlerin bulunduklarna iaret etmitir. Ayrca General Mnihin 1736 ylndaki Bahesaray
istilas esnasnda btn Krm Hanlna ait arivin yakldna iaret ederek, bugne dek kalabilen
tek eserin bunlar olduunu belirtmektedir.
4
Bilgisayar ortamnda, byltme-kltme, istenilen yere evirme, renk ve glgelendirme
yapma gibi bir ok seenei kullanabilmek belli bal elde ettiimiz kolaylklardr.
5
rnein, Bahesaray eriyye Sicili (B..S.), 34-8a-27de (34) cilt numarasn, (8) varak
numarasn, (a) varaktaki ilk sahife yzn, (27) ise hkm numarasn ifade etmektedir.

170

Krm Sicilleri zerinde yaptmz incelemeler sonucunda, bata sosyoekonomik tarihe ait pek ok kymetli bilgiye ulalmtr (Gurulkan, 2009: 541542). Yine yer, mimari eser ve kii isimleri, kltrel yap, vakflar, ky ve ehir
yaamna dair kesitler, diplomatika ve idari yap ile kurumlarn grebilmek
mmkn olmutur (Bahesaray eriyye .Sicili, 49-71b-1, B..S., 49-12b-1, Karasu
.S., 65-16a-56). Hatta Osmanl Devletine bal olan Kefe ile ilgili bir takm
bilgiler bile sicillere kaydedilmitir6.
te yandan yukardaki ana balklarn altnda; siciller vastasyla blgede
bata Krm Tatarlar ile onlardan baka Anadolunun deiik kesimlerinden gelip
g edenlerin yan sra; Yahudi, Acem, Ermeni, Rum, erkes, Kazak ve ingene
gibi ok eitli milletlerden insanlarn yaad grlmektedir (B..S., 40-50b-3,
K..S., 25-107b-1071, K..S., 33-98a-884, K..S., 33-92a-821). Ayrca ticaret
amacyla deiik memleketlerden gelip-giden insanlarda yer almtr (B..S., 6452b-2, B..S., 36-53b-1). Yine kle olarak etnik kkeni farkl insanlara dair
kaytlarda grlmektedir.
Dier taraftan Krm zerinde en ok tartlan nfus ve yaps hususunda bir
ok bilgi bulunmaktadr. Sicilin ait olduu merkeze bal mahalleler ile
mahallelerin etnik ve dinsel dokusu oraya konduu gibi, terekelerden tahminen
hane saysnn karlabilmesi bir miktar bilgi vermesi asndan nemlidir (K..S.,
33-83b-755, K..S., 47-32a-215). Ancak tm bu hane saylar ve terekelerin
tamamndan ziyade bir ksmnn sicillere yansm olmas iyi bir eletiri
szgecinden geirilmesini gerektirmektedir. Yine vergi veren erkeklerin ad ve
lakaplar ile meslekleri, geldikleri memleketler, sosyal statleri de ortaya
karlmaktadr. lave olarak sadece sicillerde erkeklerin deil kadn ve ocuklarn
da isimleri Mslim ve gayr-i Mslim olsun getii grlmektedir. Sicillerde
vakflarn idari yaps, gelir ve gideri ile rettikleri hizmetleri, ortaya kan
sorunlarn tamamn toplumsal hayatn iindeki konumlar ile beraber tespit
edebilecek veriler bulunmaktadr (K..S., 47-84a-610, K..S., 25-40b-415).
Mimari ve kltr tarihi asndan baktmzda ise, ilk olarak adlar geen
cami, medrese, mektephane, han, hamam, arasta, ar, mescid, kpr v.s. gibi vakf
yoluyla iletilen mimari yaplar karmza kmaktadr (K..S., 25-94b-963, K..S.,
33-13b-98, K..S., 47-87a-631). Bugn bu yaplarn birou deiik zamanlarda
uradklar tahribatlar nedeniyle gnmze ulaamadndan tr bu tr bilgilerin
faydas ok byktr. Nitekim ehir tarihi yazmnda, byk bir bilgi boluunun
doldurulmas bu sayede mmkn olacaktr. Krm Hanl zerinde uzun sren Rus
tahribatnn izlerini silmenin tek k yolu sicillerden elde edilecek bilgilerdir.
Ayrca mimarinin yan sra insanlarn sahip olduklar ya da imal ettikleri, kap-kacak,
giyim-kuam, dier tekstil rnleri, ahap, demir mamlleri, ziynet ve tak gibi
eserleri tereke kaytlarndan bir bir tespit edilebilmektedir (K..S., 47-42b-286,
K..S., 33-27a-236). Ayrca her tereke kaydnda olmamakla birlikte bir ok kitap,
ahsi yaz takmlar ile sahip olduklar mzik aletleri, silah ve mhimmatlar
vastasyla sicilin ait olduu kazann kltr tarihi hakknda nemli veriler ortaya
6

B..S., 16-5a-1, B..S., 22-4b-7, B..S., 38-28a-1 de Kefe iskelesi mukataas, grevlileri,
maa ve toplam vergi gelirleri yer almaktadr.

171

karlabilmektedir (B..S., 23a-130a-1, Bahesaray ve Karasu eriyye Sicili, 6630b-1, K..S., 33-64a-582, K..S., 65-6a-27, K..S., 47-82a-600).
Sosyo-kltrel hayata baktmzda ise; aile, evlenme, nian, boanma,
ocuklarn durumu, ok elilik, miras ve paylam, insanlar arasndaki
anlamazlklar, ceza hukukuna giren ldrme, yaralama, hrszlk v.s. eylemler ve
sonular dava konusu olarak karmza kmaktadr (K..S., 25-81b-862, K..S.,
25-68a-732, K..S., 33-23a-191, K..S., 47-57b-390). Ayrca insanlarn beraber
olabildikleri dini mekanlar, kahvehane, bozahane ve meyhane gibi yerlerin
stlendii sosyal vazifeler ile asgari sahip olunan maddi imkan ve mallarn
miktaryla beraber retilen hizmetler kaytlarda yer almaktadr. Yine insan emei
ile beraber kleciliin durumu hakknda sicillerde ok net bilgiler bulunmaktadr
(B..S., 37-46b-2, B..S., 54-14a-7). Kle edinimi, kullanlan yerler, fiyat ve
zenginlik deerleri ile sosyal hayatn iindeki konumlar grlmektedir.
ktisadi hayata dair meslek gruplar ( ekmeki, kasap, bezzaz, reki,
hallac, bakkal, bozac, izmeci, nalband, kalpak, haffaf, mlekci, sarrac, bakc,
mumcu, mezeci, talkanc, deirmenci, keeci, derici, mcellid, ilingir, kahveci,
meyhaneci, tccar, demirci, kireci, kuyumcu, krk, duhanc, attar v.s.) (B..S.,
36-41a-4, B..S., 52-27a-5, B..S., 60-31a-2, B..S., 30-12a-1, B..S., 62-4a,
B..S., 71-93b-1, B..S., 9-43a-1, B..S., 26-68a-1, B..S., 53-11a-3, K..S., 4760a-4, B..S., 57-3a-2, B..S., 40-3a-1, B..S., 18-2a-1, B..S., 68-49a-2, K..S.,
47-60a-4, B..S., 52-21b-2, B..S., 3b-27a-1), emek ve deeri, retilen rnler ile
sata konu olan mal ve hizmet gruplar, ticari hayat, ortaklklar, ticari
anlamazlklar, para ve para dzeni ile ilgili nemli veriler yer almaktadr (K..S.,
25-37b-383). Bilhassa fiyatlandrmalar konu alan narh belgeleri ile mal fiyat
dengesi tm ynleriyle grlebildii gibi, emein gndelik yevmiye miktar ile
nasl bir alm gc elde edildii zerinde de yorumlar yapabileceimiz bilgiler
bulunmaktadr (B..S., 18-1a., B..S., 60-4). Ksaca iktisadi hayata dair hemen
hemen her ey sicillerin iinde grlmektedir (K..S., 47-59a-402, K..S., 47-67a488). Ezcmle meslek rgtleri ve onlarn gnlk hayatn iindeki rolleri ile
beraber uygulama yntem ve metodlar kaytlarda yer almaktadr. Yine ticari hayat
ve al-veri yaplan lke ve ehirler ile imparatorluk topraklaryla srdrlen ticari
mnasebetler ayrntlaryla birlikte kaytlarda bulunabilmektedir. Krmdan
karlan madenler ve bu madenlere dayal btn retim tarzlarnn durumu
hakknda ekonomik veriler de bulunmaktadr (B..S., 11-20b-3, Dibtarhan . S.,
19-47a-2, B..S., 48-88a-1, B..S., 8-115a-1, B..S., 10-119a-1, B..S., 52-20a-1,
B..S., 18-66a-2, K..S., 25-113b-3).
Dier yandan kad, kendisine gnderilen Han ve Kalgaya ait yarl ve
fermanlar sicillere kaydetmektedir (K..S., 33-33a-301). Genelde hanlar; vergi,
gvenlik, asker toplanmas, adalet v.s. gibi konularda pek ok ferman
gndermilerdir (K..S., 25-107a-1068, K..S., 25-68a-731). Bu durum taramerkez arasndaki ilikiyi ortaya koyduu gibi, lkedeki idari yap hakknda da bir
takm veriler ortaya karmaktadr (K..S., 25-8b-83, K..S., 25-5b-44, K..S., 258a-74). Yine Osmanl Devleti ile Hanlk arasndaki mnasebetlere dair rneklerin
kaydedildii de grlmektedir (K..S., 25-9a-93, K..S., 33-36b-340). dari
yapnn teorikten te pratik uygulan ve sonrasnda da ortaya kan problemleri

172

tm plaklyla siciller sergilemektedir. Ayrca kadlarn zaman zaman ilgin bir


takm olaylar da sicillere yazdklar grlmektedir. rnein, karn ilk dt
gn veya satlmak zere sebzenin geldiini yazarak, kaza halkna duyurulduu
gibi kaytlar gze arpmaktadr7.
te taraftan adaletin temini ve tevzisi noktasnda uygulanan adl sistemin
varln ve iletilmesi, sicillere baklarak ortaya konulabilmektedir. Gerek adl
personelin kimlerden olutuu ve grevleri gerek hukukun uygulanmasndaki
tatbiki grnts ile gerekse de hukuki kurallarn varl ve durumu sicillerde
apak gzler nndedir (K..S., 25-7b-71, K..S., 25-5a-37, K..S., 25-64a-686,
K..S., 33-33a-301, K..S., 65-9a-43).
Krm Hanlna Ait eriyye Sicilleri
(smail Gaspral Ktphanesi Akmescid/Krm)
Sra
No
1

Defter
No
1

Ait Olduu Yer


Gzleve (1-6a-4)

2
3

3a
3b

Bahesaray
Bahesaray

Bahesaray

Bahesaray

6
7

9
10

Bahesaray
Bahesaray

8
9

11
13

10

14

11

15

Bahesaray
Bahesaray
(13-8a-2)
Bahesaray
(14-4b-5)
Bahesaray

12

16

Bahesaray

13

17

14

18

Bahesaray
(17-7b-1)
Bahesaray

Tarih

Varak/Sayfa
Says
H.
1017/1022-M. Kapak+93/186
1608/1613
H. 1058-M. 1648
35/70
H.
1058/1060-M. 52/103
1648/1650
H.
1061/1062-M. 81/162
1651/1652
H.
1070/1074-M. 138/276
1660/1663
H. 1075/1076-M. 1665 100/201
H.
1077/1080-M. 141/282
1066/1070
H. 1077/1078-M. 1067 85/170
H.
1076/1079-M. 74/148
1666-1669
H.
1079/1082-M. 146/292
1669-1671
H.
1085/1086-M. 87/174
1674-1675
H.
1082/1083-M. 91/182
1671-1672
H.
1084/1085-M. 77/155
1673/1674
H.
1083/1084-M. 96/192
1672/1673

K..S. 65-1a-4, 1156 senesi yaznda, Sodak kazasndan hyar, kabak, kavun ve karpuz
geldii kaydedilmitir.

173

15

19

16

20

Dibtarhan
(19-22b-2)
Bahesaray

17

21

Bahesaray

18

22

Bahesaray

19

23a

20

23b

21

24

Bahesaray
(23a-1a-2)
Bahesaray
(23b-3b-2)
Bahesaray

22

25

Karasu

23

26

24

27

Bahesaray
(26-2a-7)
Bahesaray

25

28

Bahesaray

26

29

27

30

Bahesaray
(29-3a-2)
Bahesaray

28

31

29

32

30

33

Dibtarhan
(31-8b-3)
Bahesaray
(32-15a-1)
Karasu

31

34

Bahesaray

32

35

Bahesaray

33

36

Bahesaray

34

37

35

38

Bahesaray
(37-6a-3)
Bahesaray

36

40

Bahesaray
(40-2b-1)

H.
1083/1087-M.
1672/1676
H.
1084/1086-M.
1674/1675
H.
1086/1087-M.
1675/1677
H. 1087/1089- M.
1677/1678
H.
1090/1095-M.
1680/1684
H.
1087/1092-M.
1676/1681
H.
1088/1090-M.
1677/1679
H.
1093/1095-M.
1682/1684
H. 1095/1096- M.
1684/1685
H.
1096/1099-M.
1685/1688
H.
1099/1102-M.
1688/1691
H. 1100/1104- M.
1689/1693
H. 1104/1106- M.
1693/1695
H. 1107/1108-M. 1696

55/110

H.
1108/1109-M.
1700/1703
H.
1109/1110-M.
1698/1699
H. 1110/1112- M.
1698/1700
H.
1112/1114-M.
1700/1703
H.
1113/1118-M.
1701/1708
H. 1115-M.1703

78/156

99/198
97/194
100/200
130/260
125/250
133/266
121/242
97/194
137/274
150/300
134/268
151/302
77/154

101/202
115/231
38/77
97/194
80/160

H.
1116/1117-M. 61/122
1704/1705
H.
1118/1119-M. 28/56
1706/1707

174

37

44

Bahesaray

38

45

Bahesaray

39

46

40

47

Bahesaray
(46-1a-2)
Karasu

41

48

Bahesaray

42
43

49
51

Bahesaray
Bahesaray

44
45

52
53

Bahesaray
Bahesaray

46

54

47

55

Bahesaray
(54-1a-5)
Bahesaray

48

56

Bahesaray

49

57

Bahesaray

50

58

51
52

59
60

Bahesaray
(58-1a-3)
Bahesaray
Bahesaray

53

61

Bahesaray

54

62

Bahesaray

55

64

Bahesaray

56

65

Karasu

57

66

58

67

BahesarayKarasu
Bahesaray

59

68

Bahesaray
(68-48a-1)

H.
1123/1137-M.
1711/1725
H.
1125/1127-M.
1713/1715
H.
1126/1128-M.
1714/1716
H.
1128/1129-M.
1716/1717
H.
1128/1137-M.
1716/1725
H. 1132-M. 1719-1720
H.
1135/1136-M.
1723/1724
H. 1136/1137-M. 1724
H.
1138/1140-M.
1726/1728
H.
1138/1139-M.
1726/1727
H.
1139/1144-M.
1727/1731
H.
1143/1146-M.
1731/1734
H.
1144/1146-M.
1732/1733
H.
1146/1148-M.
1733/1736
H. 1149/1150-M. 1737
H.
1149/1155-M.
1736/1742
H.
1150/1152-M.
1738/1740
H.
1150/1155-M.
1738/1742
H.
1154/1156-M.
1741/1743
H.
1156/1157-M.
1743/1744
H.
1157/1158-M.
1744/1745
H.
1157/1159-M.
1744/1748
H.
1157/1161-M.
1744/1748

Sicilin son 9. varaknda, sayfalarn yars deforme olmu durumdadr.

175

94/188
59/118
131/262
92/185
143/286
104/208
65/131
37/74
93/186
91/182
99/198
25/50
79/158
99/198
45/90
63/126
95/1908
69/138
81/162
41/82
85/170
76/152
75/150

60

71

Bahesaray

61

72

Bahesaray

H.
1161/1168-M. 97/194
1748/1755
H.
1163/1164-M. 82/164
1750-1751

SONU
Aratrmamz, eriyye Sicillerinin tarih ilmi zerine yaplacak almalar
asndan nemini ve muhteva olarak tad veriler ile hangi tr aratrmalara
kaynaklk edebilecekleri hususuna aydnlk getirmeyi amalamtr. Bu cmleden
olarak Hristiyanlk dnyas iin Kilise Kaytlar ne tr bir nem tayor ise, siciller
de bizim iin bu denli byk bir nem tamaktadrlar. stelik siciller, gndelik
hayattan tutun da idari, sosyal, iktisadi, askeri ve hukuki alanlara dein bir ok
farkl konularda veriler sunarak, biz aratrmaclarn orijinal bilgilere ulamamza
imkan salamaktadrlar.
Krm Hanl bulunduu corafya anlamnda jeo-stratejik bir neme sahip
olup, Osmanl Devletinin kuzey politikasnn mimar ve de ayn zamanda
inisiyatifini elinde tutan karde bir devlettir. Ancak Krm Hanln tam anlamyla
ortaya koyabilecek gnmze ulaan kaynaklar yetersizdir. Bunun nedeni byk
bir olaslkla Rus igali sonras lkenin urad tahribattr. almamzn nemli
bir ksmn oluturan sicillerin bulunmas ve elimizdeki sicillerin sahip olduklar
zellikler, bu boluu doldurma noktasnda biz aratrmaclar mitlendirmitir.
Krm eriyye Sicilleri sayesinde: merkez-tara, Osmanl Devleti ile olan
mnasebetler ve benzerlikler, fertlerin kendi aralarnda ve devletle olan
problemleri, zm noktasndaki olaylarn seyri, hanln ve yaayanlarn durumu
ile ileyen hukuk zerine zengin verilere ulalmtr. Elde edilen bu veriler
nda oluacak bilgi ve varsaymlar bir ok cevapsz sorunun zm olacaktr.
En nemlisi Krm Hanl siyasi tarihinin yan sra sosyo-kltrel arlkl bir
Krm Tarihi yazm gelimeye balamtr.
KAYNAKLAR
1. Ariv Kaynaklar
Bahesaray eriyye Sicili, 3b, 8, 9, 10,11, 18, 23a, 26, 30, 36, 37, 40, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54,
57, 60, 62, 64, 68 ve 71 numaral defterler.
Bahesaray ve Karasu eriyye Sicili, 66 numaral defter.
Dibtarhan eriyye Sicili, 19 numaral defter.
Karasu eriyye Sicili, 25, 33, 47 ve 65 numaral defterler.
2. Kitap ve Makaleler
Akgndz, Ahmet. 1988-89, eriyye Sicilleri Mahiyeti Toplu Katalou ve Seme
Hkmleri, c.II, Trk Dnyas Aratrmalar Vakf Yay., stanbul.

176

Aslan, Naci. Milli Arivimiz erisinde eriyye Sicilleri Eitim ve Terminoloji Problemi,
I. Milli Ariv uras, Ankara: Babakanlk Arivi Yaynlar, 187-195, 1998.
Aydn, Mehmet Akif. 1999 Trk Hukuk Tarihi, 3. Bsk. Beta Basm Yay., stanbul.
Cihan, Ahmet-Fehmi Ylmaz, Krm Kad Sicilleri slam Aratrmalar Dergisi, Say 11,
s.131-176, 2004.
Dubrovskiy, V. Trk Krma Dair Tarihi Kaynak ve Aratrmalar, Dergi, 2. yl, No: 4,
Sovyetler Birliini renme Enstits, s.53-76, 1956.
Ergen, zer. 1995, Osmanl Klasik Dnemi Kent Tarihiliine Katk XVI. Yzylda
Ankara ve Konya, Ankara Enstits Vakf Yaynlar, Ankara.
Gedikli, Fethi. Osmanl Hukuk Tarihi Kayna Olarak eriyye Sicilleri, Trkiye Aratrmalar
Literatr Dergisi, c. 3, say. 5, Trk Hukuk Tarihi Says, 187-213, 2005.
Gurulkan, Kemal. eriyye Sicil Defterlerinin zellikleri ve Krm eriyye Sicilleri,
Uluslar aras II. Trkoloji Kongresi 22-24 Mays 2008, Simferopol / Krm-Ukrayna
2009, s. 535-546.
nalck, Halil. Krm Hanl Kad Sicilleri Bulundu, Belleten, LX/227, Trk Tarih Kurumu
Yay., 165-190, 1996.
pirli, Mehmet. Sosyal Tarih Kayna Olarak eriyye Sicilleri, stanbul nv. Edebiyat
Fakltesi Tarih Aratrma Merkezi Tarih ve Sosyoloji Seminerleri (28-29 Mays
1990), 1991.
Kaya, Sleyman. Mahkeme Kaytlarnn Klavuzu: Sakk Mecmualar Trkiye Aratrmalar
Literatr Dergisi, Say: 5, Trk Hukuk Tarihi Says, 379-416, 2005.
Mardin, Ebul'ul. Kad, slm Ansiklopedisi, c.6, Trkiye Diyanet leri Bakanl Yay.,
42-46, 1997.
Ortayl, lber. 1994, Hukuk ve dare Adam Olarak Osmanl Devleti'nde Kad, Turhan
Kitapevi, Ankara.
Ortayl, lber. Kad, Diyanet slm Ansiklopedisi, c.26, Gzel Sanatlar Matbaas, 69-73, 2001.
Ta, Kenan Ziya. Ariv Malzemesi Olarak eriyye Sicilleri ve Tara niversitelerinde Tarih
Aratrmalar, I. Milli Ariv uras, Babakanlk Arivi Yaynlar, 175-185, 1998.
Turan, Ahmet Nezihi. Krm Hanl Kad Sicilleri Hakknda Notlar, Trk Kltr
ncelemeleri Dergisi, Say: 9, 1-16, 2003.

177

178

SOCIOLOGIE I LINGVISTIC
ANTROPONOMIE I TOPONOMIE
SOCIOLOGY AND LINGUISTIC
ANTROPONYMY AND TOPONYMY

179

180

Sociocultural and Linguistic Succession


of Crimean Tatar Generations in Modern Crimea
(Based Upon Sociological Research Study)
REFIK D. KURTSEITOV
Sociocultural and linguistic succession within a family appears to be one of
the most important ways of ethnicity preservation as well as nations cultural
identity. Under the circumstances of general unification connected with the
globalization, a modern family meets with the serious difficulties and finds it hard
to perform its main sociocultural duties. Traditional norms and values, the native
tongue passed on from one generation to another generation under the
circumstances of general unification and pressure of dominant ethnic cultures and
languages, are exposed to serious deformations.
New generation socialization of ethnic communities turned out to be in
numerical minority on account of different reasons and, as a rule, it develops
problematically. During the new generation socialization process some fundamental
culture elements, norms and values are getting lost, become simpler and impoverished.
Under the circumstances of modern multiethnic Crimea the opportunities of
ethnic culture and language transmission of its nations are very different. The
factors influencing on sociocultural generation succession are ethnicity population
size, residence area and system of education based on a native language, or
efficiency of its learning as a subject in comprehensive educational establishments,
common functions carried out by a language (communicative capability), that is
inevitability to have spheres of language utilization and its necessity.
General deportation from the Crimea by Stalins regime in 1944 of native
Crimean Tatar nation as well as ethnic diaspora groups of the Armenians, the
Bulgarians, the Greeks and the German people (1941) and, as a result, its negative
consequences are still evident. It is obvious within the linguistic sphere mostly, that
strongly influences onto the situation of sociocultural and linguistic succession of
generations.
Therefore, linguistic alterations occurring in a modern family are of great
interest for sociocultural and sociolinguistic study researchers.
Thus, it is necessary to take into account the fact that half a century forced
keeping in the exile territory was followed by severe civil rights limitations as well
as a ban to study and teach a native language. Prolonged dispersed ethnicity
settling in deportation area resulted in a loss of language its most functions where
the language was treated as a means of communication among individuals, families
and separate groups.

