Marlett 1981 Seri Dissertation

The Structure of Seri
Stephen A. Marlett
This is my 1981 doctoral thesis (University of California, San Diego) with only minor corrections.
Some chapters contain postscript notes which refer the reader to later publications that draw on or
expand on the topic of those chapters.
My special thanks go to Linda Brock for volunteering to keyboard the original thesis.
NOTE: Since this dissertation was written, various aspects of the analysis have been revised, and
some corrections of fact have been made. These are presented in the Gramtica which appears as part
of the trilingual Seri dictionary: Mary B. Moser and Stephen A. Marlett (compilers) 2005 Comcac
quih yaza quih hant ihip hac: Diccionario seri-espaol-ingls. Mexico City and Hermosillo, Sonora:
Plaza y Valds and Universidad de Sonora (950 pp).
This thesis is dedicated to the memory of two people on whose shoulders I have had the privilege to
stand: Flora S. Marlett and Edward W. Moser.
Table of Contents
The Structure of Seri .............................................................................................................................. i
Table of Contents................................................................................................................................... ii
List of Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................ vi
Introduction.......................................................................................................................................... vii
Postscript to the Introduction.............................................................................................................. ix
Introduction to the grammar................................................................................................................ x
Abstract ................................................................................................................................................. xi
Chapter 1 Phonemes and Certain Low-level Processes...................................................................... 1
1.1. Phonemes ..................................................................................................................................... 1
1.2. Low-level processes..................................................................................................................... 3
Postscript to Chapter 1........................................................................................................................ 18
Chapter 2 Prefix Morphology and Morphophonemics .................................................................... 19
2.1. Overview of prefix morphology ................................................................................................ 19
2.2. Mood prefixes ............................................................................................................................ 19
2.3. Morphophonemics of mood prefixes ......................................................................................... 26
2.4. Person prefixes........................................................................................................................... 31
2.5. Miscellaneous verb prefixes ...................................................................................................... 39
2.6. Nominalizers.............................................................................................................................. 55
2.7. Noun prefixes............................................................................................................................. 64
2.8. Frozen and nonproductive prefixes............................................................................................ 70
2.9. Rule ordering summary ............................................................................................................. 73
Postscript to Chapter 2........................................................................................................................ 74
Chapter 3 Suffix morphology and morphophonemics ..................................................................... 75
3.1. General suffixes ......................................................................................................................... 75
3.2. Stress-bearing suffixes ............................................................................................................... 79
3.3. Switch reference markers........................................................................................................... 79
3.4. Suffixes occurring primarily on nominals ................................................................................. 80
3.5. Auxiliary verb particles and related items ................................................................................. 82
3.6. Conjunctive and subordinating suffixes and particles ............................................................... 85
3.7. Suffix and particle order ............................................................................................................ 88
Chapter 4 Stem morphology and morphophonemics....................................................................... 89
4.1. Subject number agreement......................................................................................................... 89
4.2. Action number marking ............................................................................................................. 95
4.3. Morphophonemics of number suffixes ...................................................................................... 97
4.4. Stem suffixes............................................................................................................................ 104
4.5. Noun pluralization ................................................................................................................... 106
ii
Chapter 5 Irregular verbs................................................................................................................. 110

5.1. Stress-retracting verbs.............................................................................................................. 110
5.2. The verbs come and go ............................................................................................................ 115
5.3. The verbs /-aa/ know and /-ee/ give ......................................................................................... 115
5.4. Pseudo-short low vowel roots.................................................................................................. 116
Postscript to Chapter 5...................................................................................................................... 116
Chapter 6 Topics in Seri phonology................................................................................................. 117
6.1. The abstract consonant............................................................................................................. 117
6.2. Interpretation of phonetic vowel length................................................................................... 122
Chapter 7 The noun phrase .............................................................................................................. 124
7.1. Definite articles........................................................................................................................ 124
7.2. Indefinite articles ..................................................................................................................... 126
7.3. Demonstratives ........................................................................................................................ 126
7.4. Relative clauses........................................................................................................................ 127
7.5. Adjectives ................................................................................................................................ 128
7.6. Quantifiers ............................................................................................................................... 128
7.7. Material.................................................................................................................................... 128
7.8. Coordinate noun phrases.......................................................................................................... 129
7.9. Compounds .............................................................................................................................. 129
7.10. Pronouns ................................................................................................................................ 130
7.11. Relational nouns .................................................................................................................... 131
Chapter 8 Word order and foregrounding...................................................................................... 136
8.1. Basic word order...................................................................................................................... 136
8.2. Foregrounding strategies.......................................................................................................... 136
8.3. Postposing rules ....................................................................................................................... 139
8.4. Interrogatives ........................................................................................................................... 140
Chapter 9 Nominalizations and complementation.......................................................................... 142
9.1. Nominalizations as main clauses ............................................................................................. 142
9.2. Nominalizations as oblique clauses ......................................................................................... 143
9.3. Nominalized object complements and Equi ............................................................................ 143
9.4. Pseudo-complements ............................................................................................................... 145
Chapter 10 Transitivity ..................................................................................................................... 148
10.1. First person singular subject prefix........................................................................................ 148
10.2. Infinitive prefix ...................................................................................................................... 148
10.3. Second person imperative ...................................................................................................... 149
10.4. First person plural imperative ................................................................................................ 149
iii
10.5. Nonfuture action/oblique nominalizer ................................................................................... 149

10.6. First person restrictive ........................................................................................................... 149
10.7. Coalescence ........................................................................................................................... 149
10.8. Unspecified subject prefix ..................................................................................................... 149
10.9. The object marker .................................................................................................................. 150
Chapter 11 Subject raising ............................................................................................................... 151
11.1. Arguments that a downstairs subject is the final upstairs subject.......................................... 152
11.2. Arguments that the downstairs clause is not a final 2............................................................ 154
11.3. Arguments for a raising analysis............................................................................................ 155
11.4. Raising of non-final subjects ................................................................................................. 158
11.5. Other uses of the prefix X .................................................................................................. 158
Postscript to Chapter 11.................................................................................................................... 159
Chapter 12 Advancements ................................................................................................................ 160
12.1. 3-2 Advancement in absence of notional 2............................................................................ 160
12.2. 3-2 advancement in ditransitive clauses ................................................................................ 162
12.3. The notion 3 ....................................................................................................................... 165
12.4. Personal passives ................................................................................................................... 170
12.5. Impersonal passives ............................................................................................................... 172
12.6. The object marker /i-/ ............................................................................................................ 180
Chapter 13 Clauses with unspecified direct objects ....................................................................... 184
Chapter 14 Augmented verbs ........................................................................................................... 188
14.1. Impersonal verb plus experiencer .......................................................................................... 188
14.2. Stative verb plus experiencer ................................................................................................. 189
14.3. Sensory verb without experiencer.......................................................................................... 190
14.4. Causative construction ........................................................................................................... 191
14.5. Help construction ............................................................................................................... 192
14.6. Other ...................................................................................................................................... 193
Chapter 15 Switch reference............................................................................................................. 195
15.1. The notion first subject........................................................................................................ 196
15.2. Switch reference and the Final 1 Law.................................................................................... 198
15.3. Switch reference and coreference .......................................................................................... 199
15.4. Adjacent clauses .................................................................................................................... 200
15.5. Finite relative clauses ......................................................................................................... 201
iv

Chapter 16 Text ................................................................................................................................. 202
Appendix 1 Verb paradigms............................................................................................................. 220
Appendix 2 Irregular verb paradigms............................................................................................. 225
List of References............................................................................................................................... 227
List of Abbreviations
ABIL
ABS
AUG
AUX
Cho
D
DECL
DIST
EMPH
FOC
IMP
INF
INTERR
IRR
M
MULT
NEG
NOM
O
Ob
OM
P
PASS
pl / PL
PRO
PROX
REST
RL
s / SG
S
SR
US
UT
X
abilitative
absolutive
augment
auxiliary particle
chmeur
detransitivizer
declarative
distal
emphatic
focus
imperative
infinitive
interrogative
irrealis
mora
multiple action
negative
nominalizer
object
oblique
object marker
possessive; predicate relation
passive
plural
pronoun
proximal
restrictive
realis
singular
subject
switch reference
unspecified subject
unspecified time
times
vi
Introduction
The name Seri, of Spanish origin according to Gilg (di Peso and Matson 1965), is used today to refer
to the remnant of what was six or more large groups comprised of loosely organized units speaking
perhaps three mutually intelligible dialects (Moser 1963, Spicer 1962, Griffen 1961, Bahre 1967).
While these peoples nomadic way of life in an inhospitable area of Mexico shielded them for
centuries, devastating outside pressures eventually had their impact, reducing the Seri numerically as
well as linguistically (McGee 1898, Spicer 1962, Sheridan 1979). By the year 1920, fewer than two
hundred speakers, consisting primarily of only one dialect group, remained (Moser 1963). Fortunately,
however, just as they had adapted themselves to their harsh physical environment (see references
under Felger and Moser), the Comcaac [kok k] people, as the Seri call themselves, have shown
their ability to control to a great degree the ever-encroaching technological world. Livelihoods based
on fishing and fine artistry (Ryerson 1976), as well as a strong ethnic pride, have enabled them to
continue as a coherent cultural entity. Today virtually all Seri, whose population has more than
doubled in the past twenty-five years, live on the Seri ejido in the coastal area west of Hermosillo,
Sonora, and speak Seri as their first, if not only, language.
The relationship of Seri to other languages is uncertain, although general consensus places it
within the Hokan stock as an isolate with closest affiliation to the Yuman family (Kroeber 1915, 1931;
Langdon 1974; Crawford 1976). Comparative studies so far have been cursory at best, and further
investigation is necessary.
The first known work on the Seri language began with the arrival of Adamo Gilg, a Moravianborn Jesuit priest. Gilg attempted to learn the language, and apparently compiled a Seri vocabulary list
and didactic grammar during the last decade of the seventeenth century (Di Peso and Matson 1965).
Unfortunately, these valuable documents are not known to exist at present.
A few vocabulary lists were composed during the nineteenth century. The following information
regarding them is from McGee 1898. Diego Lavandera sent the Mexican government a very short list
in 1850 to disprove belief that Seri was a dialect of Arabic. United States Boundary Commissioner
John Bartlett made a second, longer list in 1852. A list obtained by D.A. Tenochio around 1860 was
used by Francisco Pimentel in his classification of the Seri language. Alphonse Pinart made yet
another list in 1879 which was used by Albert Gatschet (1883) in his comparison of Seri and the
Yuman languages. Joaquin Loustaunau made an extensive list in 1885 for the government of Mexico.
In 1898 W. J. McGee published a vocabulary list (collected by himself in 1894) in his report for the
Smithsonian. All of these vocabulary lists were written in Spanish with the exception of Bartletts and
McGees, which were in English.
The hunter and naturalist Charles Sheldon (1979) visited the Seris in the winter of 1921-22.
Besides making careful and objective anthropological observations, Sheldon compiled a short
vocabulary list (unpublished). A. L. Kroeber spent six days with the Seri people in 1930, but his
linguistic interests were primarily comparative rather than descriptive (Kroeber 1931).
The first comprehensive linguistic work on the Seri language began with the arrival of Edward and
Mary (Becky) Moser in 1951. Under the auspices of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, and in
cooperation with Mexicos Secretara de Educacin Pblica, the Mosers completed the first phonemic
analysis (1965) and developed a practical orthography which has been used for the publication of
various books in the Seri language, including a small dictionary (1961). Other aspects of the language
which were described include noun pluralization (Moser and Moser 1976), and switch reference
(Moser 1978b). In addition, the Seri language has been used extensively in procuring data for various
vii
ethnographic and ethnobotanical publications (see references under Moser, Bowen and Moser, and
Felger and Moser), and in the publication of books of the New Testament.
By human standards this significant work was prematurely interrupted by the death of Edward
Moser in 1976. A wealth of carefully, even tediously, collected data, accumulated and organized over
more than twenty-five years, was left. As my soon-to-be mother-in-law inherited other new
responsibilities, it came about that I would compile this grammar. The grammar itself is based on data,
often reanalyzed, collected by the Mosers. It will be noted that my analysis of the phonology of Seri
differs from that of Moser and Moser 1965 due to the different framework in which the work was
conducted. Much of the syntactic analysis is based on fieldwork which I did between 1976 and 1981 to
supplement and verify Mosers notes. This fieldwork was supported in part by grants from the Office
of Graduate Studies and Research, University of California at San Diego, and the National Science
Foundation (grant no. BNS-8001985). I also gratefully acknowledge the receipt of a research
assistantship under David Perlmutter through a National Science Foundation grant to the University of
California at San Diego, and a dissertation fellowship from the University of California at San Diego.
I hope that I have indicated sufficiently the profound debt I owe to the work of Edward and Becky
Moser; I have also profited immensely from discussions with Becky Moser, whose intimate
knowledge of the language has been invaluable. I thank her for her patience with me. Deepest
gratitude is due to all those people who so willingly taught me their language, especially Roberto T.
Herrera Marcos (born ca. 1917) who worked closely with Edward Moser for many years and has also
been my main teacher. I also appreciate having been able to work with his son Lorenzo Herrera
Casanova and with Sergio Mndez Mndez.
I also wish to express my sincere appreciation to all those at the University of California, San
Diego, who contributed in different ways to my training in linguistics. Special thanks go to the
members of my committee, Margaret Langdon, David Perlmutter, and Sanford Schane.
Finally, I thank my family, especially my wife Cathy, for their unfailing support and
encouragement.
viii
Postscript to the Introduction

In the past fifteen years the linguistic and anthropological work on Seri has continued. Since the
linguistic work will be referred to in the postscripts to later chapters, I mention here only the
anthropological publications.
An impressive amount of information about the plants of the Sonoran desert and their uses by the
Seri people appeared in the ethnobotany by Felger and Moser (1985). A presentation of the kinship
terms appeared in Moser and Marlett (1989).
Cullar, Jos Arturo. 1980. La comunidad primitiva y las polticas de desarrollo (El caso seri).
Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico.
Felger, Richard, and Mary B. Moser. 1985. People of the desert and sea: ethnobotany of the Seri
Indians. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Moser, Mary B. and Stephen A. Marlett. 1989 Terminologa de parentesco seri. Anales de
Antropologa 26:367-88. Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico.
ix
Introduction to the grammar

