Journal of Family Issues 2014 Cooklin 0192513X14553054

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of Family Issues
Fathers at Work: WorkFamily Conflict, WorkFamily Enrichment
and Parenting in an Australian Cohort
Amanda R. Cooklin, Elizabeth M. Westrupp, Lyndall Strazdins, Rebecca Giallo,
Angela Martin and Jan M. Nicholson
Journal of Family Issues published online 27 October 2014
DOI: 10.1177/0192513X14553054
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research-article2014
JFIXXX10.1177/0192513X14553054Journal of Family IssuesCooklin et al.
Article
Fathers at Work:
WorkFamily Conflict,
WorkFamily
Enrichment and
Parenting in an
Australian Cohort
Journal of Family Issues

125
The Author(s) 2014
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DOI: 10.1177/0192513X14553054
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Amanda R. Cooklin1, Elizabeth M. Westrupp1,2,

Lyndall Strazdins3, Rebecca Giallo2,
Angela Martin4, and Jan M. Nicholson1
Abstract
Contemporary fathering is characterized by the combined responsibilities of
employment and parenting. Relationships between workfamily conflict, work
family enrichment, and fathering behaviors have not been widely investigated.
Secondary data from fathers of 4- to 5-year-old children participating in the
Longitudinal Study of Australian Children were analyzed (N = 2,679). Results
revealed that higher workfamily conflict was associated with irritable ( =
.06, p < .001), less warm ( = 0.04, p < .01), inconsistent parenting ( = .07,
p < .001), when sociodemographic and child characteristics were controlled
for. Protective associations were found between workfamily enrichment
and optimal parenting behaviors ( = .10 warmth; = .05 irritability, p <
.01). These results were largely unchanged when mental health was included
in analyses. Sole-earner fathers and those employed for long hours were
1La
Trobe University, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia

Childrens Research Institute, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia
3The Australian National University, Canberra, ACT, Australia
4University of Tasmania, Hobart, Tasmania, Australia
2Murdoch
Corresponding Author:
Amanda R. Cooklin, Judith Lumley Centre, La Trobe University, Level 3, 215 Franklin St,
Melbourne, Victoria 3000, Australia.
Email: A.Cooklin@latrobe.edu.au
most likely to report high workfamily conflict. Findings provide impetus for
workplace and public policy to extend optimal, family-friendly employment
conditions to all parents, including fathers.
Keywords
fathers, parenting, workfamily conflict, workfamily enrichment, father
mental health
Introduction
The challenge of combining paid work with raising children is often framed as
a gendered problem, that is, as a problem for mothers. The unprecedented
increase in mothers employment over recent decades has precipitated this
framing and provided the impetus for much of the research in this field.
However, mothers increased participation in paid work has altered fathers
lives as well as mothers. In the developed economies of the 21st century,
fathering is no longer a role centered on breadwinning, with new ideologies
and expectations of fathering as active and engaged. This fundamental change
in fathers engagement with raising children, which is interlinked with mothers changing engagement with the labor market, raises new questions on how
fathers are managing to do both. In this article, we therefore focus solely on
fathers, exploring the rewards, challenges, and consequences of employment
for contemporary fathering. We investigate these connections in the Australian
context using a nationally representative cohort of families with young children (aged 4 to 5 years), and our aim is to understand how the rewards and
conflicts fathers experience from combining working with raising children
may influence parenting behaviors and the fatherchild relationship.
In Australia, as in other comparable industrialized countries, fathers are
typically employed full-time, and often for an extended long working week
(Charlesworth, Strazdins, OBrien, & Sims, 2011; Duxbury & Higgins, 2001;
Strazdins, Korda, Lim, Broom, & DSouza, 2004). Yet, social institutions,
including workplaces, have not made the accompanying shifts in policy or
workplace culture that would support fathers to be more involved in parenting and care giving (Fine, 2010; Hill, 2005; Holt & Lewis, 2011; Hook, 2006;
OBrien, Brandth, & Kvande, 2007). Most policies and family-friendly initiatives, either explicitly or implicitly target mothers, entrenching gendered
inequalities in employment and in domestic work (Bianchi & Milkie, 2010;
Todd & Binns, 2013). Organizational cultures treat mens paternity as a
ghost in the organizational machine that is of little relevance to either mens
lives or to the workplace (Burnett, Gatrell, Cooper, & Sparrow, 2012). Few
Cooklin et al.
men request flexibility or caring leave, and those who do are more likely to
be refused than women (Skinner, Hutchinson, & Pocock, 2012). Accordingly,
fathers have more difficulty than mothers accessing flexible, family-friendly
working arrangements, and there is evidence that their workfamily conflict
is increasing over time (Charlesworth et al., 2011; Duxbury & Higgins, 2001;
Skinner et al., 2012). Australian mothers often work part-time to manage the
competing demands of work and family care, but this is an option rarely feasible for fathers (Strazdins, Shipley, & Broom, 2007). Thus, persistent, gendered social and institutional expectations and inequalities structure the way
families negotiate paid work and care, generating qualitative differences
between fathers and mothers in their ability and options for managing the
workfamily interface (Bass, Butler, Grzywacz, & Linney, 2009; Ford,
Heinen, & Langkamer, 2007).
Work and Family Conflict and Enrichment