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The totalitarian state excluded Crimean Tatars from the register of people
living in USSR, and the Crimean Tatar language from the register of languages.
Since the beginning of post-war (1941-1945) period and up to USSR break-up,
during which in all national-state formations of USSR there were created a great
number of different educational establishments, fundamental researches were
conducted, scientific branches and schools were formed, scientific brainpower was
prepared that were engaged into ethnic issues research (linguistics, literature,
culture, history, ethnography, archaeology, pedagogic and others). Crimean Tatar
matters and related to them scientific issues were under a strict ban of the
totalitarian Soviet state, existence of the nationality itself was ignored, mentioning
of the nation within all printing and mass media was prohibited.
Nowadays Crimean Tatars, after having lived in forcible exile for a long
time, keep returning to their historic motherland and make considerable efforts to
preserve their ethnic identity. Consequently, sociocultural and linguistic research
study of the Crimean Tatar nation proves to be a matter of great urgency. The
scientific comprehension of processes within sociocultural and linguistic sphere
will make it possible to find the most effective ways of its solution.
At present around 300,000 Crimean Tatars came back to Crimea (according to
All-Ukrainian 2001 population census the population made up over 248, 000 people)
[1]. According to the data of Republican committee for interethnic relations and
deported citizens of Council of Ministers of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea
for about 3,000 Crimean Tatars come back to Crimea annually, and in addition to
that Crimean Tatars turn out to be the only ethnicity within Crimea whose birth rate
exceeds death one.
Sociological research data conducted by the author of the article in the
beginning of the nineties last century (the beginning of the repatriation process)
suggest that only 49.5 per cent of school age Crimean Tatars can speak their native
language. [2, 19]. Thus, it is necessary to take into account the fact that it was
subjective estimate and, as a rule, overrated self-appraisal. Respondents regard
their comprehension and speaking (colloquial speech) language level as a required
norm. Colloquial speech is meant to have limited vocabulary knowledge, whereas
a good command of a literary language and writing skills require perfect
knowledge of language, and it is possible to gain these skills only in case of
systematic learning it at school.
Over twenty years passed since the beginning of mass repatriation process, and
in the meantime a new generation has grown up. Thus, what alterations occurred
within the linguistic succession of Crimean Tatar generations? What social institutes
influenced on sociolinguistic processes within the Crimean Tatar community?
Generally known, that the most important social institutes such as a family
and a system of education greatly influence onto the process of linguistic
socialization of generations. Primary linguistic socialization happens in a family.
Communicative capability of the Crimean Tatar language in a modern Crimean
Tatar family is getting less and less. Traditional large families, mostly Crimean
Tatar families from rural areas of pre-war Crimea in the deportation territory
underwent sufficient demographic changes, 2/3 of those who came back to

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motherland were city residents [3]. A level of dispersed residence in big cities was
sufficient. A lack of system of education based on a native language, the Russian
language-based system of education and predominance of local languages made it
impossible to preserve the native language; two generations that were born and
grew up in the deportation area were exposed to linguistic assimilation. The
sociological researches that aimed to display the language competence of Crimean
Tatar schoolchildrens parents in 2005 resulted in occurrence of complex linguistic
problem. It proves the following data, considering that the majority of Crimean
Tatar respondents 91 per cent regard a language of their nationality as a mother
tongue, a native language knowledge level proved to be insufficient. Only 8.8 per
cent of the Crimean Tatars are monolingual, the rest of them speak three and more
languages. Possessing quite wide linguistic competence and capability to speak
many languages, a level of Crimean Tatar language knowledge by respondents
varies greatly. 7.1 per cent of population does not speak native language at all.
40.9 per cent understand and speak colloquial speech mainly in family, using
limited vocabulary, 31.6 per cent speak informal language fluently, 16.5 per cent
can speak formal language and only one third of them (5.8 per cent) possess good
writing skills.
Parents abilities to speak a native language strongly influence on language
status in a family. The language spoken in a family is an indicator of natural
sociocultural succession of generations as well as it is a means of ethnic culture
transmission. In modern Crimean Tatar family 9.8 per cent of parents speak only
the Crimean Tatar language, 28.1 per cent speak Crimean Tatar more often rather
than the Russian language, 21.1 per cent speak Russian partially or only Russian,
34.8 per cent of parents speak both Crimean Tatar and Russian at the same level.
The data mentioned above prove that a mother tongue cannot be regarded as a main
language in family. Other languages are spoken as well and, as a rule, if one of the
spouses is of different nationality, not belonging to Crimean Tatar community.
In the deportation area the representatives of older generations (grandparents)
played a considerable role in linguistic socialization within a Crimean Tatar family,
they were language-saviors, they influenced greatly onto the process of linguistic
succession of generations in a family. After natural two-three generation shift this
function of a family got weak, at present the youngest person born before deportation is
nearly seventy. A large family is getting replaced by a small nuclear one.
Communicative capability of the Crimean Tatar language compared to
before the deportation period is considerably weak. Some families speak in a
dialect, children from these families, as a rule, speak it as well, thus, making it
difficult when speaking to peers who speak in different dialects, in the meantime
the adults themselves find it easy to understand each other. All these factors are
consequences of a native language education lack in the deportation area, lack of
literary language learning and its significant function reduction.
Different transformational processes occur within a modern Crimean Tatar
community, and often they prove to have opposite characters. On the one hand, we
can notice a process of language assimilation, on the other hand, a research study
level of the Crimean Tatar language and literature as well as edition of scientific

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and academic literature for both schools and higher educational establishments is
getting increased. Socially active part of the youth strives to learn the language.
Besides studying it at school as a subject, the young people organize different
linguistic courses. It appears to reflect the unsatisfactory state of a language and the
process of its learning within educational establishments of the Autonomous
Republic of Crimea.
The system of education appears to be the most important social institute,
and a child gets involved into it right after his/her family and receives initial
linguistic socialization. Further linguistic socialization occurs in preschool and
comprehensive (over ten years) institutions, and then in vocational training
educational establishments.
Preschool and school educational establishments are considered to be the
most important link of linguistic socialization. The system of preschool education
in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea is mainly monolingual, child preschool
educational establishments teach the Russian language, and can be regarded as an
exception some tens of groups teaching both Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar. Thus,
two communities mentioned above possess over 40 per cent of both preschool and
school age children.
In the system of school education of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea,
Crimean Tatar schoolchildren make up over 20 per cent from all schoolchildren
number within comprehensive schools. If at city and settlement of the South bank
of Crimea their number is insignificant, but in foothills, mountainous and steppe
areas their number varies from 15 per cent to 50 per cent (Belogorsk region). In
accordance with legislative and normative acts passed in Ukraine, where the
Constitution of Ukraine is the most fundamental, the citizens of country have a
right to study and be taught in native language at the expense of the state.
Realization of this constitutional right in Autonomous Republic of Crimea tackles
many difficulties of both organizational and subjective character.
During 2008-2009 academic years the number of Crimean Tatar
schoolchildren made up 34, 405 pupils studying at schools of the Autonomous
Republic of Crimea. Only 8.5 per cent of them studied at school with the mother
tongue of teaching (14 schools) and 7.8 per cent in classes with the mother tongue
of teaching at schools with two/three languages of teaching. During 2009-2010
academic years 19.62 per cent did not study the mother tongue for different
reasons. 12.48 per cent studied the mother tongue as an optional subject 1 hour per
week. The number of schoolchildren who do not study a mother tongue or study it
as an optional subject makes around 30 per cent of all Crimean Tatar
schoolchildren. These pupils even do not have theoretical chances to study the
mother tongue at school. The number of those who refuse to learn a native
language because of some unsolved organizational questions tends to increase. 52.6
per cent of pupils studying the mother tongue and literature as a subject are not
satisfied either because of minimal number of hours for mother tongue learning.
Within comprehensive schools of Autonomous Republic of Crimea with
Russian of teaching (593 schools), where Crimean Tatar schoolchildren make up
91.5 per cent, the study of all languages is considered to be obligatory with the

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only exception for Crimean Tatar. The amount of hours for each obligatory
languages 2-3 times exceeds the time for studying the mother tongue that is not
enough for its proper learning.
The obvious misbalance existing in correlation of schoolchildren number of
main ethnic groups and number of schools with the languages of teaching can be
regarded as well the legacy of the past, indicator of unbalanced system of education
of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea as inability for further language learning
for communities living here and, besides builds up the effective mechanism of their
linguistic assimilation.
Annually tens of languages disappear from the linguistic map of the world,
and they are accompanied with the same amount of unique cultures. Functioning of
all languages with no exception needs to follow common linguistic laws. A
language is alive if it carries out certain functions and has the spheres of its
functioning. The artificial narrowing of function spheres as well as language
functions results in its disappearance.
Nowadays sociocultural and linguistic succession of Crimean Tatar
generations is in a difficult situation. To solve these problems it is essential to
renew the major functions of social institutes influencing on sociocultural
succession of generations and capable of nations ethnic identity preservation.
Literature
1. .
2001 . :
. , 2003. 367 . (Population
nationalities of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and its linguistic peculiarities. Data
of the All-Ukrainian population census 2001 Simferopol: State statistics committee of
Ukraine. Statistics head office of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, 2003. 367 p.).
2. ..
:
. . . . . - ., . ... 1995. .19.
(Kurtseitov R.D. Sociocultural succession of generations in the process of Crimean
Tatar national integrity renewal: authors abstract of disser. cand.sociol.sciences.
M., MSU by M.V. Lomonosov. 1995. P.19. ).
3. / .
. .. : , 2007. 114 ..
(Dynamics of ethnic groups of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea / Edited by
Miskov .. - Simpferopol: Statistics head office of the Autonomous Republic of
Crimea, 2007. 114 p.).

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186

Valorile gramaticale ale formei n gan/gen


din limba ttar din Dobrogea n comparaie cu cele
ale formei n dk din limba turc
AGIEMIN BAUBEC
Unul din aspectele cele mai interesante ale limbii ttare din Dobrogea, ca de
altfel i ale celorlalte limbi turcice orientale sau cpceace, l reprezint, fr
ndoial, multiplele valori gramaticale ale formelor n gan/gen. Aceast
problem m-a preocupat nc din anii studeniei, ca mai apoi, n anul 1972, la
Ankara, la primul congres de limba turc organizat de Trk Dili Kurumu (Institutul
de lingvistic turc), s prezint, pentru prima oar, o comunicare privind aceast
problematic. n anii care au urmat am reuit s aprofundez i mai mult aceast
problem n cadrul cursurilor de Gramatic comparat a limbilor turcice i Istoria
limbii turce pe care le-am inut la Universitate din Bucureti.
Este interesant de menionat faptul c aceast form nu apare n textele
primelor monumente scrise ale limbilor turcice, cunoscute n literatura de
specialitate, i cu denumirea de inscripiile orhono-ieniseice, ci apare mult mai
trziu, n secolul al XI-lea, n texte aparinnd limbii turce karahanide, cu deosebire
n Divan lugat-it trk (Compendiul limbilor turcice) scris, n anul 1073, de
Mahmud Kagarl (Mahmud din Kagar) i Kutadgu Bilig (tiina fericirii sau
tiina despre fericire) scris de Yusuf Has Hacib, n anul 1069, monumente de o
importan covritoare ale limbilor turcice din grupul cpceac i oguz.
Astzi, dup aproape un mileniu de cnd sufixul a fost semnalat, pentru
prima oar, n textele menionate puin mai nainte, acesta i-a pstrat nealterat
forma iniial att n limba ttar din Dobrogea, ct i n celelalte limbi turcice
nrudite cu aceasta din grupul cpceac ca ttara de pe Volga, bakurta, caracalpaca,
nogaica, cumca, caraceai-balcara, ttara crimeian, caraima. Este cunoscut faptul
c limba ttar din Dobrogea este o continuare sau mai bine spus o transpunere pe
un alt spaiu geografic a dialectului de nord sau nogaic al limbii ttare crimeiene,
care, n afar de acest dialect, mai are nc dou dialecte, i anume dialectul
meridional (orta diyalekt) sau tatarca (ttara), care, de fapt, st la baza limbii
literare ttare crimeiene i, respectiv, dialectul de sud (yalboyu), care datorit
apropierii sale de limba turc, n literatura de specialitate este denumit i osmana
crimeian. Tot de limba ttar crimeian este legat i limba vorbit de evreii
crimeieni, denumit crmceag
Pentru a vedea locul pe care l ocup limba ttar din Dobrogea n cadrul
marii familii a limbilor turcice, m-am gndit s prezint aici una din cele mai bune i
cele mai realiste clasificri ale limbilor turcice, care reprezint de fapt o sintez

187

oportun a tuturor clasificrilor realizate de savanii turcologi de pretutindeni, pn


n prezent, ncepnd cu secolul al XVIII-lea, cnd savantul suedez Philip Johann
Strahlenberg (Das norund stelicheTheil von Europa und Asia,insomeit das gantze
Russiche Reich mit Sibirien und grossen Tatarei in sich Begreiffet, Stockholm,
1730) emitea, pentru prima oar, ipoteza nrudirii limbilor altaice,stabilind o serie
de asemnri ntre un mare numr de limbi, pe care le numete limbi ttare. Am
n vedere clasificarea propus de profesorii turci Talat Tekin i Mehmet lmez
(Trk Dilleri, Giri, stanbul, 2003), la care am fcut eu unele adugiri privind
ttara crimeian i ttara dobrogean.
n limba ttar din Dobrogea i n celelalte limbi turcice cpceace
menionate mai nainte, forma n gan este foarte productiv gramatical, n sensul c
ea are valori morfologice i sintactice deosebit de importante i complexe,
contribuind ntr-o msur nsemnat la determinarea identitii aglutinante ale
limbilor turcice, n general i cu deosebire ale limbilor turcice de est, n special, n
sensul c acest sufix n forma sa pur, adic fr s fie prevzut cu sufixele
posesive, are valoarea gramatical de participiu prezent-trecut, red unele forme de
trecut preterit ale modurilor indicativ i condiional-optativ, iar n planul sintaxei,
acesta cu sau fr sufixele posesive, n funcie de forma cazual pe care o are,
poate ndeplini n propoziie, toate funciile sintactice specifice substantivului. Mai
mult, aceast form urmat de sufixele posesive i de sufixele cazuale
corespunztoare funciei gramaticale, exprim prile
complexe de propoziie, care sunt echivalentele propoziiilor subordonate din
limbile indo-europene, deci i din limba romn.
Acest sufix participial care, conform legii armoniei vocalice palatale, adic
dup caracterul dur (postpalatal) sau moale (prepalatal) al vocalelor componente
are, pe lng cele dou variante fonetice, cu vocalele a, respectiv e, mai are nc
dou variante fonetice, de data aceasta conform legii armoniei consonantice, cnd
se realizeaz alternana consonantic g~k, situaie n care pe lng variantele
gan/gen, deci cu consoana iniial sonor g, mai exist variantele kan/ken,
deci cu consoana iniial surd k. Dup cum se tie, acest fenomen este determinat
de caracterul sunetului din finalul rdcinii verbale la care se ataeaz acest sufix:
dac acest sunet este o vocal sau o consoan sonor sau sonant, sufixul va fi
gan sau gen, adic cu sunetul g care este o consoan sonor, iar dac sunetul
respectiv va fi o consoan surd, atunci sufixul va fi kan sau ken, adic cu
sunetul k care este varianta surd a lui g. Astfel, variantele gan sau gen se vor
ataa la verbe ca anla+gan, bekle+gen, yaz+gan, kr+gen i respectiv kan sau
ken se vor ataa la verbe ca al+kan, sat+kan, k+ken, ket+ken etc.
n limba ttar din Dobrogea, ca de altfel i n celelalte limbi turcice din
grupul cpceac (oriental), acest sufix nu i-a modificat structura sa fonetic iniial,
aa cum s-a petrecut acest lucru n grupul limbilor turcice occidentale, adic oguze,
unde sufixul este folosit fr consoanele iniiale g, respectiv k, avnd ns n
continuare, conform legii armoniei vocalice palatale, dou variante fonetice an i
en, cu observaia c atunci cnd rdcina verbal se termin ntr-o vocal, pentru
evitarea hiatului, ntre aceast rdcin i sufix, se intercaleaz consoana de
legtur y, rezultnd, n felul acesta, nc dou variante fonetice ale sufixului,

188

respectiv yan i yen; astfel: alan nu algan, gelen nu kelgen, dar i anlayan, n
ttar n continuare anlagan, bekleyen, n ttar beklegen.
n limba turc veche anatolian, n textele literare aparinnd secolelor XIIIXV, mai ntlnim nc sporadic, alturi de forma (y)an i (y)en, care deja se
consacrase n limb, i forma gan/gen. Astfel, n poemul Yusuf ve Zeliha a lui
eyyad Hamza din secolul al XIII-lea, ntlnim urmtoarea propoziie: Yusuf
kfirler ehrine kelgen Yusuf a sosit n oraul necredincioilor, unde prin
forma kelgen se red trecutul preterit sau subiectiv, aa cum, astzi, n limba ttar
din Dobrogea, ca de altfel i n celelalte limbi turcice cpceace, acest sufix
reprezint singurul mijloc de redare a acestui fel de trecut, pe cnd n limba turc
contemporan i n celelalte limbi turcice din grupul oguz, forma consacrat pentru
redarea unui asemenea trecut este cea care se red cu sufixul m:gelmi, n loc de
kelgen (cic, se spune c, am auzit c) a venit.
Astzi, n limba turc contemporan, acest sufix apare n unele cuvinte vechi
turcice, mai ales n adjective i mai puin n substantive ca: alngan irascibil,
utangan ruinos, konukan vorbre, volubil, ekingen timid,sfios unutkan
uituc, atlgan curajos, bgre, somurtkan bosumflat, yapkan lipicios,
kaygan alunecos, srgan urzic etc. n procesul de purificare a limbii turce
nceput de Atatrk, care viza, n principal, turcizarea i modernizarea lexicului limbii
turce, cu care prilej s-a apelat i la patrimoniul lingvistic vechi turcic, de altfel foarte
valoros, revitalizndu-se nu numai cuvinte vechi, dar i anumite sufixe deja ieite din
uz sau neproductive. Unul din sufixele revitalizate parial este i sufixul -gan, care a
format o serie de termeni tiinifici ca: gezegen planet, iletken conductor,
srngen reptil, etken factor, edilgen pasiv, devingen motric, saldrgan
agresiv etc.
Afirmam mai nainte faptul c acest sufix, n limba ttar din Dobrogea, ca
de altfel i n celelalte limbi turcice din grupul cpceac, are mai multe valori
gramaticale, att morfologice ct i sintactice. Printre valorile morfologice ale
acestui sufix, putem remarca, n primul rnd, valoarea acestuia de participiu (sfat
fiili). Aceast form, n limba ttar din Dobrogea, la fel ca i n celelalte limbi
turcice, att orientale ct i occidentale, este singura form gramatical propriu-zis
de participiu, n timp ce celelalte forme nu reprezint o categorie gramatical n
acest sens, ci doar echivalentele funciilor sintactice ale partricipiului din limbile
flexionare. Astfel, sufixul timpului viitor categoric (y)acak/(y)ecek, tocmai
datorit funciilor sintactice pe care le exprim, poate fi considerat ca fiind
participiul timpului viitor. n aceast ordine de idei, este deosebit de edificatoare
folosirea, de exemplu, n dou ipostaze a formei kelecek: o dat ca form de
persoana a III-a singular a timpului viitor, cu sensul de el/ea va veni, iar a doua
oar cu sensul de participiu prezent-viitor, atunci cnd, nsoind un nume, l
determin pe acesta, fiind, din punct de vedere sintactic, un atribut participial, ca n
exemplul kelecek afta sptmna viitoare.
Printre valorile gramaticale din domeniul morfologiei se evideniaz cea de
verb finit al unor forme ale trecutului indicativ i condiional-optativ. Astfel, prin
acest sufix prevzut cu dezinenele personale-predicative se red timpul trecut

189

nedeterminat sau subiectiv, al crui echivalent gramatical n limba turc este


sufixul -m. De exemplu:
1. Trecutul nedeterminat:
a) Forma afirmativ:
Men krgenmen (cic,se spune c)eu am vzut (n turc, cu acelai
sens: ben grmm)
Sen krgensn (sen grmsn)
O krgen (o grm)
Bz krgenmz (biz grmz)
Sz krgensz sau krgensz (siz grmsnz)
Onlar krgenler (onlar grmler).
b) Forma negativ:
Men krmegenmen (ben grmemiim)
Sen krmegensn (sen grmemisin)
O krmegen (o grmemi)
Bz krmegenmz (biz grmemiiz)
Sz krmegesz sau krmegensz (siz grmemisiniz)
Onlar krmegenler (onlar grmemiler).
c) Forma interogativ:
Men krgenmen m? (ben grm mym?)
Sen krgensn m? (sen grm msn?)
O krgen m? (o grm m?)
Bz krgenmz m? (biz grm myz)
Sz krgensz m? sau krgensz m? (siz grm mnz?)
d) Forma interogativ-negativ:
Men krmegenmen m? (ben grmemi miyim?)
Sen krmegensn m? (sen grmemi misin?)
O krmegen m? (o grmemi mi?)
Bz krmegenmz m? (biz grmemi miyiz?)
Sz krmegensz m? (siz grmemi misiniz?)
Onlar krmegenler m? (onlar grmemiler mi?).
e) Forma posilitativ:
Men krealganman (ben grebilmiim)
Sen krealgansn (sen grebilmisin)
O krealgan (o grebilmi)
Bz krealgamz (biz grebilmiiz)
Sz krealgasz (siz grebilmisiniz)
Onlar krealganlar (onlar grebilmiler).
f) Forma imposibilitativ:
Men krealmaganman (ben grememiim)
Sen krealmagasn (sen grememisin)
O krealmagan (o grememi)
Bz krealmagamz (biz grememiiz)
Sz krealmagasz (siz grememisiniz)
Onlar krealmaganlar (onlar grememiler).

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2. Mai mult ca perfectul:


a) Forma afirmativ:
Men kelgen edm venisem, (n turc gelmitim )
Sen kelgen ed (sen gelmitin)
O kelgen ed (o gelmiti)
Bz kelgen edk (biz gelmitik)
Sz kelgen edz (siz gelmitiniz)
Onlar kelgen edler (onlar gelmitiler).
b) Forma negativ: kelmegen edm, kelmegen ed, kelmegen ed .a.
c) Forma interogativ: kegen edm m?, kelgen ed m?, kelgen ed m? .a.
d) Forma interogativ-negativ: kelmegen edm m?, kelmegen ed m?,
kelmegen
ed m? .a.
e) Forma posibilitativ: kelealgan edm, kelealgan ed, kelealgan ed .a.
f) Forma imposibilitativ: kelealmagan edm, kelealmagan ed,
kelealmagan ed .a.
3. Timpul trecut subiectiv dubitativ:
Acest fel de trecut are dou forme distincte n limba ttar din Dobrogea.
Dintre acestea, prima, cea cu sensul dubitativ diminuat, se formeaz cu tema
timpului trecut nedeterminat, n gan, cu variantele sale fonetice i n mbinare cu
verbul defectiv e- a fi, prevzut cu sufixul ken (gan eken) i dezinenele
personale-predicative corespunztoare, iar cea de a doua form, cu un sens
dubitativ accentuat, se red, tot aa, cu tema timpului trecut nedeterminat, care se
mbin cu acelai verb defectiv e-, care, de data aceasta, n loc de sufixul gan,
primete sufixul m, urmat de dezinenele personale-predicative (gan em).
Aici, fr ndoial, este vorba de influena limbii turce asupra limbii ttare
dobrogene. n limba turc acest timp se red prin dublarea sufixului m
(mm). Iat cum arat conjugrile complete ale celor dou forme i
echivalentul lor n limba turc:
a) Forma afirmativ:
kelgen ekenmen (cic)venisem kelgen emmen (cic chupurile)
venisem gelmimiim (tc.)
kelgen ekensn (cic)venisei kelgen emsn (cic chipurile)
venisei gelmimisin
kelgen eken (cic)venise kelgen em (cic chipurile)venise
gelmimi
kelgen ekenmz (cic)veniserm kelgen emmz (cic chipurile)
veniserm gelmimiiz
kelgen ekensz (cic)veniseri kelgen emsz (cic chipurile)
veniseri gelmimisiniz
kelgen ekenler (cic)veniser kegen emler (cic
chipurile)veniser gelmimiler.
b) Forma negativ:
kelmegen ekenmen (cic) nu venisem kelmegen emmen (cic
chipurile) nu venisem gelmemimiim .a.

191

c) Forma interogativ:
kelgen ekenmen m? (ce se aude) oare eu venisem, sosisem?
kelgen emmen m? (ce spun gurile rele) oare eu sosisem?
gelmimiim mi? .a.
kelmegen ekenmen m? (ce se aude) oare eu nu sosisem?
kelmegen emmen m? (ce spun gurile rele) oare eu nu sosisem?
gelmemimiim mi? .a.
4. Timpul trecut al modului condiional-optativ:
Acest timp se red, tot aa, cu aceeai tem a timpului trecut nedeterminat n
mbinare cu forma de condiional al verbului ajuttor bol a fi, deci bolsa; astfel:
a) Forma afirmativ:
kelgen bolsam dac a fi venit, n turc: gelseydim
kelgen bolsa dac ai fi venit, n turc: gelseydin
kelgen bolsan dac ar fi venit, n turc: gelseydi
kelgen bolsak dac am fi venit, n turc: gelseydik
kelgen bolsaz dac ai fi venit, n turc: gelseydiniz
kelgen bolsalar dac ar fi venit, n turc: gelseydiler.
b) Forma negativ:
kelmegen bolsam dac nu a fi venit, n turc: gelmeseydim .a.
c) Forma interogativ:
kelgen bolsam m? dac a fi venit?, n turc: gelseydim mi? .a.
d) Forma interogativ-negativ:
kelmagen bolsam m? dac nu a fi venit?, n turc: gelmeseydim
mi? .a.
Sufixul gan, pe lng valorile morfologice semnalate i analizate succint
mai nainte, are i valori sintactice deosebit de importante n limba ttar din
Dobrogea, ca de altfel i n celelalte limbi turcice din grupul cpceac/oriental.
Prevzut cu sufixul apartenenei, care sufix posed nsuirea de a substantiviza
orice parte de vorbire, sufixul gan, ca i forma n acak, poate ndeplini n
propoziie att funcia prilor principale, ct i pe cea a prilor secundare de
propoziie. Prile de propoziie exprimate prin aceste forme se deosebesc de cele
obinuite (simple) prin aceea c, fiind exprimate prin forme verbale nominale, pot
avea att pri principale, ct i pri secundare de propoziie, devenind n felul
acesta pri complexe de propoziie, care corespund propoziiilor secundare
independente din limbile flexionare. Astfel, dac n limba ttar, din punct de
vedere gramatical, propoziia Masan stndek kitapn sen algann blemz
Noi tim c tu ai luat cartea de pe mas este doar o propoziie, n limba romn,
ca de altfel i n celelalte limbi flexionare nrudite cu romna, aceasta nu poate fi
redat altfel dect doar printr-o fraz alctuit din dou propoziii, una principal
noi tim, iar cealalt secundar completiv direct (c) tu ai luat cartea de pe mas,
cu subiecte i predicate gramaticale. Este evident faptul c n limba ttar sintagma
sen algann nu ndeplinete cerinele gramaticale clasice ale unei propoziii
independente, n sensul c subiectul tu nu are form de nominativ, ca n limba
romn, ci de genitiv sen, iar predicatul ai luat, n ttar, nu este exprimat
printr-un verb la un mod personal, ci prin numele verbal n gan, n cazul acuzativ

192

(algann). Asemenea tipuri de pri de propoziie, care au complexitatea unor


propoziii independente din alte limbi, sunt caracteristice doar sistemului aglutinant
de limbi, cu deosebire limbilor altaice, cu cele cinci grupe de limbi: limbile turcice,
mongolice, tuguso-manciuriene, coreeana i japoneza.
Aa cum n limba turc, ca de altfel, i n celelalte limbi turcice din grupul
oguz, forma nominal a verbului n dk poate s exprime orice parte de
propoziie, principal sau secundar, tot aa i forma n gan din limba ttar i din
celelalte limbi turcice din grupul cpceac, poate s exprime toate tipurile de pri
complexe de propoziie. Prin dubla lor natur, nominal i verbal, aceste pri
complexe de propoziie au un coninut logic mai complex dect prile simple: ele
exprim judeci, spre deosebire de prile simple care nu exprim dect concepte.
Ele constituie, astfel, un al doilea centru de predicaie al propoziiei, traducndu-se,
de regul, n limba romn i n alte foarte multe limbi, prin diferite tipuri de
propoziii subordonate. Valorile sintactice excepionale ale celor dou forme
verbale nominale n gan, n limba ttar, i, respectiv, dk, n limba turc, sunt
evideniate i de exemplele de mai jos, cnd acestea ndeplinesc funciile diferitelor
tipuri de pri de propoziie complex:
1) Subiect complex:
On bzge etkenler he unutulmad (tt.) Onun bize ettikleri hi
unutulmad (tc.) Nu au fost uitate cele pricinuite de el nou
2) Atribut complex:
Sz maga bergen kitaplarzn ta okmadm (tt.) Sizin bana
verdiiniz kitaplar daha/henz okumadm (tc.) nc nu am citit crile pe care
mi le-ai dat.
Aici trebuie fcut precizarea c n limba ttar din Dobrogea ca, de altfel, i
n celelalte limbi turcice din grupul cpceac, la exprimarea atributului complex, nu
forma n gan primete sufixul apartenenei, ci substantivul pe care l determin,
spre deosebire de situaia din limba turc, unde sufixul apartenenei la persoana
corespunztoare se ataeaz la forma n dk. Astfel, n mbinarea atributiv
ttreasc bergen kitabm, substantivul determinat primete sufixul posesiv, ci nu
atributul bergen, aa cum se ntmpl acest lucru n cazul atributului exprimat de
forma n dk din limba turc i n celelalte limbi turcice din grupul oguze, cnd
determinantul cu dk primete sufixul posesiv: verdiim kitap, ci nu verdik
kitabm. De fapt, opoziia bergen kitabm ~ verdiim kitap reprezint una din
problemele structurale ale identitii lingvistice ale celor dou grupe ale limbilor
turcice: cpceac i oguz.
3) Complementul direct complex:
Ayen br ay ewel ylengenn blemz (tt.) Ayenin bir ay evvel/nce
evlendiini biliyoruz (tc.) Noi tim c Aye s-a mritat acum o lun.
4) Complement indirect complex:
On toyna ketmegenme bek pemanman (tt.) Onun dnne
gitmediime ok pimanm (tc.).
5) Complemente circumstaniale complexe:
Bz on krgende o man bo meselen de konarmz (tt.) Biz onu
grdmzde onunla bu meseleyi de kunuuruz (tc.) Atunci cnd l vom

193

vedea, vom discuta cu el i aceast chestiune (c.c. de timp complex). Patma


gripten kastalangan n bugn he yden kmad (tt.) Fatma gripten
hastaland iin bugn hi evden kmad (tc.) Din cauz c Fatma s-a
mbolnvit de grip, astzi nu a ieit deloc din cas (c.c. de cauz complex).
Ekew de mainam bolgan cerne kadar kelp men ogrladlar (tt.) kisi de
arabamn bulunduu yere kadar gelip beni uurladlar (tc.) Amndoi m-au
condus, venind pn n locul unde se afla maina mea (c.c. de loc).
Din cele discutate pn acum putem afirma cu certitudine faptul c, aa cum
forma n dk a cunoscut o dezvoltare gramatical excepional pe teren oguz, tot
aa forma n gan a cunoscut, din acest punct de vedere, valene gramaticale de-a
dreptul uimitoare, n toate compartimentele limbii, pe teren cpceac. Mai mult,
forma n gan, datorit complexitii funciilor sale gramaticale, poate fi
considerat echivalenta gramatical a trei forme deosebit de importante din limba
turc contemporan. Este vorba de sufixele mi:gelmi n turc i kelgen n
ttar, sufixul an:gelen n turc i kelgen n ttar i sufixul dk prevzut cu
sufixul posesiv: geldiini grdm n turc i kelgenn krdm n ttar.
Gramatical Values of gan/gen Form from Tatar Language
from Dobrogea in Comparision with dk Form from Turkish
Abstract
The tatar language which is spoken in Dobrogea is a continuation of North
dialect or nogay of Crimenian tatar language which has two more important
dialects: Southern dialect or tatar and Western dialect or tat which is rather a
dialect of Turkish language. Because of this, in literary language this dialect is
called also Crimean Ottoman. Also is known that the core of tatar literary
language is the comparison with the new North dialect (Nogai dialect) which is
spoken also by the tatars from Romania who formed Tatar language based on this
Northern (nogai) dialect.
Face communication is an attempt to analyze grammatical values of suffix
gan/gen from tatar language which is spoken in Dobrogea and also in other
Eastern Turkic languages (Kapceaca). In comparison with dek form which is
spoken in Western Turkic languages (oguze).
As in oguz Turkish and in Turkish the nominal form of the verb dek can
express any primary or secondary part of sentence so on the gan form from tatar
can express all times of complex sentence parts. Furthermore the gan form in
comparison with the dek form has several morphological values, is in addition of
principle value present-past describes also some past tense forms of conditional
optative and indicative.