This thesis describes, in varying degrees of detail, the structure of the Seri language. In particular, it
includes the major aspects of the segmental phonology, the morphology, and the syntax of the
language. The attempt is made to present the facts as lucidly as possible while maintaining the
explicitness and precision that are provided by describing the facts within some theoretical framework.
It will be seen that many times, however, the frameworks do not provide much help, due primarily to
the scope of the facts.
The phonology is described mainly within the framework of standard generative phonology.
Basically, it is assumed that, where possible, morphemes have one underlying representation. Spellout rules provide the segmental string, applying from the root outward. A linearly ordered set of
phonological rules, some with morphological conditioning, apply to this string to produce the phonetic
representation. Unless otherwise stated, the rules are word-level. This framework permits the
extraction of what seem to me to be significant generalizations and helps to elucidate the complex
morphological structure. To be sure, however, many potentially interesting areas are not explored.
To a great degree the morphology and syntax is purely descriptive. Certain aspects are dealt with
explicitly within the framework of relational grammar, with which some familiarity is presumed. This
framework, unlike others which were also examined, provides the notions which are necessary for the
statement of significant generalizations with respect to the distribution of morphemes. Comparison
with other frameworks has not been a major goal of this thesis, however; such is left up to the reader
or to be the topic of future studies.
The final chapter of the thesis consists of a Seri legend. The orthography used in this chapter and
the rest of the thesis might be characterized as partially phonemic and partially morphophonemic.
In this and the following paragraphs, some general characteristics of the Seri language are outlined
in traditional terms. Seri is an SOV language which is quite synthetic in structure. By means of
prefixes on the verb such things as subject person and number, object person and number, oblique
person, negation, unspecified subject, unspecified object, passive, causative, imperative, and mood are
indicated, among other things. By means of suffixes is indicated subject and action number as well as
a variety of other things which defy broad classification. (Root-internal changes also indicate subject
and action number.) Nominalized verbs of various types are formed through the use of nominalizing
prefixes.
An outstanding characteristic of Seri verb morphology is the amount of allomorphy which exists.
Even after the allomorphs which can be accounted for by phonological rules are eliminated, it is often
the case that two, three, four, or more suppletive allomorphs remain, with a variety of types of
conditioning environments. Allomorphy dependent on the superficial transitivity of the clause is
common.
Seri nouns are not marked for case. Numerous definite articles exist which are historically derived
from verbs and which indicate position or direction of movement of the item.
Nominalized verbs are common since embedded clauses, both relative and complement, are
obligatorily nominalized. They also occur commonly in dependent and independent clauses. Personal
and impersonal passive clauses (all based on transitive verbs) occur. The impersonal passives occur
under either of two conditions: one, when the notional object is plural; two, when an oblique nominal
occurs in the clause. The switch reference system indicates a change in subject (usually notional
subject, but see chapter 15) between clauses of certain types.
Abstract
The structure of Seri, a Hokan language of north-western Mexico, is described. Included are the major
aspects of the segmental phonology, the morphology, and the syntax. An analyzed text is also
included.
The phonology is described mainly within the framework of standard generative phonology.
Chapter 1 presents the phonemes and low-level rules. Morphophonemic rules are presented in the
chapters dealing with the affixes. This analysis differs in many important respects from an earlier,
structural analysis of the phonology. It is argued that Seri has both long and short vowels in addition to
vowel clusters, that it does not have geminate consonants, that nasalization is predictable, and that
glottal stop functions as a sonorant. Arguments are also presented (in chapter 6) in favor of an abstract
underlying consonant, the features of which cannot be determined synchronically.
Chapters 2, 3, and 4 present most of the prefixes and suffixes which occur in the language as well
as the rules accounting for their allomorphs. By means of prefixes on the verb such things as subject
person and number, object person and number, oblique person, negation, unspecified subject,
unspecified object, passive, causative, imperative, and mood are indicated, among other things. By
means of suffixes is indicated subject and action number as well as a variety of other things which
defy broad classification. The essentials of the complicated root-internal changes which also indicate
subject and action number are also explained. Nominalized verbs of various types are formed through
the use of nominalizing prefixes. An outstanding characteristic of Seri verb morphology is the amount
of allomorphy which exists. Even after the allomorphs which can be accounted for by phonological
rules are eliminated, it is often the case that two, three, four, or more suppletive allomorphs remain,
with a variety of types of conditioning environments. Allomorphy dependent on the superficial
transitivity of the clause is common.
Chapter 5 discusses the characteristics of irregular verbs, primarily stress-retracting verbs.
Chapters 7, 8, and 9 discuss the make-up of the noun phrase, word order, foregrounding,
nominalization, and complementation. Nouns are not marked for case. Numerous definite articles exist
which are historically derived from verbs and which indicate position or direction of movement of the
item. The dominant word order in the clause is SOV. Nominalized verbs are common since embedded
clauses, both relative and complement, are obligatorily nominalized. They also occur commonly in
dependent and independent clauses.
Chapter 10 discusses the notion of transitivity which is necessary to account for numerous facts in
Seri. It is shown that a definition of transitivity with respect to the clause is necessary. Since the
framework chosen for the presentation of certain aspects of Seri syntax is relational grammar, it is
shown that the notions of transitive/intransitive strata provided in that framework, together with
certain proposed universals and analyses, make correct and interesting predictions about the syntax of
Seri.
Chapter 11 discusses the subject raising construction in Seri which, together with the switch
reference marking system (chapter 15), provides an argument for the unaccusative hypothesis and the
notion first subject.
Chapter 12 discusses clauses involving 3-2 advancement and passive clauses. Personal and
impersonal passive clauses (all based on transitive verbs) occur. Arguments are presented in favor of a
bistratal analysis of passive clauses in general and an advancement analysis of impersonal passives.
xi
Chapter 13 briefly discusses the syntax of clauses with unspecified direct objects. Chapter 14
discusses the syntax of clauses with verbs preceded by the augment prefix. No one syntactic or
semantic generalization is found to describe all of the occurrences of this prefix.
Chapter 15 discusses the switch reference (change of subject) marking system. It is shown that it is
neither a change of surface or deep subject which is marked. A notion of first subject is proposed.
Chapter 16 is a morpheme by morpheme analysis of a text consisting of one hundred multiclause
sentences.
Two appendices of verb paradigms are included.
xii
Chapter 1
Phonemes and Certain Low-level Processes
1.1. Phonemes
The following segments are the significant segmental units in Seri. The status of the parenthesized
consonants will be discussed below.
Consonants
stops
fricatives
nasals
lateral resonant
glides
abstract
Vowels
p
f []
(W)
m
t
s
n
(l)
k (k)
x
y
(Q)
i i
e [^] e [^]
()
o o
a a
Loanwords from Spanish also include the flap r. Recent loans also involve other Spanish consonants.
Moser and Moser 1965 gives evidence for the contrasting sounds listed above except for the abstract
consonant, which will be discussed below. Other differences between this phonemic inventory and
that of Moser and Moser 1965 will also be noted below.
1.1.1. The plain stops
According to Moser and Moser 1965, the plain stops contrast at labial, dental, velar, and glottal
points of articulation (p. 53). Glottal stop will be treated in this thesis as a glide, however, for reasons
that will become apparent below. Usually unaspirated in utterance-final position, the stops vary freely
to unreleased or nasal release, except k which is usually unreleased following a vowel in this
position, and slightly aspirated when following a consonant in this position. (See Moser and Moser
1965 for discussion of the fronted and backed allophones of the consonants.) Contiguous identical
consonants are pronounced as a long consonant. In the case of stops, this means that the articulators
are simply held longer before release.
1.1.2. The fricatives
According to Moser and Moser 1965, the fricatives contrast at labial, alveolar, alveopalatal
retroflex, velar, and back velar points of articulation. The lateral fricative has a voiced offglide before
a vowel. The back velar , as well as , feature marked trilling of the uvula (p. 53). The fricative
W is slightly spirantized voiceless w.
1.1.3. The round consonants
The round consonants k, , and W contrast taxonomically. In the majority of cases, however, they
can be shown to be derived from underlying sequences of /ko/, /o/, and /ox/ (or /ok/) respectively.
The syncope rule is discussed in 4.1.2. Some occurrences of // are generated by a rule of
coalescence by which /()o + o/ become ()a. This rule is discussed in 2.3.5. Nevertheless, a few
instances of each of these segments cannot be derived synchronically by any rule and therefore these
segments are included in the inventory of segments above.

According to Moser and Moser 1965, the offglide of k is voiced before vowels and /y/,
voiceless otherwise, although it is noted that in utterance final position the labialization of /k/ is
barely released, if at all (53). The offglide is not always noticeable before strident consonants, as
some faulty transcriptions in Moser and Moser 1965 testify. They also note that for some speakers k
is optionally pronounced as [k] utterance finally. I take this to be the aspirated release noted for plain
stops above. It is also noted that // has a slight voiced off-glide before vowels; before consonants
or silence it is voiceless throughout. The labialization may be actualized as simultaneous lip rounding
rather than off-glide (pp. 54-55). W may also have a voiced offglide before a vowel.
Moser and Moser 1965 posits a contrast between the unit k and the sequence kW. I claim,
however, that this contrast is spurious. What was claimed to be / kW/ I demonstrate should actually be
analyzed as /kx/. See 1.2.13.
1.1.4. The nasals
The nasals contrast at labial and dental points of articulation. Moser and Moser 1965 also posited a
velar nasal phoneme, but it is shown below that virtually all occurrences of velar nasals are derivable
from m. See 1.2.7-9.
1.1.5. The voiced lateral
The contrast between the voiced and voiceless laterals is virtually lost in modern Seri. Words with the
voiced lateral are rarely found and are typically place names or words in which voiced and voiceless l
alternate, the variant with being the more common. Two words in which a voiced lateral occurs
without any alternation are pale m ek, a species of cone shell, and lam, a species of fish. While it
appears that the contrast between l and is marginal today, the historical development of this situation
is unclear.
1.1.6. The abstract consonant
A case is presented in 6.1 for positing an abstract underlying consonant, the features of which cannot
be determined synchronically. The symbol Q has been arbitrarily chosen to represent this segment.
1.1.7. The vowels
I have posited long as well as short vowels, whereas Moser and Moser 1965 analyzed the long vowels
as geminates. The evidence against the latter interpretation will be summarized in 6.2. I posit
underlying long vowels only in the following three positions: root[C0___, root[C0V___. and in certain
prefixes (for reasons discussed in chapter 2). These positions are directly correlated with the placement
of primary and secondary stress. Underlyingly long vowels are shortened in direct relation to the
degree of stress that occurs on them phonetically.
The vowels e, e, a, and a function phonologically as low vowels and the others as nonlow, as
will be seen repeatedly in chapter 2. The vowels also divide into front and back vowels with respect to
all phonological rules. As described in Moser and Moser 1965, i is a high close front vowel which
tends to vary freely with [i v] in unstressed single vowel position. It is sometimes backed to [e ] before
. What is represented as e() is a mid open front vowel which has a phonetic quality varying between
[] and []. Although in some circumstances a higher variant occurs, o() is typically a mid close back
vowel. An o has a definite tendency to glide when it occurs before a low vowel, and sometimes before
a high vowel, under conditions that have not yet been investigated. a() is a low open central vowel
(p. 55). There is no glottal or aspirate onset before utterance initial vowels. There is also no
transitional phenomenon separating vowels which occur in clusters. Sequences of identical vowels are
articulated as one long vowel.
1.1.8. Features
The following features will be used to refer to the segments of Seri.
p t
k k
syllabic
sonorant
consonantal
labial
coronal
high
back
nasal
round
continuant
lateral
voiced
+
+
+
+
syllabic
low
(high)
back
long
a
+
+
a
+
+
+
+
+
+
e
+
+
f W s s

+ + + + +
+
+ + +
+ +
+

+
+ + + + +
+

e
+
+
i
+
i
+
o
+
+
+
+
+
m n y Q
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
o
+
+
+
The feature [high] is redundant but is used in at least one low-level rule.
1.2. Low-level processes
Several low-level processes will be discussed below, the effects of which will not be represented in
surface forms in later chapters.
1.2.1. Post-tonic lengthening
Consonants and vowels are noticeable lengthened under certain conditions. Lengthened consonants are
often 150-230 msecs. long in normal speech, which is one and a half to two and a half times longer
than unlengthened consonants. Lengthened vowels are 250-350 msecs. in length, which is two to four
times longer than short stressed vowels and much longer than stressed long vowels. The length is
directly correlated with the degree of stress which occurs on the stressed vowel.
A consonant is lengthened if it follows a stressed vowel nucleus of a certain type and precedes a
vowel. The stressed vowel nucleus referred to may be composed of a single vowel (long or short) or a
short vowel followed by another short vowel. Likewise, a vowel is lengthened if it follows the same
type of vowel nucleus and a single consonant and precedes a consonant. If a short vowel can be
characterized as being one mora (M), and two short vowels as one long vowel consisting of two
morae, the rule can be more easily stated. The rule, given as (1), also correctly states that if a long
vowel is lengthened, such as for indicating intensity (very), the post-tonic lengthening will not occur.
There is one condition on these lengthening processes: The segment to be lengthened may not be part
of a suffix. The final segment of the environment may occur in a following word, however.
(1)
Post-tonic Lengthening:
[syllabic] [+long] /
M (M) <C> ____ (##) [-syl]

[+str]
<+syl>
Condition: The substituendum may not be part of a suffix.
This rule is intended to have the following expansion

(2)
a.
[+syl] [+long] /
b.
[-syl] [+long] / M (M) ___ (##) V

[+str]
M (M) C ___ (##) C

[+str]
No lengthening occurs when the vowel or consonant is followed by any other environment. The
following words illustrate the operation of this rule on both post-tonic consonants and vowels.
(3)
a ox
ota
e nox
kta m -ia
[a ox]
[ ota]
[e nox]
[kta m ia]
shore
sea currents
hummingbird (sp.)
It is a man.
The following examples illustrate that lengthening occurs when the stressed nucleus consists of two
distinct vowels.
(4)
k-o i pa-im
[ko i paim]
what is crossways
k-o e ke-kam [ko e kekam] what hangs down
kto i a
[kto i a]
desert whiptail lizard
The following examples illustrate that stressed nuclei with more than two morae do not condition
Post-tonic Lengthening.
(5)
k-o-k-o-i-ia
k-a o-ia
ka ixox
kat ixa
[koko i ia]
[ka oia]
[ka ixox]
[kat ixa]
[a ke o]
He is winning.
It is fluted.
manta ray
duck (sp.)
somewhat reddish (intens.)
The following examples illustrate that a) the segments to be lengthened must be in the same word as
the stressed vowel, b) they need not belong to the stem or to the same morpheme as the stressed
vowelsome prefixes occur post-tonically due to stress retraction (see chapter 5), c) they cannot
belong to a suffix, and d) the conditioning consonant or vowel may be in the next word.
(6)
a.
b.
c.
d.
a i kop
s-a ka-a
mo -k-a-t
k-a m -a
k-a -tim
ko -tax
-to kix
[a i kop]
[sa kaa]
[mo k at]
[ka m a]
[ka tim]
[ko tax]
[ t o kix]
the wind
She will grind it.
who come
Dont accompany him!
who grinds (mult.)
guitarfish (pl.)
his eye
This lengthening rule provides supportive evidence for the componential analysis of words. The
fact that the form ka i ax what is strong/difficult is phonetically [ka i ax] supports the analysis that
the stem -aiax is composed of the bound root -ai plus the suffixes --a (cf. 4.4). This process also
provides evidence for the analysis of stem allomorphs of both nouns and verbs to be developed in
chapter 4. The following forms illustrate this matter.
(7)
Singular
s a ka m
s p
a
t p
po sx
ko
Plural
[s a ka mak]
[s pik]
[a axam]
[t pok]
[po sika]
[ko oox]
female youth
male youth
water
sea shell (sp.)
fishing line
carrying net
The lexical forms of these nouns should be analyzed as /s a kama/, /sipi/, and /tipo/, etc., for two
reasons: first, the post-tonic vowel is not predictable; second, the post-tonic vowel cannot be analyzed
as part of the suffix because suffix vowels do not lengthen.
Post-tonic Lengthening is not completely automatic since a large number of loanwords from
Spanish do not undergo it. Instead, the stressed vowel is usually lengthened.
[to ro]
[pas a to]
[tro ki]
(8)
bull
shoe
automobile
It may be easily shown that Post-tonic Lengthening is productive in spite of the data in (8). One way to
indicate disbelief in Seri is by using the appropriate intonation and adding the suffix /-a/ to a word.1
The interrogative suffix /-ya/ also often follows and is included in the following examples.
sta k
(9)
sta k -a-ya
pumice
Other superficial exceptions to Post-tonic lengthening also exist for which a similar explanation is
possible but for which the case is less clear.
(i)
k-oitom
k-aitom
k-ato
which are five

who speaks
who fights
Such exceptions, as well as the nonphonetic restrictions on Post-tonic lengthening, are probably
what led Moser and Moser (196562) to posit geminate clusters in phonemic contrast with single
consonants in medial position.
The effect of this morpheme is to change a word such as stak into something equivalent to the English
Pumice? Ha! or Pumice, my eye!. The phonetic realization of stak-a-ya is as expected: [sta k aya]. If
a consonant cluster immediately follows the stressed vowel nucleus (which has the same restrictions as
for Post-tonic Lengthening), however an a is infixed following the first consonant of that cluster, as
shown below. (This rule also provides one piece of evidence that /k/ and // are units at the level at
which it applies.)
(10)
a s t
ptka m n
ye k ts
a
kto i kka
k- k t
[a s ataya]
[ptka m anaya]
[ye k ats a ya]
[a aaya]
[kto i kakaya]
[k k ataya]
stone
lobster
Yaqui
clam (sp.)
lizards (sp.)
they who kill
Therefore the morpheme also triggers the following infixation rule. 2

(11)
a-Infixation (morphologically-triggered)
a / M (M) C ___ C
[+str]
Condition: The first C may not be suffixal
This rule feeds Post-tonic Lengthening, but the a itself does not lengthen; I assume this is because as
an infix it is treated like a suffix. And just as suffix consonants cannot undergo Post-tonic
Lengthening, so this functionally-related infixation rules does not insert a vowel after a suffix
consonant, as illustrated by the following forms.
(12)
s a -ka
[s a kaya]
caves
1.2.2. Glottalization and Nasal-Glottal metathesis

A sequence of a consonant followed by glottal stop is realized phonetically as a glottalized version of
the consonant. This process is observed in the phonetic realization of sequences of k plus :
k--a-s Give him/her (something) to drink! [kas]. The labialization is what leads into the
articulation of the vowel.
A nasal consonant and a following glottal stop metathesize.3 (That metathesis and not coalescence
is involved is established in 2.4.1.). This metathesis applies with some variability across the stronger
boundaries.
(13)
i-m-e-i
im-e
i-s-a-p-im a-i
ktam im-kop
[ime ia]
It is not red.
[ime ]
It is red.
[isa plim a i] ~ [isa plima i]
[kta m kop]
that man
I will break it.
The relative ordering of the glottalization rule and the metathesis rule is probably a moot point since a
glottalized nasal and a glottal-nasal sequence are indistinguishable. In 2.4.1 this fact takes on more
significance.
2
This suffix is most likely a reduced form of the auxiliary particle a (cf. $3.5.1).
The examples in (13) all involve m. Since n is not used as a prefix in Seri, metathesis involving n
would necessarily involve a stronger intervening boundary. It is attested, however.
3
1.2.3. Rounding and Velarization

Back consonants become round when they follow a round consonant. This phrase-level, iterative
process is illustrated by the forms in (14).
(14)
k-s o k
s-apWx ka-a
k-o-pans
an k-a-tikpan
s i mWxk epe iti k-om-ya
[ks o k]
which are four
[sa p W kaa]
He will tremble.4
[kopa n s ]
He ran like him!
[an kat k pan]
who works a lot
[s m k e p e iti ko nya]
When was it launched?
Forms such as [ktotox] Was it dried up? show that other consonants do not become round.
(15)
Rounding (phrase-level, iterative):

C [+round] / C
___
[+bac]
[+round]
What might be considered the same process as Rounding applies when a p follows k. The p
becomes k, the resulting geminate cluster being realized as a long segment. This velarization of the p
occurs much less across word boundaries, however, unlike Rounding. The examples in (16) illustrate
these facts.
(16)
a.
k-po-pans
when he runs like him...
[kkopans ]
b.
im-si-k pa ta-
if you are going to kill him
[ins k pa ta]
The rule is formalized as (17).