In the present study, we operationalize the concept of workfamily conflict
and workfamily enrichment using the measures of workfamily strains and
workfamily gains developed by Marshall and Barnett (1993). Workfamily
conflict is based on the scarcity hypothesis of limited time and energy (Goode,
1960). Multiple and competing roles (i.e., employment and family responsibilities) can generate tensions between energy and time, which can result in
overload and strain (Froberg, Gjerdingen, & Preston, 1986). For both mothers and fathers, work-to-family conflict has been associated with poorer
physical and mental health outcomes, poorer quality of life, low job satisfaction, low job commitment, and high job turnover (Allen, Herst, Bruck, &
Sutton, 2000; Eby, Casper, Lockwood, Bordeaux, & Birinley, 2005;
Nomaguchi, Milkie, & Binachi, 2005). Some theories propose that work
family conflicts would alter parenting behaviors, because of the drain on
fathers energy, time, and mood (Goldberg, Clarke-Stewart, Rice, & Dellis,
2002; Repetti, 1994).
Workfamily enrichment stems from the alternative concept that an accumulation of diverse roles enhances opportunities for social support, interaction, self-esteem, status, and skill building that delivers benefits to individuals
and to their families, despite time or energy constraints (Grzywacz, Carlson,
Kacmar, & Wayne, 2007; Marshall & Barnett, 1993; Sieber, 1974). Indeed,
participation in high-quality and rewarding employment may confer benefits
to parent mental health, cognitive, and emotional well-being (Bianchi &
Milkie, 2010; Cooksey, Menaghan, & Jekielek, 1997; Grzywacz & Bass,
2003). Potentially, workfamily enrichment can support fathers parenting
via increased satisfaction, intellectual stimulation, self-esteem, skill mastery,
responsiveness, and self-efficacy. As per earlier research, we use the constructs of conflict and enrichment simultaneously to capture the influence on
fathering of the mix of rewards and costs embedded in the workfamily interface (Barnett, 1998; Bass & Grzywacz, 2011; Grzywacz & Bass, 2003;
Grzywacz & Marks, 2000; Marshall & Barnett, 1993; Rothbard, 2001).
WorkFamily Conflict, Enrichment and Fathering