194

Menirea calului la ttarii din Romnia


NEVZAT YUSUF SARIGL
Calul ocup un loc important n tradiiile, obiceiurile i folclorul popoarelor
turce. Domesticirea acestui animal nobil a constituit un salt spectaculos n evoluia
societii umane. n privina domesticirii calului sunt multiple preri, n momentul
de fa, argumentele istorice, lingvistice, folclorice, etnologice nefiind suficient de
temeinice i convingtoare. n opinia unor cercettori, popoarele turce sunt printre
primele care au domesticit calul.
Calul, animalul domestic cel mai mitologizat la populaiile turce de
pretutindeni, este un animal solar, uranian. n literatura popular de inspiraie
amanic din Siberia, caii coboar din lumea celest1. n eposul iacuilor, caii au
nsuiri superioare; n momente tensionate iau decizii vitale i-l sftuiesc pe clre.
Calul lui Ginghiz Han provine din lumea divin a cerului2. El este prta la
biruin, temerar n ncletri vitale, cel mai iubit i loial prieten al stpnului.
n Divanu Lugat-it-Trk al lui Mahmud Kagarl3 , o adevrat enciclopedie
a popoarelor turce, gsim nenumrate referiri la cal. Aceste nsemnri au valoare
lingvistic i istoric, cu precdere etnologic.
n cele ce urmeaz, vom da cteva exemple: Arpasz at aumas, arkasz alp
eri symas (= fr orez calul nu alearg, fr spate (prieten, ajutor) nu exist osta
curajos); (DLT, I, p. 129); Ygrdi kewel at, akld kzl ot, Kyrdi arut ot,
Sarap ann rtenir (= de alearg calul de soi, foc rou nete; s-a aprins iarba
uscat, arde risipindu-se) (DLT, II, p. 133); Traklanp seirtti, Erin atn ygrtti,
Bizni kamug anlatt, Anda sre kim yeter (= cu temeritate a galopat, voinicul calul
i-a-ndemnat; nucindu-ne pe toi, cine rezista-va n faa lui!) (DLT, II, p. 274).
n marile epopei ale literaturii de specialitate din aria lumii turce, n special
n Dede Korkut Kitab (titlul exact: Kitab- Dede Korkut ala Lisan-i Taife'i
Oguzan) i n Manas (cea mai lung epopee din lume, aproape de un milion de
versuri), calul i clreul apar ntr-o simbioz perfect. Calul se prezint ca o
prelungire a potenelor fizice ale clreului. Putem spune c Dede Korkut Kitab
este o sintez major a vieii triburilor oguze, o redare a unei lumi reale i
fabuloase, cu o dinamic specific nomadismului activ i productiv, cu o expresie
lingvistic pur i frumoas. Iar din perspectiv comparatist, aceast creaie poate
sta alturi de Njiala islandez, Cntecul Nibelungilor, Cntec despre oastea lui
Igor, Beowulf sau Manas-ul Krgzilor.
1

A. Caferolu, Trk Onomastiinde At Klt, Trkiyat Mecmuas, X, (1951-53), s. 201.


Caferolu, op. cit., s .201.
3
Mahmud Kagarl, Divan Lugat-it-Trk, eviren: Besim Atalay, T.D.K. cilt I, s. 123.
2

195

Iat una din multele prezentri ale calului:


Beyrek gri ctre armsar:
Luna argintie pe frunte i s-a pus,
n loc de ochi ai dou pietre scumpe,
Fir de ibriin i-e coama lung,
Urechile-i dou surori gemene;
De coam i se lipete voinicul,
Tu-mi eti frate nainte de toi,
Faptele mele s-nelegi poi.4
n Manas-l krgz, calul i clreul se prezint ca un tot unitar, aproape de
nedezlipit, formnd un cuplu de temut:
Azamettey una
Coo! degende syngn,
at stnd kiyngen,
ak kulaktan kuu'alan,
atkan coodan tili alan,
karannan kaytpaan,
kayrlp coobn aytpaan,
sumsayp coobn aytpaan!

Acest tnr voinic seme,


Se bucur cnd vede duman,
Se mbrac pe spinarea calului,
Dup semnele din urechea calului
Ghicete gndurile dumanului,
Limpede griete totdeauna,
De lupt e gata oricnd,
nfige bine sulia!5

n folclorul popoarelor turce din zona Altay, eroii au nume n congruen cu


nsuirile fizice i nuana culorii prului calului. Iat cteva exemple: Ag oi att
Altn Aira (Clreul Altn Aira cu calul cenuiu); Kara tor att Kan Kartaga
(Clreul Kan Kartaga cu calul castaniu); Kara kul att Kan Tgs (Clreul Kan
Tgs cu calul roib); Ai Kar att Altn Prkan (Clreul Altn Prkan cu calul alb
ca zpada); Kara attu Kan (Hanul cu calul negru)6.
n credina musulmanilor, calul este un animal benefic: Ludat de Profet, el
a dobndit o importan cu att mai fabuloas. Doi bidivii mitici ocup tot spaiul
imaginar care leag pe om de divinitatea sa, cci ei sunt prezeni n tradiie ca cei
care faciliteaz contactele: este calul fabulos al-Buraq i bidiviul Duldul, numele
calului druit de profet ginerelui su Ali. Profetul Muhammad avea cinci cai preferai
venii din toate provinciile Peninsulei Arabe, pe care i numise Kohayli, Kuhail sau
Kahlane, cuvinte cu aceeai rdcin-akhal-nsemnnd negru7.
La ttarii din Romnia, reflexele admiraiei fa de cal au rmas nealterate
de-alungul secolelor. Nu de mult, mai n toate srbtorile religioase ca: Kurban
Bayram (Srbtoarea Jertfei) sau Ramazan Bayram (Srbtoarea Postului) sau n
cele laice, precum Nawrez (Srbtoarea Anului nou), care se celebreaz deobicei la
4
Dede Korkut, povestiri. Traducere, adaptare, not asupra ediiei i glosar de Nermin Yusuf i
Nevzat Yusuf Sargl. Studiu introductiv de Nevzat Yusuf Sargl, postfa de amil Cemsidov,
ed. Paideia, 2002, p. 85.
5
Wilhelm Radloff, Manas Destan, Hazrlayan: Prof. Dr. Emine Grsoy-Naskali, Trksoy,
Yanlar nr.1, 1995, Ankara, s. 237.
6
A. Caferolu, op. cit., p. 206.
7
Malek Chebel, Dicionar de Simboluri Musulmane, Editura Paralela 45, 2005, p. 80.

196

mijlocul lunii martie; Hdrellez (Srbtoarea primverii pe 5 mai); Yawru-Yz


(Chipul pruncului), se celebreaz dup o sptmn dup Hdrellez; Tepre
(Serbare cmpeneasc), precum i At kous (ntreceri de cai), organizate cu ocazia
ceremoniilor de nunt. n aceste confruntri, posesorii de cai expuneau n faa
privitorilor cele mai frumoase exemplare, iar clreul trebuia s-i demonstreze
iscusina, abilitatea de a comunica cu animalul. Merituoii, att caii, ct i clreii,
erau premiai cu bani sau podoabe lucrate de tinerele mirese. Existau i rivaliti.
Un vechi obicei de pedepsire a rivalului era tierea cozii i coamei calului. Acest
lucru se ntmpla n timpul nopii, n mare tain i se considera dezonoare
pricinuit stpnului animalului.
Spiritul de binefacere, de ocrotire a acestui animal nobil dinuie chiar i
dup moartea sa. Scheletul craniului era nfipt pe un stlp i pus n preajma
animalelor din ograd pentru a-i ocroti de rufctori i duhuri malefice. Potcoava,
care, la ttarii din Romnia, simbolizeaz calea spre locuri benefice i un aductor
de izbnd, se prinde de partea exterioar a uii casei.
Calul ocup un loc important n proverbele ttarilor dobrogeni. Iat cteva
exemple: At borc man kz borcn Tanr der ( Tanr rspltete menirea calului i a
fecioarei); Atn ar karagan, artna karamaz (Cel care-i ngrijete bine calul, n-are
grija drumului); Atnn saglam kazkka bayla (Leag-i calul de un stlp zdravn);
Atka arpa, cgtke sorpa kerek (D-i calului ovz, iar voinicului ciorb); Atka
dosttay kara, dumanday mn (ngrijete-i calul ca un prieten, dar clrete-l ca un
duman); At man apakay, cgtnn bahtna (Calul i femeia reprezint fericirea
voinicului); At man awrat emanet berlmez (Calul i nevasta nu se dau ca zlog);
Atn kam ttrr, ern namus (Biciul ucide calul, iar onoarea pe brbat); Atnn
iygs coln kskartr (Calul bun scurteaz drumul); At peslengende, kz stenlgende
berlmel (S dai calul cnd e bine hrnit, iar fata cnd e cerut); Attan kalgann
eekke tgerler (Ce rmne de la cal se d mgarului)8.
Calul apare i n vise. Visul, aceat lume oniric, n care simbolurile se
deruleaz n concordan cu psihicul individului, a constituit dintotdeauna un
domeniu fascinant pentru populaiile turce. n viziunea islamic, visul este o parte
a profeiei spunea Muhammad, corobornd astfel ideea c revelaia a fost o
succesiune de vise veridice9. n Coran sunt relevate i supuse interpretrii mai
multe vise. Cea mai interesant i ampl interpretare mi se pare cea n care Iosif
dezvluie Faraonului enigma, misterul simbolului oniric al celor apte vaci slabe i
apte vaci grase (Surat XII, ,versetele 43-49).
n viziunea ttarilor dobrogeni gsim urme dintr-o perioad mult ndeprtat,
cu precdere de sorginte amanic, despre vise i simbolistica lor oniric. Nu cu
mult timp n urm, n comunitile ttarilor, mai cu seam n lumea rural, n
fiecare aezare exista o femeie n vrst, care interpreta, dezlega misterul oniric
nocturn. Pentru interpretarea viselor exist n graiul ttarilor un termen foarte
sugestiv: t (sau ruya) tabrlemes (tlmcirea viselor).
8
9

Ahmet-Naci Cafer Ali, Boztorgay (Culegere de folclor), ed. II, 1996, p. 276-277.
Malek Chebel, op. cit. , p. 457.

197

Calul este considerat un vestitor de fapte benefice, iar cel care viseaz cal alb
va lega noi prietenii, ce vor duce, n cele din urm, la ntemeierea unei familii.
Calul negru este perceput ca aductor de veti neplcute, de suferine.
Moartea calului este tlmcit ca un eveniment tragic, ce poate avea loc n
comunitatea respectiv.
n destinul ttarilor din Romnia, calul este o prezen peremptorie, att n lumea
real, ct i n cea nocturn oniric, fiind un animal venerat, admirat i respectat.
ZET
Trklk dnyamzn rf-detlerinde, folklorunda, zel literatrnde,
etnolojisinde, atn, bu soylu ve vefal hayvann, ayr bit yeri vardr. Divanu Lugatit-Trk, Manas, Dedem Korkut'tan derlediimiz rneklerle atn ne demli sevilen ve
gvenilir bir arkada, yolda olduunu gryoruz. At en ok mitletirilen evcil
hayvandr.
Mesafeler ackl, dokunakl daralmasna ramen, Romanya'da yaayan
Tatarlar arasnda at iin ok isabatli hayranlklar var olduunu gryoruz. At
gercek yaammzda, dsel yaammzda olsun, daima sabit, esiz bir deerdir.

198

Multiple Toponymy in the Sancak of Silistria


(16th Century)
ANCA POPESCU
The aim of this article is to re-open a discussion on an interesting aspect of
Ottoman toponymy: the documentary formulations of the X also known as Y type
(in Turkish X nm- dier Y). My observations are based on the oldest Ottoman
register published so far with respect to the villages and market towns of the
sancak of Silistria: the tax register no. 370 of the sancaks of Rumelia for the year
1530, published in Ankara by the Council of Ministers General Directorate of
State Archives (Babakanlk Devlet Arivleri Genel Mdrl)1. The issues
outlined in the present study relate to the understanding of alterations in toponymy
in Ottoman-conquered territories. This is relevant to: 1) recovering the historic
name or names of the regions localities, and 2) understanding the impact of
Ottoman policies on toponymic changes and their relevance to imperial integration
in south-eastern Europe.2
The difficulties related to research on this topic are at least three-fold.
Firstly, the Arabic-Persian script of Ottoman documents in general, and the siyakat
script of the registers in particular, can undermine attempts at retrieving the correct
form of names of places and persons. Each reading relies on the researchers skill
1
See 370 numaral muhsebe-i vilyet-i Rm-ili defteri (937/1530), Ankara, 2002, vol. 2. In
Romanian historiography, a systematic study of Ottoman toponyms in mediaeval and modern
Dobrudja - which was part of the sancak of Silistria - was conducted by the Ottomanist Anca Ghia.
She published her research in an ample study based on Ottoman registers (the localities she studied
are listed in the appendix to this essay), see Anca Ghia, Toponimie i geografie istoric n
Dobrogea medieval i modern (Toponymy and historical geography in mediaeval and modern
Dobrudja) in Memoriile seciei de tiine istorice, series 4, vol. 5, 1980, pp. 29-61. However, the
oldest documents this author used are subsequent to register no. 370, and further detailed research is
needed on the wide range of toponymic and linguistic issues which this pioneering work highlighted.
See also the more recent work of Petre Covacef, Catalogul numelor de locuri din Dobrogea de la
Evlia Celebi la Ion Ionescu de la Brad, prima parte (A Catalogue of name places in Dobrudja from
Evliya elebi to Ion Ionescu de la Brad, Part 1), AnD, n.s., 2000, no. 1, pp. 163-194.
2
The present study is based on a paper entitled The Ancient Name of the Town of Medgidia.
The Implications of a Conjecture, read at the international colloquium The Second International
Scientific Session:The Historical Heritage of Tatars, Constana-Mamaia, 6-9 October 2010. In the
meantime, research on the topic has been developed into the programme Cultural Identities and
Global Processes, jointly supported by the European Union and the Romanian government with
funding from the European Social Fund (contract registered under ref. no. POSDRU/89/1.5/S/59758
under the Operational Programme for Human Resources and Career Development, 2007-2013). This
study presents the findings so far. The Romanian-language version has been published in Studies and
Materials of Medieval History (SMIM), Bucharest, 2011, XXIX, pp. 163-182. Compared to the
Romanian version, the present study incorporates published works previously listed as forthcoming as
well as a few changes to the transliteration of Ottoman documents.

199

and experience in allocating or guessing at symbols which alter the value of each
letter. Consequently, different editors of Ottoman registers have been known to
suggest different readings for the same toponyms. This type of error can only be
corrected through detailed research into the historical geography of the region and
of each individual locality.
Secondly, one needs precise information on the pre-Ottoman history of the
region under study. Here one has to take into account the information supplied by
archaeological and cartographic sources. Equally important are the researchers
command of Ottoman palaeography and knowledge of Ottoman institutions as
detailed in the kanuns. A grasp of the language or idioms spoken in the region is
also at a premium.
A third difficulty which besets research into the toponymy of the sancak of
Silistria lies in the shortage of documentation on the region. In contrast to other
sancaks on the Lower Danube, such as Vidin and Nikopol for instance, the earliest
known registers for Silistria do not pre-date the early sixteenth century.3 Only five
of the sixteenth-century registers for the sancak of Silistria known so far have been
analysed in detail and published.4 In terms of methodological approaches to
toponymy based on Ottoman census registers, only quantitative studies of large
numbers of varied defters can overcome the difficulties inherent in the decoding of
place names.5 It is perhaps a basic research aim, but not one that can be easily put
3

For the last two decades of the fifteenth century, . L. Barkan published two account books
for the ciziye tax, which also include a few data for some kazas of the Silistria sancak. Cf. . L.
Barkan, 894 (1488/89) yl ciziyesinin tahsiltna ait muhsebe bilanolar, Belgeler, 1964, I, vol. I,
no. 1, pp. 40-41. Cf. also Anca Popescu, Vestigii ale organizrii Dobrogei preotomane ntr-un defter
din anul 1530 (Evidence for the organization of pre-Ottoman Dobrudja in a defter for the year 1530)
in vol. Vocaia istoriei. Prinos Profesorului erban Papacostea, ed. Ovidiu Cristea, Gheorghe Lazr,
Brila, 2008, pp. 507-508. For the sancak of Vidin, the Ottomanist Aye Kayapnar completed a
comprehensive analysis of all the census registers available in Turkish archives for the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries. See Aye Kayapnar, Le sancak Ottoman de Vidin du XVe la fin du XVIe sicle,
Istanbul, 2011.
4
V. Tayyib Gkbilgin, Kanun Sultan Sleyman devri balarnda Rumeli eyaleti, livalar,
ehir ve kasabalar (The livas, market towns and cities of the eyelet of Rumelia during the early reign
of Sultan Sleyman the Law-Maker), Belleten, vol. XX, no. 78, 1956, pp. 253-261 (register D 9578 in
the Topkap Saray Arivi, placed by its editor between the years 1526 and 1529); Idem, Rumelide
Yrkler, Tatarlar ce Evld- Ftihn (The Yrk, the Tatars and the Conquerors Sons in Rumelia),
Istanbul, 1957 (registers TD 222 for the year 1543 and TD 614 for 1584, in the Babakanlk Osmanl
Arivi, Istanbul). A celeps register for the year 1573 was published, from manuscript sources in
Turkey and Bulgaria, by Bistra Tsvetkova in Izvestia na Narodnia Muzei Varna, VIII, 1972, pp. 209231, and Bistra Tsvetkova and Anca Ghia, Novonameren otks ot djelepkeanskia registr za
severoiztocina Blgariia i Dobrudja ot 1573g (A new fragment from the celeps register for the year
1573, covering north-eastern Bulgaria and Dobrudja), in Izvestia na Narodnata Biblioteka Kiril i
Metodii, vol. XIV (XX), Sofia, 1976, pp. 349-360. For the complete references to these manuscript
sources, see Ghia, Toponimie i geografie istoric n Dobrogea, pp. 30-31) and 370 numaral
muhasebe-i vilayet-i Rum-ili defteri (this register for the year 1530 is the most comprehensive and
earliest register for the sancak of Silistria among those published so far).
5
Cf. Aye Kayapnar, Le sancak de Vidin, pp. 17-21. On this methodology see.
H. Lowry, The Ottoman Tahrir Defterleri as a Source for Social and Economic History: Pitfalls and
Limitations, in Studies in Defterology - Ottoman society in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,
Istanbul, 1992.

200

into practice without lengthy periods of study in Ottoman archives. For the time
being, my aim is to untangle some of the convoluted issues related to Ottoman
toponymy solely on the basis of the tax register no. 370 for the sancaks of Rumelia
in the year 1530. My discussion also takes into account the information collected
by the editors of the document on the territorial-administrative structures of the
sancak from 52 registers (censuses, ciziye, vakf, cavarz, etc.) from the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries.6 Establishing the location of places named in the register
was facilitated by references to their inclusion in smaller administrative units such
as the kazas and nahiyes. This study also introduces into the international scientific
circuit a previously unpublished source, a sultanic order of 28 November 1572,
which brings new information on cases of multiple toponymy in Ottoman
Dobrudja, more specifically on the market town and the kaza of Karasu, today
Medgidia (in the past the Tatars capital in Dobrudja).
The first thing that strikes one when studying place names in the sancak of
Silistria in the sixteenth and seventeenth century was their predominantly Turkish
origin, in stark contrast to Vidin and Nikopol, where toponyms were mostly
Slavic.7 In Silistria, non-Turkic toponyms, i.e. Slavic, Romanian, or Greek, were
uncommon. A quick estimate suggests that, out of a total number of some 1,900
toponyms recorded in register no. 370, around 80-90 were not of Turkic-Tatar
origin. Slavic and Romanian toponyms were mostly (but not exclusively)
distributed in areas along the banks of the Danube: for example, Vcar, Luncavia,
Slava8, Rbnik, in the kaza of Hrova; Vetrina, Grlia, Srebrna, Ttarite, KaluPetre, Dobromir, Garvn, in the kaza of Silistria.
Out of approximately 290 localities listed under several names, only 13
include non-Turkish names. They were distributed in kazas as follows: 5 in the
kaza of Hrova, 4 in the kaza of Silistria, 2 in the kaza of Varna and 2 in the kaza
of Provadia. One crucial question is whether the phrase nam- dier reflects
chronological succession or simultaneity. There is no single valid answer and only
further research into local geography might provide any clues. However, as a
general rule, the endurance of a toponym largely depends on the survival of the
population which created it. When that population is a mixed one - the outcome of
an admixture of immigrants to a native population - the locality is known for a
while under two names until one of them falls into oblivion as a result of the
disappearance of the original natives. The preponderance of a Turko-Tatar
toponymy in the sancak of Silistria, and especially in Dobrudja, is to be explained
precisely through the massive Muslim colonization, starting with the latter half of
the sixteenth century, into areas of low population density. Maximising the
economic potential of a region counts as one of the chief reasons for population
transfers within the Ottoman Empire. However, this aspect of Ottoman sultanic
6

370 numaral muhasebe-i vilayet-i Rum-ili defteri, Introduction, pp. 18-21.