(17)
Velarization:
C [+rd ] / C
___
[-son]
[+bac] [+rd ]
[+lab]
[-cnt]
1.2.4. Diphthongization
As described in Moser and Moser 1965, a vowel immediately preceding a round consonant in the
same word becomes a diphthong; a nonlow round offglide agreeing in the feature [high] with that
vowel is inserted. Some examples are given in (18) and the rule is formalized in (19). 5
(18)
a
k-i-k-t
a-keWxk
a k-i-fp
[a o ]
[k u kt]
[ake o Wk]
[a k fp]
cherry stone clam

they who kill it
firewood
his arrival there
The x of sapWx kaa deletes by a rule which is discussed in 1.2.13.
I assume that the diphthongization is not noticeable following a round vowel ok [ok]
wood. The offglide does not figure into the mora count with respect to Post-tonic lengthening.
5
(19)
Diphthongization:
[-syl ] / V
___ C
[+son] [hi]
[+rd ]
[-cns ] [-rd ]
[hi ]
[-lo ]
[+bac]
[+rd ]
1.2.5. Nasalization
Nasalization is noncontrastive in Seri. Nasalized vowels are derived by the interaction of two rules.
Nasal lenition (20) feeds a rule that subsequently nasalizes nonconsonantal continuants which follow
the nasal glide resulting from that rule. The formulation of the lenition rule as given in (20)
presupposes rules of syllabification which will not be developed here.
(20)
Nasal lenition: m becomes following a tautosyllabic back stop.
(21)
Nasalization:
[cns] [+nas] / [cns ] ___
[+nas]
(22)
k-mi-fp
kmike
i-s-km-ai a-a
i-t-akmoka
[kw fp]
[kw k e]
[iskw a iaa]
[ita k moka]
He is coming to him.
person; Seri
I wont do it.
Did they put it?
Moser and Moser observed the lenition rule as it was spreading through the lexicon and the speech
community, and they contrasted forms to which the rules had applied with forms to which the rules
had not yet applied. Therefore they considered nasalization phonemic, although considerable
alternation was noted (1965:55). Since then, the rules have generalized to the entire lexicon for
younger speakers.
1.2.6. m-Assimilation
A word-initial m or an m following an unstressed vowel assimilates to the general point of

articulation of a consonant that follows it.6 This process and others to be described below generate
virtually all occurrences of [] in the language. It appears to apply less obligatorily to word-final
ms.
(23)
m-Assimilation (phrase-level):
m [point] / ##
() ___
C
V
[point]
[-str]
The effect of this rule is illustrated by the following forms. The optional glottal stop is necessary for
forms such as (24f).7
6
It is not clear what is the actual point of articulation of a nasal before y.
This complication would be avoided if, as Franois Dell has suggested (p.c.), the glottal and nasal
had coalesced into one unit before (23) applied. This possibility is discussed further in 2.3.4. As the
phonetic transcription of (24f) shows, I perceive the nasal as being syllabic in this position.
(24)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
i-m-a [ima ]
i-m-pi [imp ]
i-m-si [ins ]
i-m-ya [inya ]
i-m-ka [ika ]
ma--m-s a [man s s a ]
k-iam-t [k ant]
who is not grinding

who is not tasting it
who is not smelling it
who does not own it
who does not look for it
I am talking to you.
who fear it
h.
i.
kotpam ki [ko tpaki]

a m-s-in a-a [a ns naa]
the sardine (sp.)

He will return soon.
The m in the root /-msis n/ pitiable never assimilates, however.

(25)
[momsis n]
[kamsis n]
He is pitiable.
he who loves
Other morpheme-internal ms assimilate. The exceptional nature of /-msisn/ is therefore especially

anomalous.
(26)
komka k
amkano n
[koka k]
[akano n]
people; Seris
pan
An underlying n does not assimilate to labial or velar points of articulation.

(27)
s-o-men ka-a
si-iskan ka-a
[so men kaa]

[s i skan kaa]
He will winnow
It will be hard.
An m which is preceded by a stressed vowel (in the same word) does not assimilate.
(28)
s-im ka-a
s-a-s i m ka-a
[s m kaa]
[sas m kaa]
He will sleep.
It will be nice.
Old word lists indicate that in the 19th century this assimilation rule did not exist. Pinart (1879) and
Bartlett (1852) both give komkak for komka k [koka k] people; Seris. McGee (1898), however,
gives kun-kak. For tomkox k-k-i [tonkox kk ] which are seven, Pinart gives tomkaXkue,
and Tenochio (1860) gives tomkuikcui. For komkai [koka i ] old woman, however, McGee gives
kunkai and Tenochio konkabre.8
1.2.7. The verb /-om/ lie
The m of the commonly used verb /-om/ lie, be prone assimilates even when the preceding vowel is
stressed. Compare the following forms.
(29)
lie
-om
[ko mia]
[ko nya]
[so kaa]
swallow (unspec.)
-o-am
[ko mia]
He is ...
[ko mya]
Is he ...?
[so m kaa]
He will ...
See the preface for information regarding these word lists which are reprinted in Hernndez 1902.
These facts might be accounted for by a minor rule which would apply only to the verb /-om/ lie, or
this verb could be marked as a positive exception to m-Assimilation.
1.2.8. Other occurrences of []
There are two (other) interesting positive exceptions to the m-Assimilation rule. Phrases serving as
demonstratives are composed of a locative plus an article. The underlying form of there is seen in the
form im i-t-a k at leaving it there... (there OM-RL-leave). In a demonstrative expression the stress
occurs on the locative morpheme.
(30)
m -intika tok ko-nt- m -a [ m intika tok kont m a]

that=one there he=went
There he went.
kta m m -kop [kta m kop]
that man
Obviously the problem is that the m has assimilated to the velar point of articulation even though the
preceding vowel is strongly stressed. These demonstratives are also unusual in that they are exceptions
to Post-tonic Lengthening. The a-Infixation rule is able to apply to these forms, separating the [n] from
the conditioning consonant.
(31)
[kta m akopaya]
That man, my eye!
It is not clear how these facts should be accounted for.

The second positive exception is the name of a certain species of duck [kto k], which is
obviously onomatopoetic.9
1.2.9. Backing
Another rule generating [] is characteristic of younger speakers especially. By this rule an m
following an unstressed vowel becomes [] when it occurs before pause. This rule could be stated as
in (32). It does not apply to n.
(32)
Backing:
m /
V ___ ||
[-str]
Thus words like kotpam sardine (sp.) are usually pronounced [ko tpa] utterance finally. Words
such as esen ironwood do not have such alternates.
1.2.10. Influence of secondary stress on rules affecting m
The assimilation and backing rules are blocked by secondary stress which is assigned by three rules.
The first rule assigns secondary stress to a vowel immediately following a vowel with primary stress.
(I will discuss primary stress placement in chapter 2.)
(33)
V [2 stress] /
V
___
[l stress]
One other occurrence of a velar nasal that is not derived by any regular rule is in the (almost
onomatopoetic) verb meaning to speak wrong. In this case it is a labialized velar nasal
[sa u kaa] He will say it wrong. This lexical item refers to Nasal lenition (20).
10
Therefore s-a om ka-a he will beg becomes [sa o m kaa] epe kya i m-tox they threw him in the
sea becomes [e p e kya m tox]. m-Assimilation (23) does not apply.
Secondary stress is also generated during compound word formation, including the formation of
some idioms. In compound words the stress on the first member is reduced, resulting in a loss of
vowel length.
(34)
o p
-n
[o p n ]
na pa
k-Q m
[na p a kk m ]
Bursera microphylla
its hands
Bursera hindsiana
buzzard (sp.)
he who throws at it
who has poor luck begging
There are many other obviously compound words although they may have undergone further
phonological change, most commonly the loss of a consonant or vowel in a cluster.
(35)
e p e
ano
ka y
e p enoka y
k-a k
o p ka k
pana ms
[pana m sa k]
a-ka m
k-ka
[aka m kka ]
sea, tide
in
horse
mythological sea creature
which are big
Bursera laxiflora
seaweed
sargassum
husband
who looks for it
bird (sp.)
It should be noted that in words such as panamsa k above, the m follows a vowel with secondary
stress and thus does not assimilate to the following consonant. It is expected that as the internal
structure of compound words becomes more opaque, the m-Assimilation rule will apply. A possible
example pointed out to me by M. Moser is the initial unanalyzable sequence in the words in (36).
(36)
omka ft
omkao i x
ome s i s 10
[oka ft]
[okao i x]
[oe s is ]
oregano bush
Opuntia reflexispina
ocotillo
More obvious are the examples in (37), all of which have the sequence (morpheme (?)) am- which
has to do with fire (cf. ama k campfire).
(37)
amkano n
amke
amka at
[akano n]
[ake ]
[aka at]
pan
skewer
smoke
Higher level rules do not regard vowels with secondary stress as stressed vowels; therefore in
subsequent chapters [-stress] means the absence of primary stress.
10
According to M. Moser (p.c.), this word has an idiolectal variant moe s i s .
11
1.2.11. i-Lowering
A high front vowel is lowered when it is followed by a low vowel (only a will occur in this position
cf. 1.3.3).
(38)
(39)
i-Lowering:
i [+lo] / ___
i-mi-am
i-si-a
i-ax
i-as
k-on a
V
[+lo]
[ime a m]
[ise a ]
[e a x]
[e a s]
[kone a ]11
They said to him.

He will order him.
its vertebra
my mothers father
whoi washes hisi hands
Words such as k- t a what is sharp/pointed show that this lowering rule does not apply if the vowels
are not contiguous.
1.2.12. e-Raising
The speech of younger Seri speakers can be partially characterized by a rule which applies less
frequently in the speech of older speakers. A post-tonic e becomes i under the following conditions.
(40)
e-Raising (optional):
e i / i C0 ___
As far as I know, in all cases there is only one consonant separating the vowels. An e does not occur
immediately following i nor with a consonant cluster separating it from the i.
(41)
kmike
k-ipe
m -me
[kw k i]
[k pi]
[m mi]
person; Seri
what is good
It is all gone.
1.2.13. x-Lenition and x-Deletion

A velar fricative lenites to [W] after k. The only example of this lenition process which I know of is
in the word a-ya k x [aya o kW]. This is the word on the basis of which Moser and Moser (1965)
set up a contrast between /k/ and /kW/ (cf. 1.1.3). The application of a-Infixation (11) aya k x is
the evidence for underlying x and not W: [aya o kaxaya] Anklebone, my eye!.
In 4.3.5 it is argued that some forms have a near surface representation ending in Wxk. These are
phonetically [Wk]. The x is also absent in other forms which I write as ending in Wx (cf. (14)
above). The rule which accounts for these facts is not the same as the lenition process described above,
and is not a low-level rule. This is shown by the fact that, unlike the x in aya k x anklebone, the x of
the following types of words cannot be made to appear phonetically by means of the rule of aInfixation (11): kite Wxk who is thin, ka Wxk what is dry, and k Wxkim which barks (repeatedly) at
it.
11
I am positing underlying /ia/ for morpheme internal sequences of [ea] also since there is a rule
that changes the sequence ea to ee. (cf. 2.7.1). In 4.1.3.4 additional justification for this is found
with respect to certain morphemes at least.
12
1.2.14. Degemination
Nonnasal geminate clusters as well as clusters such as kk tend to degeminate when the second
consonant is not followed by a stressed vowel. (The effects of degemination have not been shown in
the phonetic representations above.) Degemination has applied in the examples in (42) but not in those
in (43).
(42)
ip-p-a-a p
s-a m ok ka-a
po-pans -
[ipaa p]
[sa m okaa]
[popa n s ]
when I am cold...
It will be dark.
if he runs...
(43)
i-m-moke pe-a
s i k-ka p
s-amok k-e -ya
[immoke pea]
[s kka p ]
[samok ke ya]
He is not sick.
thing that flies (airplane)
Will it be night?
1.2.15. Sibilant assimilation

An s assimilates to a following s. (As far as I know, the sequence s s is not generated by any processes
in the language.) Therefore when the s of the independent irrealis prefix is followed by a root
beginning with s , it also becomes s: s-s a t a-a [s s a taa] It will be thorny.
1.2.16. Phrase and clause stress
I have already mentioned that underlying as well as derived vowel length is in direct correlation with
the degree of stress which occurs. One process affecting stress is the way in which compound nouns
are formed (cf. 1.2.10).
Another factor affecting the degree of phonetic stress is the rule which reduces primary stress on
words in a phrase except for the final primary stress. The phrase k a komka k k-m s pak (things
Seris NOM-resemble some) some Indians has the most noticeable stress on the word kmis. The degree
of post-tonic lengthening on ika and the contrastive vowel length on komka k are reduced
significantly. In noun phrases the tendency is to maintain the right-most primary stress while reducing
the others, as was the case in compounding.
The stress on the verb of a dependent clause is commonly reduced, apparently obligatorily so,
when it is immediately preceded by a stressed particle with which it is associated semantically. (Many
of these are the relational nouns discussed in 7.11.) The stress in (44a) is on iti, in (44b) on ant, in
(44c) on ano. The stress in (44d) is retained on the verb since another morpheme occurs between the
particle and the stressed morpheme of the verb.
(44)
a.
b.
c.
d.
t i m -p-om
a n t m p -om
s a kix a n o po -s k im
iti m-s-ka m -om a-a
if you lie on it...

if you lie down...
when the sun goes in (sets)...
You shouldnt lie on it!
1.2.17. Other
For other details of the phonetics of Seri, including basic intonation patterns, see Moser and Moser
1965. Kroebers (1931) claim that Seri is a tonal language is incorrect.
13
1.3. Phonotactics
Discussion of the consonant and vowel clusters of Seri was the primary focus of Moser and Moser
1965. In this section I will present some of the facts in a different way as well as present some new
observations. 12
1.3.1. Initial consonant clusters
As many as four consonants can be observed to occur together in word-initial position (preceded by
pause), as illustrated by the word k-s-tamt there will be many.... To my knowledge, all of these
(which are few) involve some verb form with the third person oblique prefix (cf. 2.4.3). They are
therefore a restricted type of variation based on the more common three-consonant clusters which will
be discussed below.
I will discuss clusters in terms of the following classes: stops (S), fricatives (F), nasals (N), and
glides (G) (including glottal stop). I will ignore the voiced lateral. The attested utterance-initial twoconsonant clusters are listed in (45).
(45)
Attested
SS
FS
SF
FF
SN
FN
SG
FG
Unattested
NS GS
NF GF
NN GN
NG GG
The unattested clusters all involve an initial sonorant. The following observation holds true for all
surface forms.
(46)
A sonorant-consonant sequence is always preceded by a vowel.13
Either of two epenthesis rules, discussed in 2.3.4 and 2.3.6, applies to potential violations of this
generalization.
Of the sixty-four possible initial three-consonant clusters, only a few actually occur. They are
shown, with some examples in (47). While most arise through verb inflection, some are attested in
monomorphemic words.
12
Many of the results of Moser and Moser's study would have to be changed under the revised
phonological analysis presented in this thesis. For example, they counted [k] as two consonants
whereas it is clearly only one, k. They also have utterance-initial clusters beginning with glottal stop.
As far as I can tell, however, these glottal stops are either preceded by an epenthetic i (cf. 2.3.4) or
not present at all phonetically.
The form [man s s a ] I am talking to you is not accomodated by a strict interpretation of this
generalization. The nasal is syllabic, however, as was noted in 1.2.6.
13
14
(47)
SSS :
SSF :
SSN :
SSG :
SFS :
SFF :
SFN :
SFG :
ptkamn
k-p-ko-yo
k-t-s i mpa
t-kmamat
k-t-yeno
k-t-e
t-tamt
k-s -ko-mt
k-s ok
k-nois
k-s-yeno
k-s-emt
s-ktamot
pkim
FSN : s-kmamat
FFS : s-tamt
FSS :
lobster
they who taste it
Was it moldy...?
Is it a female?
Did he have a face like him?
Was it red...?
Was it a lot?
they who like it
he who hacks at it
what is cluttered
He will have a face like him.
It will stink...
It will be a male.
(nickname)
It will be a female.
It will be a lot.
I assume that the remaining clusters which do not violate (46), namely FFF, FSF, FFG, FSG, and FFN
are accidental gaps.
1.3.2. Final consonant clusters
As many as four consonants can be observed to occur together in word-final position (preceding
pause). These will be discussed below. First I will discuss two-consonant clusters which occur in final
position. The attested and unattested clusters are listed below. 14
(48)
Attested
SS
NS
SF
NF
FS
NN
FF
GS
GF
Unattested
SN SG
FN FG
NG
GN GG
Of the unattested clusters, the three involving nasals are the most relevant since such clusters are
generated as the result of Syncope (cf, 4.1.2). A rule inserting i (cf. 4.3.6) is the most common way
in which such clusters are prevented from surfacing. The following observation holds true for all
surface forms.
(49)
The consonants of a coda agree in nasality.
Since it is not likely that the absence of glide-final clusters is accidental, the following generalization is stated.
(50)
Glides occur only contiguous to a vowel.
14
The glide y does not occur in any coda clusters. In fact, it does not occur at all as a syllable coda
except in the loanword kay horse. Therefore the glides referred to in (48) are all glottal stops.
15
Were it not for the fact that a syllable can end in a cluster consisting of two nasals, one could say that
sonorants occur only contiguous to a vowel. Such a generalization would make (46) and (50) both
unnecessary.
Of the possible three-consonant clusters, only the following are attested word-finally.
(51)
SSF :
yekts
-aptx
Yaquis
be wide
FS :
takk
-apxk
porpoises
wear around neck
FF :
-kap
keps
sena p s x
FF :
-afs
-as 15
SS :
-askt
SF :
koftx
-ap
coral snake
be mad at
FS :
ak
-asxk
arrow points
white lice
SF :
-amtx
-anp
tendon
return home
FS :
-tamk
-amxk
temple (of head)