An analysis of fathers workfamily conflict and enrichment has been slow to
emerge, yet a developing evidence base is revealing that fathers mental
health and mood can spill over and influence family interaction quality,
which is highly salient to children (Almeida, Wethington, & Chandler, 1999;
Galinsky, 1999; Giallo, Cooklin, Wade, DEsposito, & Nicholson, 2013;
Sallinen, Kinnunen, & Ronka, 2004; Strazdins, OBrien, Lucas, & Rodgers,
2013). Ecological perspectives of parenting and childrens development propose that parenting is influenced by interaction and engagement with broader
social, community, structural, and institutional environments (Bronfenbrenner
& Crouter, 1982; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Parke, 2004). The work
family interface is one such environmental influence. Children do not experience their fathers work directly, yet fathers jobs can shape family resources,
routines, and time together, contributing to family atmosphere and emotional exchanges. Lamb and Plecks four-factor model of the influences on
fathering and fathers involvement with children (motivation, self-efficacy,
social support, institutional barriers) identifies the workplace as a key institutional barrier to fathers parenting involvement (Lamb, Pleck, Charnov, &
Levine, 1987; Pleck, 1997). Workplaces restrict fathers time and they can
place expectations and demands on fathers that might hinder their capacity to
be emotionally attuned and engaged with their children.
Strazdins, Clements, Korda, Broom, and DSouza (2006) identify two
key processes via which this influence occurs: parent mental health and parentchild interactions. These processes link parents work to their family
environments and ultimately help explain how parents jobs contribute to
childrens outcomes (Strazdins et al., 2013). While mental health is an established influence on fatherchild interactions (Giallo et al., 2013; Wilson &
Durbin, 2010), other stressors (or supports) may also shape parenting. The
workfamily interface appears to be one such stressor, or potential support.
Broadly, workfamily conflict and rewards appear to influence family and
parenting satisfaction, family functioning, and family stress (Crouter &
Bumpus, 2001; Galambos, Sears, Almeida, & Kolaric, 1995; Galinsky,
1999; Kinnunen & Mauno, 1998; Repetti, 1994). However, the particular
role of the workfamily interfaceas a putative stress, but also a potential
Cooklin et al.
protective supportin influencing fathering and fathers parenting practices and behaviors has not been comprehensively described (Allen et al.,
2000; Eby et al., 2005), particularly in the preschool years when workfamily conflict is likely to peak (Duxbury & Higgins, 2001; Eby et al., 2005;
Higgins, Duxbury, & Lee, 1994).
Fathers play a unique role in childrens outcomes. Recent evidence has
identified that fathering contributes to childrens development and functioning in ways that are as important, yet patterned distinctly from mothering
(Bogels & Phares, 2008; Cabrera, Tamis-LeMonda, Bradley, Hofferth, &
Lamb, 2000; Johnson, Li, Kendall, Strazdins, & Jacoby, 2013). Contemporary
discourses have changed the expectations and desires of fathers themselves
to be involved, responsible, hands-on nurturers for their children.
Consequently, fathers are now spending more time with their children than
they were several decades ago, increasingly setting the emotional tone and
expectations for childrens behavior (Craig, 2006; Holter, 2007; Koivunen,
Rothaupt, & Wolfgram, 2009; Premberg, Hellstrom, & Berg, 2008). Three
key aspects of fathers parenting have been shown to influence childrens
social, emotional, cognitive, and behavioral outcomes longitudinally. Warmth
has been defined as fathers responsiveness toward their child; the degree to
which they support individuality, self-regulation, and self-assertion by being
attuned to childrens needs (Baumrind, 1991). Paternal warmth is associated
with optimal academic and socioemotional outcomes for children and also
influences the quality and tone of the time fathers spend with their children
(Baxter & Smart, 2011; Cabrera et al., 2000; Webster, Low, Siller, & KisstHackett, 2013). Sensitive, warm, and supportive fathering may also act as a
buffer for children in families when maternal supportive parenting is low
(Martin, Ryan, & Brooks-Gunn, 2010). Consistency, or persistence in fathers
discipline and behavior management, is associated with prosocial conduct in
children: academic and social school readiness and lower conduct and externalizing problems (Herbert, Harvey, Lugo-Candelas, & Breaux, 2013; Martin
et al., 2010). Conversely, irritability in fatherchild interactions, including
frequent parental rejection, harsh or hostile responding results in increased
externalizing and internalizing behavior, poorer academic achievement, more
conduct problems and aggression, poorer adjustment, and less prosocial
behavior (Bogels & Phares, 2008; Giallo et al., 2013; Kawabata, Alink,
Tseng, van Ijzendoorn, & Crick, 2011; Low & Stocker, 2005; Repetti, Taylor,
& Seeman, 2002).
Emerging evidence suggests that workfamily conflict and enrichment
may be potent influences on fathers warmth, consistency, and irritability with
their children. This evidence is drawn from research on related, broad constructs such as parenting stress, quality of family life, and family satisfaction
(Bass et al., 2009; Duxbury & Higgins, 2001; Ford et al., 2007; Frone, Russell,
& Cooper, 1992; Frone, Yardley, & Markel, 1997; Goodman, Crouter, Lanza,
Coz, & Vernon-Feagans, 2011). In the Australian sample used in the present
study, associations have been reported between higher workfamily conflict
and lower parental self-efficacy, less time spent in child care activities, and
less parenting warmth (children aged 2 to 3 years; Alexander & Baxter, 2005;
Baxter & Smart, 2011). In one of few studies looking at specific parenting
behaviors, Stewart and Barling (1996) found that fathers negative work experiences (low autonomy, insecurity, high demands, and interrole conflict)
adversely affected fathers parenting via fathers job-related affect (mood, satisfaction, and tension) in a Canadian sample of 189 employed fathers of primary schoolaged children. Fathers with poorer job-related affect reported
higher rejecting, hostile, and punishing parenting sufficient to explain variation in childrens social and behavioral outcomes. Similarly, in a study of over
500 employed fathers of 8- to 18-year-old children in Hong Kong, fathers
workfamily conflict was associated with low availability, low emotional stability, and inconsistency in discipline (Lau, 2010). A small body of literature
has reported on the effect of fathers workfamily conflict on time spent with
their children (Bass et al., 2009; Baxter & Smart, 2011; Johnson et al., 2013;
Nomaguchi et al., 2005; Roeters, van der Lippe, & Kluwer, 2009). In a sample
of 639 Dutch couples with children aged less than 12 years, Roeters et al.
(2009) found that fathers increased working hours interfered with fathers performing daily routine activities for their children (meals, bathing, and school
drop-offs). Overall, however, direct investigation of the relationship between
three critical elements of fathers parenting behaviors (warmth, consistency,
and irritability) and fathers workfamily conflicts is lacking.
Evidence regarding the relationship between workfamily enrichment and
fathers parenting is even more sparse (Greenhaus & Powell, 2006). Two
small American studies (n = 59 and n = 296) have found that stimulating jobs,
characterized by control, autonomy, and innovation have been associated
with fathering that is less punitive and controlling and higher in warmth and
acceptance for children under 12 years of age (Greenberger & ONeil, 1993;
Grimm-Thomas & Perry-Jenkins, 1994). Marshall and Barnett (1993)
reported that over two thirds of fathers in their sample of 300 dual-earner
couples in the United States reported that their work made them a better parent, though no specific parenting behaviors were investigated.
Taken together these findings suggest that both workfamily conflict and
workfamily enrichment influence the specific fathering behaviors under
consideration here (warmth, consistency, and irritability), albeit in different
ways. We argue that workfamily conflict is particularly relevant for fathers
irritable or harsh responses toward their child. High stress at work has been
Cooklin et al.
linked to fathers irritability, frustration, and impatience, and can undermine

their capacity for self-regulation in stressful situations (Rothbard, 2001),
including parentchild interactions. Workfamily conflict might also restrict
fathers warm and affectionate behaviors; affection may be overlooked when
fathers perception of time-based conflict is high. Both parenting warmth and
parenting consistency require engagement, and attention, yet conflict and
stress often lead to emotional withdrawal in fathers (Repetti, 1994). Reduced
emotional energy might also be a mechanism via which warm, consistent
fathering behaviors suffer when work demands and work stress are high
(Goldberg et al., 2002).
On the other hand, workfamily enrichment could transfer positive experiences and capabilities from one role to another (Greenhaus & Powell, 2006).
Optimism, self-esteem, and flexibility gained in the workplace may enrich
fathers interactions at home. It is also plausible that patience, mastery, selfefficacy, optimism, and satisfaction garnered in ones job would improve
motivation and efficacy to parent effectively. Specifically, workfamily
enrichment might promote fathers warmth and consistency directly, net of
any influence that workfamily enrichment may have on parenting via fathers
mental health. Workfamily enrichment could also prevent or buffer against
fathers irritability within parentchild interactions, a possibility we explore.
The Current Study