For the sancak of Vidin, see Aye Kayapnar, Le sancak de Vidin, p. 72.
8
Later documents also list Prislava, also for the sixteenth century. Cf. Anca Popescu,
Strjuirea navigaiei pe Dunre n epoca otoman: derbendcilik-ul (Policing the Danube in Ottoman
times: the Derbendcilik), SMIM, XXVIII, 2010, pp. 149-168.
7

201

policies should be studied on a case-by-case basis before one can formulate an


accurate overall interpretation.9
Other native toponyms resulted from the phonetic adaptation of the names to
the language of the new-comers. Thus, for example, Caliacra became Keligra,
Slava became Islava, Ankhialos (todays Pomorie) became Akhyolu, etc. The
Turko-Tatar toponymy in the sancak of Silistria was not the outcome of an
authoritarian enforcement of place-name changes by the Ottoman state, which
generally stopped short of coerced Ottomanization in its conquered territories. It
was the direct consequence of demographic processes dictated by economic and
security-related needs specific to the region.10 While it is true that demographic
structures changed as a result of population transfers dictated by the central
authority, the persistence of any given community on a particular site depended on
a multitude of other factors: natural, economic, military, etc. Unfortunately,
because in Ottoman administrative practice clerks often copied or extracted
fragments from earlier registers, it is not always easy to date toponyms accurately.
Recourse to other types of documents, such as sultanic orders of the ahkm and
mhimme type, might in the future yield further information.
What follows is a list of instances of multiple toponymy in defter no. 370.11
In the kaza of Hrova, the village Karasu-boaz (tr. as the mouth of Karasu) is
recorded in a register of 1518 under the prior - or alternative - (nam- dier) name
Grlu (Grla). Another register for 1542 lists Karasu-boaz under the alternative
name Kuru-ged (the dried-up ford). The village Kk Rbnik (todays
Rmnicul de Sus?), was also called Sleyman Fakih (according to the 1518
register) and Divane-Nasuh (1542). Slava (Islava) was also called Atamaca yurdu
(1569). The village Trestenic (Tresnik) had the alternative name Hudvirdi-Fakih
(in 1569); Labova (Lozova?) was also known as Eskice-ky in 1570. In the kaza of
Silistria: Arablar was also Kalovine (in 1518 and 1542); Balaban-olu-kuyusu (in
1530) was also known as Radovan (1542); Haci-Mehmed was also named Kranova
(1542). In the Varna kaza: the village Petreva was nam- dier Dragkova
(1518), and in a register compiled under Selim II it was listed as Drag nam-
dier Petreva; Papaslk (near todays Mangalia) had the alias Kartal- ky (1569).
In the Provadia kaza: Ak-viran was nam- dier Petri (the Selim II defter), while
Liman was also known as Karaca-ot (1542 and 1569).
One interesting case is provided by the relationship between the toponyms
Tekfur-gl and Karasu. The earliest attestation for Karasu was in the defter for
1530, but differentiating among place names in this source remains somewhat
9

For the economic factor in Ottoman policies of colonisation see . L. Barkan, Bir Iskn
ve Kolonizasyon Metodu Olarak Srgnler (Exile as a method of colonization and re-settlement),
I. . Iktisat Fakltesi Mecmuas, 13: 1-4, 1951, pp. 67-71.
10
T. Halasi-Kun, Sixteenth-Century Turkish Settlements in Southern Hungary, Belleten, 28,
1964, pp. 67-68. For the opposite view, cf. Ghia, Toponimie i geografie istoric, p. 33: From the
early days, the occupation authorities officially enforced changes of place names in the conquered
territories in order to ensure uniformity of records in the Ottoman chancellery; thus, the majority of
Romanian-language toponyms were replaced by Turkish names, whether by translation or by creation of
new Turkish names. However Ghia also offers a more nuanced interpretation within the same article.
11
According to the defters TD65 (1518), TD215 (1542), TD542 (Selim II), and TD483
(1570), as presented in 370 numaral muhsebe-i vilyet-i Rm-ili defteri, vol. II, pp. 18-21.

202

hypothetical.12 The celepsregister for 1573 lists a locality Karasu in the kaza of
Tekfur- gl13, and a market town Karasu is mentioned in a register for 1584, but
in the kaza of Hrova14. The earliest record for Tekfur-gl in the kaza of
Varna is to be found in the defter for 1530, which mentions Karl-i Tekfur-gl
(snow-bound Tekfur-gl)15, and the salt farm memlha Tekfur-gl16.
12

370 numaral muhsebe-i vilyet-i Rm-ili defteri (937/1530), p. 83 (390). In my article


(see Anca Popescu, Vestigii ale organizrii Dobrogei preotomane, p. 528) I located the village (ky)
Karasu (todays Medgidia), in the kaza of Silistria, according to the reference in defter no. 370. The
same register lists a community of Karasu in the kaza of Hrova (see p. 60 and 414: Karasu
cemacat). I believe that the issue of the correct location of toponyms which include the word
Karasu in the sancak of Silistria requires further research. Karasu as a village is also found in other
toponymic combinations, such as Kule-Doan Karasu in the kaza of Tekfur-gl, recorded in the
merchants register (the celeps defter) for the year 1573. See Tsvetkova and Ghia, Novonameren
otks ot djelepkeanskia registr, p. 358, where the toponym is, however, not identified as such by
the two editors of the defter fragment. The name also appears as part of Karasu-boaz, located in the
Hrova kaza in register no. 370 for 1530, which I have identified as todays Cernavoda, known as
Boaz-ky (the village at the mouth of the river) in later Ottoman documents. See Anca Popescu,
Vestigii ale organizrii Dobrogei preotomane, p. 526. This identification takes into account not only
the Turkish name of Cernavoda (Boaz-ky) but also the topographical features of this locality as
described in detail in the monograph written by Captain M. D. Ionescu: it was located on the Western
bank of the lake Karasu, where a creek ensured the outflow of this lake into the Danube. The lake was
dammed only in 1862, when construction began on the Cernavoda-Constana railway. See Captain M.
D. Ionescu, Dobrogia n pragul veacului al XX-lea. Geografie matematic, fisic, politic, economic
i militar (Dobrudja in the early twentieth century: a mathematical, physical, political, economic and
military geography) Bucharest, 1904, pp. 175-6. Future research may produce further evidence for the
correct identification of this toponym. The view according to which the earliest reference to Karasu
(todays Medgidia) dates back to the period 1409-1413, as suggested by Prof. Dr. Adrian Ilie of the
Nicolae Titulescu Technical College in Medgidia, is based on an uncritical reading of one of many
narratives collected by Evliya elebi in the seventeenth century. See Adrian Ilie, Istoria Medgidiei
reflectat n lucrri istoriografice recente (The history of Medgidia in recent historiography), at:
http://www.resurseculturale.ro/volum1/ilieadrian.html
12
370 numaral muhsebe-i vilyet-i Rm-ili defteri, p. 418 and 426.
13
Tsvetkova and Ghia, Novonameren otks ot djelepkeanskia registr, p. 350.
14
Tayyib Gkbilgin in Rumelide Yrkler, p. 126. Cf. Ghia, Toponimie i geografie
istoric n Dobrogea, p. 53, where, on the basis of the same work by T. Gkbilgin, the author
identifies the defters for 1543 and 1584, according to which Karasu-pazarck was located in the
nahiya of Tekfur-gl.
15
Karl or karlu is an adjectival derivation from the Turkish noun kar, meaning snow.
However, there exists in Ottoman Turkish another Arabic word kar, meaning tar. See entry in
Redhouse, New Turkish-English Dictionary, Istanbul, 1993. We do not have enough information to
discriminate between the two meanings. There is naturally a strong temptation to speculate around the
colour related to the second meaning (tar). What is clear so far is that the valley of Karasu (black
water) conferred blackness on several localities situated on its axis, which is reflected in their
Turco-Ottoman or Slavic-Romanian names: Karasu and its compound Cernavoda, Gargalk (raven),
Karaharman (black area). For anavarda (located near Karaharman) as a Greek-Italian pronounciation
for cernavoda, see Sergiu Iosipescu, Balica, Dobroti, Ioancu, Bucharest 1985, p. 37. The village
Karl, on the southern bank of todays lake Techirghiol, is not the same as todays locality of
Techirghiol de astzi, which lies at the northern corner of the lake. In an Ottoman register for 1584,
the village Karl was listed as part of the kaza of Tekfurgl. See also Tudor Mateescu, Sate
dobrogene disprute n cursul secolului al XIX-lea (I) (Dobrudjan villages which disappeared in the
nineteenth century (1), n AIIAI, XIII, 1976, p. 178.
16
370 numaral muhsebe-i vilyet-i Rm-ili defteri, p. 418 and 426. See also Strashimir
Dimitrov, Iz opisa na dobrudjanskite tretoto desetiletie na XVI vek, in vol. Dobrudja (14-16) 1997-99,
Dobrici, 2001, p. 307, for the same name as listed in a register for the kaza of Varna in 1526.

203

The defter contains a separate reference to a spring of Tekir (Tekir-kuyusu), also in


the Varna kaza.17
The earliest reference to Tekfur-gl as a unit of administration dates back to
1543 and is included in a record for the nahiya Tekfur-gl in the liva (sancak) of
Silistria.18 There are several later records for the administrative unit Tekfur-gl as a
nahiye or kaza, for instance in the second half of the sixteenth century (1559, 1560,
1570, 1573, 1584, 1598, 1599) and in the first half of the seventeenth century (1604,
1613, 1619, 1636).19 Two defters for the financial years 1641-42 and 1643-44, mention
the kaza Karasu nam- dier/also known as Tekfur-gl.20 This name also appears in
registers for the years 1690, 1691 and 1697.21 In the mid-seventeenth century Ktib
elebi described a kaza named Tekfur-gl22, but this source also indicates a
toponymic overlap of Tekfur-gl and Karasu: Hrova lies six hours away from
Tekfur-gl or Karasu.23 On the other hand, his map only shows Karasu (on the
location of todays town of Medgidia), but no separate locality called Tekfur-gl24.
Likewise, Evliya elebi described the town and the kaza Karasu in his account, but did
not mention Tekfur-gl. 25 It is quite possible that, by then, the sixteenth-century
Tekfur-gl had already declined or disappeared altogether. However, there is still no
statisfying explanation for the transfer of the double toponym of the kaza onto the
localtiy Karasu.
A defter for 1693 refers to Karasu simply as a kaza.26 According to the
Turkologist Tahsin Gemil, the documents editor, the kaza of Karasu, founded in
the sixteenth century, was called Tekfurgl in earlier times, after the name of its
17

370 numaral muhsebe-i vilyet-i Rm-ili defteri, p. 428.


Gkbilgin, Rumelide Yrkler, p. 218.
19
370 numaral muhsebe-i vilyet-i Rm-ili defteri, pp. 18-21.Tsvetkova and Ghia,
Novonameren otks ot djelepkeanskia registr, p. 350.
20
Tahsin Gemil, Consideraii privind aspectul demografic al zonei centrale a Dobrogei la sfritul
secolului al XVII-lea (Notes on the demography of central Dobrudja in the late seventeenth century), in
Comunicri de istorie a Dobrogei (Essays on the history of Dobrudja), Constana, 1980, pp. 69-70.
21
Gkbilgin, Rumelide Yrkler, p. 269 (1691), 275 (1697); 370 numaral muhsebe-i
vilyet-i Rm-ili defetri, p.19 (1690).
22
Cronici turceti privind rile romne (Sources on the Romanian lands in Turkish
chronicles) ed. Mihail Guboglu, vol. 2, Bucharest, 1974, p. 112, 114.
23
Ibidem, p. 120. However, a later source, a military logbook from 1711, refers to the locality
Kara-su as: nam- dier Tekfur-gl. See Adrian Tertecel, Un izvor otoman necunoscut
istoriografiei noastre: Jurnalul (defter) lui Ahmed bin Mahmud (secretar al visteriei otomane)
privind campania militar a naltei Pori din anul 1711 n Moldova (An unknown Ottoman source
the diary - defter - of Ahmed bin Mahmud on the Portes military campaign in Moldavia in 1711),
in Caietele Laboratorului de studii otomane no. 2, Bucharest, 1993, p. 66. I wish to thank my
colleague, Dr. Adrian Tertecel, for drawing my attention to important toponymic information from
military sources for seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Dobrudja.
24
Cronici turceti, vol. 2, p. 117. See also Anca Radu Popescu, O hart osman a Dobrogei
de la mijlocul secolului XVII (A mid-seventeenth-century Ottoman map of Dobrudja), in AIIAI,
XXII/2, 1985, pp. 636-637.
25
Cltori strini despre rile romne (The Romanian lands in foreign travellers accounts), vol.
6, Bucharest, 1976, part two: Evliya Celebi (transl. Mustafa Ali Mehmet), p. 385, 396-7, 441, 450.
26
Gemil,Consideraii privind aspectul demografic, p. 68.
18

204

chief town [] towards the mid-seventeenth century, the town Karasu appears to
have contended with Tekfurgl for supremacy in the kaza, because the periods
documents designate this administrative unit by the names of both localities.27
However, long before the mid-seventeenth century, a defter of 1585
mentions a kaza named Gnci-bazar nam- dier Tekfur-gl nam- dier
Karasu (Gnci-bazar also known as Tekfur-gl also known as Karasu) as well
as, concomitantly, the locality Tekfur-gl. 28 An undated (tarihsiz) defter refers to
two localities: Tekfur-gl, on the one hand, and the market town (kasaba) Gncibazar nam- dier Karasu (the market town Gnci-bazar also known as Karasu).
The same document mentions the kaza and nahiya of Tekfur-gl.29
In the light of the new information supplied by the Ottoman registers we can
sum up our findings as follows: the toponym Tekfur-gl appeared in Ottoman
chancellery records in the fourth and fifth decades of the sixteenth century as: the
name of an administrative unit (the defter for 1543); the name of several localities
in the kaza of Varna (the defter for 1530), with three variants: 1. the village KarliTekfur-gl, which is not identical to todays Techirghiol, located in the northwestern corner of the lake of the same name, but refers to the village Calrlichioi,
which was situated on the lakes south-western bank, and which disappeared in the
nineteenth century; 2. the salt-farm Tekfur-gl and 3. the field (mezraca) of
Tekir-kuyusu (Tekirs source), both of which are still difficult to locate with any
precision.30 The toponym Karasu was used in the early sixteenth century (the defter
for 1530) to designate sites in the kazas of Silistria and Hrova which are equally
difficult to identify. The earliest undisputed record for it is from the late sixteenth
century: the celeps register for 1573, which listed concomitantly the locality
Karasu in the kaza of Tekfur-gl and the toponym Tekfur-gl in the same kaza
of Tekfur-gl31.
A nahiya and kaza named Tekfur-gl was listed in a significant number of
registers from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century. From the later
sixteenth century (1585) we have records of multiple names for the kaza of Tekfurgl: Gnci-bazar nam- dier Tekfur-gl nam- dier Karasu (Gnci-bazar
also know as Tekfur-gl also known as Karasu). In another defter, for 1603, the
name of the kaza in the centre of Dobrudja appeared as Karasu mac Tekfur-gl,
which suggests an interesting merger to be retained for future consideration.32 On
the basis of the available evidence, the next records for the combined name Tekfurgl - Karasu (or, conversely, Karasu - Tekfur-gl) for this administrative unit
date back to the latter half of the seventeenth century (1641-42, 1643-44, 1690,
27

Ibidem, note 7.
370 numaral muhsebe-i vilyet-i Rm-ili, p. 18-19.
29
Defter TD no. 701, in Ibidem.
30
Based on the name, I have previously advanced a tentative identification of the former with
Tuzla. See Anca Popescu, Vestigii ale organizrii Dobrogei preotomane, p. 527. The second
toponym, Tekir-kuyusu, might be related to the site on which todays Techirghiol was later built.
31
The celeps register for 1573, Tsvetkova and Ghia, Novonameren otks ot
djelepkeanskia registr, p. 350-1, Ghia, Toponimie i geografie istoric, p. 55.
32
370 numaral muhsebe-i vilyet-i Rm-ili defteri, p. 21.
28

205

1691, 1697). The name Karasu was finally established towards the end of the
seventeenth century (as suggested by the entry for the kaza of Karasu in the defter
for 1693-94, which included the village Tekfur-gl)33 and in the following century
(according to a defter for 1704)34.
The new name which emerged with the defter of 1585 - Gnci-bazar - is not
an absolute unknown in the literature: a kanun from 1570 edited by A. Akgndz is
entitled kanunnme-i bc kasaba-i Knci (veya Gnci) bzr [the kanun for the
bc tax in the market town of Knci (pazar) or Gnci-pazar].35 The editor of this
document did not comment on the identity of the locality of that name and,
therefore, Karasu has so far remained outside the existing picture which historians
have built of the commercial network of the sancak of Silistria.
An unpublished sultanic order dated 28 November 1572 (see Appendix,
doc. I) adds new information on what we know about Gnci-pazar, nam- dier,
Karasu.36 The order was addressed to the kadi of Tekfur-gl and refers to a
request by the inhabitants of the market town (kasaba) Gn/ Gni-pazar, nam dier Karasu der-ser-i kpr (the market town Gni, also known as Karasu-onthe-bridge). The inhabitants of this town were entered in the register as bridge
attendants (kprc), a service for which they benefited from tax exemptions,
which means that they did not have to pay the cavarz, i.e. extraordinary taxes. The
system whereby the state granted tax exemptions in exchange for services was
widely practised in the Ottoman empire and, as is well known, covered socioprofessional and military categories such as the derbendci, the voynuk, the
martolos, the filorici, etc.37 But what kind of services did the kprc perform in
Karasu? Were they similar to the vozar, who ferried people from one bank to
another in their small barges in harbours such as Tulcea, Mcin, Hrova, Silistria,
etc?38 The kanun for this area (see more below, and Appendix, doc. II) does not
specify a tax on the vozarlk specifically. I, therefore, believe that the kprc were
in fact in charge of the pontoon bridge which linked the southern and northern bank
of the Karasu lake. Most probably, they had built the bridge themselves and were
responsible for its maintenance.39 Several cartographic representations, some from
the seventeenth century, would appear to support this interpretation (i.e. the towns
location at a crossing over the Karasu lake).40 In the mid-nineteenth century, the
33

Gemil, Consideraii privind aspectul demografic al zonei centrale a Dobrogei, p. 68.


Gkbilgin, Rumelide Yrkler, p. 281.
35
Ahmed Akgndz, Osmanl kanunnameleri ve hukuki tahlilleri (The Ottoman Kanun and
its interpretation), Istanbul, 1994, vol. 7, pp. 745-746.
36
Babakanlk Osmanl Arivi, fonds KK 67, p. 747.
37
See more recently Anca Popescu, Strjuirea navigaiei pe Dunre n epoca otoman,
which includes up-to-date references.
38
Nicoar Beldiceanu, Le vozarlq: une institution ponto-danubienne, Sdost-Forschungen,
32, 1973, pp. 73-90.
39
For the kprclk, see Mehmet Zeki Pakaln, Osmanl tarih deymleri ve terimleri
szl (Dictionary of Ottoman historical terms and concepts), Istanbul, 1971, s.v.
40
I wish to thank Dr. Sergiu Iosipescu for this information and for copies of the maps. I have
retained his many interesting suggestions and observations on the double toponyms Karasu-Tekfurgl for future consideration, pending the emergence of new documentary evidence.
34

206

Ottoman governor of Dobrudja, Said-Paa, had a stone bridge built on the location
of the former pontoon.41
The name Gni might derive from the adjective gn, which means
prosperous, rich or luxuriant, suggesting a reference to either the economic
situation or the natural environment of the town. However, at the present stage of
research, this reading is bound to remain speculative (there may be an additional
meaning derived from gn i.e. untanned hide). The descriptive qualifier on-thebridge reflects the towns topography: it was located on the southern bank of the
lake Karasu (along the valley of the same name), at a junction where the lake
becomes a narrow strip of water and is easy to cross. In his detailed monograph on
Dobrudja, Captain Ionescu describes the lake of Karasu as being formed in fact of
two lakes which merged near Medgidia (the former town of Karasu). According to
this author, the eastern Karasu lake which could in fact be called the lake
Medgidia, because the city of that name lies in its middle - extended from east to
west across a distance of 16 kilometres. In the west, the Karasu lake which could
be called the lake Cernavoda - covered 8.5 kilometres down to the Danube.42 The
pontoon attendants from the town of Karasu mentioned in the 1572 document had
the important task of ferrying in safety the travellers arriving on the crossDobrudjan road, from Istanbul and Edirne, through Hacolu-pazar (Bazargic) and
heading towards Babadag, Isaccea and beyond, across the Danube. The banks of
the lake Karasu were not healthy for habitation because of malaria fevers, which
struck especially in the autumn.43 This is how Evliya elebi describes the site: this
place being on the Dobrudjan mainland, is devoid of water. However, every year
when the Danube overflows, there are pools of stagnant black water, which gave it
its name, Karasu.44 In spite of this, in the seventeenth century, Tatars who had
migrated into Dobrudja from the Bugeac settled at Karasu.45 When the settlement
was destroyed in the course of the Russo-Turkish wars, and especially the war of
1828-1829, on the site of the old Karasu (kadim Karasu kasabas yerine), Sultan
Abdlmecid issued a ferman on 2 September 1856/2 Muharram 1273 whereby he
authorized the foundation of a new town which, in his honour, was to be named
Medcidiye, todays Medgidia.46 The new town was populated through a resettlement of various ethnic groups: in the first place, Crimean Tatars who sought
refuge after the Crimean War, but also Jews, Germans and even Romanians. The
sultan had long-term, ambitious plans for the town, which he wanted to revive
economically after years of wars and other calamities.47
41

Arhiva Dobrogei, 1919, p. 148.


Captain Ionescu, Dobrugia, pp. 175-6.
43
Ibidem.
44
Cltori strini, vol. 6, pp. 396-7.
45
Captain Ionescu, Dobrugia, pp. 341-2.
46
Camille Allard, Souvenirs dOrient: la Dobroutcha, Paris, 1859: Un incendie dabord au
commencement de ce sicle, puis le passage des Russes en 1829, ont fait disparatre jusquaux
derniers vestiges de Karasu. Les Turcs, avec la mobilit qui les caractrise, lont abandonn; mais son
nom subsiste encore, et une foire annuelle est venue jusqu ces dernires annes rappeler au dsert
son ancienne animation.
47
Kemal Karpat, Ottoman Urbanism. The Crimean emigration to Dobruca and the founding
of Medcidiye, 1856-1878, International Journal of Turkish Studies, 1985, 3: 1, p. 205. Captain
Ionescu, Dobrugia, p. 453.
42

207

Its geographic position ensured that the market town of Karasu dominated
the cross-Dobrudjan road (ahrak, the main road which carried the troops during
imperial campaigns, as described by Evliya elebi). This road came from Edirne
via Provadia-Haciolu-pazar/Bazargic-Kara-su/Medgidia-Babadag-Isaccea and
provided the connection to the northern regions of maritime Danube. Sultan Osman
IIs army had used this road on its way towards the fortress of Hotin (1621) as well
as in the campaigns of Camenia in 1672 and Stnileti in 1711.48 The town Karasu
evolved precisely on the site of the crossing over the Karasu lake as a stage post
on this road, which linked southern and northern Dobrudja. The lakes waters
created a natural obstacle right across the Borcea arm of the Danube from
Cernavoda (Boaz-Ky) to Kstel (todays Castelu).49 The earliest non-Ottoman
reference to this role of the town of Karasu is to be found in the account of the
Dominican monk Martin Grneweg, who travelled in the Ottoman Empire in 1582158650. Grneweg travelled a few times with the traders caravans from Lyov to
Istanbul, along the road which crossed Moldavia and Dobrudja. He confirmed the
fact that by the second half of the sixteenth century Dobrudja became increasingly
the chief transit area in the region. The main routes (used in the course of the
Moldavian campaigns of Sultans Mehmed II, in 1476, and Sleyman Kanun, in
1538), lined the Black Sea shore or run through the many pontic and
Danubian ports (Balcik-Kavarna-Papazlk-Tatlca-St-ky/Ovidiu-Ester-Sar-Saltuk
Baba/ Babadag- Isaccea). In the late sixteenth century these rutes started to be
outrivaled by the continental route linked Istanbul, via Edirne and Bazargic, to
Karasu, and thereafter, via Babadag and Isaccea, to the north-Danubian areas
(Moldavia to Poland or to Russia). The town Karasu thus became a key location
along the Istanbul-Isaccea road, and mediated the connection between southern
Dobrudja and the areas north of the Karasu valley. It was also a key junction from
which the Istanbul-Isaccea road could branch out toward the two main Dobrudjan
routes, the Danubian and the pontic one, via Hrova and Constana.51
Unsurprisingly, travelling via Karasu became the favoured route in the sixteenth
century, after the Ottomans had entirely subdued northern Dobrudja (the
Cernavoda (Boaz-ky)-Hrova-Babadag-Karaharman area, i.e. the area of the
kaza of Hrova. Once the Danubian segment Hrova-Brila was integrated into
48

See Anca Popescu, Vestigii ale organizrii Dobrogei preotomane, p. 522-523.


Captain Ionescu, Dobrugia, p. 176.
50
Martin Grnewegs itineraries were first mentioned by Stphane Yerasimos in his
monumental catalogue Les voyageurs dans lEmpire ottoman, XIVe-XVIe sicles. Bibliographie,
itinraires et inventaires des lieux habits, Ankara, 1991, p. 284. Alexandru Ciocltan published an
annotated translation into Romanian of all the fragments relating to Grnewegs travels in the
Romanian areas, based on the edition by Almut Bues, published in Wiesbaden in 2008. See
Alexandru Ciocltan, Martin Grneweg prin Moldova,ara Romneasc i Dobrogea, SMIM, 2009,
pp. 209-248.
51
See a report to the King of Spain, dated l5 January l595, in Al. Ciornescu, ed., Documente
privitoare la istoria romnilor culese din arhivele din Simancas (Documents on Romanian history from the
archives of Simancas), Bucharest, 1940, pp. 106-107, no. 227. See also M. A. Mehmed, Documente turceti
privind istoria Romniei, 1455-1774 (Turkish documents as sources for Romanian history), Bucharest,
1976, vol. 1, p. 47, no. 32; and Ciocltan, Martin Gruneweg, pp. 239-244.
49

208

the area and the port of Brila was also conquered, political stability and the
ensuing safety encouraged (officially-endorsed) re-settlements and immigration,
which in turn led to the growth of new localities and to increased traffic along the
new roads.52
The main routes (used in the course of the Moldavian campaigns of Sultans
Mehmed II, in 1476, and Sleyman Kanun, in 1538) lined the Black Sea shore or
ran through the many pontic and Danubian ports (Balcik-Kavarna-Papazlk-TatlcaSt-ky/Ovidiu-Ester-Sar-Saltuk Baba/Babadag-Isaccea). In the late sixteenth century
these routes started to be outrivaled ba the continental route linking Istanbul, via
Edirne, Bazargic, and Karasu, and later via Babadag and Isaccea, to the northDanubian areas (Moldavia, Poland, Russia).
The name of the kaza, created in the mid-sixteenth century in the central
region of Dobrudja along the Cernavoda-Constana axis, derived from the names of
its two main town centres Tekfur-gl and Karasu also known as Gni, located on
two of Dobrudjas main routes. The rise and decline of the two localities (and the
parallel decline of the two routes, one maritime, the other continental) and their
succession as eponymous centres of their administrative unit are reflected in the
succession of names recorded for the kaza: Tekfur-gl, Karasu/Gni pazar also
known as Tekfur-gl, Karasu. The decline of the littoral town Tekfur-gl must
have been due, among other factors, to the overall commercial decline of the Black
Sea basin, especially after the mid-sixteenth century.53 According to the traders and
military men who travelled through the area, the kazas combined name gradually
transferred to the two localities.54 In the last quarter of the seventeenth century, the
south-eastern corner of the kaza of Karasu gave birth to the new kaza of
Mangalia.55 In the nineteenth century (in a salname register for 1862) the name of
the kaza of Constana appeared as "Kstence nam- dier Tekfur-gl" (the kaza of
Constana also known as Tekfur-gl).56 The area of the kaza of Constana was
also a part of the early territory of the kaza of Tekfur-gl, and Constana was at
the time the new economic hub whose star was rising as a result of the new railway
linking Cernavoda and Constana.
There is significant written evidence which shows the extent to which
Karasus location favoured trade. Both Karasu and Pazarck were important points
in Dobrudjas network of communications. A major trade fair was held twice a
year in Karasu.57 The engineer Ion Ionescu de la Brad observed that the
52

Anca Popescu, Vestigii ale organizrii Dobrogei preotomane, p. 523.