bring
FF :
-in
FF :
-pes
-mis
FS :
GSF :
-a-m k
i-t-at-
be sour
sand crab
heron (sp.)
be lightweight
cough
lung
be empty
be shallow
slip
make smooth (pl.)
when they saw it...
The absence of the clusters SSS, NSS, and GSS is probably an accident. The observations noted above
account for the remaining clusters which do not occur.
To any dependent verb with three final consonants could be added the suffix /-/ (cf. 3.1.7),
creating a four-consonant cluster: i-po-mxk- if he brings it.... A nominalized verb (cf. 2.6.1) could
also be followed by the definite article ki (cf. 7.1) which has the allomorph [k] in utterance final
position. This construction would add another consonant to any final cluster. An example is
[kanp k] (NOM-return the).16
Utterance-finally this cluster occurs as [s ] the Cluster n, as in kin what is empty does not
exhibit this metathesis, however.
15
16
The four-consonant clusters occurring stem-internally that I know of all involve a W followed by
xk -oWxk be upright (pl.), -tipWxk squeeze, -a m Wxk overturn (pl.), and tama p Wxk
16
1.3.3. Vowel clusters

A few observations will be made here with respect to unattested vowel clusters. Moser and Moser
1965 notes that the cluster ae does not occur. A more general constraint is perhaps in force, however,
since the cluster a C0e does not occur either (cf. 2.3.5), while aC1e does occur. (See also 6.1.1.)
Moser and Moser 1965 notes also that only one occurrence of the cluster ei was found:
[ate i kti] rag. However, this is a compound based on -a-tai (loin)cloth and i--ktim (3P-NOMbe=cut) piece of. Other than in this word, the sequence does not occur phonetically, although it does
occur phonologically. See 2.7.1.
I have personally observed that pretonic e does not occur and that where it is expected (cf. 2.3.5
and 4.1.4) a occurs instead.17 Important exceptions to this generalization are the first and second
person oblique prefixes (cf. 2.4.3). Except for these prefixes and the independent pronouns, the vowel
e() appears to be restricted to either of the following positions:
___ C1 ___.
[+str]
I have also observed that the sequence ia does not occur morpheme-internally underlyingly, with
only one exception, /-iam/ be spacious. The sequence arises through the juxtaposition of morphemes
and as a result of a minor ablaut rule, however. This sequence does not even occur phonetically wordinternally.18 Word-internal sequences of ia surface as [ea] (cf. 1.2.11) or [iya] (cf. 5.3). Also, the
sequence ie does not occur on the surface. Finally, with the exception noted above, the sequence iV
does not occur morpheme-internally in underlying representations where V is a vowel other than i().19
Derived sequences of the latter type do occur, however, as in -onam my hat, from underlying
/i-aonam/.
rainbows. The x does not occur phonetically in this position, however, and so these are not good
examples of four-consonant clusters (cf. 1.2.13).
17
One exception is the common pronunciation of i-ke k t my parent-in-law which is [eke k t].
18
This sequence arises with certain suffixes and particles, however, such as those noted in Moser
and Moser 1965 ai-a -a it is really windy, i-s-ai a-a [isa iaa] he will do it.
19
Moser and Moser 1965 incorrectly analyzed root-initial sequences of yV as iV. They are most
definitely consonant-initial roots as prefixation patterns indicate.
17
Postscript to Chapter 1
A somewhat more conservative position about the place of the round consonants is taken in
Marlett 1988. This article also presents a much more complete discussion of the syllable structure of
Seri. I also now am convinced that W should be understood phonologically as a labialized velar
fricative, x, as suggested by an anonymous IJAL referee sometime in the past.
The abstract consonant is discussed in Marlett 1981 and Marlett and Stemberger 1983. The latter
proposes that the abstract consonant facts should be analyzed as resulting from an empty consonant
position.
I have observed since writing this thesis that Velarization (17) is not obligatory for all speakers of
Seri.
The pronunciation of the word mentioned in note 17 actually has a lengthened e [] in the first,
unstressed syllable, which is very odd since vowels are not contrastive in unstressed position, and are
not long in pre-stress position.
Finally, I have decided in more recent technical publications to use the symbol rather than e for
the low front vowel since it is too easy for readers to incorrectly interpret the short-hand
representations that were used earlier. I also regret the choice that I made in the thesis of trying to
write words at an intermediate phonological representation which is probably likely to be
misinterpreted in various ways. For example, the representation of [nt] as mt in those places where we
know that the nasal comes from an underlying m is too likely to be misunderstood as being
phonetically [mt].
Marlett, Stephen A. 1981. The abstract consonant in Seri. Proceedings of the Berkeley Linguistics
Society, pp. 154-165.
Marlett, Stephen A. 1988 The syllable structure of Seri. International Journal of American Linguistics
54:245-78.
Marlett, Stephen A., and Joseph P. Stemberger. 1983. Empty consonants in Seri. Linguistic Inquiry
14:617-639.
18
Chapter 2
Prefix Morphology and Morphophonemics
2.1. Overview of prefix morphology
Finite verbs in Seri are minimally marked for person and number of the final subject and direct object
(if any), for person of oblique nominals (with certain conditions), and for mood. (The agreement rules
are given more precisely in 2.4 and developed in later chapters.) Other verb markings which occur as
prefixes on finite verbs include: directionals (cf. 2.5.14); object marker (OM) (cf. 2.5.1); unspecified
subject (US) (cf. 2.5.11); negative (cf. 2.5.2); first person restrictive (cf. 2.5.9); passive (cf. 2.5.5);
detransitivizer (D) (cf. 2.5.4 and chapter 13); an augment prefix (cf. 2.5.6 and chapter 14) which
indicates a causative meaning, among other things; and a prefix meaning times (X) (cf. 2.5.10 and
chapter 11). Imperative and infinitival forms, which involve special prefixes, have the same structure
as finite verbs except that the following prefixes do not occur on them (cf. 2.5.3,7-8): subject prefix,
object marker, unspecified subject, and first person restrictive. The negative prefix also never occurs
on infinitival forms. The structures of nominalizations are slightly different and are discussed in 2.6.
The relative order of these prefixes is given in (1).20
(1)
Obliq.-Direct.- Object Marker
Subj.-Mood -
Neg.- First Restr.
Imperative
Object
Pass. - Augment - root

Detr.
X times
Unspec.
Subject
Infinitive
The brackets in (1) indicate some of the restrictions on these morphemes.

The mood prefixes, which structurally and semantically form a class, are discussed in the next
section.
2.2. Mood prefixes
The prefixes in (2), which indicate primarily mood, occur on finite verbs. (Discussion of the
imperative mood is postponed until 2.5.7.) One of these prefixes occurs on every finite verb.
Realis21
(2)
(Neutral)
Emphatic
Distal
Proximal
/t-/
/o-/
/yo-/
/mi-/
(RL)
(EMPH)
(DIST)
(PROX)
Abilitative
(Dependent)
(Independent)
/tm-/ (ABIL)
/po-/ (IRR)
/si-/ (IRR)
Irrealis
20
[New footnote: This diagram corrects an error in the dissertation, in which the unspecified
subject prefix was incorrectly placed preceding the negative prefix.]
21
I use the terms realis/irrealis basically in the same sense as actual/potential. Parameters which do
not affect these moods in Seri are negation and interrogation. Both realis and irrealis clauses therefore
occur negated and as questions. Were it not for certain uses of the mood prefixes, it would be possible
to view the distinction as nonfuture/future.
19
I use the term dependent clause to refer to a finite clause which cannot normally stand alone
grammatically as a complete sentence. Adverbial clauses in English would be considered dependent
clauses by this definition. Complement clauses are excluded from classification as dependent or
independent since these are nominalized in Seri. The only mood prefixes which occur on finite verbs
in dependent clauses are the neutral realis /t-/ and the dependent irrealis /po-/. The prefix /t-/ also
occurs on verbs in independent clauses.
In the following sections I will illustrate briefly the usage of the mood prefixes. In 2.3 I will
discuss the rules which account for their allomorphs.
2.2.1. Neutral realis
The realis prefix /t-/ is the most neutral of all the realis prefixes. It is the only mood prefix which
occurs in both independent and dependent clauses. It is the only realis prefix used in questions. It
occurs with the negative prefix, unlike the proximal realis. It is the only realis prefix used in dependent
clauses. When it occurs before a non-interrogative verb in an independent clause, however, a suffix
generally also occurs. The examples in (3) illustrate the use of this prefix in dependent clauses, those
in (4) its use in interrogative clauses, and those in (5) its use in non-interrogative independent
clauses.22
(3)
a.
ap ki t-oi ma yo-p-ait
deer the RL-die SR DIST-PASS-eat
When a deer died (was killed), it was eaten.
b.
/mi-matx/
ai kop ap
t-ap-
im-matx
air the outside RL-stand-UT PROX-hot
When the air comes out, it is hot.
c.
/mi-om/
t-im
a
m-om
RL-sleep there PROX-lie
Hes lying there sleeping.
d.
/m-t-im
/ika-im/ /mi--ams o /
im-t-im
o
ik-im
mi-ms o
ki
2sS-RL-sleep although INF-sleep 2P-NOM-want the
/ma-tm-akat-o/
ma-t-km-akat-io
2sO-RL-NEG-leave-o
Although you slept, your desire to sleep didnt leave you.
e.
/p-yo-im/
t-apka ma p-y-im
RL-rain SR lsS-DIST-sleep
While it rained I slept.
22
When the underlying form of a verb is different from the intermediate form given in an example,
it is given in slashes above the intermediate form. The underlying form of the verb stem will not be
given, however.
20
(4)
(5)
f.
/mi-emt/
t-oi
m-emt
RL-die PROX-stink
When it died it stank.
g.
/yo-as k am/
ia p t-apa ma yo-s k am
days RL-three SR DIST-arrive/PL
They arrived three days ago.
a.
koi t-a-tikpan-o
still RL-AUG-work-o
Is he still working?
b.
s o
t-p-ai
how RL-PASS say
What is it called?
c.
/m-t-a-pasirox/
mo m a ki im-t-a-pasirox
yesterday the 2sS-RL-AUG-stroll
Did you take a stroll yesterday?
d.
t-m-afp
RL-NEG-arrive
Didnt he arrive?
a.
/ika-o-ait/ /-t-m-ams o -o/

ik-o-it
i-t-km-ams o -o
INF-D-eat lsS-RL-NEG-want-o
I dont want to eat.
b.
/im-t-m-aax-o/
e
xefe i im-t-km-aax-io
lPRO chief ii lsO-RL-NEG-know/PL-o
Although I was chief, they dont know me.
c.
/t-mi-e/
t-m-afp
t-e m -e
RL-NEG-arrive t-PROX-say
Hei didnt arrive, hej said.
d.
/t-pokt-i/
an t-pokt-ii
much RL-full-i
How full it is!
e.
/t-aptx-a-a/
t-apatx-a-a
RL-wide-a-DECL
It is wide!
21
f.
/i-t-m-Qaktim-o/
totWxk kix s a t k-isil
ki i-t-kom-Qaktim-io
cholla the
NOM-small the OM-RL-NEG-touch-o
Children dont (shouldnt) touch the cholla cactus!
2.2.2. Emphatic realis

The prefix /o-/ indicates a nonfuture action or state which the speaker is emphatically asserting (not
questioning).23 The clause is always independent.
(6)
a.
/mo-o-m-a/
im-o -m-a
toward-EMPH-NEG-move
Hes not coming!
b.
s i s o -o-m-ait
thing a lsS-EMPH-NEG-eat
I havent eaten a thing!
c.
/o-apl/
-ap-
EMPH-cold
Its cold!
d.
/o-oit/
an i-sa ant ait
much lP-spirit down EMPH-descend
I am very happy!
2.2.3. Distal realis

The prefix /yo-/ signifies that the action took place in the past, generally a more distant action in terms
of time or distance than one marked by the prefix /mi-/ described in 2.2.4. It is also used in clauses
indicating habitual action. This prefix does not occur in interrogative or in dependent clauses.
(7)
a.
s i i-pasi ka
t-as o x
ma- yo-p-ait
thing 3P-flesh the/FOC RL-alone SR-UT DIST-PASS-eat
Only meat was eaten.
b.
/im-yo-yox/
apis ki an im- y -yox
tobacco the much lsO-DIST-give/PL
They gave me lots of cigarettes.
c.
/p-t-im/
/i-y-otx/
ip-t-im
i-y-atx
ko ka-
lsS-RL-sleep lP-NOM-arise all the/FOC-UT
23
Interestingly, there is a suffix of this same shape which adds emphasis to an assertion about a
future event (cf. 3.1.1).
22
/-yo-asi/
kafe ki -yo-si
coffee the lsS-DIST-drink
After sleeping, arising, I always drink coffee.
2.2.4. Proximal realis
The realis prefix /mi-/ indicates that the event described in the clause has already occurred or that it is
presently occurring. This prefix does not cooccur with negation. It occurs only in affirmative, noninterrogative independent clauses, as in (8). (This and the distal realis prefix do occur, however, in a
highly restricted type of adverbial clause, as described in 3.6.3-4.)
(8)
a.
/p-mi-eexim/
ip-m-eexim e
kma-aa
lsS-PROX-old lPRO now-?
Now I am old.
b.
/i--aktim/
/-mi-ka/
simet ki i--ktim
ki -m-ka
bread the 3P-NOM-be=cut the lsS-PROX-look=for
I look for pieces of bread.
c.
/-mi-ak/
/i-o-akim/
/mi-ipe/
ap ki -mi-k
-o-kim
mi-ipe
deer the lsS-PROX-kill lP-NOM-throw PROX-good
I killed deer; I was a good shot.
2.2.5. Abilitative irrealis

The prefix /tm-/ signifies that the event related by the clause, which must be yet in the future, is able
to or is permitted to transpire. An imperative meaning is often implied. The clause is always
independent, non-negative, and non-interrogative.
(9)
a.
ant po-fi ta tm-a-ap

land IRR-? SR ABIL-PASS-dig=up
Tomorrow it can be dug up.
b.
/im-m-tm-a-patxk-is/
im-m-tkm-a-patxk-is
lsO-2sS-ABIL-AUG-loose-is
OK, untie me!
c.
/a-tm-o-kos /
/mi-eyo/
-tkm-o-kos
a m-eyo
1plS-ABIL-D-rob and PROX-say/PL
Lets rob, they said.
d.
/is i -mi-ai
/ko-ma-tm-oi/
o-a
is i -mi-i
tok k-ma-tkm-oi
thus-FOC 1plO-PROX-say there 3Ob-2plS-ABIL-be/PL
Thus he told us: You all stay there!
23
2.2.6. Dependent irrealis