The first aim of the present study was to investigate the relationship between
fathers workfamily conflicts and enrichment and parenting (warmth, irritability, and consistency) in a nationally representative sample of fathers of 4to 5-year-old children. We hypothesize the following:
1. Workfamily conflict will be positively associated with fathers irritability and negatively associated with fathers warmth and
consistency.
2. Workfamily enrichment will be positively associated with fathers
warmth and consistency and negatively associated with irritability.
We adjust for a number of demographic, parent, and child variables shown in
research to influence parenting and/or fathers work functioning. For example,
low resourced families are particularly vulnerable to work-related stresses
(Butterworth et al., 2011). The intensity of workfamily conflict may also be
worse for dual-earner families compared to those accommodating only one job
with family care (Duxbury & Higgins, 2001; Ford et al., 2007). Child health
and disability is likely to limit parental workforce engagement and amplify
conflict. Similarly, demanding child behaviors are likely to affect parenting and
possibly work functioning (Shibley-Hyde, Else-Quest, Goldsmith, & Biesanz,
2004). Therefore, we adjust for demographic characteristics in these analyses
(father age, country of birth, number of children, child gender), family socioeconomic position, sole- versus dual-earner families. Furthermore, all analyses
adjust for child temperament and special health care needs. Fathers work hours
are a key predictor of workfamily conflict (Eby et al., 2005). To ensure that
any observed association between workfamily conflict, workfamily enrichment, and parenting are not (or not only) a function of fathers time pressure,
we include consideration of fathers work hours. Finally, we repeat all models
including fathers mental health to ascertain the direct relationship between
workfamily variables and parenting, net of any relationship between work
family conflict and enrichment and mental health. We also explore (Aim 2)
whether some fathers are more likely than others to experience workfamily
conflicts or enrichment, especially fathers who work long (or conversely short)
full-time hours or whose spouse is employed (or at home).
Method
Participants
Data for the current study were taken from the Kindergarten (K) cohort of the
Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC); full sample details,
design, and field methods are published elsewhere (Misson & Sipthorp, 2007;
Soloff, Lawrence, & Johnstone, 2005). LSAC was approved by the Australian
Institute of Family Studies Ethics Committee (Gray, Misson, & Hayes, 2005;
Gray & Sanson, 2005; Soloff et al., 2005). Briefly, LSAC used a two-stage
cluster sampling design using Australian postcodes and Australias universal
health insurance database (Medicare Australia). This sample was broadly representative of all Australian children. Data were collected in 2004 from two
parents via face-to-face interview and a self-report questionnaire (Department
of Family and Community Services, 2004; Soloff et al., 2005). Data are from
Wave 1 (collected in 2004) when children were aged 4 to 5 years. Data were
collected for a study, or focus child, so data collected refers to (only) one
child in each family. Of the contactable families selected and residing in the
sampled postcode, 4,983 took part in LSAC (59% response rate).
Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

Fathers were included in the present study if they were the childs biological, foster, or adopted father; were employed at the time of data collection;
Cooklin et al.
were residing permanently with their child; and had complete data across
all study variables. Partial or complete data was available for 4,285 fathers
via self-report on the secondary (Parent 2) carer questionnaires or via secondary report from the Parent 1 respondent (for a limited amount of demographic data). Fathers without self-report data, or with incomplete data on
the model variables, were excluded (n = 1,606), leaving a final sample of
2,679 fathers.
Measures
All measures used are father-report.
Fathers WorkFamily Conflict. A four-item adaptation of the scales developed
by Marshall and Barnett (1993) assessed employment-related constraints on
family life and parenting (e.g., Because of my work responsibilities; I have
missed out on home or family activities that I would like to take part in; My
family time is less enjoyable and more pressured) and constraints from family responsibilities that affect employment (e.g., Because of my family
responsibilities; My work time is less enjoyable and more pressured; I have
to turn down work activities or opportunities that I would prefer to take on).
Respondents indicated degree of agreement using a scale ranging from 1 =
strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree, to create a continuous scale, using
mean imputation to account for missing data on up to one item missing, with
higher scores indicating more strain.
Fathers WorkFamily Enrichment. Similarly, a six-item adaptation of Marshall
and Barnetts (1993) scales assessed the benefits of combining employment
with parenting. Three items assessed fathers views of the benefits for their
children (e.g., My working has a positive effect on my children; Working
helps me to better appreciate the time that I spend with my children) and
themselves (e.g., Having both work and family responsibilities; Makes me a
more well-rounded person; Makes me feel more competent). Respondents
indicated their agreement or disagreement using a scale ranging from 1 =
strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree, to create a continuous scale, using
mean imputation to account for missing data on up to one missing item, with
higher scores indicating more gains.
Fathers Parenting Behaviors