Further detailed research is needed on each individual port, but the general lines of the
argument are now widely accepted in Ottoman studies and in the historiography of the Black Sea and
maritime Danube. See Anca Popescu, La mer Noire ottomane: mare clausum? mare apertum?, in
Enjeux politiques, conomiques et militaries en mer Noire (XIVe-XXIe sicles). Etudes la mmoire
de Mihail Guboglu, ed. Faruk Bilici, Ionel Cndea, Anca Popescu, Istros, Brila, 2007, pp. 141-171.
54
See note 23 above. Ktib elebi in 1648 and Ahmed bin Mahmud in 1711 both identified
the locality Karasu with Tekfur-gl.
55
Russi Stoykov, Selita v Silistrenskiia sandjak prez 70-te godini na XVII vek, Izvestiia
Muzei Varna, VII, 1971, p. 167.
56
Ghia, Toponimie i geografie istoric, p. 44.
57
Analele Dobrogei, 1922, p. 138.
53

209

topographical configuration of Dobrudja makes it amply clear that its network of


communications is not random all the Balkan areas adjoining Dobrudja tend to
concentrate towards Bazargic, while the Danubian areas have Karasu as their
centre of communications.58 In his turn, the Baron dHogguer noted that: la
position de Megjidi est sans contre-dit la plus importante de la Dobrodj sous les
rapports commerciaux, agricoles et mme stratgiques.59
The Kanun for Gnci-pazar of 1570 (see Appendix, doc. II) the geographic
coverage of which is now established is the source of a consistent set of
institutional and material information on the economic role of the town of Karasu.
When set alongside kanuns for the same year for other Dobrudjan centres, this
document shows Karasu as an important relay point in the regions commercial
network. It was chiefly a transit point for regional merchandise such as grain,
honey, tallow, fish, cattle including buffalo from the Karasu marshlands hides
and timber. Produce from further south such as rice, sultanas, luxury textiles and
rugs also transited Karasu, as did rice which could be transported as far as
Babadag. In addition, Karasu also had its own retail market for local foodstuffs.
Certain types of produce such as fermented cheese, cloth and iron, suggest
commercial links with Hrova.60 The transit of timber suggests links with
Babadag (and with Wallachia also). Karasu was also known for its slave market
(esir), like other centres in Dobrudja such as Tulcea, Isaccea, Mcin, Babadag i
Silistra61. The merchandise as well as the means used for its transport (horse- or
oxen-drawn carts) reflect and confirm the role of Karasu as a continental rather
than a portuary commercial centre. The local tax system also provides data which
can inform comparisons with other trade centres in the sancak of Silistria, but their
study is still work in progress.
APPENDIX
Doc. I: An order (hkm) of 28 November, year 1572 (Babakanlk Osmanl
Arivi, fonds KK 67, p. 747).
[1] Tekfurgl kadsna hkm yazla ki: hliya, nefs-i kasaba-i Gnc/
Gnci pazar, nam- dier Karasu der-ser-i kpr, kasaba-i mezbure [2] halk
defter-i hknde kprc kayd olunub, ber mucib-i defter-i vilyet kprclk
hizmetin ed edb, hizmetimizde [3] kusrumuz olmayub hizmetimiz
mukbelesinde cavrzdan mucaf kayd olub vilyet defteri mcibince camel [4]
olunub. Kimesnemizin rencde olunmamamuz taleb ederiz deyu bildirdiler. Imdi
buyurdum ki: hkm erifim vardukda mezkrlarn [5] sitne-i Sacdetimizden
58

Captain Ionescu, Dobrugia, p. 674.


Baron DHogguer, Renseignements sur la Dobrodja. Son tat actuel, ses ressources et son
avenir, Bucharest, 1879, p. 41.
60
Drawing on Grnewegs account, Al. Ciocltan commented on links between the Karasu
route and the Hrova route, the latter being an alternative for the former in special circumstances.
See Ciocltan Martin Grneweg prin Moldova, p. 218.
61
Akgndz, Osmanl kanunnameleri, pp. 737-742.
59

210

ellerine verilen nianlu, sahh, cedd vilyet defteri sretine nazar edb [6] gresin:
nefs-i G[n]c pazar ahlsi mahall- mezbrda kprc kayd olunub ber mcib-i
defter-i vilyet [7] kprclk hizmetin ed edb ml- miriye ve recyya ve
yende ve revendeye nefcleri olub kusurlar [8] yo ise hizmetleri mukbelesinde
vilyet defterinde cavrz- dvniyeden ne vechle mucaf kayd olunmu ise vilyet
[9] defteri mcibince camel edb vilyet defterine muhlif mezkrlar kimesneye
rencde etdirmeyesin ve b vech nesne teklif etdirmeyesin [10] ve bacden nazar bu
hkm erfim ellerinde ibk edesin yle bilesin dey, tahrren fi 22 Receb-lMrecceb, sene 980.

211

Doc. I. Order (hkm) of 28 November, year 1572 (BOA, KK 67, p. 747).

212

Doc. II. Knunnme-i bc kasaba-i Knci/Gnci bzr (Regulation on the bc tax in the market
town of Knci/Gnci bzr): BOA, TT 483.

213

Translation:
An order to the kadi of Tekfurgl informing him of the following: at
present, the people of the afore-mentioned market town (kasaba), [i.e.] the town of
Gnc pazar, also known as (nam- dier), Karasu der-ser-i kpr, entered in the
imperial register (defter) as bridge attendants (kprc), and discharging their
duties accordingly in the upkeep of the bridge (kprclk) in accordance with
the register of the vilyet, have made it known that: according to the old practice
and in accordance with the register of the vilyet, as we never failed in our duties,
[we were] consequently exempt from paying the [tax] avrz. We therefore
demand that we should not be troubled [with abuses]. I have now decreed that:
upon the arrival of this illustrious writ, you shouldst verify in your copy of the new
register of the vilyet, the valid [document] with the tura (nianlu), granted unto
them from the Threshold of Our Felicity, if: the people of Gnc pazar registered
for the aforementioned place, being duly registered [and] doing their duty in the
upkeep of the bridge according to the register of the vilyet, rendering themselves
useful [bringing benefits] to the state revenue (ml- miri) and to the reaya and the
travellers (yende ve revende), and if [their duty] is without blemish; in what
manner they are registered as exempt from all [taxes] (cavrz- dvniye) in the
register of the vilyet, in exchange for their services; as demanded by [practice] as
inscribed in the register of the vilyet let them not be troubled against the
regulations of the vilyet and let them not pay taxes; and having thus verified grant
unto them this illustrious order. Let it be known! Written on 22 the Revered Receb
[28 November], in the year 980 [1572].
Doc. II: Knunnme-i bc kasaba-i Knci/(veya Gnci) bzr (Regulation
on the bc tax in the market town of Knci/Gnci bzr)
(Akgndz, vol. 7, pp. 745-746; Babakanlk Osmanl Arivi, fonds TT 483,
pp. 29-30)
Note: The transliteration was based on ms. TT 483 from the Babalanlk
Arivi, and checked against the text edited by A. Akgndz. Differences between
the published text and the manuscript are placed between curly brackets.
[1] Drt kz carabasyla tereke ve pirin gelse, sekizer ake alnur. Ve iki
kzle gelse drder ake alnur. cArabayla [2] bal ve ya ve kuru soan ve
sarmsak ve kuru zm ve kuru balk ve ya balk ve rt kebesi ve sar krk [3]
yk ile gelen drt kz eker carabadan sekizer ake alnur. Ve iki kz eker
c
arabadan drder ake alnur. Ve kuma [4] ve demir ve kavaf esbb gelse,
c
arabayla olcak bu vech zere alnur. Ve zikr olunan esbb at ykiyle ve deve
ykiyle [5] gelse ikier ake alnur. Ve bir bzirgan gelse, ykn zb esbbn
yaysa, yer kakk dey birer ake alnur. Ve heybe ile aba ve bal [6] ve ya ve kalie
ve uval ve sir bu makle nesne gelb satlsa, krk akede bir ake bc alnur. Ve
at ve {katr} bargir ve katr [7] satlsa, alandan ve satandan ikier ake alnur. Ve
kara sr satlsa, alandan ve satandan birer ake alnur. Ve koyun ve kei satlsa,
[8] {alandan} satandan iki koyuna bir ake alnur; alandan nesne alnmaz. Ve
kanarada yazlu kassab koyun ve kei boazlasa, drt koyuna [9] bir ake alnur.
Ve ariyeki gelb koyun ve kei boazlasa, iki koyuna bir ake alnur. Ve kara

214

sr boazlansa, iki ake alnur. [10] Ve esir satlsa, alandan ve satandan drder
ake alnur. Ve kavun ve karpuz ve ya zm ve hyr ve sir bu makle [11]
mkulatdan tamam caraba ile ki drt kz eker, drt ake ve iki kz {ile} eker,
iki ake alnur. Ve bir at eken, carabadan [12] iki ake alnur. Ve at ykiyle gelse,
bir ake alnur. Ve carabayla tahta gelse, carabadan bir tahta alnur. Ve carabayla
mertek gelse, [13] carabadan bir mertek alnur. Ve carabayla direk gelse, carabadan
iki ake alnur. Ve fuuyla hamr gelse gtrb62 satandan [14] on be ake alnur.
Ve alandan sekiz ake alnur. Ve gn gelse, kara sr gnnden iki gne bir ake
alnur. Ve su sr [15] gnnden, bir gne, bir ake alnur. Ve mslimann bkire
kzndan resm-i ars altm ake ve seyybesinden otuz ake alnur. Ve keferenin
[16] bkiresinden otuz ake ve seyybesinden on be ake alnur. Ve tulum ile
peynir gelse, kantara urulub satlsa, kantar [17] bana birer ake alnur. Ve
ehirden taraya carabayla bal ve ya ve gn ve sir metc gitse, tamam caraba ise,
sekizer ake alnur. [18] Iki kz {eker} carabas ise drder ake kar-bac alnur.
Translation:
If grain and rice are brought in a cart drawn by 4 oxen, 8 asper (ake) are
levied. And if [this produce] comes in a [cart] drawn by 2 oxen, 4 asper are levied.
8 asper will be levied per cart drawn by 4 oxen which comes laden with honey,
suet, dried onion, garlic, dried raisins (sultanas), dried and fresh fish, felt covers
(rt kebesi) and yellow furs (sar krk). 4 asper will be levied on any cart
drawn by 2 oxen. Should textiles (kuma), goods [objects] made of iron and
footwear be brought by cart, the levy will be as shown. And if this ware be carried
by horses or camels, 2 asper will be levied. Should a merchant put his [ware] on
display one asper will be levied in yer hakk tax. If woollen cloth, honey, tallow,
rugs, sacks and other such ware arrive on horseback, one asper per 40 will be
levied. If horses, stallions and mules are sold, the purchaser and the seller will pay
2 asper each. If land buffaloes be sold, one asper will be levied from the purchaser
and the seller alike. If sheep and goats be sold, the seller will pay one asper per 2
sheep; the purchaser will pay nothing. If a certified butcher (yazlu kassab)
sacrifices sheep and goats (by strangulation) (boazlamak) at the abattoir one ake
per 4 sheep will be levied. Should itinerant butchers (ariyeki) be called to
sacrifice sheep and goat, one asper per sheep will be levied. Should land bufalloes
be sacrificed, 2 asper will be levied. If slaves are sold 4 asper each will be levied
from purchaser and seller. If full carts laden with watermelons (karpuz) and melons
(kavun), sultanas, cucumbers and other such ware arrive to market, 4 asper will be
levied and should there be 2 oxen drawing the cart, 2 asper will be levied. 2 asper
will be levied for carts drawn by a single horse. If [the ware] be carried on
horseback, one asper will be levied. If carts arrive laden with wooden boards
(tahta), one board will be taken per cart. If the cart arrives laden with logs (mertek),
one log will be taken. If the cart arrives with wooden beams (direk), 2 asper will be
levied per cart. Should the cart be laden with barrels of wine, 15 ake will be levied
from the merchant who brings them. And from the purchaser 8 asper will be levied.
62

In the text edited by Akgndz, the word gtrb is missing.

215

If hides (gn) are brought, one asper will be levied for 2 hides of land buffalo. One
asper will be levied per one hide of water buffalo.
For the wedding tax (resm-i ars) Muslim girls will pay 60 asper and
widows (seyybe) 30 asper. 30 asper will be levied [in wedding tax] from the
Christian maidens and 15 from the widows.
If barrels of cheese are brought to the market and placed on the kantar to be
sold, one asper per kantar will be levied. Should carts laden with honey, tallow,
hides and other goods leave town and should the cart be full, 8 asper will be levied.
A kar-ba tax of 4 asper [per cart] will be levied if the cart is drawn by 2 oxen.

216

Toponomie local turco-ttar din judeul Vlaca


GABRIEL-FELICIAN CROITORU*
Numele aezrilor unei regiuni pot fi studiate din diverse puncte de vedere,
modul cum acestea au luat natere interesnd n aceeai msur pe geografi,
istorici, etnologi sau lingviti.
Datorit legturilor directe dintre toponimie i geografie, primele cercetri
romneti n domeniu1 au fost iniiate de geografi, mai precis de Societatea Geografic
Romn, fondat n 1875, care nc din 1882, a hotrt culegerea i publicarea
ntregului tezaur toponimic al Romniei, mai nti sub forma unor dicionare
geografice judeene (32 n total, printre care i cel al judeului Vlaca, semnat de
inginerul P. S. Antonescu-Remui), din care a rezultat apoi Marele Dicionar
Geografic al Romniei, aprut n 5 volume, la Bucureti, n perioada 1892-19022.
Plecnd de la ideea c studiul toponimiei trebuie s contribuie la istoria
aezrilor omeneti sau a unui teritoriu oarecare, am ales s abordm n demersul
nostru toponimia major, mai precis explicarea din punct de vedere istoric a unor
nume de localiti din actualul jude Giurgiu, care corespunde n mare parte cu
fostul jude Vlaca.
Abordarea toponimiei fostului jude Vlaca, ca limbaj al teritoriului, s-a aflat
destul de puin n atenia cercettorilor, observaiile de acest gen fiind legate direct
de lucrrile cu caracter istoric i mai ales geografic. n acest context, elementele
toponimice de origine turco-ttar, turanic n general i nu numai se pot
constitui ca importante surse istorice, cu att mai mult cu ct unele dintre acestea
suplinesc lipsa sau lacunele altor izvoare.
Judeul Vlaca, al crui nume de origine slav nseamn ntr-un sens larg
ara Vlahilor, aezat n partea de cmpie a Munteniei, s-a delimitat distinct ca o
formaiune specific romneasc nc din perioada de formare a poporului nostru,
avnd n mare parte aceeai evoluie istoric cu cea a judeelor rii Romneti.
Preponderena elementului romnesc a fcut ca slavii s acorde regiunii o
denumire care atesta, n mod clar, apartenena etnic a locuitorilor, dar Vlaca, la
fel ca ntreg teritoriul carpato-danubian, a fost supus presiunilor continue
exercitate de populaiile de neam turanic.
Importana deosebit a arealului vlscean pentru stpnitorii teritoriului de la
nord de Dunre, inclusiv pentru domnitorii rii Romneti, era dat att de
*

Institutul de Turcologie i Studii Central-Asiatice, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca.


nc din 1872, statisticianul D. Frunzescu a publicat Dicionarul topografic i statistic al
Romniei, mult mai redus ca proporii fa de lucrrile ulterioare ce vor aborda toponimia romneasc.
2
Iorgu Iordan, Toponimia romneasc, Editura Academiei R.P.R., Bucureti, 1963, p. 2.
1

217

valoarea sa economic (cuprindea suprafee agricole mari, cu sol mnos, pduri de


stejar i era traversat de importante drumuri comerciale, care fceau legtura ntre
spaiul nord-dunrean i zona balcanic) ct i strategic (prin existena unor bune
vaduri de trecere a Dunrii).
Prezena i dominaia pecenegilor n zona gurilor Dunrii, i n special a
prii rsritene a teritoriului actual al Romniei este atestat ntre sfritul
secolului al VIII-lea i jumtatea secolului al XI-lea, iar fora acestora este dat de
ncercrile de ptrundere n sudul Dunrii, pe fondul crizei generale a puterii
bizantine. Btlia de la Lebunion (29 aprilie 1091), unde bizantinii au obinut una
din marile victorii asupra pecenegilor, nu a nsemnat totui nimicirea total i
definitiv a lor, aa cum pomenesc unele izvoare, ci doar afectarea puternic a
potenialului demografic i mai ales militar. Anul 1091 a reprezentat debutul
ireversibil al puterii pecenege la Dunre, fr a-i elimina ns pe acetia de pe
scena politic i mai ales etnic a sud-estului Europei3.
Dup o perioad relativ scurt de prezen a uzilor (oguzilor), mare parte din
spaiul romnesc de astzi a intrat, vreme de aproape dou veacuri, sub dominaia
cumanilor, populaie de neam turanic, nrudit direct cu pecenegii i uzii.
Prezena cumanilor n spaiul carapato-danubian i influena lor major
asupra populaiei de aici este mult mai consistent probat dect a celorlalte
populaii de aceeai origine, unul din argumentele majore n acest sens fiind
denumirea de Cumania sau Terra Cumanorum dat regiunii extracarpatice4 n
unele documente ale vremii.
Acest lucru a fcut ca n pofida denumirii sale care sublinia clar preponderena
populaiei romneti, i n fostul jude Vlaca, dominat de cmpia Burnazului
(nume ce provine de la cuvntul de origine turanic burnu, cu nelesul de nas
sau limb de pmnt) i de fluviul Dunrea, s existe diverse toponime ce atest
existena sau prezena prelungit a grupurilor de populaie turcic5 sau care au fost
direct influenate de acestea, n timp i sub diferite forme. Este suficient s amintim
de Uzunu (de la cuvntul cuman, preluat i de turci uzun, nume de persoan sau cu
nelesul de lung), Comana, Comeanca i Comasca, acestea din urm fiind
ntlnite i n zonele de rspndire i locuire a cumanilor, ncepnd din Oltenia
pn n sudul Moldovei.
Pe de alt parte, chiar dac teoria este general acceptat, avnd n vedere
numrul mare de toponime asemntoare n arealul amintit (Comana Inferioar,
Comana Superioar, Comanca, Cmpia Comancei, Comanii Vechi, Comania,
Comneanul, Comneasa, Comneasca, Comneti, Cumneti, Peceneagul,
Peceneaga, Picineagul, Uz, Ozunu, Uzunu etc.), cel puin n cazul celor dou localiti
3

Vasile Mrcule, Confruntarea bizantino-cumano-peceneg de la Lebunion (29 aprilie


1091) sfritul supremaiei militare a pecenegilor n sud-estul Europei, n Buletinul Muzeului
Militar Naional <Regele Ferdinand I>, serie nou, nr. 7-8/2010, Editura Alpha MDN, Bucureti,
2010, p. 26.
4
Tasin Gemil, Peste un mileniu de existen a populaiei turco-ttare pe teritoriul Romniei, n
Motenirea istoric a ttarilor, I, coordonatori Tasin Gemil i Nagy Pienaru, Bucureti, 2010, p. 11.
5
Constantin C. Giurescu, Istoria romnilor, I, Din cele mai vechi timpuri pn la moartea lui
Alexandru cel Bun (1432), ediie ngrijit de Dinu C. Giurescu, Editura All, Bucureti, 2007, p. 248.

218

vlscene (Comana i Uzunu), nu au fost nc stabilite sau confirmate din punct de


vedere arheologic existena unor aezri cumane.
Se poate aprecia c pentru perioada secolelor IX-XIII, dominaia
pecenegilor, uzilor i cumanilor n spaiul carpato-danubian a reprezentat un factor
politic, militar, economic i cultural important, care a influnat n timp procesele
istorice regionale, inclusiv pe cele de etnogenez6.
Invazia mongolo-ttar din 1236-1241 a lovit n plin puterea cuman din
zona dunrean, favoriznd n acelai timp procesul de formare al statelor
romneti, iar dup cucerirea independenei lor politice i pn la apariia
otomanilor la Dunre, acestea au fost nevoite s fac fa preteniilor maghiare de
expansiune n spaiul extracarpatic.
Odat cu cucerirea rilor balcanice de ctre otomani, ntre sfritul secolului
al XIV-lea i mijlocul secolului al XVI-lea, ara Romneasc i Moldova au
constituit unul din obiectivele politicii de expansiune a Imperiului, linia Dunrii
avnd un rol strategic foarte important. n acest scop, pe lng permanentele
incursiuni de jaf ale acngiilor, periodic au fost organizate mari expediii militare
sub conducerea direct a sultanilor, care au stat la baza relaiilor politice i militare
dintre romni i otomani pentru o bun perioad de timp, culminnd cu
recunoaterea suzeranitii protectoare a sultanului7.
Astfel, dup campania sultanal condus de Mehmed I, din 1417, sau, mult
mai probabil, din 14198, cetatea Giurgiu a intrat sub stpnirea otoman, nu ns i
oraul, care a continuat s se afle sub autoritatea domnitorului rii Romneti9
pn spre sfritul secolului al XV-lea.
Ctre finele secolului al XV-lea, cetatea, oraul i inutul nconjurtor au fost
transformate n kaza teritoriu aflat sub administraie otoman ai crei locuitori,
indiferent de religie, etnie i stare social, se supuneau legilor otomane, care era
administrat de un cadiu10. Instituirea unui cap de pod la nordul Dunrii, aezat
aproape de capital, au creat condiii optime pentru intervenia Porii n treburile
rii Romneti ori de cte ori considerau c era nevoie11.
Acesta este unul din motivele pentru care, ncepnd din secolele XV-XVI,
Giurgiul este des amintit de cronicarii otomani. Este important de precizat ns, c
din punctul de vedere al istoriografiei otomane, se desprinde o percepie proprie,
6

Tasin Gemil, op. cit., p. 10.


Tasin Gemil, Romnii i otomanii n secolele XIV-XVI, Editura Academiei Romne,
Bucureti, 1990, p. 26.
8
Mihai Maxim, rile Romne i nalta Poart. Cadrul juridic al relaiilor romno-otomane
n Evul Mediu, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1993, p. 224.
9
Spre exemplu, printr-un document din 30 ianuarie 1431, domnitorul Dan al II-lea, ntrea
unele privilegii comerciale negustorilor braoveni, stabilind ca taxa vamal de la Giurgiu s fie de 3
taleri pentru 100 de taleri de marf (Ion Ionacu, Petre Brbulescu, Gheorghe Gheorghe, Tratatele
internaionale ale Romniei, I (1354-1920), Editura Politic, Bucureti, 1975, p. 20.
10
Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, ntocmit de Mihail Guboglu, Direcia General a
Arhivelor Statului din Republica Popular Romn, Bucureti, 1960, p. 610.
11
Mihail M. Andreescu, Civilizaia romneasc medieval. ara Romneasc n secolele
XIV-XVIII, [Romanian medieval civilization. Walachia during XIV-XVIII centuries], Editura Mega,
Cluj-Napoca, 2008, p. 33.
7

219

emanat de cercurile politice i militare conductoare, conform creia Giurgiul,


mai precis cetatea12, a fost ntemeiat de sultanul Mehmed I i, prin urmare, existau
drepturi naturale asupra cetii i oraului, chiar dac acestea se aflau pe teritoriul
rii Romneti13.
Prin stpnirea direct a Giurgiului i a unui important teritoriu agricol din
jurul acestuia i prin instaurarea unei puternice administraii, pe perioada mai
multor secole, otomanii au determinat influene multiple att asupra oraului ct i
a unor zone din judeul Vlaca.
Una dintre acestea, vizibil nc i astzi, este ntlnit n toponimia
judeului Vlaca, existnd localiti cu denumiri (sau foste denumiri) ce provin din
cuvintele limbii vorbite de cumani, turci sau ttari, care s-au suprapus peste
influenele determinate de prezena pecenegilor, uzilor i mai ales a cumanilor.
De menionat, n acest context, este faptul c, n mare parte, aceste localiti
sunt aezate, din punct de vedere geografic, n sudul judeului Vlaca, de-a lungul
Dunrii fie n imediata apropiere a kazalei Giurgiului, fie chiar pe teritoriul fostei
uniti administrative otomane adic n zonele unde otomanii au continuat s i
exercite controlul direct pn n secolul al XIX-lea.
Situaia a rmas neschimbat pn n 1829, cnd, n urma rzboiului rusoturc, ncheiat prin Tratatul de pace la Adrianopol, fostele posesiuni otomane Brila,
Giurgiu i Turnu, mpreun cu 30 de ostroave ale fluviului, au fost efectiv i
definitiv ncorporate rii Romneti14.
Conform prevederilor tratatului, Poarta se angaja s nu pstreze pe rmul
stng nici un punct fortificat i s nu ngduie nici o aezare a nici unuia dintre
supuii si musulmani, aa nct nici un mahomedan s nu-i poat avea
domiciliul n Valahia iar musulmanii care dein bunuri imobile dobndite nu prin
uzurparea drepturilor unor particulari, fie n oraele retrocedate, fie n orice alt
punct al malului stng al Dunrii, vor fi obligai s le vnd indigenilor ntr-un
rstimp de 18 luni15.
Acest lucru a determinat o migrare masiv a marii majoriti a locuitorilor
musulmani din ora, n majoritate turci, obligai astfel s i vnd proprietile16.
ntr-o scrisoare din 12 noiembrie 1829, a lui Ahmed paa, vali (valiu)17 de Silistra
12

Spturile arheologice din jurul oraului, ncepute n anul 1955 i continuate n 1975-1976,
au evideniat existena unei ceti din secolele VI-XII, pe ostrovul Sf. Gheorghe (disprut din cauza
lucrrilor de sistematizare a Dunrii), probabil bizantin sau aparinnd primilor domnitori ai rii
Romneti. Pe ruinele acesteia, va ridica Mircea cel Btrn, la cumpna secolelor XIV-XV, o cetate
de piatr, refcut ulterior de Mehmed I (Dan Cpn, Cetatea de la Giurgiu, judeul Giurgiu, n
Revista Muzeului Militar Naional, supliment I - 1996, p. 19-20 i IV - 1998, p. 37-44).
13
Gabriel-Felician Croitoru, Giurgiu vzut de alii, Editura Muzeului Marinei Romne,
Constana, 2009, p. 24.
14
Politica extern a Romniei. Dicionar cronologic, coordonatori Ion Calafeteanu i Cristian
Popiteanu, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1986, p. 101.
15
Ion Ionacu, P. Brbulescu, Gr. Gheorghe, Relaiile internaionale ale Romniei n
documente (1368-1900), Editura Politic, Bucureti, 1971, p. 285-286.
16
Scarlat Stncescu, Din trecutul oraului Giurgiu, Institutul modern de arte grafice Unirea,
Bucureti, 1935, p. 85.
17
Guvernator general al unei provincii.