The irrealis prefix /po-/ occurs on verbs in dependent clauses which relate unaccomplished events,
future or past. The events in (10a-e) are future, and those in (10f-i) are past.
(10)
a.
/po-ap/
kototax s o ant s i-ti
po-p
ta
boojum a land a 3P-on IRR-stand SR
If there is a boojum tree somewhere,
/m-po-ao/
/ko-mi--siixim/
m-po-o anta k-mi--siixim
isa
2sS-IRR-see near
3Ob-2P-NOM-move concessive
if you see it, even though you move near it,
/m-po-m-a-aktim/
i-tak
s o m-po-m-a-ktim
3P-trunk a
2sS-IRR-NEG-AUG-be=cut
you shouldnt cut its trunk,
/ko-m-si-m-xiit/
ast s o ko-m-s-kom-xiit
a-a
stone a 3Ob-2sS-IRR-NEG-hit AUX-DECL
you shouldnt hit it with a stone.
b.
/m-po-ait-/
/m-si-mokepe/
im-po-it-
im-s-mokepe a-a
2sS-IRR-eat-UT 2sS-IRR-sick AUX-DECL
If you eat it, you will get sick.
c.
kma po-amok ta
now
IRR-night SR
When it is night (i.e., tonight),
/si-m-ix/
k-e-ya
piest ant s-m-ix
fiesta land IRR-NEG-sit NOM-say/D-INTERR
wont there be a fiesta?
d.
/po-apa/
ia p popa
ta
days IRR-three SR
When the days are three (i.e., in three days),
/ko-si-ito i x/
me
k-s-ito i x
k-e-ya
2PRO 3Ob-IRR-leave/PL NOM-say/D-INTERR
will you (pl.) leave?
e.
/-po-okta/
i-po-kait
ta i-p-okta
oke
OM-IRR-spear SR 1sS-IRR-look=at I=wish
How I would like to see him spear it!
24
f.
/im-po-a/
im- p -a
i-m-ata-ia
1sO-IRR-accompany NOM-NEG-go-DECL
He didnt go with me.
g.
/po-a-s i m-a/
p-a-s i m-a
a yo - m-a
IRR-AUG-like-true just DIST-NEG-be
It wasnt very pretty.
h.
/a-po-amlaxk/
/ko-a-si-italax/
pak a-po-mlaxk
k-a-s-itala x
a ta
some 1plS-IRR-bring/PL 3Ob-1plS-IRR-sell/PL and AUX
If we brought some (lobsters) back,
a-t-amxk
1plS-RL-think/PL
we intended to sell them.
i.
ptkamn s o po-tamt
ta
i--m-aktox-ia
lobster a IRR-abundant SR 1P-NOM-NEG-kill/PL-DECL
We didnt kill many lobsters.
2.2.7. Independent irrealis

The prefix /si-/ signifies that the event related by the clause has not yet occurred. In an independent
clause, a verb marked with this prefix must be followed by one of a variety of suffixes or particles (cf.
3.5), as shown in (11). Verbs with this prefix also occur in a very restricted type of complement
clause, exemplified in (10h) and discussed in 9.4.
(11)
a.
/p-si-m-aptim-o
/p-si-m-ata/
ip-s-km-aptim-o
ip-s-km-ata
aa
1sS-IRR-NEG-pack-EMPH 1sS-IRR-NEG-go AUX-DECL
Im not going to pack! Im not going to go.
b.
/si-a-tikpan-is/
s-a-tikpan-is
IRR-AUG-work-is
Of course hell work.
c.
/si-s a t-o/
mi-n
ki s-s a t-o
2P-fingers the IRR-have=thorns-EMPH
Your fingers will get thorns in them.
d.
/-si-amo/
mos
i-s -mo a-ya
again 1sS-IRR-say AUX-INTERR
Shall I say it again?
25
e.
/i-si-ak/
i-si-k
po-o
OM-IRR-kill IRR-o
He will kill it perhaps.
f.
/p-si-itat-i/
a kma p-s-itat-i
just now 1sS-IRR-gather=torote-first
Now first I will gather torote.
g.
kay tikom i-m-oi

piki
horse that NOM-NEG-die CTF
If that horse had not died (been killed).
/a-po-i-anlaxk-/
oo a-p-i-nlaxk-
only 1plS-IRR-have-fingers-UT
we would have been emptyhanded,
/a-si-as k am/
eme a-si-s k am
a-a
komkak koi po-ko-
camp 1plS-IRR-arrive/PL AUX-DECL people the IRR-all-UT
we would have returned to camp, all of the people.
2.3. Morphophonemics of mood prefixes

A considerable amount of allomorphy exists with respect to the mood prefixes. In this section I will
discuss the allomorphy that is not already handled by the rules in chapter 1 (such as m-Assimilation
and Nasalization). Some rules, which will be noted, are presented here in a simple form and will be
revised in succeeding sections.24 None of the rules, while not restricted to these particular prefixes,
applies to suffixes. In later sections, repeated reference is made to rules presented here since these
rules account for allomorphy of numerous other prefixes as well. The discussion of primary word
stress is included here since this is important with regard to prefix morphology. A paradigm of
representative verbs is given in (12) with representative mood prefixes. The object marker /i-/ occurs
on the transitive verbs since they are cited in third person (cf. 2.5.1).
Underlying forms are posited for both roots and prefixes which will allow for the simplest
phonological and morphological rules. Since, as will be seen in later sections, the grammar of Seri
pays strict attention to the phonological shape of the roots, the motivation for these underlying forms
is considerable. With respect to what the underlying representations are, therefore, there is no question
whatsoever.
(12)
a.
Realis
Abilitat.
Short low vowel
te m e
tme m e
ta i ax
tma i ax
ita p
itkma p
Emphatic
Irrealis
root
gloss
o me
o i ax
io p
s me
s ax
is p
-eme
-aiax
-ap
used up
hard
sew basket
24
The order of presentation has nothing to do with the order in which the rules apply. Rule
ordering is summarized in 2.9.
26
b.
c.
d.
Consonant
itpi
itkomp
tme k e
tomme k e
lukewarm
itm s
itkomm s
iop
ome k e
isp
-pi
sme k e
taste
-meke
iom s
ism s
-mis
resemble
Nonlow back vowel, intransitive

to t x
tmo t x
a t x
to x os
tmo x os
a x os
to seta
tmo seta
e s eta
so t x
so x os
so seta
-otx
-oxos
-oseta
arise
flee
jiggle
Other vowel
ito n
itkmo n
it
itkm
t s
tm s
ita fk
itkma fk
te mix
tme mix
iso n
is
s s
isa fk
se mix
-on
-i
-is
-afk
-emix
carry
hear
raw
pound
move slowly
io n
i
s
ia fk
e mix
2.3.1. Primary word stress

The primary stress of a word in Seri generally occurs on the first vowel of the root. This rule pertains
to both nouns and verbs, as well as other multisyllabic forms.
(13)
Primary stress: V [+stress] / root[C0___
Of course, as a result of compounding and fossilization of forms, there are numerous lexical items
which must be marked to receive stress idiosyncratically.
2.3.2. Short Low Vowel Deletion
If a verb root begins with a short low vowel (a or e) and is preceded by a vowel-final prefix, the root
vowel deletes, the stress being carried by the vowel which remains.25
(14)
Short Low Vowel Deletion:
V + V [+str]
1 [+str]
1
2
[+lo ]
[-lng]
2
Some derivations are given in (15).

(15)
UR
Stress
SLV Del
SR
IRR-warm
po-meke
po-me k e
______
pome k e
IRR-strong
po-aiax
po-a i ax
po - iax
po i ax
25
IRR-go
si-ata
si-a t a
s -ta
s ta
While the perseverance of the stress is reflected in the formalization of this rule, it is assumed
that this should follow automatically and therefore should not have to be written into the rule.
27
When Short Low Vowel Deletion results in a nonlow stressed vowel followed by a consonant, the
stressed vowel lengthens considerably, as in s ta.26 I assume this lengthening is a result of the
deletion of the short low vowel. Lengthening does not occur, however, when the prefix vowel is the
object marker (cf. 2.5.1). When the short low vowel is the first vowel of a noun root (cf. 2.7),
lengthening occurs only on a few forms. Due to the complicated conditions governing this
compensatory lengthening, I will not attempt to formalize the rule.
2.3.3. Vowel Deletion
Whenever a prefix vowel is followed by a vowel that is not a short low vowel, the prefix vowel
deletes. (See also, however, 2.5.1 and 2.5.3.)
(16)
Vowel Deletion:
(17)
UR
SR
IRR-sleep
po-im
pim
V / ___ + V
OM-DIST-stir
i-yo-on
iyon
IRR-raw
si-is
sis
DIST-yawn
yo-axk
yaxk
The form poiax in (15) shows that Vowel Deletion (16) must be disjunctively ordered with Short
Low Vowel Deletion (14).
The operation of these rules provides the first two pieces of evidence for the interpretation of most
phonetically long root-initial vowels as long underlying vowels and not geminate vowel clusters. Short
Low Vowel Deletion (14) would have to be complicated considerably under the latter analysis. To be
specific, the rule would have to be reformulated as below.
(18)
Short Low Vowel Deletion':
V
Vi C [+str}
1 [+str] Vj
1
2 3
[+lo ] 3
[-lng]
2
The derivations of yaxk he yawned (cf. (17) and poiax (if) he is strong (cf. (15)) under this
analysis would be as follows.
(19)
UR
Stress
SLV Del
VD (17)
SR
yo-aaxk
yo-a a xk
______
y-a a xk
ya a xk
po-aiax
po-a i ax
po - iax
______
po i ax
Not only does this analysis require an ad hoc complication to SLV Deletion (14), it also
incorrectly predicts that geminate vowel sequences cannot be distinguished from long vowels. It can
be argued, however, that a few geminate vowel clusters occur. The verb /-aa/ order and /-aa/ know,
for example, have vowel sequences which contrast phonologically (but not necessarily phonetically)
with long low vowels. Thus /i-po-aa/ yields ipo a and /i-o-aa/ yields io a , etc. In addition, one
of the morphological changes performed on verb stems to make them plural is to replace an i by a.
The plural forms of /-ai/ tell and /-ai/ leave are /-aam/ and /-aa/ respectively. Again the language
is able to distinguish geminate vowels from long vowels: /i-yo-aam/ they told him gives iyo a m and
/i-yo-aa/ they left it gives iyo a . The evidence for long vowels is summarized in 6.2.
26
A low vowel does not lengthen /ika-ata/ (INF-go) ika -ta.

28
2.3.4. i-Deletion and i-Epenthesis

The is of the prefixes /si-/ and /mi-/ delete when they precede a consonant.27
(20)
/si-meke/ smeke
/mi-meke/ immeke
(IRR-lukewarm)
(PROX-lukewarm)
The i of the object marker /i-/, discussed in 2.5.1, also deletes before a consonant if it is preceded
by a consonant (but cf. 2.4.3). Since the verbalizing prefix /i-/ (cf. 2.5.12) and the is of the
possessive prefixes /i-/ and /mi-/ do not delete under the same phonological conditions, the
restriction is stated in the following rule that the second consonant must be part of a form
subcategorized as a verb.
(21)
i-Deletion: i / C ___V[C
The subcategorization prevents the i from deleting in nominalized forms such as the following
(22)
N[i N[ V[pi]]]
my tasting it
An i is inserted in the realis form in (20). This insertion takes place when a nasal consonant is
followed by a consonant and preceded by either a pause boundary or a consonant. If the nasal is
preceded by a word ending in a vowel, the insertion does not take place. The rule is tentatively given
as (23) and will be revised slightly in 2.4.1. It is fed by i-Deletion (21).28
(23)
i-Epenthesis (phrase-level)
i/C
___ C C
[+nas]
Derivation (24) illustrates the application of i-Epenthesis when the first consonant is in the same word
as the nasal consonant. Two is are inserted by (23) in this example.
(24)
UR
i-DEL
i-Epen
SR
1sS-PROX-run
p-mi-pans
pmpans
ipimpans
ipimpans
2.3.5. Coalescence and Fronting

When the morphemes /o-/, /yo-/, and /po-/ are followed by an o (long or short), the vowels coalesce
to form a short a if and only if the clause in which the verb occurs is superficially intransitive. (When
the clause is transitive Vowel Deletion (16) applies (cf. (12) and (17)). The coalescence of the two
vowels also has a side effect on the of the prefix /o-/: it becomes [+round]. The allomorph //
arises only as a result of this rule.
(25)
UR
SR
DIST-cry
yo-oa
yaa
IRR-arise
po-otx
patx
EMPH-arise
o-otx
atx
The rule is given as (26).

27
The underlying vowels show up in the forms in (12a).
28
As noted in 1.3.1, a sonorant-consonant sequence is always preceded by a vowel on the surface.

29
(26)
C
V + V <+rd> [+lo ]
<+bac> [+rd] [+rd]
1
2 [-lng]
1
2
3
3
Condition: the clause must be superficially intransitive.
Coalescence:
(Transitive verbs prefixed by the detransitivizer /o-/ (cf. 2.5.4 and chapter 13) occur in superficially
intransitive clauses and provide the proper environment for this rule. Additional facts relating to
Coalescence (26) are discussed in 2.5.4.)
Coalescence (26) feeds a fronting rule that changes stressed as to es. Note especially example
(28c).
(27)
Fronting:
(28)
a.
b.
c.
a e / ___ C0
ye s eta
ye e p
yake e
e
[+stress]
it jiggled
it flapped
he cut hair
< /yo-oseta/
< /yo-oep/
< /yo-o-kee/
2.3.6. o-Epenthesis
When the prefix /tm-/ is followed by a consonant, an o is inserted before the m, bleeding i-Epenthesis
(23).
(29)
UR
SR
ABIL-fly
tm-kap
tomkap
o-Epenthesis also applies in the following form, being fed by i-Deletion (21).
(30)
momsis n
he is pitiable
< /mi-msis n/
The application of this rule is also illustrated by verbs prefixed with the negative morpheme /m-/ (cf.
2.5.2). The rule is tentatively given as (31). This rule and i-Epenthesis (23) will be discussed and
revised in 2.4.1.
(31)
o-Epenthesis:
o / C ___
C
C
[+nas]
2.3.7. k-Epenthesis
When the prefix /tm-/ is preceded by any other prefix (except the oblique prefixescf. 2.4.3), a k is
inserted following the t.
(32)
UR
SR
1pS-ABIL-go/PL
a-tm-al
atkmal
1sS-ABIL-fly
p-tm-kap
iptkomkap
The application of this rule is also illustrated by other prefixes and the negative morpheme (cf.2.5.2).
The rule, formulated in such a way that it must be ordered before o-Epenthesis since it is not bled by
that rule (cf. (32)), is given as (33).
(33)
k-Epenthesis:
k / [+seg] C
___ C +
[+cor]
[+nas]
The nasal consonant must be part of a prefix. As (34) shows, k-Epenthesis does not apply if the nasal
is root-initial.
30
(34)
UR
SR
OM-RL-resemble
i-t-mis
itmis
2.3.8. Other rules

There are a few more rules that create allomorphs of the mood prefixes, but these are more properly
dealt with in chapter 5 since they apply only to irregular verbs.
2.4. Person prefixes
In this section I will present the three sets of person markers that occur on finite verb forms. (The
possessive prefixes occur on nominalized verb forms and are discussed in 2.7.2). The relative order
of these prefixes is: Oblique-Object-Subject.
2.4.1. Subject person prefixes
A verb agrees in person with the (final) subject of the clause. The subject person markers are as
follows
(35)
1 singular
2 singular
1 plural
2 plural
- ~
mama-
p-
Third person is unmarked. The allomorphy of the first person singular subject prefix is suppletive and
is conditioned by the superficial transitivity or intransitivity of the clause (cf. chapter 10). The
allomorph /p-/ occurs on simple intransitive verbs, detransitivized verbs (cf. 2.5.4 and chapter 13),
and in passive clauses. The allomorph /-/ occurs elsewhere. i-Epenthesis (23) applies when this prefix
is not preceded by a vowel and therefore must be revised. It must also be revised such that the i not be
inserted following the glottal stop in (36i-j) and o-Epenthesis (31) must be revised so that it does not
apply in the derivation of forms such as (36k-m).
(36)
a.
i-o-tis
1sS-EMPH-point
I pointed at it!
b.
ip-a-tis
1sS-EMPH/D-point
I pointed!
c.
ip-yo-p-as t
I was tattooed.
1sS-DIST-PASS-tattoo
d.
im-t-i
2sS-RL-hear
Did you hear it?
e.
t-afp
RL-arrive
Did he arrive?
f.
a-tkm-a
1plS-ABIL-go/PL
We can go
g.
ma-t-oktam
2plS-RL-look=at/PL
Did you look at it?
31
h.
t-as k am
RL-arrive/PL
Did they arrive?
i.
i-m-pi
1sS-PROX-taste
I tasted it.
j.
i-m-ka
1sS-PROX-look=for
I am looking for it.
k.
ip-im-pans
1sS-PROX-run
I am running.
l.
ip-im-ak
1sS-PROX-blind
I am blind.
m.
m-im-ak
2sS-PROX-blind
You are blind.
The epenthesis rules can be revised as shown below.