Irritable parenting was measured with five items (5-point scale, 1 = not at all
to 5 = all the time) assessing the frequency of hostile behaviors and feelings
10
toward the child (Statistics Canada, 2000). Example items include I have
been angry with this child; I have lost my temper with this child. Parenting
warmth was measured using six items (5-point scale, 1 = never/almost never
to 5 = always/almost always) assessing frequency of positive and affectionate
verbal and physical behaviors and feelings toward the child, for example,
How often do express affection by hugging, kissing, or holding this child;
How often do you have warm close times together with this child? Parenting
consistency was measured using six items (5-point scale, 1 = never/almost
never to 5 = always/almost always) assessing consistency in parenting behaviors toward the child (e.g., How often does this child get away with things
that you feel should have been punished?). Scores for irritable parenting,
parenting warmth, and parenting consistency were the mean of individual
items (with no more than two missing items), creating a continuous variable
with higher scores indicating more irritability, higher warmth, and higher
consistency.
Demographic Characteristics
Demographic characteristics including paternal age at time of data collection, fathers country of birth, family type, marital status, primary language,
and the number of children in the household (only available indicator) were
collected. Socioeconomic position (SEP) was rated using a continuous, composite variable, ranking each familys relative socioeconomic position based
on (combined) parental income, education, and occupational prestige
(Blakemore, Strazdins, & Gibbings, 2009). Families with a standardized
score at or below the 25th percentile were classified as low SEP, those
above the 75th percentile were classified as high SEP, and the remainder
were classified as medium SEP, as recommended by the authors of this
measure. Father sole earner in family was recorded, as were fathers employment hours performed each week. Maternal employment hours were also
recorded.
Paternal psychological distress was assessed using the Kessler-6, a brief
assessment tool that measures the frequency of symptoms of psychological
distress over the previous 4 weeks (Furukawa, Kessler, Slade, & Andrews,
2003). Responses to the six items (5-point rating scale) were summed to
give a total score of 0 to 24, with higher scores indicating greater psychological distress. As in other Australian studies (Martin, Hiscock, Hardy, &
Wake, 2007; Strazdins et al., 2007), this study used a threshold of 8 to
identify not only those with a probable clinical diagnosis but also those
with significant psychological distress, including symptoms of depression
and anxiety.
Cooklin et al.
11
Child Characteristics
A single item recorded any child special health care needs. Child temperament was assessed using the Sociability, Persistence, and Reactivity subscales of the Short Infant Temperament Scale (Smart & Sanson, 2005), each
of which contains four items. The sociability scale assesses how comfortable
the child is in new situations or with unfamiliar children or adults, the persistence scale assesses the childs capacity to see tasks through to completion,
while the reactivity scale assesses how intense and volatile the child is. Items
from each subscale were averaged for participants with no more than one
missing item, to create continuous scales, with high scores indicating more
sociability, persistence and reactivity.
Statistical Approach
Data were analyzed in Stata 12.0 (Statacorp, 2009). LSAC sample weights
and adjustment for complex sampling design were applied to all analyses. All
analyses were weighted for nonresponse and account for unequal probability
of selection into the sample. First-order Taylor linearization was used to
obtain estimates of standard error, taking into account the multistage, clustered sampling design.
Means, standard errors, range, and Cronbachs alpha (if relevant) were
calculated for all variables. To test for association, unadjusted linear regression analyses were performed with parenting variables as the outcomes, and
workfamily conflict and enrichment as predictors. Multiple linear regression analyses were performed with parenting (three models) variables as the
primary dependent variables. Workfamily conflict and enrichment and all
control variables were entered into the models (Aim 1). These models were
repeated with paternal mental health included as an additional control in a
third model. For Aim 2, multiple linear regression analyses were also performed using workfamily conflict and workfamily enrichment as the outcomes (two models), with key demographic and employment variables
entered into the models.
To create standardized and unstandardized regression coefficients, the
regression models were run twice. First using unstandardized predictor variables (binary and continuous), and then replacing the continuous variables
with standardized variables. As an additional sensitivity analysis, to check
the impact of listwise deletion to account for missing data, multiple imputation was performed using multivariate normal regression and an iterative
Markov Chain Monte Carlo method. The imputation model included all
model variables. Data were imputed for biological, adoptive, or foster fathers
12
with some questionnaire data available on the main outcome and workfamily conflict and workfamily enrichment variables, though data did not have
to be complete (N = 2,829).
Results
Sample characteristics are presented in Table 1. Compared to those included
in analyses (N = 2,679), fathers who were eligible but excluded due to missing data were more likely to be the sole earner in the family (excluded 49%
vs. included 39%, p < .01), and less likely to have more than two children
(excluded 85% vs. included 92%, p < .01). However, there were no differences between included and excluded fathers on social economic position,
country of birth, and work hours. Fathers were employed for a mean (SD) of
47.4 (12.6) hours per week, comparable to the long employment hours
observed in other Australian studies of fathers employment (Charlesworth et
al., 2011). Only one father in the included sample who identified as being a
sole carer, therefore specific analyses on lone fathers could not be
undertaken.
WorkFamily Conflict, WorkFamily Enrichment and Parenting