220

i muhafz18 de Rusciuc, adresat generalului Pavel Kisseleff, se arta c la 11


noiembrie s-a terminat evacuarea i predarea cetii Giurgiu forelor ruse,
ncepndu-se deja, ca muniiile i populaia musulman s fie transportate peste
Dunre, la Rusciuc19.
Imediat dup plecarea turcilor, Giurgiu avea un numr de case cuprins ntre 500
i 600 (cu o medie de circa 1.800 locuitori), numrul populaiei scznd, n 1831, la
circa 700 de locuitori. Dup numai ase ani, prin stabilirea n ora a unui numr
important de locuitori sud-dunreni (srbi, dar mai ales bulgari), populaia Giurgiului a
crescut la 2.300 locuitori, ajungnd n 1910 la 16.106 locuitori. Dintre acetia, doar 20
de familii erau de turci, nsumnd 60 de persoane i nici un ttar (de menionat c n
ora existau 96 musulmani, din care 60 de turci i 36 de persani)20.
Simptomatic pentru influena complex pe care populaiile de neam turanic
(nu doar otomanii) i nu ne referim doar la cei din kazaua Giurgiului au
exercitat-o n arealul vlscean este i faptul c multe aezri omeneti au, sau au
avut, denumiri ce exprimau o palet larg de preocupri i situaii, ncepnd de la
nume proprii, nume care descriu forma sau aspectul exterior al unor locuri,
toponimice ce atestau raporturi de proprietate sau desemnau diverse instituii i
msuri de ordin social, toponimice care aratau ocupaia locuitorilor sau alte
preocupri economice, nume de slujbai i demniti etc:
Assan-Aga, ctun a crui denumire provine de la numele propriu Assan
(Hassan) i de la cuvntul turcesc aga ofier din armata otoman sau, n cazul de
fa, cu nelesul de chiabur sau boier. Pn n 1829, ctunul Assan-Aga i moia
Toporu, din imediata sa vecintate, au aparinut unui turc, ce se numea AgaAssan, care edea n Giurgiu i care mai avea i crciuma din drumul
Prunariului21. n prezent, localitatea poart denumirea Bujoreni, fiind arondat,
din anul 1981, judeului Teleorman;
Ali-Bei, ciftlic din kazaua Giurgiu, care era situat n imediata apropiere a
comunei Slobozia, la circa 3 kilometri de Giurgiu, pe malul braului Cama, ntre
localitatea Malu i pdurea Guu, a crui denumire provine de la numele propriu
turcesc Ali i substantivul bey, cu nelesul fie de domn, ef, fie ca termen de
adresare respectuos;
Ali-Aga i Abdula-Asan, ciftlicuri turceti cuprinse n kazaua Giurgiu,
situate ntre satele Oinacu i Frteti, provenind de la nume proprii. n prezent,
ambele au disprut;
Babaia, sat ce fcea parte n 1890 din fosta plas Glavacioc, aflat la circa 50
de kilometri de Giurgiu. Denumirea provine, probabil, din limba cuman sau ttar, de
la babay tat, printe. n prezent, localitatea face parte din judeul Teleorman;
Baracu, vale ce iese pe proprietatea Viina, merge pe la Vadu Stanchii,
prin Corbii Mari i d n Neajlov22, aflat n nordul judeului Vlaca, ce poate
18

Comandantul unei fortree sau guvernatorul unui ora fortificat.


Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, p. 521.
20
Ion Boldescu, Monografia oraului Giurgiu, Institutul Grafic Ulpiu Stnculescu, Giurgiu,
1912, p. 210.
21
P.S. Antonescu-Remui, Dicionar geografic al judeului Vlaca, Stabilimentul Grafic I. V.
Socecu, Bucureti, 1890, p. 20.
22
Ibidem, p. 32.
19

221

avea originea denumirii din limba turc, termenul barak avnd nelesul de mios
sau los;
Bazalan, ciftlic din kazaua Giurgiu, situat n apropierea localitii Vieru.
Denumirea ar putea proveni de la cuvntul turcesc bozuk, bozulan stricat,
drmat, sau, mult mai probabil, de la o form corupt a substantivului bazergan
negustor. De menionat c numele de Bozalan este purtat de 7 localiti din Turcia
i de una din Irak;
Beiu, ctun lng lacul Chiriacu, n apropiere de Giurgiu, al crui nume a
mprumutat demnitatea unui proprietar turc din Giurgiu sau de la sud de Dunre
(bey titlu atribuit n perioada medieval fiilor nalilor dregtori otomani, n
sensul de prin23);
Branitea, sat aflat la circa 8 kilometri de Giurgiu, care la origine a fost un
ciftlic turcesc aflat n proprietatea unui Bei turc, care avea aci, pe lng pmntul
su de cultur i ceairul de vite i o frumoas vie; apoi mai plantase prin ghind i
o frumoas pdure de stejar de circa 200 de pogoane romneti, care a purtat
denumirea de Branitea Beiului. Satul, format n jurul anului 1800, a luat i el
denumirea pdurii, dar dup 1829 a rmas doar cu denumirea de Branitea (de la
cuvntul slav branite loc nverzit, pune);
Cantimiru, ctun din imediata apropiere a actualului sat Blnoaia, al
crui nume provine de la numele propriu Cantemir, de la can inim (ttar) i
timir, demir fier, candemir inim de fier;
Caradjec, mic ostrov pe Dunre, n dreptul satului Branitea24,
denumirea provenind din cuvintele turceti kara negru sau karac cel/cea care
nnegrete. Cel mai probabil este un diminutiv care se poate traduce prin negrior
sau negru. Denumirea poate proveni i de la substantivul karaaa ulm, n ideea
existenei unei pduri de ulm n apropiere (corespondent cu denumirea romneasc
Ulmu sau Ulmeni);
Caragioaica, grl pe proprietatea Paraipani, se scurge n Grla-Mare,
depinde de comuna Arsache25 (azi, Vedea, jud. Giurgiu), prezint o direct
legtur cu Caradjec;
Carapancea, ctun, pendinte de comuna Prunaru, plasa Clnitea26.
Denumirea localitii provine de la cuvintele turceti kara negru, pana palm
sau pence ghear, kara pana palm neagr sau kara pence gheara neagr.
Unul din proprietarii moiei Carapancea, pn n 1829 a fost un turc din Giurgiu,
Aga-Osman, care mai deinea i pdurea Osman-Aga de lng localitatea
Prunaru27. n prezent, satul Carapancea, aflat la circa 30 de kilometri de Giurgiu,
este subordonat comunei Rsuceni;
Cama, bra al Dunrii, situat n partea de sud-vest a oraului Giurgiu, n
care se vars rurile Vedea i Teleorman. Pn la lucrrile de sistematizare
23

Mihai Maxim, Culegere de texte otomane, fasc. I. Izvoare documentare i juridice (sec. XVXX), Universitatea Bucureti, p. 162.
24
P. S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 50.
25
Ibidem.
26
Ibidem, p. 55.
27
Ion Boldescu, op. cit., p. 85.

222

efectuate pe Dunre, braul Cama era paralel cu fluviul, trecnd pe lng localitile
Bujoru, Pietroani, Gujani, Vedea, Malu i Slobozia, unindu-se cu Dunrea n
dreptul ostrovului Sf. Gheorghe, unde pn la 1830 a existat cetatea Giurgiului.
Denumirea provine, cel mai probabil, de la cami loc de adunare (a
dreptcredincioilor musulmani), moscheie, geamie28, dat fiind c vechiul loc de
confluen al braului Cama cu Dunrea era situat n imediata vecintate a celei mai
mari geamii din oraul Giurgiu;
Cadm-Gena, fost ciftlic turcesc, situat pe actuala suprafa a oraului
Giurgiu, unde se afla i o vie a unui turc bogat, situat n viile oraului Giurgiu.
Numirea acesteia vine de la zicerile turceti Cadm-Geanm, adic sufletul cadnei;
Clbotinu, ostrov, avnd 340 hectare de pdure de salcie, situat pe
domeniul Giurgiului, n dreptul satului Malu de Jos29. Denumirea ar putea proveni
de la cuvntul turcesc kl pr, cli i botin nclminte, botine;
Ceadrgiu, numele vechi al satului Oinacu sau al unui ctun alturat,
situat la circa 7 kilometri de Giurgiu i populat de turci. Numele localitii, care a
fcut parte din hinterlandul kazalei Giurgiu, arat ocupaia veche a locuitorilor,
provenind din cuvintele turceti adr cort, adrc cel care face corturi. De
asemenea, se pare c n timpul administraiei otomane a Giurgiului, aici era i
sediul unui funcionar turc care strngea darea numit oierit 30 iar dovad a
faptului c populaia majoritar a fost format din turci o reprezint numele foarte
mare al romnilor, oameni ai locului, care la nceputul secolului al XX-lea, aveau
nume de origine turceasc: Ion Omer, Tudor Omer, Ion Asan, Voicu Asan,
Dumitru Asan31 etc;
Oinac (vezi i Ceadrgiu sau Oinak), format n perioada 1812-1830, are
denumirea tot de origine turceasc, de la oynak cu nelesul fie de persoan de
nencredere, nehotrt, fie de instabil, alunecos (din cauza apei), aceasta din urm
putnd avea legtur cu vecintatea imediat a Dunrii fa de localitate, de doar 2
kilometri, sau cu un pru. De reinut este i faptul c tradiia local menioneaz c
satul era romnesc, actualul nume al su provenind de la numele unui pstor, Ion
Oinacu, care avea o trl de vite pe locul unde se afl astzi vatra satului; teoria pare
valabil, atta vreme ct ntr-un document din 26 octombrie 1822, sunt cuprinse
numele mai multor locuitori: Panciu, fiul lui Radu, Matei, fiul lui Mircea, Ioan, fiul lui
Marin, Constantin, fiul lui Ianachi, Radu Neacul, Sava, Stoian sau Marin32;
Ciagul, suprafa de pune situat n imediata apropiere a localitii
Hulubeti (Strmba), azi n comuna Clugreni. Denumirea poate proveni de la
cuvntul turcesc ak pumnal;
Ceair islaz al oraului Giurgiu la 1829, pe locul cruia astzi se afl
biserica i cimitirul Sf. Haralambie. Denumirea provine de la ayr lunc,
pune, cmp de punat caii;
28

Mihai Maxim, Culegere de texte otomane, p. 162.


P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 65.
30
Ion Boldescu, op. cit., p. 81.
31
Ibidem, p. 82.
32
Catalogul documentelor turceti, I,p. 296.
29

223

Ciflicu, numele vechi al ctunului Buhaiu, pe suprafaa actualei comune


Ghimpai, azi disprut. Denumirea provine de la cuvntul vechi turcesc ciftlic
ntindere de teren ce se putea ara cu o pereche (cift) de boi, moie, vil, ferm
rneasc33, nelesul devenind, ulterior, de ctun. Mrimea unui ciftlic varia ntre
60 i 150 de dnm34. Cu toate c aezarea nu mai exist astzi, n zon exist
Pdurea Ciflicului, care n 1890 era n proprietatea statului, avnd o suprafa de
249 hectare35;
Dandara, ctun, care a luat numele proprietarului su, spahiul Dandara,
ce avea n proprietate moiile i ctunele Dandara i Comoara din jud. Vlaca i un
ciflic n kazaua Giurgiu36;
Drvi, mgur situat n imediata apropiere a ctunului Assan-Aga, a
crui denumire ar putea veni de la substantivul turcesc dervi clugr, dar i n
nelesul de om simplu, modest;
Dudu, ciftlic situat n imediata apropiere a localitii Vieru, care i-ar
putea trage denumirea de la cuvntul turcesc dudu doamn sau femeie armeanc
n vrst;
Enichiom, pdurice de salcie n dreptul satului Gostinu, pe malul Dunrii.
Denumirea provine de la adjectivul yeni nou i substantivul ky sat, eniky
satul nou. Asemntor, n sudul Republicii Moldova, raionul Cantemir, exist satul
Enichioi, localitate romneasc dar nfiinat pe o vatr ttreasc;
Garga-Adassi, fosta denumire a ostrovului Cioroiu de lng Giurgiu. Aici
a existat i un sat turcesc, cu aceleai nume, puternic afectat n perioada luptelor
din 1854 dintre rui i turci i disprut ulterior;
Ghizdaru, ctun n cadrul comunei Stneti, a crui denumire provine de
la ghizd fntn, provenit de la faptul c n localitate sunt fntni i izvoare de
ape minunate, cu ape abundente, astfel c alimenteaz tot satul37;
Hagieti, ctun situat n apropierea localitii Glavacioc. De la substantivul
turcesc hac persoan care a fost n pelerinaj, (la musulmani) hagiu38, dar termenul se
refer la pelerini de orice religie (de exemplu, pelerin la Mecca, Ierusalim, Athos etc.).
Numele de localiti cu derivaii (Hagieni, Hagieti) sunt foarte numeroase n zonele de
influen otoman (jud. Constana, Ialomia, Ilfov etc);
Gostinu-Hagiu, ctun, situat la 26 kilometri de Giurgiu, pe linia Dunrii,
la grania kazalei cu ara Romneasc. Se menioneaz c satul a fost proprietatea
Hagiului Anghel, de la care i-a luat numele39. Azi este inclus n limitele localitii
Gostinu, jud. Giurgiu;
Groapa Hogei, perimetru al vechiului ora Giurgiu, ca o depresiune n
viile din Giurgiu, numit aa de la proprietarul turc care era stpn nainte de
33

Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, p. 611.


Unitate de suprafa avnd laturile de circa 40 de coi arini (1.600 arini ptrai reprezentau
919,3024 m).
35
P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 70.
36
Ion Boldescu, op. cit., p. 86.
37
P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 161.
38
Mihai Maxim, Culegere de texte otomane, p. 165.
39
Ibidem, p. 175.
34

224

182140, cnd s-a luat Giurgiu de la turci. Alturi de aceast groap, era nainte de
1831 un ceflic (sat) turcesc care se chema Selima, iar lng groap era o zalhana de
tiat vite41;
Hagi-Sal, Hagi-Ballag (situate ntre localitile actuale Blnoaia i
Blanu), Hagi-Nazr, Hagi-Mulis (Hagi-Muti) (situat ntre localitile Malu i
Paraipani) i Hagi-Iancub (situat la nord de comuna Remu), ciftlicuri din
perimetrul kazalei Giurgiu, provenind de la nume proprii i de la statutul de hagii al
unor persoane. n prezent sunt disprute;
Gurbanul (azi Vlad epe), ctun din comuna Comana, ce ar putea avea
numele de la o form schimbat a denumirii de kurban animal de sacrificat;
Ibraim-Bei, ciftlic turcesc, cu numele provenind de la numele propriu
Ibraim, situat lng pdurea Guu, ntre fostele localiti Prjolea i Vaideei
(prsite de locuitori dup 1830, care s-au stabilit n comuna Stneti42);
Miru, ctun ce aparinea de satul Tangru, n actuala comun Stoeneti,
al crui nume provine de la mera pune, teren de punat, islaz. Are
corespondente localiti cu numele de Mereni din jud. Constana, Teleorman,
Dmbovia sau Republica Moldova;
Mahru, balt situat n albia Dunrii, n dreptul satului Slobozia.
Denumirea sa poate proveni de la cuvntul turcesc vechi mahir priceput, iscusit,
ndemnatic;
Manafu (sau aliu), numele unui ctun ce depindea de satul Tangru, n
actuala comun Stoeneti i al unei pduri din apropierea ctunului, denumirea
provenind de la substantivul turcesc manav, manaf zarzavagiu, negustor de
legume i zarzavat. Sub denumirea de manafi erau cunoscui i crjalii aflai sub
comanda rebelului Manav Ibrahim, care au efectuat campanii de jaf i n rile
Romne43;
Mustafia, fost ciftlic turcesc aflat n imediata apropiere a Giurgiului,
disprut imediat dup 1829. Numele aezrii este forma feminin a numelui
propriu Mustafa. La sfritul secolului al XIX-lea, pe locul fostei aezri era un
pu, ce se zice puul Mustafia, n raionul viilor Giurgiu, spre Slobozia. Se gsesc i
azi n Giurgiu familii care port numele de Mustficeanu, luat de la satul ce locuia
prinii lor44;
Naipu, sat n comuna Ghimpai, a crui denumire provine fie de la
substantivul turcesc naip regent, fie de la naib lociitor de cadiu judector. n
cadrul unei uniti administrative otomane, cadiul i naipul erau considerai ochii
i braele guvernatorului45;
Nazru, fost ctun situat n imediata vecintate a satului Blnoaia (circa
8 kilometri de Giurgiu), al crui nume provine de la substantivul nazr persoan
40

Este vorba de o eroare a autorului, Giurgiu revenind la ara Romneasc dup Tratatul de
la Adrianopol, ncheiat la 2/14 septembrie 1829.
41
Ibidem, p. 181.
42
Ion Boldescu, op. cit., p. 83.
43
Catalogul documentelor turceti, II (1455-1828), ntocmit de Mihail Guboglu, Direcia
General a Arhivelor Statului din Republica Socialist Romnia, Bucureti, 1965, p. 574.
44
P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 210.
45
Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, p. 609.

225

oficial foarte important, ministru (nezret minister), sau, cel mai probabil, n
sensul de cel care supravegheaz, comandant de cetate sau inspector46. Aezarea a
fost populat majoritar de turci i de un numr mic de bulgari, care au trecut la
sudul Dunrii dup 1829, ulterior localitatea disprnd47;
Ozunului, vale n imediata vecintate a comunei Stneti i Uzunul
(Uzunu), comun n sudul fostului jude Vlaca, la circa 27 kilometri de Giurgiu,
au denumiri ce provin din cuvntul cuman uzun lung;
Omer sau Omeric, ciftlic provenind de la numele propriu turcesc mer,
era situat ntre actualele localiti Blboaia i Blanu i cunoscut prin existena
unor podgorii. Azi este disprut;
Paraipani (Paraipanu), vechea denumirea a comunei Vedea (Arsache),
pe malul Dunrii, care a fcut parte din kazaua Giurgiu. Poate avea denumirea de
origine turceasc, de la cuvintele para bani i yapan cel care face, de unde para
yapan cel care face bani. Moia i satul Paraipani au fost stpnite de Aga-HakiAhmed, care avea case frumoase la ciflicul su, dela silitea cea veche a satului
Paraipani48;
Ruii lui Asan, comun rural, compus din ctunele Ruii lui Asan, Satu
Nou i mahalaua Cuneti, la o deprtare de 56 kilometri de Giurgiu i 40 de
Bucureti49. Denumirea localitii provine de la numele proprietarului de pn n
1821, Asan Ruciuc-Oglu, care a fost pa n Rusciuc;
Ramadan, fost ostrov al Dunrii, n prezent parte a oraului Giurgiu, unde
este amplasat portul oraului. Denumirea provine de la ramazan nume propriu
(rar) sau luna de post la musulmani (luna a noua din calendarul musulman)50;
Serivanului, vale situat lng localitatea Izvoru (Cacalei), a crui
denumire provine de la cuvntul turcesc serven aventur;
Selima, fost ciftlic turcesc, situat n 1829 lng Giurgiu. n imediata sa
apropiere era groapa hogei care nc se mai vede i azi n raionul viilor Giurgiului.
Acolo era i zalhanaua de tiat vite. Pe locul unde era satul turcesc trece acum
oseaua Giurgiu-Ghizdaru i nu se vede dect un pu vechi, ce i se zice La
Cocoul51;
abanu, vale situat lng localitatea Izvoru (Cacalei), a crui denumire
provine fie de la numele propriu aban (spre exemplu, ntr-un document din anul
1723, ntr-un contract de vnzare-cumprare este amintit numele de aban, purtat
de un igan din Vraa52), fie de la substantivul saban plug, fie de la denumirea
unei luni religioase (luna a opta a calendarului musulman 53);
46

Documente turceti privind istoria Romniei, I (1455-1774), ntocmit de Mustafa A.


Mehmed, Editura Academiei, Bucureti, 1976, p. 335.
47
Ibidem.
48
Ibidem, p. 86.
49
P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 249.
50
Mihai Maxim, Culegere de texte otomane, p. 170.
51
P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 253.
52
Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, p. 51.
53
Mihai Maxim, Culegere de texte otomane, p. 172.

226

iadrvan, de la adrvan fntn sau fntn artezian, perimetru situat


n oraul Giurgiu, unde exista un pu de piatr acoperit cu un opron rotund de
lemn, n jurul cruia, pn la 1856 se vindea pine. Era situat n Giurgiu, la
rspntia stradelor Oinac, Adormirea, Olarii i Boiangii54;
Tangru, sat n fostul jude Vlaca, aflat la circa 25 kilometri de Giurgiu,
n comuna Stoeneti, al crui nume provine, dup unii autori55, de la proprietarul
su turc, din Giurgiu, Tongar-Oglu. De menionat este i faptul c o moie de lng
Tangru a fost n proprietatea unui alt negustor turc tot din Giurgiu. Numele
localitii poate proveni i de la substantivul tangrt zdrngnit, zngnit,
zgomot metalic, probabil de la existena unei fierrii din sat;
Tongaru, ciftlic turcesc, denumirea sa provenind cel mai probabil tot de la
un nume propriu. Era situat ntre localitile Ghizdaru i Prjolea (ultimul disprut)
din imediata vecintate a Giurgiului;
Trestenic, sat n fostul jude Vlaca, care are denumirea actual
Rzmireti, jud. Teleorman. Numele provine de la proprietarul su turc din
Giurgiu, Trestini-Oglu56. n judeul Tulcea exist un ru i o localitate cu acelai
nume (n comuna Nalbant);
Tosunu, lac situat lng satul Paraipani, comuna Vedea (fost Arsache), la
o distana de circa 20 kilometri de Giurgiu, numele acestuia provenind fie de la
numele propriu Tosun (spre exemplu, ntr-un document din 1827 este amintit un
Tosun-Aga din Rusciuc care luase n arend o balt din regiunea Giurgiului57), fie
de la cuvntul turcesc tosun juncan, bou tnr;
Veriga, fost bra al Dunrii, a crui denumire provine de la cuvntul
turcesc veriga lan.
De menionat este i faptul c alturi de toponimele amintite, n fostul jude
Vlaca au mai existat i altele, care chiar dac nu de origine ttar sau turc, relev
o legtur direct ntre acetia i arealul vlscean: Branitea beiului (lng satul
Branitea), Crngul turcului (lng actuala comun Drganeti-Vlaca, jud.
Teleorman), Mgura turcului (lng Gujani), Hanul Stlpii turceti (lng
Toporu, jud. Teleorman), Groapa Hogei (n Giurgiu), valea Mazrului, valea
Ozunului (n imediata vecintate a comunei Stneti), Ciubucului etc.
Estompate n timp sau chiar disprute odat cu ndeprtarea treptat a
otomanilor de la Dunre, influenele turco-ttare, turanice n general, asupra limbii
romne s-au pstrat, prin intermediul toponimiei relevndu-i contribuia n
evoluia istoric a poporului romn.

54

P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 254.


Ion Boldescu, op. cit., p. 85.
56
Ibidem.
57
Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, p. 473.
55

227

228

Turk-Tatar Local Toponomy in Vlashca County


GABRIEL-FELICIAN CROITORU
Names of the settlements of a region can be studied from different points of
view, how they were created is also important for geographers, historians,
ethnologists and linguists.
Because of direct links between toponymy and geography, the first
Romanian researches1 were initiated by geographers, from the Romanian
Geographical Society, founded in 1875, which since 1882 has decided to collect
and publish the whole treasure of Romania, first as a Geographic dictionary of the
county (32 total including Vlashca County too, signed by engineer P.S. AntonescuRemusi), and then resulted The Great Romanian Geographical Dictionary,
published in five volumes in Bucharest between 1892-19022.
Starting from the idea that the study of toponymy should contribute to the
history of human settlements or of a territory, we chose to talk about the major
toponymy, actually to explain from history view point the name of some countries
from Giurgiu county, which corresponds largely by the former Vlashca county.
Tackling the toponymy of former Vlashca county, as language of the
territory, was very little in the attention of researchers; such observations are
directly related to historical and especially geographical documents. In this context,
Turkish-Tatar toponymic elements, Turan in general and beyond may be
important historical sources; especially some of these compensate the lack or gaps
of other sources.
Vlashca County, which name is of Slavic origin in a broad sense means
Country of Walachia, situated in the plains of Walachia, had already defined
separately as a specifically Romanian formation during the rising of our nation,
which has in a large part the same historical evolution as Walachias counties.
The preponderance of the Romanian element made the Slavs to give the
region a name that testify clearly, the ethnicity of residents, but Vlashca, as all as

The Institute of Turkology and Central Asian Studies, Babes-Bolyai University of


Cluj-Napoca.
1
Since 1872, Frunzescu D., a statistician, published Dicionarul topografic i statistic al
Romniei [Topographic and Statistic Dictionary of Romania], smaller in size as compared to later
work that will be dedicated to the Romanian toponymy.
2
Iorgu Iordan, Toponimia romneasc [Romanian Toponymy], Editura Academiei R.P.R.,
Bucureti, 1963, p. 2.