(37)
o / Ci ___
C C
[+nas]
Condition: Ci is not part of a person prefix.
o-Epenthesis:
The condition is necessary to prevent this rule from applying in (36k). Furthermore, the
application of this rule must be iterative right to left since the UR /p-si-m-msis n/ I will not be
pitiable yields ipskmomsis n and not *ipskomomsis n. o-Epenthesis applies before
i-Epenthesis.
(38)
i/ C
i-Epenthesis (phrase-level)
___ () C
C
[+son]
The fact that this rule applies in the derivation of forms such as /mi-e/ (PROX-red) ime
[ime] it is red is evidence that is a distinct segment at this level.29
Therefore, it is not possible to have a context-free rule coalescing m or m. Such a rule would
make the metathesis rule of 1.2.2 unnecessary as well as eliminate the need to write optional glottal
stop in i-Epenthesis (38) and m-Assimilation (23) (1.2.6). (The low-level glottalization rule of 1.2.2
would apply after i-Epenthesis.)
29
As pointed out in 7.1, the UR of the definite article ki (as it is consistently represented in
examples in this thesis) is actually k. The i is inserted by rule (38). The examples below illustrate the
application of (38) on the phrase-level. Note that two glottal stops degeminate before i-Epenthesis (38)
applies.
(i)
/ast k -mi-ka/
stone the 1sS-PROX-seek
I am looking for the stone.
/troki k mi-mipaa/
car the PROX-broken
The car is broken.
[a s t k inka ]
[tro ki ki mm p aa]
32
2.4.2. Object person prefixes

The verb agrees with the (final) direct object of the clause. (A more precise formulation of the
agreement rule is given in 12.3.) The object person prefixes are given below.
(39)
1 singular
2 singular
1 plural
2 plural
im- ~ pomais i mas i -
(Some people use /as i -/ rather than /is i -/.) Third person is unmarked. The first person singular
object prefix is /po-/ in imperatives, and is /im-/ elsewhere. The examples below show that the
object marker /i-/ (cf. 2.5.1) (not to be confused with epenthetic is) shows up when the subject and
direct object are both third person.
(40)
a.
im-im-kas n i
1sO-PROX-bite
It bit me.
b.
ipo--sanx
1sO-IMP-carry
Carry me on your back!
c.
ma-t-ao
2sO-RL-see
Did he see you?
d.
i-t-amxk
OM-RL-bring
Did he bring it?
e.
is i -yo-o
1plO-DIST-see
He saw us.
f.
mas i -yo-o
2plO-DIST-see
He saw you (pl.).
g.
ma-s-oktam-o
You (pl.) should look at it/them.
2plS-IRR-look=at-EMPH
h.
i-t-onek
OM-RL-carry/PL
Did they take them?
There are a few idiosyncrasies with respect to the object prefixes (see the chart in (46) for surface
forms). The first is that the ms of the sequences /im + m +/ (1sO + 2sS), /im + ma +/ (1sO +
2plS), and /im + mi +/ (1sO + 2POSS) (cf. 2.7.2) degeminate whereas geminate nasals do not
generally degeminate (cf. 1.2.16). The ms of the first person singular object prefix followed by the
mood prefix /mi-/ do not degeminate, for example. Therefore the morphemes in question must be
referred to explicitly in the degemination rule, given as (41).
(41)
im + m
123
4
OBJECT
a
5
SUBJECT
1235
/... ko ka
-mi-aa/ [ko ka m y a]
all the/FOC 1sS-PROX-know
I know all...
33
Rule (41) bleeds i-Epenthesis (38). The effects of rule (41) will not be represented in forms cited
hereafter, however.
Another idiosyncrasy is that the a of the second person plural subject prefix /ma-/ deletes when
that morpheme is preceded by the person prefix /im-/, as in (42a). In addition, the second person
singular object prefix which is normally /ma-/ occurs as /mas i -/ when the subject of the verb is first
person plural, as in (42b).
(42)
a.
im-m-t-eyox
*im-ma-t-eyox
Did you (pl.) give (to) me?
b.
mas i -a-m-iamt
*ma-a-m-iamt
We fear you (sg. or pl.).
The following generalization holds true: If the (final) object person is singular and the (final) subject
person is plural, the singular/plural marking of both of these prefixes which occur will agree in
number with whichever is first person. The following rule, in which [+SG] means singular, [-SG]
means plural, [+1st] means first person, and [-1st] means second person, summarizes these facts.
(43)
OBJECT SUBJECT [SG] [SG]

[1st]
[-1st]
1
2
[+SG ] [-SG ]
1
2
This rule affects only the shape of the prefixes which occur. It does not affect number agreement on
the verb. Rule (43) applies, however, irrespective of whether the subject or object person prefix
actually occurs. In (44a) the subject person prefix does not appear because the verb occurs in the
subject nominalized form. In (44b) the subject person is represented by a possessive prefix since the
verb of the complement clause is nominalized. In (44c) the subject person is represented by the
possessive prefix on an object nominalized form. In (44d) the subject person prefix does not appear
because an infinitival form is required. Nevertheless, in all four types of sentences, rule (43) applies,
changing the object prefix /ma-/ to /mas i -/. Likewise in (45) the subject prefix /ma-/ is changed to
/m-/ even though the direct object prefix is replaced by an oblique prefix (because of the oblique
nominal penisilina (cf. 2.4.4). 30
(44)
a.
e
mas i -k-noptolka-a
1PRO
NOM-hit/PL-DECL
We are hitting you (sg. or pl.).
b.
mas i -i--s t o
i-mimkaxk
1P-NOM-tattoo/PL OM-PROX-want/PL
They want us to tattoo you (sg. or pl.).
c.
mas i - - y-etim-ia
1P-NOM-give/MULT-DECL
They are our gifts to you (sg. or pl.).
30
Rule (43) also applies in stress-retracting verbs (cf. chapter 5) in which plural subject prefixes
are always replaced by singular prefixes.
(ii)
mas i -- t -yox
Did we give it to you (sg.)?
34
d.
(45)
mas i -ia-s t o
a-mi-mkaxk
INF-tattoo/PL 1plS-PROX-want/PL
We want to tattoo you (sg. or pl.).
penisilina ki ano e-m-si-itox

a-ya
penicillin
the in 1sO-2plS-IRR-put/PL AUX-INTERR
Are you (pl.) going to inject me with penicillin?
The following chart gives the combinations of subject and object prefixes as they actually appear. 31
(46)
O
B
J
E
C
T
1s
2s
3s
1pl
2pl
3pl
1s
ma-
mas i --
SUBJECT
2s
3s
imim
mamis i -mis i
mas i m-
1pl
mas i -aamas i -aa-
2pl
immais i -ma
ma-
3pl
immais i mas i -
2.4.3. Oblique person prefixes

The verb also agrees with (final) oblique nominals. The forms given in (47) are used for singular
nominals and some plural nominals. Other forms are discussed in 7.11. (These involve the use of a
relational noun and the suspension of oblique agreement in most cases.)
(47)
1
2
3
e=
me=
ko=
The = boundary is discussed below. Examples are given in (48).

(48)
Final 3
a.
totxk pak e=k-amxk
cholla some 1Ob-IMP-bring
Bring some cholla to me!
b.
e=s-ak-o-otim
ka-a
1Ob-IRR-AUG-D-see/MULT AUX-DECL
He will show it to us.
Manner
c.
ora ko=-t ax
donkey 3Ob-IMP-go
Go like a donkey.
Locative
d.
me=t-afp
2Ob-RL-arrive
Did he come to you?
31
Boxes marked with a dash require reflexive forms (cf. 7.10), as with third person when
coreference is to be indicated.
35
e.
i--ix
ak k=t-in
3P-NOM-sit the 3Ob-RL-return
He returned to the place where he was...
f.
ama k mos s o ko=p-s-km-ix

a-a
fire
also a 3Ob-1sS-IRR-NEG-sit AUX-DECL
I'm not going to sit by a fire.
Instrumental
g.
ko=p-s-aktim
a-a
3Ob-1sS-IRR-cover=oneself AUX-DECL
I will cover up with it.
Comitative12
h.
ko=p-y-a-it
3Ob-1sS-DIST-AUG-eat
I was fishing with him.
Other
i.
as
k=s-Qo
k-e-ya
what 3Ob-IRR-argue NOM-say-INTERR
What is she going to argue about?
j.
me=p-y-ako
2Ob-1sS-DIST-have/house
I have a house like yours.
k.
s i s o ko=m-t-km-aiax-io
thing a 3Ob-2sS-RL-NEG-strong-o
You aren't strong with respect to anything.
l.
i--apl
ki ko=p-s-oi
a-a
3P-NOM-cold the 3Ob-1sS-IRR-die AUX-DECL
I'm going to die from the cold weather.
m.
kamis s o k=i-t-i
shirt a 3Ob-OM-RL-take
Did he trade it for a shirt?
The third person oblique prefix also commonly occurs on nominalized adverbial clauses such as
k=i--t ak (3Ob-3p-NOM-see/PL the) (upon) their seeing them (cf. 9.2). It is with such
nominalizations that two prefixes sometimes occur, as in ko=nt=k=i-s-km-a k -a ak (3Ob-away3Ob-3P-IRR-NEG-US-move the) one's going away. To my knowledge, such double occurrences also
always involve verbs taking the directional prefix /nt-/ (2.5.14).
Two oblique nominals which the verb does not agree with are the types of nominals represented
by the noun a water in (49a), and the noun s i ka m fish in (49b)
(49)
a.
a ki k-pokt-ia
water the NOM-full-DECL
It is full of water.
b.
s i ka m -a-si
fish
EMPH-AUG-smell
It smells like fish.
36
There are three pieces of phonological evidence for claiming that the oblique prefixes are attached
by a boundary stronger than the formative boundary. First, these prefixes do not provide the
environment for k-Epenthesis (cf. 2.3.7), as illustrated by (50).
(50)
k=tm-aktim
3Ob-ABIL-cover=oneself
He can cover up with it.
The stronger boundary would remove these prefixes from the structural description of that rule. The
directional morphemes (cf. 2.5.14) must be attached with this boundary also since they likewise do
not trigger k-Epenthesis.32
(51)
ko=nt=m-a k -a
3Ob-away-PROX-US-move
one went...; literally, one moved away toward it
A second piece of evidence for the stronger boundary is the fact that the form /ko=/, which
shortens to k by a rule described below (54), does not condition i-Deletion (21) (cf. 2.3.4). 33
(52)
k=i-t-amxk
3Ob-OM-RL-bring
Did he bring it to him?
Finally, the prefix /e=/ does not condition the deletion of glottal stop in the form e=-pans
(1Ob-IMP-run) Run like me!. See rule (84) in 2.5.5.
One reason for claiming that these forms are not separate words is that the o of /ko=/ can take the
primary stress of the verb as a result of SLV Deletion (14).34
(53)
tom ki ko =-mxk
<
money the 3Ob-IMP-bring
Take the money to him
/ko=-amxk/
A second reason is that a special boundary after /ko=/ is needed for rule (54), providing additional
evidence that these prefixes are not attached with a formative boundary. The following rule, which in
effect applies only to this morpheme, feeds a context-free rule that coalesces back consonants and a
following W, yielding a round consonant (cf. 4.1.2). The sequence nominalizer /k-/ (cf. 2.6.1) plus
detransitivizer /o-/ (cf.2.5.4) does not undergo this rule (cf. k-o-koa who babysits) because the
special boundary is not present.
1(54)
o-Spirantization:
o W / k __ = ( . . . . C
[-str]
+cns
bac
nas
<C1>
if
) V
then
32
Margaret Langdon has pointed out to me that it may not be necessary to posit the = boundary
after both the oblique prefix and the directional prefixes, but rather one = boundary before the object
prefix slot in the verb complex.
33
Since /ko=/ ends in a vowel lexically, it could alternatively be claimed that rule (54) follows
i-Deletion.
34
Accordingly, that rule should be restated with an optional stronger boundary before the short low
vowel.
Also see 2.5.14 for examples where the sequence ko=nt does in fact turn up as a separate word.
37
This rule devoices and spirantizes an unstressed o when it follows k and precedes the special boundary
followed by a vowel, a single consonant followed by a vowel, or a consonant cluster whose first
member is an oral, nonback consonantal segment. The following forms illustrate the operation of this
rule.
(55)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k=s-pans
k=t-pans
k=yo-pans
k=-a-s
IMP-AUG-drink
k=k-a-s
NOM-AUG-drink
an k=ais k t
in
IMP/go/PL
ko=-mxk
ko=m-s-aktim
ko=p-saktim
ko=k-om-pans
IMP-NEG-run
he will run like him.

did he run like him?
he ran like him
Give it to him to drink!
he who gives it to him to drink
Come in (pl.)!
Take it to him!
you will cover up with it
I will cover up with it
Don't run like him!
This rule precedes o-Epenthesis since it is not bled by that rule (cf. (55j)).
There are two other reasons for claiming these forms to be prefixes and not separate words. They
have a fixed position with respect to the verb; they never occur elsewhere. And finally, the third
person form conditions a special suppletive allomorph of the imperative prefix (cf. 2.5.7).
2.4.4. Oblique nee object prefixes
The generalization given above for the object and oblique prefixes do not account for the (b) sentences
in (56-58) because an oblique prefix occurs when an object prefix is expected and the expected third
person oblique clitic does not appear.
(56)
(57)
(58)
a.
ma--s-nip
a-a
2sO-1sS-IRR-hit AUX-DECL
I will hit you (with a closed fist).
b.
ee tikom me--s-nip
a-a
stick that
2Ob-1sS-IRR-hit AUX-DECL
I will jab you with that stick.
a.
ano im-si-
a-a
in 1sO-IRR-put AUX-DECL
He will inject me.
b.
penisilina ki ano e-si-

a-a
penicillin the in 1Ob-IRR-put AUX-DECL
He will inject me with penicillin.
a.
epe kom ko=nt=i-s-os i

a-a
sea the 3Ob-away-OM-I1RR-take AUX-DECL
He will take him into the sea.
38
b.
epe kom int=me-s-os i

a-a
sea the away-2Ob-IRR-take AUX-DECL
He will take you into the sea.
The sentence that might be expected for (56b), given the generalizations of the previous sections, is
ungrammatical.
(59)
*ee tikom k=ma--s-nip

a-a
stick that 3Ob-2sO-1sS-IRR-hit AUX-DECL
I will jab you with that stick.
Note also that the oblique prefix /ko=/ in (58a) precedes the directional prefix, but the prefix /me-/ in
(58b) follows it. Given this fact and the fact that the sequence oblique prefix followed by object prefix
never occurs on the surface, I propose that a morphological rule such as the following is part of the
grammar of Seri. It will convert the expected sequence */ko=im-/ to /e-/, and */ko=ma-/ to /me-/.
To account for (58b) it must also change sequences such as */ko=nt=ma-/ to /nt=me-/. Hence the
variable X is included.35
(60)
[+OBLIQUE] = X [Person ] 2 3 [Person

]
1
2 3 [+OBJECT] 1
[+OBLIQUE]
4
4
This rule eliminates an unacceptable morpheme sequence while preserving an overt marking of an
oblique nominal through the change in form of the marking for the object nominal. Since the output of
rule (60) does not affect the boundary following the object prefix, it predicts that the oblique prefix
nee object prefix will condition k-Epenthesis (cf. 2.3.7). Example (61) shows that this prediction is
borne out.
(61)
tal
ka
me-s-km-as t
a-a
ember the/FOC 2Ob-IRR-NEG-tattoo AUX-DECL
He will not tattoo you with charcoal.
This characteristic distinguishes derived oblique prefixes from basic oblique prefixes.
2.5. Miscellaneous verb prefixes
In this section I will discuss other prefixes that occur on the verb, except nominalizing prefixes (which
are discussed in 2.6) and some frozen prefixes (cf. 2.8). Since the distinction between derivational
and inflectional prefixes is not very clear in Seri, if the distinction exists at all, no attempt is made to
categorize these prefixes.
2.5.1. Object marker
The prefix /i-/ (not to be confused with epenthetic is) occurs on finite verbs when there is both a third
person (final) subject and a third person (final) direct object. (This generalization will be revised in
12.6.) It directly precedes the mood prefix in finite forms. Accordingly, the object marker occurs in
(62c) and (62f).
35
(iii)
As would be expected by the way the rules are formulated, rule (60) bleeds rule (41).
ita k -ipi e-ma-s-km-at
a-a
3Ob/1sO-2plS-IRR-NEG-see/PL AUX-DECL
You (pl.) will never see me again.
39
(62)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
aptko
aptko
aptko
aptko
aptko
aptko
aptko
aptko
aptko
-yo-o
m-yo-o
i-yo-o
a-yo-t
ma-yo-t
i-yo-t
ma--yo-o
im-m-yo-o
ma-yo-o
I already saw it.