Unadjusted linear regression analyses provided initial support for significant
bivariate associations between fathers workfamily conflict and less parenting warmth ( = .05, p < .001); less consistency ( = .07, p < .01); and
more irritability ( = .06, p < .001). Workfamily enrichment was associated
with more warmth ( = .10, p < .001) and less irritability ( = .06, p < .001)
but not with more parenting consistency (see Table 2, Model 1).
Table 2 presents the results of the multiple linear regression analyses.
These models test for the relationship between workfamily conflict and
enrichment and parenting warmth, irritability, and consistency, adjusting
for demographic and child characteristics. Higher workfamily conflict
was significantly, independently associated with less parenting warmth,
greater parenting irritability, and more inconsistent parenting with little
change to the estimates (). Additional analyses considered the extent to
which these relationships between workfamily conflict and parenting
remained significant when fathers mental health was added into the models (Model 3). While the estimates of the relationships between work
family conflict and parenting were attenuated somewhat, significant
independent associations remained for all parenting variables. Higher
workfamily enrichment was significantly associated with higher
13
Cooklin et al.
Table 1. Weighted Sample Characteristics (N = 2,679).
Range
No. of
items
0.73
0.71
1-5
1-5
6
4
.94
.83
4.07
2.29
3.98
0.54
0.60
0.67
1-5
1-4.5
1-5
6
4
5
.82
.70
.63
37.39
20.8%
5.60
19-69
0-1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
6
.82
Variables
M/%
SD
Workfamily gains
Workfamily strains
Parenting
Parenting warmth
Parenting irritability
Parenting consistency
Social/demographic factors
Fathers age (years)
Fathers country of birth not
Australia or New Zealanda
Main language other than English
Married
Two or more children in familyb
Low household SEP quartilec
High household SEP quartilec
Father sole earner in familyd
Fathers work hours (increasing)
Mothers work hours (increasing)
Current psychological distress for
father
Child characteristics
Age of study child (months)
Child has special health care needs
Child temperament
Sociability
Persistence
Reactivity
3.57
2.81
12.7%
91.0%
92.2%
24.7%
25.0%
39.2%
47.43
13.8
3.32
0-1
12.61
15.82
3.21
0-1
0-120
0-46
0-24
56.86
12.7%
2.60
51-67
0-1
1
1
3.82
3.96
2.67
1.23
0.92
0.92
1-6
1-6
1-6
4
4
4
.82
.78
.66
Note. SEP = socioeconomic position. Comparison groups for categorical variables: aCompared
with father born in Australia/New Zealand. bCompared with single-child family. cCompared
with households in the middle 50% range for SEP. d Compared with dual-earning families.
parenting warmth and lower irritability (Model 2). These relationships

were largely unchanged in the additional analyses that also controlled for
fathers mental health (Model 3). For all models, results from the multiple
imputation sample did not differ from those presented for the main study
sample.
14
Table 2. Summary of Three Unadjusted and Adjusted Multiple Regression

Modelsa: WorkFamily Conflict and Enrichment Predicting Parenting Warmth,
Irritability, and Consistency.
Parenting warmth
SE B
Parenting
consistency
Parenting irritability
B
SE B
Model 1: Unadjusted
Workfamily
.07 .02 .05*** .10 .02 .07*** .11
conflict
Workfamily
.13 .02
.10*** .08 .02 .06*** .01
enrichment
Model 2: Adjusteda
Workfamily
.05 .02 .04** .09 .02 .06*** .09
conflict
.14 .02
.10*** .09 .02 .06*** .01
Workfamily
enrichment
Model 3: Full adjusted model with fathers mental healthb
Workfamily
.04 .02 .03** .05 .02 .04** .06
conflict
.13 .02
.10*** .08 .02 .06*** .001
Workfamily
enrichment
SE B
.02
.08***
.02
.02
.01
.07***
.02
.01
.02 04**
.02
.002
a.Model adjusted for the following: family socioeconomic position for household (parents
education, occupational level, and income); fathers age; two or more children in family;
marital status; child gender; maternal-rated child special health care needs; fathers country of
birth not Australia or New Zealand, primary language, fathers work hours, father sole earner
in family, mothers work hours, child temperament (social, persistence, and reactivity).
b.Model adjusted for the following: family socioeconomic position for household (parents
education, occupational level, and income); fathers age; two or more children in family;
marital status; child gender; maternal-rated child special health care needs; fathers country of
birth not Australia or New Zealand, primary language, fathers work hours, father sole earner
in family, mothers work hours, child temperament (social, persistence, and reactivity), and
fathers mental health.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Factors Associated With Higher WorkFamily Conflict, Work

Family Enrichment
We then explore which fathers are most likely to experience higher conflict
or enrichment (see Table 3). We found no relationship between socioeconomic status and conflict or enrichment. Fathers who worked longer hours
were more likely to report workfamily conflict and less likely to report
workfamily enrichment. This was not explained by socioeconomic
15
Cooklin et al.
Table 3. Regression Coefficients Showing Predictors of WorkFamily Conflict and

WorkFamily Enrichment.
Workfamily conflict
Father income (increasing)

.01
Occupational classificationa
Unskilled
.01
Skilled
.06
.01
Year 12 educationb
.06
Father sole earner in
familyc
Fathers work hours
.01
(increasing)
Two or more children in
.03
familyd
Fathers country of birth
.06
not Australia or New
Zealande
Fathers age (years)
.01
Workfamily enrichment
SE B
SE B
.01
.02
.01
.01
.04
.04
.05
.03
.03
.02
.08
.01
.09^
.01
.03
.02
.02
.04
.05
.03
.03
.02
.04
.03
.02
.001
.12*** .003
.001
.05**
.05
.04
.08
.06
.10
.04
.08
.01
.04
.01
.003
.003
.02
.003
.05*
Note. Comparison groups for categorical variables: aCompared with labor/clerical. bCompared
with <Year 12. cCompared with dual-earning families. dCompared with one child. eCompared
with father born in Australia or New Zealand.
^p < .1. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
position. There were no significant differences between employment hours