229

the Carpathian-Danube region, has undergone continuous pressure exerted by the


race Turanian populations.
Special importance of the Vlashca area for the rulers of the territory from the
North of Danube, including the rulers of the Walachia Country, was once so its
economic value (includes large agricultural areas with fertile soil, oak forests and
was crossed by important trade routes, which were a connection between the north
of the Danube and the Balkans) and strategic, too (the existence of good fords
crossing the Danube).
Pechenegs presence and domination in the Danube Delta, and especially the
eastern part of the current territory of Romania is known between the late eighth
century and the mid-eleventh century, and their strength is given from attempts to
penetrate south of the Danube amid the general crisis of Byzantine power. The
battle of Lebunion (29 April 1091), where the Byzantines were the winners,
however, did not mean the total and final destruction of Pechenegs, as some
sources mention, but strong demographic potential damage and especially the
military one. 1091 was the onset of irreversible Pechenegs power at the Danube,
but without eliminating them from the political scene and especially ethnic of
southeastern Europe3.
After a short period of Oguz (Uzi) presence much of the Romanian territory of
nowadays entered for almost two centuries under the domination Cummins (Cumans),
people of Turanian race, who were directly related to Pechenegs and Oguz.
Cumans presence in Carpathian-Danube territory and their major influence
on the population tested here is more consistent than other populations of the same
origin, one of the major arguments for this being the name given Cumana or Terra
Cumanorum to the Carpathians region in some documents of the time4.
This meant that despite its name clearly underlining the predominance of the
Romanian in the former Vlashca county, too dominated by plain of Burnaz (the
name comes from the Turan word burnu with meaning nose or spit) and the
Danube, there are various place names showing the existence or prolonged
presence of Turan people5 or who were directly influenced by them, during the
time and in different forms. Just remember about Uzunu (from the Cuman word,
which was taken by Turkish people like uzun means a person name or long),
Comana Comeanca and Comasca, these are found in inhabited areas and
dissemination of Cumans too, up from Oltenia to southern Moldova.
3
Vasile Mrcule, Confruntarea bizantino-cumano-peceneg de la Lebunion (29 aprilie
1091) sfritul supremaiei militare a pecenegilor n sud-estul Europei [Byzantine-CumanPechenegs battle from Lebunion (29 April 1091) - the end of Pechenegs military rule in southeastern
Europe], in Buletinul Muzeului Militar Naional <Regele Ferdinand I>, serie nou, nr. 7-8/2010,
Editura Alpha MDN, Bucureti 2010, p. 26.
4
Tasin Gemil, Peste un mileniu de existen a populaiei turco-ttare pe teritoriul Romniei,
n Motenirea istoric a ttarilor [More than a thousand years of existence of the Turkish-Tatar
population in Romania, into Historical heritage of the Tatars], I, coordinated by Tasin Gemil and
Nagy Pienaru, Bucureti, 2010, p. 11.
5
Constantin C. Giurescu, Istoria romnilor, I, Din cele mai vechi timpuri pn la moartea lui
Alexandru cel Bun (1432), [Romanian history, I, From ancient times to the death of Alexander the
Good (1432)], edited by Dinu C. Giurescu, Editura All, Bucureti, 2007, p. 248.

230

On the other hand, even if the theory is generally accepted, given the large
number of toponyms in the area similarly recalled (Lower Comana, Upper Comana,
Comanca, Comanca Plain, Old Coman, Comanita, Comneanul, Comneasa,
Comneasca, Comanesti Cumneti, Peceneagul, Peceneaga, Picineagul, Uz, Ozunu,
Uzunu, etc.), at least in the two Vlascen places (Coman and Uzunu), was established or
confirmed by Archeology the existence of some Cuman settlements, yet.
We can appreciate that between the IXth-XIIIth centuries, the domination of
Pechenegs, uzilor and Cumans at Carpatho-Danubian territory was an important
political, military, economic and cultural way which had influenced the regional
historical processes, including the ethno genesis processes6.
Mongolian-Tatar invasion of 1236-1241 struck Cumans power from the
Danube, while favoring the rising of the Romanian states, and after their political
independence and until the Turks presence at the Danube; they were forced to
resist to Hungarian expansion claims on the Carpathian territory.
With the Ottoman conquest of the Balkan countries, between the late
fourteenth century and the middle of the sixteenth century, Romanian Country
(Walachia) and Moldova Land were one of the objectives of expansion of the
Empire, the Danube line has a very important strategic role. On this way, besides
the constant incursions of the acngii people robbery, periodically were organized
large military expeditions under the direct leadership of the sultans, which caused
tension in the political and military relations between the Romanians and Ottomans
for a long period of time, culminating with the recognition of the sultans
protective suzerainty7.
After the sultan campaign led by Sultan Mehmed I, in 1417, or, more likely, in
14198, Giurgiu fortress came under Ottoman rule, but not the city, which continued to
be under the authority of Walachias prince9 until the late of the XVth century.
Towards the end of the XVth century, fortress, town and surrounding land were
converted into Kaza - Directors Ottoman territory which was administered by a cadiu,
where inhabitants irrespective of religion, ethnicity and social status, were submitted to
Turkish law10. A bridgehead was established north of the Danube, situated near the
capital, were created optimal conditions for the Empire to interfere with Romania
Country (Walachia) problems whenever it was considered necessary11.
6

Tasin Gemil, op. cit., p. 10.


Tahsin Gemil, Romnii i otomanii n secolele XIV-XVI, [Romanians and Ottomans in 14th16th Centuries], Editura Academiei Romne, Bucureti, 1990, p. 26.
8
Mihai Maxim, rile Romne i nalta Poart. Cadrul juridic al relaiilor romno-otomane
n Evul Mediu, [Romanian Principalities and the Ottoman Gate. Legal framework of the RomanianTurkish relations in the Middle Ages], Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1993, p. 224.
9
For example, a document of 30 January 1431, Prince Dan the Second, reinforced some trade
privileges of the traders from Brasov, providing for duty in Giurgiu to be 3 thalers for 100 thalers per
merchandise (Ion Ionacu, Petre Brbulescu, Gheorghe Gheorghe, Tratatele internaionale ale
Romniei, I (1354-1920), [Romanias international treaties, I (1354-1920)], Editura Politic,
Bucureti, 1975, p. 20).
10
Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, [Catalogue of Turkish documents], ntocmit de Mihail
Guboglu, Direcia General a Arhivelor Statului din Republica Popular Romn, Bucureti, 1960, p. 610.
11
Mihail M. Andreescu, Civilizaia romneasc medieval. ara Romneasc n secolele
XIV-XVIII, [Romanian medieval civilization. Walachia during XIV-XVIII centuries], Editura Mega,
Cluj-Napoca, 2008, p. 33.
7

231

This is one of the reasons why, from the XVth-XVIth centuries, Giurgiu is
often remembered by Ottoman historians. It is important to note however, that in
terms of historical Ottoman own perception emerges, emanating from the ruling
political and military circles that Giurgiu, the fortress12, was founded by Sultan
Mehmed I and therefore there were natural rights against the fortress and the city,
even if they were on the territory of the Romanian Country 13.
Because the direct rule of Giurgiu and its surrounding agricultural area and
by establishing of a strong administration, during several centuries, the Ottomans
led multiple influences on both the City and County of Vlashca areas.
One of them still, visible today, is seen in toponymy of Vlashca County,
there are localities (regions) with names (or former names) coming from the words
used by Cumans ,Turks and Tatars language, which overlapped the influences
caused by the Pechenegs, uzi and, especially, Cumans presence.
Many of these localities (regions) are located, geographically speaking, on
southern Vlashca County, along the Danube or close to Kazal Giurgiu, even if the
former Ottoman administrative units in areas where the Ottomans continued to
have direct control until the nineteenth century.
The situation remained unchanged until 1829, when, the Russian-Turkish
war which finished by a peace treaty signed at Adrianople, the former Ottoman
possessions Braila, Giurgiu and Turnu, along with 30 islands of the river, have
been effectively and permanently incorporated to the Romanian Country14.
Under the Treaty, Ottoman Empire admitted not to keep any fortified point
on the left coast and dont permitted any settlement of his Muslim subjects, so that
no Muslim should not be able to take home in Walachia and Muslims who hold
real estate acquired not by usurping the rights of individuals, be returned to cities,
or in any other place on the left bank of the Danube, will be forced to sell the
natives in a spell of 18 months15.
This has caused a massive migration of Muslim inhabitants of the city,
mostly Turkish people, were forced to sell their properties16. In a letter dated
12 November 1829, from Ahmed Pasha, Vali (valiu)17 of Silistra and muhafz18 of
12
Archeological excavation around the city, started in 1955 and continued during 1975-1976,
revealed the existence of a fortress dating from VI-XIIth centuries, on the islet of Sf. Gheorghe
(extinct because of the systematic work of the Danube), probably Byzantine or belonging to the early
rulers of Walachia. Mircea the Old raised on its ruins a stone fortress in XIV-XV centuries, restored
later by Mehmed the First (Dan Cpn, Cetatea de la Giurgiu, judeul Giurgiu, [The fortress from
Giurgiu; Giurgiu county], in Revista Muzeului Militar Naional, supliment I - 1996, p. 19-20 i IV 1998, p. 37-44).
13
Gabriel-Felician Croitoru, Giurgiu vzut de alii, [Giurgiu seen by others], Editura Muzeului
Marinei Romne, Constana, 2009, p. 24.
14
Politica extern a Romniei. Dicionar cronologic, [Foreign policy of Romania.
Chronological Dictionary], coordonatori Ion Calafeteanu i Cristian Popiteanu, Editura tiinific i
Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1986, p. 101.
15
Ion Ionacu, P. Brbulescu, Gr. Gheorghe, Relaiile internaionale ale Romniei n
documente (1368-1900), [The international relationship of Romania in documents (1368-1900)],
Editura Politic, Bucureti, 1971, p. 285-286.
16
Scarlat Stncescu, Din trecutul oraului Giurgiu, [From the past of Giurgiu Town], Institutul
modern de arte grafice Unirea, Bucureti, 1935, p. 85.
17
General Governor of a province.
18
Commander of a fortress or a governor of a fortified city.

232

Rusciuc to General Paul Kisseleff, indicated that on 11 November evacuation and


surrender of Giurgiu fortress to Russian forces was ended, and Muslim population
had started to transport across the Danube, to Rusciuc19.
Immediately after Turkish people leaving, Giurgiu have houses between 500
and 600 (average about 1800 inhabitants), the population decreased in 1831, about
700 inhabitants. After only six years, establishing into the city of a large number of
south of the Danube people (Serbs, especially Bulgarians), the population of
Giurgiu grew to 2.300 inhabitants, and there were 16,106 inhabitants in 1910. Only
20 of these were Turkish families, totaling 60 people and no Tatar (note that there
were 96 Muslims in the city, of which 60 Turkish and 36 Persian)20.
Symptomatic of the complex influence that Turanian populations (not just
the Ottomans) - and we mean only those Kaza of Giurgiu - have exercised in the
Vlashca area is that many human settlements have, or have had names that
expressed a wide range of concerns and situations, from proper names, names that
describe the shape or appearance of some places, reports attesting ownership or
appointed various institutions and social measures, which showed occupation of
the inhabitants of name or other economic concerns, workers name and titles, etc:
Assan-Aga, a hamlet, its name comes from Assan (Hassan) and the Turkish
word aga - Ottoman army officer or, in this case means landowner. By 1829, this
hamlet and Toporu estate, in the nearest neighborhood, belonged to a Turkish named
Aga-Assan, who lived in Giurgiu and had the pub in Prunariului Street21. Today, the
city called Bujoreni being subordinated, in 1981, to Teleorman County;
Ali-Bey, ciftlic of Kaza Giurgiu , which was located near the Slobozia
village, about 3 km from Giurgiu, on the bank of Cama between Malu and the Gutu
forest, whose name comes from the Turkish name Ali and the noun bey which
means ruler, officer, or as respectful term of address;
Alis-Aga, and Abdul-Asan, Turkish small villages (ciftlic) from Kaza
Giurgiu, placed between the villages Oinacu and Fratesti, come from proper names.
Today, both are gone;
Babaita, which was part of the village Glavacioc in 1890, at about 50 km
from Giurgiu. The name comes probably from Tatar or Cuman language from
babay father, parent. Currently, the area is part of Teleorman County;
Baracu, a valley which is in the property Visina, comes through the
Stanca Ford, Corbii Mari and arrived to Neajlov22 located in the north of Vlashca
County, which can have the name of Turkish origin, word barak that means shaggy
or unkempt;
Bazalan, ciftlic of kaza Giurgiu, located near the town Vieru. The name
could come from the Turkish word bozuk, bozulan bad, broken, or probably,
from a corrupt form of the noun bazergan - merchant. Bozalan is the name of seven
localities in Turkey and one in Iraq;
19

Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, [Catalogue of Turkish documents], p. 521.


Ion Boldescu, Monografia oraului Giurgiu, [Monograph of Giurgiu Town], Institutul
Grafic Ulpiu Stnculescu, Giurgiu, 1912, p. 210.
21
P. S. Antonescu-Remui, Dicionar geografic al judeului Vlaca, [Geographical Dictionary
of Vlashca County], Stabilimentul Grafic I. V. Socecu, Bucureti, 1890, p. 20.
22
Ibidem, p. 32.
20

233

Beiu, a hamlet near Chiriacu Lake, near Giurgiu, whose name lend dignity
from the Turkish owner of Giurgiu or south of the Danube (Bey-title awarded to the
Ottoman senior officials sons as a prince during Middle Ages23);
Branistea, a village situated about 8 km away from Giurgiu, which was a
Turkish ciftlic owned by a Turkish Bey, who had here, in addition to its earth and
cattle and a beautiful vineyard, then he planted there the acorn and a beautiful oak
forest of 200 Romanian acres, who bore the name of Branistea Bey. The village
formed around 1800, he took the name of the forest, but only after 1829 remained
Branistea name (from the Slavic word forest braniste green place, pastures);
Cantimiru, a hamlet near the Blnoaia village, whose name comes from
its name Cantemir, from can the heart (Tatar) and timir, demir iron, candemir
iron heart;
Caradjec, small island on the Danube, in the village Branistea24,
Turkish name derived from the words kara black or Karachay the one who
goes black. Most likely is a diminutive that can translate darkly or black. The
name may derive from the noun karaaa elm, the idea of having a nearby elm
forests (Ulmu or Ulmeni, Romanian names);
Caragioaica a book on the Paraipani property, flows into Grla-Mare,
belongs to Arsache village25 (today, Vedea, Giurgiu County), has a direct
connection with Caradjec;
Carapancea, a hamlet, which depends from Prunaru village, Clnitea
place26. The name of the place derived from the Turkish kara black, pana
palm or pence - claw, kara pana black palm or Kara pence black claw. Osman
Aga from Giurgiu was the owner of Carapancea until 1829, who owned the
Osman-Aga forest near the Prunaru village27. Today, Carapancea village, located
about 30 kilometers from Giurgiu municipality is subject to Rsuceni municipality;
Cama, an arm of the Danube, situated in the South-West of the Giurgiu
city, where the rivers Vedea and Teleorman. By systematic work done on the
Danube, Cama arm was parallel to the river, passing by villages Bujoru, Pietroani,
Gujani, Vedea, Malu and Slobozia, united with the Danube on St. George island ,
where until 1830 there was Giurgiu fortress. The name comes probably from Cami
gathering place (the pious Muslims), mosque28, since the old place of
confluence of the Danube Cama arm was located in close proximity to the largest
mosque in the Giurgiu city;
Cadm-Gena, was a Turkish ciftlic, located on the current area of Giurgiu,
where there was a vineyard of a rich Turkish located in the vineyard of Giurgiu.
The name comes from the Turkish Cadm-Geanm sayings, that soul odalisque;
23
Mihai Maxim, Culegere de texte otomane, fasc. I. Izvoare documentare i juridice (sec. XVXX), [Collection of Ottoman texts, fascia I. Sources and legal documentation (XV-XX)],
Universitatea Bucureti, p. 162.
24
P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 50.
25
Ibidem.
26
Ibidem, p. 55.
27
Ion Boldescu, op. cit., p. 85.
28
Mihai Maxim, Collection of Ottoman Texts, [Collection of Ottoman Texts], p. 162.

234

Clbotinu, island, with 340 hectares of willow forest, located in Giurgiu,


in the village of Malu de Jos29. The name may came from the Turkish word kil
hair, tow and botin shoes, boots;
Ceadrgiu, Oinacu old name of the village or a hamlet nearby, located
about 7 km from Giurgiu and populated by Turkish people. The name of the
village, which was part of the hinterland Kazal Giurgiu shows old occupation of
the inhabitants, from the Turkish words adr tent, adrc who makes tents.
Also, it appears that during the Ottoman administration of Giurgiu, there was also
the headquarters of a Turkish official who gathered the tribute named shepherd30
and proof that the majority population was composed of Turks is a large number of
Romanian names, people who lived there and who had Turkish names: John Omer
Tudor, Ion Asan, Asan Voicu, Dumitru Asan, etc. at the beginning of XXth
century31, etc;
Oinac (see Ceadrgiu or Oinak too), formed in the period 1812-1830, is
also the name of Turkish origin, from oynak meaning either a person of confidence,
undecided, or unstable, slippery (because of the water), that latter may be related to
the immediate vicinity of the Danube to the city, just 2 kilometers, or a stream.
Note is that the local tradition states that the village was Romanian, its current
name comes from the name of a shepherd, John Oinacu, who had a fold of cattle on
the place where the heart of the village is today, the theory seems valid, as long as
a document dated October 26, 1822 contained the name of several people: Panciu,
Radus son, Mathew, Mirceas son, John, Marins son, Constantine, Ianachis son,
Neacsul Radu Sava, Stoian or Marin32;
Ciagul, pasture area located near the village Hulubesti (Stramba), today is in
Calugareni commune. The name may comes from the Turkish word ak - dagger;
Ceair common of Giurgiu in 1829, the place that today is St.
Haralambos church and cemetery. The name comes from ayr - meadow, pasture,
field grazing horses;
Ciflicu, the old name of hamlet Buhaiu on the surface of commune
Ghimpati disappeared today. The name comes from the old Turkish word ciftlic
stretch of land that could be the country with a pair (cift) of cattle, land, villas,
farm, meaning making, and then the hamlet. Size of ciftlic varies between 60 and
150 dnm33. Although the settlement does not exist today, in the area there is the
Ciflicul Forest, which in 1890 was state property, with an area of 249 hectares34;
Dandara, a hamlet, which took the name of its owner, the spahiu
Dandara, who had owned estates and hamlets Dandara and Comoara from Vlashca
County and a ciftlic in kaza Giurgiu35;
29

P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 65.


Ion Boldescu, op. cit., p. 81.
31
Ibidem, p. 82.
32
Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, [Catalogue of Turkish documents], p. 296.
33
Unit area which had sides about 40 arini (1.600 square arsini represented 919.3024 m).
34
P. S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 70.
35
Ion Boldescu, op. cit., p. 86.
30

235

Darvas, hillock situated near the hamlet Assan Aga, which name could
come from the Turkish noun dervish a monk, but in the meaning of simple man,
modest;
Dudu, ciftlic located near the village Vieru, which name could comes
from the Turkish word dudu elderly Armenian lady or woman;
- Enichiom, willow woodland in the village Gostinu, on the Danube bank.
The name comes from the adjective yeni new and noun koy village eniky
new village. Similarly, in Southern Moldova Republique, Cantemir district, there is
Enichioi village, a Romanian village but that was built over Tatar hearth housing;
Garga-Adassi, naming former of island Cioroiu near Giurgiu. Here there
was a Turkish village with the same name, badly damaged during fighting between
the Russians and Turks in 1854 and then disappeared;
Ghizdaru, hamlet placed in Stneti village, whose name comes from
ghizd well, because there are beautiful fountains and springs, with wonderful and
abounded water so that it feeds the whole village36;
Hagieti, hamlet located near the town Glavacioc. From haci Turkish noun
- a person who was on pilgrimage, (the Muslims) palmer37, but the term refers to
the pilgrims of all religions (for example: a pilgrim to Mecca, Jerusalem, Athos,
etc) the names of localities derivatives (Hagieni, Hagieti) are very numerous in
areas of Ottoman influence (Constanta County, Ialomita, Ilfov, etc);
Gostinu-Hagiu, hamlet, located 26 km from Giurgiu on the Danube, at the
kaza border with Walachia. It is noted that the village was owned by Hadji Anghel,
from has its name38. Today is included within Gostinu village, Giurgiu County;
Pit Hogei, perimeter of the old city of Giurgiu, as a depression in the
vineyards of Giurgiu, so called from its Turkish owner who was master before 182139,
when the Turkish lost Giurgiu. Next to this pit, before 1831 was a Turkish ceflic (small
village) is called Selim, and next to the hole was a cattle abattoir cutting40;
The name of Turkish villages (ciftlic) from Giurgiu Kazal come from
proper names from the hagi status of some persons: Hagi-Sal, Ballag Hagi
(located between Blanu and Blnoaia), Hagi-Nazar, Hagi-Mulis (Hagi-Muti)
(situated between Malu and Paraipani) and Hagi-Iancub (north of the village
Remus). Today they are gone;
Gurban (today Vlad Tepes), a hamlet in Comana commune, which could
have changed its name from a form of the name Kurban - slaughtered animal;
Ibraim-Beyi, a Turkish village (ciftlic) which name comes from Ibraim,
located near Gutu forest between villages Parjolea and Vaideei former (abandoned
by residents after 1830, which were established in the Stanesti village41);
36

P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 161.


Mihai Maxim, Culegere de texte otomane, [Collection of Ottoman texts], p. 165.
38
Ibidem, p. 175.
39
This is an authors error, Giurgiu came back to Walachia after the Adrianople Treaty,
signed on 2/14 September 1829.
40
Ibidem, p. 181.
41
Ion Boldescu, op. cit., p. 83.
37

236

Mirau, a hamlet from Tangaru, in Stoenesti common, whose name comes


from mera pasture, grazing, common. Has a local correspondent named Mereni
of Constanta County, Teleorman, Dambovita or Moldova Republique;
Mahru, marsh located in the Danube riverbed, in Slobozia village. Its name
may derive from the old Turkish word mahir skillful, clever, and dexterous;
Manafu (or aliu), a hamlet which belong to Tangaru village in Stoeneti
commune. and a forest near the hamlet, the name derived from the Turkish noun
manav, manaf greengrocer, fruit and vegetable merchant. Under that name
known crjalii manafi too, who were under the command of a rebel Ibrahim
Manav, who carried out robbery campaigns in Romania County42;
Mustafita, an ex-Turkish village (ciftlic) located in the vicinity of Giurgiu,
disappeared after 1829. Its name comes from Mustafa name (but a womans name).
At the end of nineteenth century, the former settlement was a well, it is called
Mustafita pit in Giurgiu district vineyards, Slobozia. Today, there are a lot of
families in Giurgiu which have the name Mustficeanu, and that name comes from
the village where their parents live43;
Naipu, village in Ghimpati, which name comes either from a Turkish noun
Naip- regent, either from naib deputy Cadi judge. In the Ottoman administrative
unit Cadi and Naip were considered the governors eyes and hands44;
Nazru former hamlet situated close to the Blnoaia village (about 8 km
from Giurgiu), which name derives from the noun nazir a very important official
person, minister (nezret ministry), or, most likely, in the sense of who
supervises the city commander or inspector45. The settlement was populated mostly
by Turks and a small number of Bulgarians who moved to the south of the Danube
after 1829, after that the city disappear46;
Ozunului, valley close to the village Stneti and Uzun (Uzunu), common
in southern Vlashca former county, about 27 km from Giurgiu, have names that
come from the Cuman word uzun long;
Omer or Omerica, a ciftlic (small village) comes from a Turkish name
mer, was located between the existing settlements Blanu and Blboaia and
known by the existence of vineyards. Today is gone.
Paraipani (Paraipanu), the ancient name of the village Vedea (Arsache),
the Danube River, which was part of Giurgiu Kaza. May have its name of Turkish
origin, from the words para money and yapan who do para yapan who
make money. Paraipan estate and the village was controlled by the Aga-khakiAhmed, which had beautiful houses in his cilif, from the old village Paraipan47;
42
Catalogul documentelor turceti, II (1455-1828), [Catalogue of Turkish documents, II
(1445-1828)], ntocmit de Mihail Guboglu, Direcia General a Arhivelor Statului din Republica
Socialist Romnia, Bucureti, 1965, p. 574.
43
P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 210.
44
Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, [Catalogue of Turkish documents], p. 609.
45
Documente turceti privind istoria Romniei, I (1455-1774), [Turkish documents about
Romanias history, I (1455-1774)], ntocmit de Mustafa A. Mehmed, Editura Academiei, Bucureti,
1976, p. 335.
46
Ibidem.
47
Ibidem, p. 86.

237

Rusii lui Aslan (Aslans Russians), rural commune, composed of Rusii


lui Asan, Satu Nou and Cuneti neighborhood, at a distance of 56 kilometers from
Giurgiu and 40 kilometers from Bucharest48. Its name comes from the name of the
owner until 1821 Asan Rusciuc-Oglu, who was Pasha of Rusciuc;
Ramadan, the former island of the Danube, now part of Giurgiu town,
where is located the city's port. The name comes from ramazan proper name
(rare) or the Muslim fasting month (the ninth month of Muslim calendar)49;
Serivanului, valley located near Izvoru (Cacalei) city, which name comes
from the word Turkish serven - adventure;
Selima, Turkish ciftlic (small village) located in 1829 near Giurgiu.Nearby
was moolah pit which was still seen in the vineyards district of Giurgiu, today.
There was also the cutting cattle zalaha. In the area of the Turkish village today is
Giurgiu-Ghizdaru road and we can see an old well, what was called to Rooster50;
abanu, a valley located near Izvoru (Cacalei) city, which name comes
either from Saban proper name (for example, in a document dated 1723, in a
contract of sale is mentioned Saban name, who was a gypsy from Vratsa51), or the
saban name plough or the name of a religious month (the eighth month of the
Muslim calendar52);
iadrvan comes from adrvan well or fountain, perimeter located in
Giurgiu, where there was a pit of stone covered with a round wooden shed and
there was selling bread until 1856. Giurgiu was located at the crossroads Oinac,
Adormirea, Olarii (Potters) and Boiangii (Dyers) streets53;
Tangru, a village in the former county Vlasca, located about 25 km from
Giurgiu in Stoeneti commune, which name derives, according to some authors54,
from its Turkish owner from Giurgiu, Tongar-Oglu. Note that an estate near
Tangru was owned by another Turkish businessman from Giurgiu. The name of
the village comes from the noun tangrt - jingle, clatter, noise metal, probably
from the existence of forges in the village;
Tongaru, Turkish ciflic (small village), its name comes from a proper
name. It was located between the villages Ghizdaru and Parjolea (last disappeared)
nearby Giurgiu;
Trestenic, a village in the former county Vlashca, which is named
Rzmireti, Teleorman County. The name comes from its Turkish owner from
Giurgiu, Oglu-Trestini55. In Tulcea county there is a river and a village of the same
name (into Nalbant commune);
Tosunu, a lake located near Paraipani village, Vedea commune (formerly
Arsache) at a distance of about 20 km from Giurgiu, its name comes either from
48

P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 249.


Mihai Maxim, Culegere de texte otomane, [Collection of Ottoman text], p.170.
50
P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 253.
51
Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, [Catalogue of Turkish documents], p. 51.
52
Mihai Maxim, Culegere de texte otomane, [Collection of Ottoman text], p. 172 .
53
P.S. Antonescu-Remui, op. cit., p. 254.
54
Ion Boldescu, op. cit., p. 85.
55
Ibidem.
49

238

Tosun proper name (for example, in a document from 1827 is mentioned TosunRusciuc Aga from Rusciuc who had rented a pool in Giurgiu region56), or from the
Turkish word tosun steer, young bull;
Veriga, a former arm of the Danube, which name comes from the Turkish
word veriga chain.
It is noted that with the toponyms mentioned in the former County Vlashca,
there were others too, tough not the Tatar or Turkish origin, show a direct link
between them and the Vlashca area: Branistea bey (near village Branistea),
Crangul Turcului (near present-Vlashca Drgneti commune, Teleorman
County), Magura Turcului (near Gujani), Hanul Stalpii Turcesti (Turkish
Pillars Inn-near Toporu, Teleorman County), Groapa Hogei (Hoges pit-Giurgiu),
Valea Mazarului (Mazarus valley), Valea Ozunului ( Ozuns Valle-close to
Stneti village), Ciubucului.
Faded over time or even disappeared after the Ottoman gradual removal of
the Danube, the Turkish-Tatar influence, generally turanic, on Romanian language
has been preserved through toponymy and assisted in revealing the historical
evolution of the Romanian people.