You already saw it.
He/She/It already saw it.
We already saw it.
You (pl.) already saw it.
They already saw it.
I already saw you.
You already saw me.
He/She/It already saw you.
This prefix also occurs on (subject) nominalized forms (cf. 2.6.1) when the final stratum is
transitive, regardless of the person of the direct object.
(63)
/im-k-i-as t /
im-k- - s t
he who tattoos me
1sO-NOM-OM-tattoo
In such forms it usually deletes by i-Deletion (21) or Vowel Deletion (16), however, and thus appears
superficially primarily only when followed by a root beginning with a short low vowel, as in (63)
above.
(64)
a.
b.
/k-i-tis/
k-tis
NOM/OM-point=at
he who points at it
/k-i-afk/
k-afk
NOM/OM-pound
he who pounds it
One other place in which this morpheme surfaces in subject nominalized forms is before roots with
short high front vowels, such as /-is i / defeat: k-i-is i he who defeats him. This morpheme is an
exception to Vowel Deletion (16) in just those cases.
The object marker does not undergo the lengthening that generally is associated with Short Low
Vowel Deletion (cf. 2.3.2); note that the stressed vowel is short in (63).
2.5.2. Negative
The negative prefix is /m-/. The numerous allomorphs are derived by rules already discussed:
k-Epenthesis (33) and o-Epenthesis (37) (and in chapter 1, m-Assimilation, Glottal-nasal metathesis,
and Nasal lenition). It directly follows the mood prefix.
(65)
a.
po-m-ata
IRR-NEG-go
b.
/t-m-pans /
t-om-pans
RL-NEG-run
Didn't he run?
/m-t-m-aa/
im-t-km-aa
2sS-RL-NEG-know
Don't you know it?
c.
if he doesn't go....
40
d.
/i-t-m-pi/
i-t-kom-pi
OM-RL-NEG-taste
Didn't he taste it?
Complex sentences which involve negation, such as those in (66), involve dependent irrealis clauses
followed by an independent, negative clause.
(66)
a.
s i k-i-sa
s o aki
p-i
thing NOM-have-spirit a somewhere IRR-be
is i -po-s a
a-s-at k pan ta
is i -i-m-a-ia
1plO-IRR-talk=to 1plS-IRR-work AUX 1plO-NOM-NEG-say-DECL
Nobody told us to work.
b.
is
iti p-i
ta
i-t-km-ao-o
3P/fruit on IRR-be SR OM-RL-NEG-see-o
He didn't see any fruit on it.
2.5.3. Infinitive
The infinitive prefix has two suppletive allomorphs: /ika-/ occurs in superficially intransitive clauses,
and /ia-/ (plus an ablauting of an immediately following vowel) in superficially transitive clauses.
The ablaut rule is given below, as well as examples. (The final a of these prefixes often deletes, of
course, by Vowel Deletion (16).)
(67)
Ablaut (minor rule)
(68)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
ika-meke
ik-o-tis
ika-p-as t
PASS-tattoo
ia-pi
/ia-okta/
i-akta
/ia-ip/
i-ep
/ia-on/
i-en
V [+lo ] / + ___
[-lo]
[-lng]
to be lukewarm
to point (detrans.).
to be tattooed
to taste
to look at
to carry on head
to carry
Ablaut (67) feeds Fronting (27), as in (68g); the root of this verb is /-onek/, and the e conditions the
fronting of the ablauted o before it deletes by Syncope (cf. 4.1.2). Ablaut (67) feeds the backing rule
discussed in 4.4.4. Thus an ablauted pretonic i surfaces as a rather than as e: /ia-i-tamt/ i-atamt (INF-have-sandal) to have sandals, /ia-itala / iatala to buy. It is also important to note
that the vowel of an object or oblique prefix does not delete by (16) before an infinitive or possessive
prefix.
(69)
ma-ia-s t (2sO-INF-tattoo)
ma-ia-tis (2sO-INF-point=at)
to tattoo you
to point at you
41
2.5.4. Detransitivizer
Most transitive verbs are marked by the prefix /o-/ (plus Ablaut) if the notional object is unspecified.
(The syntax of these verbs is the topic of chapter 13.) The verb is superficially intransitive.
(70)
a.
b.
c.
d.
t-o-tis
t-o-sanx
/t-o-ap/
t-o-p
/mi-o-aitim/
m-o-itim
Is he pointing?
Is he carrying (someone) on his back?
Is she basket-sewing?
He is eating.
This morpheme also causes a root-initial high vowel to lower and shorten; it will therefore be marked
[+Ablaut (67)]. The o itself will delete by Vowel Deletion (16) in the following cases.
(71)
a.
b.
c.
/t-o-ip/
t-ep
Did she carry on head?
/t-o-inx/
t-enx
Did he yell?
/t-o-is i /
t-es i
Did he defeat?
This o also feeds Coalescence (26), as seen by the following examples.

(72)
a.
b.
/o-o-asni/
a-sni
She roasted!
/o-o-tis/
a-tis
He pointed!
Coalescence does not apply in the derivation of detransitivized verbs with roots beginning with high
front vowels, however, as seen by the following examples.
(73)
a.
b.
c.
/o-o-ip/
-ep
She carried on head!
/o-o-inx/
-enx
He yelled!
/o-o-is i /
-es i
He defeated!
It is not possible to prevent Coalescence from applying by ordering it after Vowel Deletion (16) since
that would bleed it in all derivations. It is not clear how this would be best handled, but I propose
(following a suggestion by G.H. Matthews) that the following ad hoc rule applies before Coalescence,
bleeding it in the crucial cases.
(74)
o / + ___ +
V
[-lo ]
[-bac]
This rule also predicts that any prefix having the shape /o-/ will pattern similarly. This prediction will
be shown to be true in 2.6.2. An argument will be given in 2.5.7 that this vowel is present in the
underlying form.
42
I have found only one verb beginning with o with which this prefix can be used: /-oi/ delouse.
(75)
a.
b.
/t-o-oi/
t-o-ai
/o-o-oi/
a-ai
Did he delouse?
He deloused.
In the derivation of toai Ablaut bleeds Coalescence, indicating the order in which these rules must
apply. In neither form does the o delete by Vowel Deletion (16), however. Since another morpheme,
the object nominalizer (cf. 2.6.2), has an allomorph /o-/ with an ablaut trigger which likewise does
not delete by Vowel Deletion (16), I propose that the following rule be added to the grammar.
(76)
A morpheme with the shape /o-/ that is marked [+Ablaut (67)] is also marked [-Vowel
Deletion (16)].
A few simple verbs are detransitivized without using this morpheme.

(77)
Transitive
/k-i-aix/
k-i-ix
Detransitivized
k-aix
he who brings water
/k-i-amx/
k-i-mx
k-amx
he who hunts
/k-i-ataxk/
k-i-taxk
k-ataxk
he who vomits
The root /-aom/ beg for is detransitivized by replacing the short a with a long a: k-aom he who
begs. The root /-a/ grind, a stress-retracting verb (cf. 5.1), is detransitivized by removing the stressretraction feature: /k-i-a/ k a he who grinds it, /k-a/ ka he who grinds.
Finally, there is no evidence that verbs whose stems begin with long low vowels use the
morpheme /o-/ when used intransitively.36 If o were present in the string at the time Coalescence
applied, it would feed that rule; the form afk He pounded! (*afk) shows that it does not.
Assuming the o is present underlyingly, however, rule (74) might be revised to delete this morpheme
prior to the application of Coalescence in this case also.
(78)
o / + ___ +
V
[lo ]
[bac]
[+lo ]
[+lng ]
2.5.5. Passive
The passive prefix has two suppletive allomorphs: /p-/ (plus Ablaut (67)) before vowel-initial roots,
and /a-/ elsewhere, including before prefixes (but see (80) below). (Passive constructions are dis36
Accordingly, augmented verbs (cf. 2.5.6) typically do not show evidence of having been
prefixed with o. But the o does occur before the allomorph /k-/, as in k-o-k-aix he who causes
(unspecified) to sway.
43
cussed in 12.2-3.)
(79)
a.
t-p-ap
Was it sewn (basket)?
b.
t-p-ao
Was it passed (place)?
c.
/t-p-is i /
t-p-es i
Was he defeated?
/t-p-on/
t-p-an
Was it stirred?
e.
t-a-kas n i
Was he bitten?
f.
t-a-a-itax Was it made to burn?

RL-PASS-AUG-burn
d.
I am aware of two vowel-initial roots which take the allomorph /a-/; Ablaut (67) also applies.
They are: /-os i / take and /-itaa / buy/sell. 37
(80)
/ko=nt=yo-a-os i /
epe kom ko=nt=y-a-as i
sea the
3Ob-away-DIST-PASS-take
he was taken to the sea
Many, but not all, verbs whose roots begin with a long low vowel undergo a shortening rule when
the passive morpheme precedes. The verbs in (81a) have underlying long vowels which shorten, while
those in (81b) have underlying long vowels which do not shorten. The verbs are cited in the subject
nominalized form (cf. 2.6.1).
(81)
a.
a-p-atx
a-p-aka
a-p-afk
a-p-ai 38
a-p-at
what was pounded

what was entrusted
what was pounded
what was made
what was cooked (in the ashes)
b.
a-p-ais
a-p-ait
a-p-ao
what was cleaned

what was followed
which (place) was passed
(Also see 2.5.6 for some cases involving augmented verbs.) Apparently every verb root beginning
with a long low vowel will have to be marked for whether or not it undergoes the following minor
rule.
(82)
Passive shortening:
V [lng] / PASS + ___
I am claiming that the second allomorph of the passive prefix has a long vowel in its underlying
form even though it is short phonetically. The same claim will be made for the various allomorphs of
For examples of the latter: e=y-a-ataa (3Ob/1sO-DIST-PASS-sell) I was sold it. (an
impersonal passive form of the verb /-itaa /. see 12.3.1 and 12.5); and -a-taa (NOM-PASSbuy) what was bought. It is not clear why the surfacer form of the latter is as it is rather than
*aataa since rule (91) does not apply.
37
The root for do/make in passive forms is actually quite clearly with a long i [apa i ]. This is
presently unaccounted for.
38
44
the augment prefix discussed in 2.5.6. The reasoning is the following: these vowels behave like long
vowels in all cases and never like short low vowels. Positing long underlying vowels therefore results
in the simplification of several rules and enables us to express a generalization. The fact that these
vowels are short phonetically follows automatically since, as stated in chapter 1, vowel length is
directly related to stress. It is automatically predicted, therefore, that unstressed prefix vowels will be
short phonetically. At this point I will give only one reason why long underlying vowels should be
posited for these prefixes. Other arguments will be presented in later sections when the pertinent data
are introduced. Each of these arguments is, in addition, an argument for positing long vowels in Seri
rather than geminate vowel clusters.
The first argument is that the vowel of the passive prefix does not delete by Short Low Vowel
Deletion (14). Compare:
(83)
a.
b.
c.
Short low vowel

Long low vowel
Passive prefix
/yo-afp/
yo-fp
he arrived
/i-yo-afk/
i-y-afk
he pounded it
/yo-a-kas n i/
[yakas n i]
he was bitten
Unless the passive prefix has an underlying long vowel, the operation of Short Low Vowel Deletion
will have to be restricted to root-initial short low vowels. While this modification is not unreasonable
in itself, the fact that a number of not identical modifications similar to this would have to be made to
other rules as well argues in favor of the abstract analysis.
The glottal stop of the passive prefix deletes under the following conditions:39
(84)
-Deletion:
/ V ___ + C
(85)
a.
/a-a-sanx/
-a-sanx
who was carried
NOM-PASS-carry=on=back
b.
/i--a-kas n i/
i--a-kas n i
1P-NOM-PASS-bite
my being bitten
2.5.6. Augment
The augment prefix occurs in various constructions which are discussed in more detail in chapter 14. It
is most commonly used in causative and benefactive constructions, from which are drawn the
examples cited below. This prefix has several allomorphs which are basically suppletive. (There are a
few verb roots on which different derived verbs are formed by affixing different allomorphs of the
augment. These do not provide convincing evidence that different morphemes are involved, however.)
The spell-out rule for the most common allomorphs of this morpheme is given in (86).
39
Although the rule is given as a general phonological rule, I do not know of any other morphemes
to which it applies. It does not apply, for example, to the form k-a-a nix he who makes it quiver.
45
(86)
AUGMENT
a / ___ C
a / ___ [a class]
k [+Ablaut (68)] / ___ [k class]
ak / ___ V
[+lo ]
[lng]
ak / ___ [ak class]
a / ___ V
The only allomorph which occurs before consonant-initial roots is /a-/ (cf. (87a-b)). Before a number
of roots, all of which begin with a short low vowel, the allomorph /a-/ also occurs (cf. 87c-d). Before
a small number of vowel-initial roots the allomorph /k-/ occurs (cf. 87e-f); this allomorph also triggers
Ablaut (67). Before the majority of short low vowel-initial roots, however, the allomorph /ak-/ occurs
(cf. 87g-i). When the root is that of a lexically transitive verb, an o occurs as a link morpheme
immediately following it.40 The allomorph /ak-/ also occurs before a few o-initial roots (cf. 87j-k).41
Elsewhere the allomorph /a-/ occurs (cf. 87l-m).
(87)
a.
-a-pokt
full
fill
b.
-a-nepni
stooped
make stooped
c.
/-a-aks/
-a-ks
d.
/-a-ait/
-a-it
eat
e.
-k-as
torn
f.
/-k-itk/
-k-etk
drip
awaken (tr.)
feed; fish
tear
drip
g.
-ak-anox
burn
burn
h.
-ak-aiskan
hard
make hard
40
I assume that the insertion of this link morpheme occurs after the spelling out of the augment
prefix. The rule would look as below.
(iv)
o / +(a)k + ___ + Vtr[
Thus /k-ak-atim/ (NOM-AUG-stoke) kako tim he who helps to stoke it, and /ko=p-s-ok-amxk/ (3Ob-1sS-IRR-D-AUG-bring) kopsoko mxk I will betray him.
The allomorph /ak-/ also occurs unexpectedly before the root /-aim/ k-ak-aim he who
plays with it.
41
46
i.
/-ak-o-am/
-ak-o-m
say
accuse
j.
-ak-on--ot help carry

carry-X-ot
k.
-ak-okta
look=at
show
l.
-a-as
dissolve
dissolve
m.
-a-oi
blue/green
make blue
Even this complicated distributional statement is incomplete, however. The augmented form of a
derived verb root such as /-i-tasi/ have name is formed by replacing the initial i with /a-/: /-a-tasi/
name (tr.). This process also extends to morphologically opaque verb roots with stress on the second
syllable: /-ita a/ be ready, /-ata o/ make ready; /-io n x/ be loose, /-ao n x/ loosen. A few oinitial roots have augmented forms which appear to be formed by a special ablauting of the initial
vowel.42
(88)
a.
b.
c.
d.
-ospox
-ofin
-oipx
-opot
be spotted
pass by
be crossways
be paid
-aspox
-afin
-aipx
-aipot
write; draw
move household
put crossways
pay
The benefactive form of /-aspox/ write; draw, which is itself an augmented form (cf. 88a), is
formed by adding the allomorph /a-/ to the root /-ospox/; /-a-ospox/ help write (*make spotted).
No form is augmented twice.
Augmented forms are problematic morphologically in at least two more respects. A few
augmented forms, all of which have stress on the first syllable superficially, take the allomorph /p-/ of
the passive, in violation of the generalization given in 2.5.5 according to which the allomorph of the
passive is /a-/ before prefixes.
(89)
a.
b.
c.
d.
Base
-aks
-aktim
-asot
-apim
Augmented
-a-ks
-a-ktim
-a-sot
-a-pim
Passive
-p-a-ks
-p-a-ktim
-p-a-sot
-p-a-pim
be awake
be cut
borrow
broken
It is not clear how these facts should be handled. One possibility would be to alter the analysis of the
augment in these verbs; rather than a prefix, it could involve a lengthening or ablaut of the root-initial
vowel. Another possibility would be to claim that the augmented forms are lexicalized without the
prefix boundary. Note that the passive forms all involve the shortening of the low vowel by Passive
shortening (82). If the augmented forms are not entered as units in the lexicon, the roots of these verbs
will have to carry a marker indicating that when augmented they undergo Passive shortening.
42
In all cases the derived low vowel acts like a long vowel, but in (88c-d) it is phonetically short.
The i in the augmented form of /-opot/ is also anomalous.
47
Augmented forms are problematic morphologically in that they form their stems and plural
differently from the base verbs quite often. These facts are discussed in chapter 14.
It is claimed that the vowels of these prefixes are underlyingly long for the same reasons as for the
passive prefix. It is not a very abstract analysis in this case, however, because when the augment prefix
/a-/ precedes a short low vowel-initial root, as in (87c-d), it will receive the primary stress of the word
and remain phonetically long. The allomorph /a-/ also remains long in forms such as -a -a (AUG-accompany) since the root /-a/ is a root that retracts the primary stress to the preceding syllable
(cf. chapter 5).
Spell-out rule (86) provides another argument for not interpreting phonetically long vowels as
geminate vowel clusters. The clause specifying the environment for /ak-/ would have to be
complicated in the same way as shown in (18) above if geminate vowel clusters are posited rather than
long vowels.
The vowel of the augment prefix deletes in the example in (90a), but no vowel deletes in (90b-d).
The rule is given as (91).43
(90)
a.
/t-a-ak-o-as i -ot/
t-a-k-o-s i -ot
Was he caused to cut it?
RL-PASS-AUG-D-cut-ot
b.
t-a-a-ita
RL-PASS-AUG-burn
c.
/i--a-kas n i
i--a-kas n i
1P-NOM-PASS-bite
d.
(91)
s-a-ataa
IRR-PASS-buy
Was it made to burn?
my being bitten
it will be bought
V / V C ___ C
+
[str]
[+lo]
[+cns]
-Deletion (84) is fed by rule (91) when the latter deletes the vowel of the augment prefix in forms
such as the following.
(92)
/a-a-ak-ata/
-a-k-ata
NOM-PASS-AUG-go
who was caused to go
2.5.7. Second person imperative

The second person imperative has several suppletive allomorphs. The following spell-out rule, with
ordered clauses, specifies the various shapes of this prefix. 44
43
Given the formulation of the rule as in (91), it is not clear why the a deletes in the passive of
/-aipot/ (-AUG/paid) t-a-ipot Was it paid?
44
Rule (60) must apply before (93) since the allomorph of the imperative morpheme which occurs
when a third person oblique and the first person singular object cooccur is /-/. An example is
e--asitim (3Ob/1sO-IMP-fool) Fool me!
48
(93)
Second Person Imperative

/ First Person Singular Object ___
k / ___ Negative
/ Third Person Oblique ___ V
[+lo ]
[-lng]
k / ___ V
[+lo ]
[-lng]
[+Ablaut (68)] / ___ V and the clause is superficially intransitive
[+lo ]
[+bac]
/ ___
The imperative prefix is /-/ when it is preceded by the first person singular object prefix /po-/.
(94)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
ipo--sanx
ip--okta
ip--ipxk
ipo--s t
ipo--m-okta
Carry me on your back.