for fathers of high versus medium socioeconomic status (47.9 vs. 48.1 hours,
ns). Those of low socioeconomic position were employed for significantly
fewer hours (45.8 hours, p < .001) than fathers of medium socioeconomic
status, but independent main effects remained for hours in the multivariate
analyses. Being the sole earner in the family was associated with higher
workfamily conflict only.
Discussion
This article is one of very few investigating the relationship between the
workfamily interface and specific fathering behaviors known to influence
childrens outcomes during a key phase of childrens developmentthe year
prior to the commencement of formal schooling. The striking finding in our
study was that fathers workfamily conflict was significantly and independently associated with less optimal parenting behaviors, including reduced
16
warmth, less consistency in discipline, and more irritability, hostility, and

frustration in interactions with their child. These associations were largely
unchanged when all father, employment, and child characteristics were
included in the model. Findings suggest that stress, time constraints, demands,
and adverse experiences in one domain (e.g., work) spill over into the other
domain (e.g., family). It is possible that adequate time for warm, affectionate,
patient, and supportive fatherchild interactions is eroded when the demands
imposed by a job are high. Supporting Stewart and Barlings results (1996),
we found that fathers who feel frustrated, pressured, or stressed by competing
workfamily demands may have a compromised capacity to self-regulate,
resulting in more harsh discipline and irritable responding toward their child
and less responsive, nurturing interactions.
We also found less consistency in the way fathers parented, when work
family conflict was high. Consistent parenting behaviors require a high level
of engagement and attention; workfamily conflict seems to result in emotional and cognitive withdrawal, plausibly reducing fathers capacity to persist with maintaining consistent expectations and reinforcing behavior norms
(Lau, 2010; Repetti, 1994). Recent evidence has described workfamily conflict as a possible risk for childrens development (Strazdins et al., 2013). Our
results indicate that adverse parenting behaviors may be an important pathway via which workfamily conflict adversely affects children.
The workfamily interface embeds both costs and rewards from employment participation. We find a positive association between workfamily
enrichment and parenting warmth. Satisfaction, efficacy, and self-esteem
conveyed in the workplace are likely to promote self-efficacy and optimism,
encouraging fathers to engage and persist with warm, affectionate parenting.
Alternatively, fathers who have limited time with their children might prioritize affection and emotional closeness, improving the quality of time with
their children, even when the quantity of time is short. While workfamily
enrichment was not associated with consistent parenting behaviors, we found
a significant, protective association between higher workfamily enrichment
and less irritable or hostile parenting. Flexible, calm, and effective approaches
to managing difficulties in the workplace might strengthen fathers sense of
efficacy to respond sensitively in demanding situations. These skills might
then be utilized to manage difficult child behaviors, without resorting to yelling, angry or punitive responding. Overall, it appears that workfamily
enrichment is potentially promoting of fathers optimal parenting practices.
Current theoretical understandings of parenting, including fathering in
particular, note that parenting is influenced by a range of factorssocial,
contextual, child, family, and institutionalas well as fathers mental health
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Parke, 2004). Thus, we would expect to see
Cooklin et al.
17
an independent influence of workfamily conflict and enrichment on parenting, separate to that conveyed by fathers mental health. Our study findings
supported this. Even when fathers mental health was included in the multivariate models, independent associations remained between workfamily
conflict and parenting. The relationships between workfamily enrichment,
higher warmth, and lower irritability remained largely unchanged by the
inclusion of mental health in analyses. Together, these results support emerging evidence (Strazdins et al., 2013) that the workfamily interface is an
important, independent influence on parenting and childrens home environments, independent of any influence workfamily may have on fathers mental health.
We further explored if some fathers were more at risk of workfamily
conflict, and what characteristics might also be linked to the experience of
workfamily enrichment. In support of existing evidence (Byron, 2005;
Skinner et al., 2012), we found that longer employment hours was the key
factor associated with both conflict and enrichment, outweighing socioeconomic position, an indicator comprised of income, education, and occupational status. Long hours spent at work reduce the time available to spend
with family, generating time-based conflict and strain. Fathers who are
absorbed and engaged for long hours at work might also find it difficult to
switch into parent mode when they are with their children; long hours at
work might drain fathers physical and emotional energy, amplifying timebased conflict. It is not surprising that longer working hours were also associated with lower workfamily enrichment, albeit to a smaller degree. Along
with direct conflict and costs to fathers, there appear to be associated reductions in the benefits or rewards conveyed by longer working hours. Fathers
working long hours may find themselves feeling distant from their children,
with reduced opportunities for involvement in daily activities and routines
(Giallo, Treyvaud, Cooklin, & Wade, 2012). The overall positive spill over
from work to family appears to be eroded too by the stress and exhaustion
inherent in longer working hours.
We acknowledge some limitations to our approach. These data are crosssectional, so causal relationships cannot be established and any potential
reverse causality of the variables cannot be precluded (e.g., adverse parenting
influencing perception of workfamily conflict). We used fathers self-reports
to assess our criterion variables, which may be subject to social desirability
and other forms of reporting bias. The included sample was comparable to
eligible fathers who were excluded due to missing data in terms of work
hours, socioeconomic position, and country of birth. However, excluded
fathers were less likely to have more than two children, and more likely to be
the sole-earner in the family. It is possible that our results
18
are an underestimate of the relationship between workfamily conflict,