56

Catalogul documentelor turceti, I, [Catalogue of Turkish documents], p. 473.

239

240

DIASPOR I EMIGRARE
DEPORTRI I COLONIZRI
DIASPORA AND EMIGRATION
DEPORTATIONS AND COLONIZATIONS

241

242

Crimean Tatar Emigration in the End of the 19th


Beginning of the 20th Centuries:
Causes, Character and Scope
ELDAR SEYDAMETOV
In accordance with the manifest signed on April, 8, 1783, Crimea became a
part of the Russian empire, and the Crimean khanate lost its independence. This
event marked the beginning of the tragic page in history of Crimean Tatar people.
The state of affairs resulted in the number of such consequences as liquidation of
the Crimean Tatar statehood, elimination of political institutes and army, abolition
of financial system, limitation of religious and local organs of self-government. An
enormous damage was inflicted on cultural and spiritual life of people. Mass and
forced emigration of the Crimean Tatar people became one of the most serious
consequences of the annexation of 1783; it was caused by the colonialist policy of
a new government that aimed to force out of Crimea its native population and
settling of peninsula by colonists from the internal provinces of the Russian empire
and other states.
Dispossession of land and enslaving of the Crimean Tatar population,
robbery and tyranny from the side of squires and governmental officials, robberies
of Cossack military subdivisions, unequal rights compared to the colonists arriving
to Crimea, repressions of authorities and exiles that strongly increased during the
Russian-Turkish wars, outrage upon religious views of the faithful Muslims and
other became the major evidence of this policy.
The emigration scope during the Russian period was disastrous. As a result
of mass emigrations of 1783-1800 and 1854-1862 Crimea was abandoned by about
300,000 people (P. Sumarokov, V. Kondaraky) and 192,4 thousand (V.. Kabuzan)
men accordingly. According to some researchers data during 1783-1922 the
Ottoman Empire territory got inhabited by around 1,800,000 emigrants. The
Crimean Tatar Diaspora in the Ottoman Empire area was formed as a result of
Crimean Tatar emigration during 1783-1917 territory of Dobrudzhy (now
Romania and Bulgaria) and Turkey.
The research aims to deal with one of the insufficiently known periods of
Crimean Tatar emigration the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th Century.
Using the archival data of the national archives of the Autonomous Republic of
Crimea as well as the pre-revolutionary and contemporary researchers documents
in the article, an attempt is made to expose and show character, main causes,
emigration scope and periods of the greatest activity of this wave of emigration.
Thus, the information provided will be of great help to get to know the total

243

situation of the emigration movement and, consequently, the essence of the


Crimean Tatar Diaspora.
Before dealing with the mentioned subject matter, it is worth mentioning
that during the period from the end of the 19th beginning of 20th Century, many
researchers distinguish three main emigration waves, the greatest growth of which
occurred in 1874, 1983, 1901-1902 years.
The consequences of mass emigration wave during 1856-62 were still
strongly felt when in the middle of 1870th a new stage of emigration began, and
this time introduction of universal service became a reason. For the rimean Tatars
of military age it meant to serve within the general military units where they could
not perform their religious duties created by Islam (as it was in military Muslim
units before). Soon after the publication of order, on January, 1, 1874 three
hundred people of military age got out from Crimea, by the end of year the number
of emigrants made up five hundred people. Emigration passed mainly illegally,
without passports, on motor ships departing at nights from Yevpatoriya, Sudak,
Sevastopol and Gurzuf1. It was temporally halted in 1875, by the beginning of
Turkish-Russian war in 1877-1778. In 1878 after the defeat of the Ottoman
Empire in war with Russia and the division of Dobrudzhy onto the north part,
which passed to Romania, and the south part, that belonged to Bulgaria, the
emigration of Crimean Tatars and the Turks from Dobrudzhy onto the territory of
the Ottoman Empire in its new borders began. In opinion of . Ulkusala, this
emigration proceeded from 1878 to 1899 and counted about ninety thousand Turks
and Crimean Tatars2.
Difficult economic situation of Crimean Tatars, activation of dispossession
of land, land rental rise, gossips about organization of anti-Muslim league,
universal service became an impetus to emigration in 1893 and 1901-1902. Office
of the Tavryda governor was filled up with issues dealing with various problems
that resulted in the next waves of migration. So, in accordance with the reports of
Yalta district police officer made on April, 2, 1893 and Bakhchysaray chief of city
police dating from March, 3, 1893, the principal reason of migration was military
service, where the Crimean Tatars are forced to practice a Christian faith and eat
pork3. The same problem kept on being urgent during 1901-1902 as well. So
Yevpatoriya district police officer in the report addressed to the Tavryda governor
(May, 1901) highlighted that military service was one of the emigration reason. On
this occasion he wrote, that the Crimean Tatars eagerness to emigrate to Turkey
was caused due to sending of recruits to the regiments situated in Russia, where
they are fed with pork and the deceased get buried like dogs, and their dead bodies
get thrown into pits without religious ceremonies because of absence of
Mohammedan clergy there4.
In accordance with denunciation of Feodosiya district police officer to the
Tavryda governor, in reply to introduction of compulsory military conscription, in
1

V.E. Vozgryn Historical destinies of Crimean Tatars. .: ysl, 1992. P. 353-354.


lksal M. Dobrogea Turc. Ankara, 1966. S. 25.
3
National archives of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, c. 26, l. 2, c. 3407, p. 6, 79.
4
Ibid., l. 3 c. 194, p. 7.
2

244

1893 Tatar murzas headed by Dzhan Arslan Murza Bulgakov a grand petition to
Alexander III was filed, where conscription of young Tatars to different military
units was not in accordance with Islam religion5. In reply to the requests of
Crimean murzas, the Emperor made orders: the Crimean Tatar recruits who were
not required to the Crimean battery, except those who were needed for making up
the complete staff of the battery, appoint them to future time, into the infantry units
of 14 and 34 infantry divisions, located in the Bessarabiya and Ekaterynoslav
provinces, and distribute them onto the companies equally6. Thus, the Tavryda
governor was supposed to explain to the Crimean Tatars, that it is not possible to
organize special military units for them, and Crimean Tatars are needed to be
distributed into the same troops, where all non-Russians of Empire serve the
military service, including Kazan and all other Tatars of the same faith living in the
north-eastern parts of the state; while the Crimean Tatar recruits are given the
privilege of getting distributed in the Novorossiysk Region7.
Such conditions of military service and to a great extent unwillingness of
authorities to satisfy the requirements of people on Crimean Tatar servicemen
position in the Russian army resulted in the fact that the young people of draft age
began to emigrate abroad again. According to some data, in early 90th of the
ninetieth century about thirty thousand Crimean Tatars left Crimea8.
Among the principle reasons provoking emigration of Crimean Tatars onto
the Ottoman Empire, were still the dispossession of land and land rental rise.
Especially this process got activated in the beginning of the twentieth century. In
opinion of V.. Kabuzan, dynamics of land dispossession of the Crimean Tatar
population showed that in the beginning of the twentieth century it possessed about
six thousand of tenth of land (30 per cent all land fund); by 50th of the ninetieth
century the size of these territories got twice decreased, while the population of
Crimean Tatars increased from 137 thousand to 242 thousand people; in the
beginning of the twentieth century Crimean Tatars had 149 thousand of land tithes
only. The number of landless Crimean Tatars in 1860 made up 52 per cent and in
the beginning of the twentieth century it increased to 64 per cent9. District police
officers of Tavryda province in their reports to the Tavryda governor put the
emphasis on the fact that along with the Tatars of draft age, the landless population
emigrates mainly. The land lack, according to Yevpatoriya district police officer,
appears to be a reason which compels to emigrate people who are landless or have
small land units, for whom land is the main source of getting the means And
now favorite activity of Tatars, the sheep breeding, suffers a lack of plowing-free
land and too high fee sheep pasture10. In accordance with the report of Perekop
district police officer landless Tatars, living on squire lands, are burdened by
duties in favor of them, so, for example: the Tatars of Kish-Kara village pay the
5

Ibid., l. 2, c. 3407, p. 57.


Ibid., l. 3407, p. 293.
7
Ibid., p. 271.
8
Multiethnic Crimea/Author N.G. Stepanova. Simferopol: Tavriya, 1988. P.28.
9
V.M. Kabuzan Ind.work. P. 124.
10
National archives of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, C. 26, l. 3, c.194, p. 104-105.
6

245

duke Vorontsov the count Shuvalov 10 roubles per year for a peasant's hut, for the
pasture of cattle from two roubles fifty copecks to three roubles per head of cattle
and from a harvest the third cock of hay and wheat that is always difficult,
especially during the years of bad harvest11. The information of Feodosiya district
police officer suggests that land rental in a district during the last years made up the
half of profit of Tatar population.
We find interesting the report of senior official of the special commissions of
Alexander Bogaevsky to the Tavryda governor dated from 29.10.1901, where on the
basis of the conducted research (population polls, officials) he draws conclusions
concerning the reasons of emigration. Going around the Yevpatoriya district and
questioning its population, he marked that Tatars specified two permanent reasons:
Difficult economic conditions and disagreement with the religious laws of military
service in the Russian regiments12. According to the polls conducted . Bogaevsky
on October, 15, 1901, Ali Abdureshit oglu, the resident of village of Akbash Donuzlav
volost marks that the main reason of emigration of his family is forthcoming military
service of his sons in the Russian regiments. He states: I do not know what expects
me in Turkey, but I do not want my son to break the law of our faith13. Belyal imam
of Dzhemaldin oglu, a resident of Kirgiz-Kazak village (Agayskaya volost), names the
economic reason of emigration of his fellow-villagers, where during emigration six
families of skopschyks left the village, because it became difficult to earn the living.
Further he notes that skopschina14 here two out of ten cocks are given to the squire. In
other villages skopschina is more difficult, besides squires give small land units per
family15.
Apart from the economic and religious reasons of emigration, in a report,
. Bogaevsky notes the another reason of emigration: these are the widespread gossips
saying that there are too many free and fertile lands in Turkey that are given to
emigrants by the Turkish government, the emigrants can take any amount of land they
want and during the first three years they can take it free of charge, and then one tenth
of it to the state treasury, - and besides supplying with live stock irretrievably.
According to his opinion, the letters sent to Tatars by their acquaintances and relatives
from Turkey are the major source of these rumors, the minor source is different
expatriates from Turkey, who propagandized these rumors16.
Further . Bogaevsky notes, that the first source in sense of the main
incentive is more significant than the second, because letters are sent by relatives,
expatriates are alien people, who have a mercenary purpose and their poverty does
not go well with the tempting recitals of economic prosperity of Turkey17. This
11

Ibid., p. 37.
Ibid., p. 42.
13
Ibid., p. 53.
14
Skopschina (southrus.) kind of land rent for some definite harvest part. Skopschiki
landless peasant farmers giving a harvest part for land use.
15
Ibid. p. 56.
16
Some authors (. Tamarin, Dzh. Seydamet, . zenbashly) consider that preparation of
specially trained agents to create emigration atmosphere among Crimean Tatars was done by Tsar
Authorities.
17
National archives of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, c.26, l. 3, c. 194, p. 42
12

246

reason of emigration is mentioned by public servants in all reports and turns out to
be the consequence of reasons above-mentioned, but not vice versa, as the Tavryda
governor Lazarev states about it in a secret meeting to the chiefs of police of the
Tavryda province on October, 30, 1901, where he indicates that the true reasons of
emigration of Tatars were no lack of land and ridiculous rumors about that, as
though a government intends to force them to turn into a Christian faith, and etc.,
but mainly, a hope to get after emigration to Turkey, considerable material
benefits - the vast land unit and financial aid to breed the cattle18. As the saying
goes the best is the enemy of the good. If it were possible to live in your native
motherland, there would be no reasons to give up or sell dirt-cheap the houses,
property and lands, to part with the relatives and emigrate not knowing what future
expects you abroad. Many people, not having the smallest amount of land and
burdened by high taxes and rental for the use of the squire land, have to abandon
native land because of hopeless condition. It is impossible to disagree with the
utterance of Tatars abandoning Crimea, which was retold by the resident of the
village Kirgiz-Kazak by Illarion Kastyuk to A. Bogaevsky: if we had our own
land, we would not depart from here to Turkey, as many people return from there
poorer, than they were here 19.
Rumors about the governments intention of forced Christianization of the
Muslim people of Crimea poured some oil onto the flames, and therefore it set the
row of different measures, as, for example, creation of anti-Muslim mission,
development of Russian-Tatar schools etc.20. One of the sources of such rumors were
the articles published in the Tavryda Eparchial bulletin (1901)21 and Crimean
bulletin (1901, 95)22, where it was told that Tavryda Orthodox Missionary society
aimed to create the anti-Muslim society within the Tavryda Eparchy.
A government hardly controlled the process of emigration, forbidding a mass
result, taking into account the lessons of past years. Foreign passports were very
difficult to get and for a large sum of money, demand on their sale rose. The cost of
passports was different, so among the polled emigrants by . Bogaevsky prices
like forty, seventy-five roubles for a passport are named. The desire to leave the
country and go abroad in search of happier life resulted in that many emigrants sold
dirt-cheap the property till the getting of their passports. This fact began to fluster a
government, which on the threshold of revolution in 1905 was disturbed with the
fact that those who did not manage to abandon Crimea would grow into
proletarians, flooding a region with not desirable, burdening a government and
population element. On the other hand, as well as before, the personal interest of
authorities in further colonization of Crimea is actual. This fact illustrates well the
letter of the Novorossiysk governor to Minister for Finance on June, 24, 1902,
where he states that there are no sufficient grounds to counteract to Crimean
Tatars depart abroad he considers it possible and even useless to retain Tatars
18

Ibid., p. 27.
Ibid., p. 57.
20
Ibid., p. 12-15.
21
Ibid.
22
Ibid., p. 6-9.
19

247

in Russian citizenship and within the Empire borders, at the same time I found it
very desirable the acquisition of the lands left by them to the Russian authority and
taking into account all these facts the Peasant Land Bank would do the Russian
matter a great favor, acquiring Tatar lands at its own expense with their further
resale to Russian peasantsI am convinced, that it will be helpful for further
Crimea colonization23.
Speaking about the emigration of these years, we can not specify the exact
amount of the emigrants during this period. As the emigration mainly passed secretly,
illegally, many departed without the getting of passports. According to the newspaper
reports of that time, the number of emigrating people could reach several hundred
people a day. So, V. Piankov in the article Tatar migration, describing emigration on
September, 30, 1901, states that on a steamship from Odessa through Sevastopol went
abroad about thirty Tatar families including more than one hundred people of both
sexes. And from the villages located at the Bokal bay, about ninety Crimean Tatar
families are going abroad24. In the article published in the Crimean Bulletin on
October, 11, 1901 under the headline Emigration of Tatars to Turkey, it was told
about the emigration of landless Tatars of the Yevpatoriya district, their number was
sixty families25. Eyewitnesses characterized emigrants the following way: Among
them there were a lot of children and women of different age. There were old men with
grey hair. Beggarly outfit of emigrants, lifeless and pale thin faces with their tearstained eyes senselessly wandering and at times intently directed ashore, to dear
Motherland. We do not know how long we will live in Istanbul, and at whose
expense! As you know, we have no means to live on (emigrants responded E.S.). It
was clear from the conversation, that this ecstatic people sold all their property dirt
cheap get departed, drawn by some instinctive force, like flight of birds, but
substantially different from the last one that they do not know where their new
motherland will be26.
The rest of Crimean population could not witness quietly the mass
emigration of their compatriots and took active part in suppression of its reasons.
The publication of the newspaper Russia on December, 2, 1901 ( 936) can be
regarded as an example, there was an article titled Crimean Tatars petition,
where it was reported that Zemskaya government got the application signed by the
Tatar and Russian population about submitting a petition to the government for
cancellation of those reasons that are mainly regarded to be a reason of emigration
Crimean Tatars from Russia to Turkey27.
This time the young generation of Crimean Tatar intelligentsia appears to be
also against its compatriots mass emigration. So, the prominent Crimean Tatar
enlightener I. Gasprinsky in his newspaper Terdzhyman stated that he was
against emigration, he asked the compatriots not to hurry and sell the houses and
property dirt-cheap, not to go abroad until getting to know much information about
23

Ibid., p. 160-161.
V. Pyankov Tatar emigration // Salgyr. 1901. October, 4. 218.
25
Tatar emigration to Turkey // Crimean bulletin. 1901. October, 11. 206.
26
National archives of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, c. 26, l. 3, c. 194, p. 106.
27
Emigration// Terdzhyman, 1901. - 38. (Gasprynsky Library Fund Photocopy).
24

248

the prospective place of living28. Among the authors of Terdzhyman, who were
against emigration of Crimean Tatars we meet the name of S.A. Ozenbashly who
expressed his feelings and disagreement concerning emigration of the people from
the land of ancestors in a poem29.
As a result of elucidative activity of national intelligentsia that contributed to
the spiritual revival of people, growth of its national consciousness, the reactions
onto the emigration of Crimean community, spreading of liberal and revolutionary
opinions in the country and the change of social and political situation in Crimea
on the eve of the revolution of 1905, the wave of emigration begins to calm down.
However, and the following years emigration movement does not stop and keeps
on developing up to the end of the Russian empire.
Characterizing emigration of Crimean Tatars in the end of the ninetieth beginning of the twentieth centuries, we need to put the emphasis on the principal
reasons of emigrations of this period, some of them were worsening of social and
economic position of people, political and religious burden. The introduction of
universal military service obligation in 1874 appeared to the reason of mass emigrant
movements of Crimean Tatar youth that served in the army and did not have any
opportunity to perform religious duties and suffered discrimination on national and
religious grounds. Besides the permanent reason of emigration was growth of lack of
land, high taxes and rental that were especially hard during poor harvest years for the
poorest layers of Tatar population. The number of emigrants also increased due to the
rumors of organization of anti-Muslim league and converting Muslims of Crimea into
Christianity. These events became a next step of tsar's administration in assimilation, or
oppression of native population of Crimea and further colonization of the peninsula.
The topmost periods of emigration of this period are marked during 1874, 1893, 19011902. There is no proper information regarding the exact number of emigrants leaving
the country. However, eyewitnesses tell us that at the height of emigrations Crimea was
daily abandoned by several hundred Crimean Tatars. The territory of the Ottoman
Empire was the main place of peoples residence. The mentioned facts prove that as
well as during previous Crimean Tatars emigrations, emigration in end of the
nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century had the forced character.



XIX- XX .

, ,
.
: , , .
28
.A. Ozenbashly. Hey, Heart// erdzhyman. 1902. - 20. (Gasprynsky Library Fund
Photocopy);
29
A. Ozenbashly. Crimea Tragedy. Selected Works. Simferopol, 1997. P. 147-148.

249




XIX- XX .

, , , .
: , , .
Summary
The article deals with the insufficiently studied period in the history of
Crimean Tatars emigration in the end of the XIXth and the beginning of the XXth
Century. based upon the various sources and the literature. The given research
makes it possible to illustrate fully and objectively the emigration of the Crimean
Tatars during the Russian period, hence, and the essence of the formed diaspora.
Key words: diaspora, emigration, colonization.
Sources and Literature
[1] P. Sumarokov. Crimean judges leisure time or the second trip to Tavryda P. 1. SPb,
1803. P.161.
[2] V.H. Kondaraki Crimean Tatar emigration // Universal Crimea description. Nikolayev:
Press house of V.M. Krayevsky. - 1873. P. 13.
[3] V.M. Kabuzan Emigration and remigration in Russia in 18th -20th c. .: Nauka, 1998.
P. 125.
[4] Karpat K. Otoman Population: 1830-1914. Demographic and Social Characteristics.
Madison, 1984. P. 66.

250

The Emigration of Turks and Tatars from Dobrogea


to Turkey Reflected in the Press of the Time (1936 1940)
METIN OMER
Emigration is the definitory historical process of the modern history of
Tatars. Started after annexation of Crimea by Russia in 1783, it continued until the
XXth century. The destination of Tatars who left Crimea was Ottoman Empire,
which gave them shelter and support. As Dobrogea was part of the Ottoman
Empire until 1877, in time there was a numerous community of Tatars formed on
this teritory.1
After the retreat of the Ottoman Empire from Dobrogea, part of the
community members started to leave this teritory, preferring to live at the borders
of the empire who gave them protection. Statistics show the constantly decrease in
number of Tatars and Turks in Dobrogea.2
Between the two World Wars, this process amplified, a strong impluse being
given by The Convention Concerning Turk-Tatar Population in Dobrogea, signed
by Romania and Turkey on September 4th, 19363. This period of legal
emmigration is being treated in our paper. Without minimizing the emigration
process before the Convention, we can state that after 1936, the departure of Turks
and Tatars increased in intensity, having a better organization.
1

There are no official data regarding the number of Turks and Tatars living in Dobrogea in
1878. Most of the sources place the number of Muslims around 100.000. See Contribuiuni la studiul
aezrilor turcilor i ttarilor n Dobrogea (Contributions to the study of Turkish and Tatar settlements
in Dobrogea), in Arhiva Dobrogei, vol. II, nr. 3 5, 1919, p. 233 235.
2
According to the estimations of M. Ionescu Dobrogeanu, in 1890 in Dobrogea were 13.044
Turks and 29.668 Tatars. The same source shows a population of 12.459 Turks and 28.45 Tatars in
1900 (see Grgoire Danesco, Dobrogea. tude de gographie phisique et ethnographique,
Imprimeriile Independena, Bucureti, 1907, p. 141). The census carried out in January 1913 gave the
following figures: 21.350 Tatars and 20.092 Turks (See Nicolina Ursu, Turco ttarii dobrogeni n
recensminte i statistici romneti (Turks-Tatars from Dobrogea in Romanian Censuses and
Statistics) (1878 1916), in Tahsin Gemil (coordinator), Ttarii n istorie i n lume (Tatars in
History and in the World) , Editura Kriterion, Bucureti, 2003, p. 235). According to 1930 census, in
Dobrogea lived 150.773 Turks and 22.092 Tatars. Among them, 38.430 Turks and 4.661 Tatars were
registered in Caliacra and 90.595 Turks and 2.085 Tatars in Durostor, counties under Romanian
administration since 1913 (See Dr. Sabin Manuil, Recensmntul General al Populaiei Romniei
din 20 Decemvrie 1930, Volumul II: Neam, Limb matern, Religie (Romanian Populations General
Census from 20 December 1930, Volume II: Kin, Mother Tongue, Religion), Monitorul Oficial,
Imprimeria Naional, Bucureti, 1938, p. 33).
3
The negociations started earlier, before signing the Convention in 1935 there was an agreement
regarding the properties of those who emmigrated from Dobrogea (See Mehmet Ali Ekrem, Din istoria
turcilor dobrogeni (Dobrogean Turks History), Editura Kriterion, Bucureti, 1994, p. 130).

251

The departure in large numbers of Turks and Tatars from Dobrogea was not
unnoticed. This special event was treated in the press of that time. The articles
about emigration tried to explain the causes, analyzed the main consequences or
simply expressed the regret for the departure of Tatars and Turks.
We should say from the very beginning that the emigration issue was not
treated by the press of that time sepparately for Turks and Tatars, most of the
articles referring to emigration of Turks or Muslims and seldom to that of Tatars.
This is not due to the lack of Tatars within the emigrants but because of the lack of
interest from officials in making a clear distinction between Turks and Tatars.
Furthermore, the departure of Turks and Tatars from Dobrogea was not
treated unilaterally by the press of the time. The causes of the emigration were
variously illustrated. The Romanian press associated emigration to external
causes and external agents4, classifying emigration propaganda as a cheap
deceit5. A large article about emigration was published in Analele Dobrogei. The
causes of emigration identified by the author were: Bulgarian action for
displacing the Turkish block in Cadrilater6, The propaganda of Turkish
emissaries to make Muslim population emmigrate7, Propaganda through local
newspapers written in Turkish and Romanian languages8, The abuses of local
administation9. Amongst the reasons above, except the actions of Turkish
emissaries, all the other causes were related to Bulgarian land claimings. Thus, the
newspapers which impelled Turks and Tatars to emmigrate were secretly
financed10 by Bulgarians and the unappropriate treatment of local administration
was due to administrative conquest by Bulgarians11.
The press of the two communities attached a great importance to this
phenomenon, its pages hosting analyses of all aspects of the emmigration. An
article from Trk Birlii newspaper attached emigration to the state of
degradation of Turkish mosques and schools, the precarious state of Muslim
clergymen and teachers, the lack of land regarding farmers12.
The newspapers of Turks and Tatars in Dobrogea attached a great
importance to the transformations of the new Republic of Turkey. For instance the
article The Opponents of Emmigration considered Turkish territory as the sole
space in which the community from Dobrogea could preserve its ethnical
identity13. Another article from Deliorman newspaper saw immigration as an
4

Const. N. Sarry, Tot emigrarea turcilor (The Emmigration of Turks), in Dobrogea Jun,
no. 164 165, August 31, 1937, p. 1.
5
Ion Neicu, Emigrarea turcilor (The Emmigration of Turks), in Dobrogea Jun, no. 173,
September 11, 1937, p. 1.
6
Roman M., Studiu aupra populaiei turceti din Dobrogea i Sudul Basarabiei (Study on
Turkish Population in Dobrogea and South of Basarabia), in Analele Dobrogei, year XVII, 1936, p. 98.
7
Ibidem, p.101.
8
Ibidem, p.102.
9
Ibidem, p.102 103.
10
Ibidem.
11
Ibidem.
12
Romanya Trklerinin Vaziyeti (The Situation of Turks in Romania), in Trk Birlii,
no. 13, January 14, 1935, p. 1.
13
G Aleyhdarlar (The Opponents of Emmigration), in Trk Birlii, no. 54, July 28, 1937, p. 1.

252

opportunity offered by Turkey for cultural and social awakening14. Also this article
viewed emigration process as a duty to the country (Turkey). Subsequently it was
emphasized the importance of Turkeys demographic increase policy and Turks of
Dobrogea were asked to help this process, choosing to head towards Anatolia.15 The
same vision was