workfamily enrichment, and parenting for sole-earner fathers, or those with
fewer children, where the opportunities and costs associated with workfamily conflict may have a different pattern of effects on parenting. We acknowledge that two of the measures used in our study had a lower than acceptable
internal validity (i.e., parenting consistency and child reactivity). This might
explain the absence of associations detected between workfamily variables
and parenting consistency. The findings around parenting consistency must
therefore be interpreted with caution. Similarly, we acknowledge that all
measures used here are, by necessity, brief. Consequently, the effect sizes we
report are modest as the measures might insensitive to all variations in fathers
parenting and workfamily interface.
Nonetheless, we contribute new evidence from a large, contemporary
national cohort of employed fathers. We address a significant gap in the
workfamily literature by investigating the potential effects of workfamily
conflict and enrichment on fathers parenting behaviors at a life stage when
workfamily conflict is likely to peak (Duxbury & Higgins, 2001; Eby et al.,
2005). Our findings suggest that parenting may be one pathway via which
workfamily conflict adversely affects childrens home environments, ultimately contributing to childrens well-being, independent of fathers mental
health. Importantly, we also report an association between higher work
family enrichment and more warm, affectionate, less irritable, less punitive
parenting. Together, these findings suggest that the workfamily interface
can either support or erode family relationships, including parentchild
interactions.
Implications of Study Findings

Our findings provide further impetus for the provision of optimal employment conditions. It is well established that high-quality jobs are those associated with higher levels of workfamily enrichment and lower levels of
workfamily conflict (Allen et al., 2000; Greenhaus & Powell, 2006). Highquality jobs, those that optimize opportunities for workfamily enrichment,
ultimately improving family environments, are characterized by manageable
workloads, flexibility, optimal supervisor support, job security, and a sense of
control/autonomy over work (Gronlund, 2007; Strazdins, Shipley, Clements,
Obrien, & Broom, 2010). For fathers of young children, quality employment
would also include provision of paid family-related leave, flexible start and
finish times, and workfamily specific supervisor support. Improving fathers
access and uptake of flexible employment conditions is also warranted. In
Australia, fathers are significantly less likely to request flexible working
Cooklin et al.
19
arrangements compared with mothers and their request is more likely to be

refused (Skinner et al., 2012). While policy change (e.g., paid paternity leave)
is likely to support a shift in gendered expectations and norms in workplaces,
further research is also required to ascertain elements of workplace culture
that would facilitate fathers uptake of these policies. Based on our findings,
we also pose that appropriate policy interventions, reviewing and restricting
the need for a long working week, are vital. While full-time employment is
currently normative for Australian fathers, working longer than full-time
hours was common and appears to heighten workfamily conflict, with an
attendant negative influence on parenting.
Conclusion
Using a nationally representative sample, and adjustment for a wide range of
control variables, this study demonstrated associations between workfamily
rewards and enrichment and key indicators of fathers parenting behaviors.
These findings show the potential for fathers experiences of employment to
ultimately affect children both positively and negatively. While fathers, and
by extension, fathering have undergone significant shifts in expectations,
contemporary workplaces have been slow to respond. Yet full-time employment remains the norm for the majority of fathers, and this is particularly so
during the early years of parenting. The workfamily interface is an important dimension of family functioning, family relationships, and childrens
home environments. This study provides further impetus for workplaces and
public policy to provide optimal employment conditions to parents of young
childrenmothers and fathers, given the flow-on implications work has on
families, family relationships, parentchild interactions, and ultimately, childrens development.
Authors Note
This article uses unit record data from Growing Up in Australia, the Longitudinal
Study of Australian Children. The study is conducted in partnership between the
Australian Government Department of Families, Housing, Community Services
and Indigenous Affairs (FaHCSIA); the Australian Institute of Family Studies
(AIFS); and the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). The findings and views
reported are those of the authors and should not be attributed to FaHCSIA, AIFS, or
the ABS.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.
20
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article: The Longitudinal Study of Australian
Children study design and data collection were funded by Australian Government
Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs.
Authors AC, EW, RG and JN were employees of the Parenting Research Centre,
Melbourne, Australia, when this research was conducted and were supported by funding from the Victorian Government (AC, RG, EW), and the Australian Research
Council (LS, Discovery Grant DP0774439). Authors AC, EW and JN are currently
supported by the Roberta Holmes Transition to Contemporary Parenthood Program,
Judith Lumley Centre, La Trobe University.
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>> OnlineFirst Version of Record - Oct 27, 2014

JFIXXX10.1177/0192513X14553054Journal of Family IssuesCooklin et al.

Journal of Family Issues

Amanda R. Cooklin1, Elizabeth M. Westrupp1,2,

Trobe University, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia

Journal of Family Issues

Work and Family Conflict and Enrichment

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WorkFamily Conflict, Enrichment and Fathering

Journal of Family Issues

linked to fathers irritability, frustration, and impatience, and can undermine

The Current Study

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Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

Fathers Parenting Behaviors

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Journal of Family Issues

WorkFamily Conflict, WorkFamily Enrichment and Parenting

parenting warmth and lower irritability (Model 2). These relationships

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Table 2. Summary of Three Unadjusted and Adjusted Multiple Regression

Factors Associated With Higher WorkFamily Conflict, Work

Table 3. Regression Coefficients Showing Predictors of WorkFamily Conflict and

Father income (increasing)

position. There were no significant differences between employment hours

Journal of Family Issues

warmth, less consistency in discipline, and more irritability, hostility, and

Journal of Family Issues

are an underestimate of the relationship between workfamily conflict,

Implications of Study Findings

arrangements compared with mothers and their request is more likely to be

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Journal of Family Issues

Journal of Family Issues

between work and family. Journal of Occupational Health Psychology, 5(1),

Journal of Family Issues

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