Look at me!
Wrestle me!
Tattoo me!
Don't look at me!
When the imperative prefix is followed by the negative morpheme (and not preceded by /po-/, the
allomorph /k-/ occurs.
(95)
a.
b.
c.
d.
k-m-ata
k-m-o-tis
k-om-tis
ko-k-om-pans
Don't go!
Don't point!
Don't point at it!
Don't run like him!
The allomorph /-/ occurs also when the imperative morpheme is preceded by the third person
oblique prefix and directly followed by a short low vowel.
(96)
a.
b.
/ko=-amxk/
ko=-mxk
Take it to him!
/ko=-ata/
ora ko=-tax
Go like a donkey!
Before such vowels when not preceded by the third person oblique prefix, the imperative morpheme
has the shape /k-/.
(97)
a.
b.
c.
k-ata
k-emen
e=k-as k am
Go!
Winnow it!
Come (pl.) to me!
Except for the cases already mentioned above, when the vowel following the imperative morpheme is
not a high front vowel and the clause is superficially intransitive, the allomorph /-/ plus Ablaut (68)
occurs.
(98)
a.
/-oit/
ait
Dance!
49
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
/-os/
as
Sing!
/-o-inx/
enx
Shout!
/-o-sanx/
a-sanx
Carry on your back!
/-anp
anp
Go home!
/-otexa/
etexa
Stagger! (cf. Fronting (27))
The imperative prefix is /-/ elsewhere.

(99)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
-im
-okta
-afk
/-mai/
i-mai
/-ka/
i-ka
/-etim/
i-etim
Sleep!
Look at it!
Pound it!
Be quiet!
Look for it!
Lope!
These facts provide evidence for the claim that the vowels of the augment prefix are underlyingly
long, although they are short phonetically. This analysis predicts that the allomorph /k-/ will not occur
with augmented verbs, and the allomorph /-/ will not occur when augmented verbs are preceded by
the third person oblique prefix. Rather, the allomorphs /-/ and /-/ respectively are predicted to
occur. The following data bear out these predictions.
(100)
a.
-a-oi
Make it blue!
b.
/-a-ait/
-a-it
IMP-AUG-eat
Fish!
c.
/ko=-ak-o-as i -ot/
k=-ak-o-s i -ot Make him cut it!
3Ob-IMP-AUG-D-cut-ot
Unless underlying long vowels are posited, the pertinent clauses of spell-out rule (93) will have to be
complicated to refer to root-initial short low vowels only.
This spell-out rule also provides an argument for positing the underlying form /t-o-inx/ for tenx
(RL-D-shout) even though the o must be deleted by an ad hoc rule (cf. (78)). The underlying
representation predicts that the corresponding imperative will take the zero allomorph and not the /-/
allomorph since the vowel immediately following is a back vowel. If the o were not present in the
underlying representation, the spell-out rule would have to contain an extra clause that would look
something like (100).
50
(100)
/ the verb is detransitivized
This clause would have to be ordered to follow the clause that gives the allomorph /-/ [+Ablaut].
Clearly, a generalization is being missed.
2.5.8. First person plural imperative
The first person imperative prefix has two suppletive allomorphs: /sa-/ [+Ablaut] when the clause is
superficially transitive, and /ska-/ when the clause is superficially intransitive.
(101)
a.
sa-pkoyo
Let's taste it!
b.
/sa-ais i /
s-ais i
Let's make it!
/sa-amox/
sa-mox
Let's say it!
/sa-oktam/
s-aktam
Let's look at it!
/sa-onek/
s-enek
Let's carry them!
/sa-imosam/
s-emosam
Let's beg for it!
g.
ska-mai
Let's be quiet!
h.
/ska-anipat
sk-anipat
Let's go home!
/ska-os a /
sk-os a
Let's talk!
/ska-o-aitoka/
sk-o-itoka
Let's eat!
c.
d.
e.
f.
i.
j.
When the negative morpheme follows this prefix, the negative morpheme is moved to follow the s
of the imperative prefix. The rule, given as (102), precedes all phonological rules, and is illustrated by
the forms in (103). It feeds o-Epenthesis (37).
(102)
s (k) a + m + 1 4 2 3
1 2 3 4
(103)
a.
b.
c.
/sa-m-as i axk/
smas i axk
Let's not cut it!
/ska-m-o-as i axk/
somkos i axk
Let's not cut!
/ska-m-a-tikpan/
somkatikpan
Let's not work!
51
2.5.9. First person restrictive

The typical first person singular subject prefix /(p)-/ is omitted when the first person restrictive prefix
occurs. (For the position of the latter, see (1).) This prefix typically occurs in conjunction with the first
person restrictive pronoun at . It has two suppletive allomorphs: /ka-/ when the final stratum is
intransitive, and /a-/ (plus Ablaut (67)) when the final stratum is transitive. 45
(104)
a.
/si-m-ka-ata/
ate
s-om-ka-ta
a-a
1REST IRR-NEG-1REST-go AUX-DECL
As for me, I won't go.
b.
/si-ka-fit/
ate
s-ka-fit
a-a
1REST IRR-1REST-stand AUX-DECL
As for me, I will stand up.
c.
/si-ka-p-as t /
ate
s-ka-p-as t
a-a
1REST IRR-1REST-PASS-tattoo AUX-DECL
As for me, I will be tattooed.
d.
/si-m-a-ait/
ate s-m-a-it
a-a
1REST IRR-NEG-1REST-eat AUX-DECL
As for me, I won't eat it.
e.
/si-m-ka-o-aitim/
ate
s-om-k-o-itim
a-a
1REST IRR-NEG-1REST-D-eat/MULT AUX-DECL
As for me, I won't eat.
f.
/si-a-pi/
ate
s-a-pi
a-a
1REST IRR-1REST-taste AUX-DECL
As for me, I will taste it.
g.
/mi-a-okta/
a m-akta
just PROX-1REST/look=at
......I think; lit., ...I look at it
h.
/si-a-inx/
ate
s-enx
a-a
1REST IRR-1REST/yell AUX-DECL
As for me, I will yell at him.
Margaret Langdon has made the interesting observation that the segment k turns up with
significant frequency in the intransitive allomorphs of morphemes in Seri. While this segment is not a
separate morpheme synchronically, it may be assumed that it was at some earlier stage of the
language.
45
52
2.5.10. Times
In chapter 11 I argue for a raising analysis of the times construction. The prefix which occurs in this
construction when raising is involved and also in age and doubling constructions (also discussed in
chapter 11), has two suppletive allomorphs: /a-/ before the roots /-ato/ many and /-ipa/ few, and
/a-/ plus Ablaut (67) elsewhere.46
(105)
a.
-a-ato
many times
b.
/-a-as o /
-a-s o
once
/-a-okx/
-akx
twice
-a-s o k
four times
c.
d.
The age construction and the times construction differ, however, when certain numbers are
involved. These numbers all involve the verb /-i/ be in simple constructions. In the age construction,
either this verb or the verb /-a/ do may be used, as in (106a-b). In the times construction, only the
verb /-a/ prefixed by /a-/ may be used, as in (106c).
(106)
a.
ant tomkox k=t-i

year
Is he seven years old?
b.
ant tomkox k=i-t-a
Is he seven years old?
c.
o i-- tomkox k=t-a-

3P-NOM-do
Did he do thus seven times?
2.5.11. Unspecified subject

When the (final) subject of a verb is not overtly specified in the clause, the prefix /ka-/, which I
will call the Unspecified subject prefix, occurs. See (1) for its position.
(107)
a.
/si-m-ka-mi/
ak
s-om-ka-mi
a-a
somewhere IRR-NEG-US-not=exist AUX-DECL
One won't die.
b.
/yo-ka-ki/
iti yo-k-i
on DIST-US-be
One, (speaker included) used to live on it (the island).
c.
/ko=t-ka-a-ait/
k=t-k-a-it
3Ob-RL-US-AUG-eat
If one fishes with it...
46
I am not perfectly content with this analysis, however, since the derived vowel of (105c) seems
phonetically long to me, just as it is in (105b).
53
d.
/po-ka-a/
/sa-oktam/
po-ka-
s-aktam
IRR-US-go/PL 1plIMP-look=at/PL
Let's go look at it.
It is not necessarily the case that the final subject of the clause is unspecified semantically; the persons
who go in the first clause of (107d) are the same as those in the second clause. Both verbs are marked
for plural subject agreement. This prefix does not occur in finally transitive clauses. In such cases a
passive structure occurs instead. 47
This prefix is also used with the third person possessive prefix. See 2.6.3 and 2.7.2.
2.5.12. Verbalizer /i-/
A transitive verb meaning have X, where X is a noun, can be made out of certain noun stems (both
native and borrowed) by prefixing the noun stem with /i-/. As noted in 2.3.4, this i does not delete by
e-Deletion (21). The derived verb may also occur detransitivized.48
(108)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
/-si-i-kapot/
i-s-i-kapot
a-a
1sS-IRR-have-jacket AUX-DECL
-i-tamt
IMP-have-sandal
I will have/put on a jacket.
Put on your sandals.
/k-i-asa/
k-i-sa
NOM-have-life
one who is alive
/k-i-amt/
k-i-mt
NOM-have-breast
one who has breasts
k-i-ee
NOM-have-stick
one who has stick; chief
2.5.13. Verbalizer
A stative verb can be formed from certain nouns by simply affixing verb morphology.
(109)
47
a.
-ait
blood
be bloody
b.
-opatx
waves
be wavy (sea)
In a sentence such as If one is bitten..., a noun such as kmike person is used as the final subject.
kmike p-a-kas n i
ta-
person IRR-PASS-bite SR-UT
(v)
Thus titamt Is he wearing sandals? and ititamt Is he wearing them (as sandals)? are both
possible.
48
54
c.
d.
/-a-as /
-a-s
ABS-pet
-esen
ironwood
be irritable
be rigid
Before a derived noun the prefix /i-/ must be used to form the derived verb.
(110)
-i-k-opo
NOM-black
be dark
2.5.14. Directionals
Two directional prefixes occur before a few verbs. They are /mo=/ toward and /nt=/ away. These
prefixes, like the oblique prefixes, are attached with a stronger boundary (cf. (51)). The roots with
which they occur include: /-a/ move, /-in/ return, /-os i / take, and /-oit/ descend. The o of /mo-/
deletes by Vowel Deletion (16) as well as by a rule that is discussed in 5.2 where other idiosyncrasies
of these verbs are discussed. It remains in (111a-b) only because the primary stress is retracted from
the root to the prefix.
(111)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
mo = k-a
mo = -a
int= k -a
/mo=ika-in/
m=ik-in
/mo=k-oit/
im-k-oit
/mo=-os i /
im=-os i
ko=nt=k-os i
mo=k-ket
he who comes
Come!
he who goes
to return
that which descends
Bring it! (i.e., Give it to me!)
he who takes it away
he who brings it
Since the o of /mo=/ can delete by Vowel Deletion (16), as in (111d), that rule must be
reformulated to allow the stronger boundary to be present. The m of this prefix also obligatorily
metathesizes with a following glottal stop (cf.1.2.2).
2.6. Nominalizers
Nominalized verbs are ubiquitous in Seri sentences. Most embedded clauses are nominalized, as well
as many dependent and independent clauses. Some of the basic facts will be discussed below. Other
aspects of nominalizations will be discussed more fully in chapter 9.
2.6.1. Subject (nonfuture) nominalizer
When the (final) subject of a nonfuture relative clause is coreferential with the head noun, a
nominalized form of the following structure occurs.
(112)
Oblique-Dir.-Object-NOM-OM-NEG-
PASS
D
AUG
X
- root
This is the only nominalized form in which the object marker (OM) occurs.
55
The nominalizing prefix, which I call the subject nominalizer, has three suppletive allomorphs.
The allomorph /i-/ occurs when followed by the negative morpheme, as in (113); /a-/ occurs when
followed by the passive morpheme, as in (114); /k-/ occurs elsewhere, as in (115).
(113)
a.
b.
(114)
who doesn't/didn't eat it
/i-m-o-ap/
i-m-o-p
NOM-NEG-D-sew=basket
who is/was not basket-sewing
c.
i-m-ata
NOM-NEG-go
who doesn't/didn't go
d.
i-m-p-ait
NOM-NEG-PASS-eat
what is/was not eaten
e.
i-m-a-sanx
NOM-NEG-PASS-carry=on=back
who is/was not carried on back
a.
a-p-ait
NOM-PASS-eat
what is/was eaten
b.
/a-p-is i /
a-p-es i
NOM-PASS-defeat
who is/was defeated
/a-p-on/
a-p-an
NOM-PASS-stir
what is/was stirred
/a-a-sanx/
-a-sanx
NOM-PASS-carry=on=back
who is/was carried on back
/a-a-ak-ata/
-a-k-ata
NOM-PASS-AUG-go
who is/was caused to go
/a-a-a-ita/
-a-a-ita
NOM-PASS-AUG-burn
what is/was made to burn
c.
d.
e.
f.
(115)
/i-i-m-ait/
i-m-ait
NOM/OM-NEG-eat
a.
k-ata
NOM-go
b.
/k-i-ap/
k-i-p
NOM-OM-sew=basket
who is/was sewing it
/k-i-afk/
k-afk
NOM/OM-pound
who is/was pounding it
c.
who is/was going
56
d.
e.
/k-o-ap/
k-o-p
NOM-D-sew=basket
who is/was basket-sewing
/k-i-ak-ata/
k-ak-ata
NOM/OM-AUG-go
who is/was making him go
2.6.2. Object (nonfuture) nominalizer

When the (final) direct object of a nonfuture relative clause is coreferential with the head noun, the
object nominalized form occurs. The structure is the same as that given in (112) except that a
possessive prefix precedes the nominalizer. The possessive prefix indicates the final subject of the
relative clause. The object nominalizer has the following suppletive allomorphs
(116)
Object Nominalizer
/ ___ Negative
oko / ___ [class oko]
/ ___ i +
/ ___ V
[lo ]
[bac]
y / ___ V
[+lo ]
[+lng]
o [+Ablaut (68)] / ___
Before the negative morpheme a zero allomorph occurs. (The object nominalized form with third
person subject is therefore identical superficially with the negative subject nominalized form discussed
in 2.6.1, and may in fact be the historical source for that form. The forms are synchronically distinct
syntactically.)
(117)
a.
mi--m-emen
what you don't/ didn't winnow
2P-NOM-NEG-winnow
b.
i--m-ams o
3P-NOM-NEG-want
c.
i--m-okta
what I don't/didn't look at
1P-NOM-NEG-look=at
what he doesn't/didn't want
Before two verbs the allomorph /oko-/ occurs.

(118)
a.
b.
/i-oko-ao/
-oko-o
1P-NOM-see
what I see/saw
/mi-oko-aa/
m-oko-a
2P-NOM-know
what you know/knew
Before the prefix /i-/ (cf.2.5.12) the allomorph /-/ occurs.
57
(119)
a.
mi--i-a
2P-NOM-have-clam
what you have/had as a spoon
b.
mi--i-kamis
2P-NOM-have-shirt
what you have/had as a shirt
This allomorph is expected to occur before any prefixal i. It in fact also occurs before the morphologically aberrant stem /-itaa / buy/sell which has primary stress on the last syllable: i--itaa
what I sell/sold.
Before high front root vowels a zero allomorph occurs.
(120)
a.
b.
c.
/i--ip/
--ip
what I straighten/straightened
/i--i/
--i
what I hear/heard
/mi--ik/
m--ik
what you plant/planted
Before long low vowels the allomorph /y-/ occurs. This allomorphy provides another argument
that the allomorphs of the augment prefix begin with underlyingly long vowels.
(121)
a.
b.
/i-y-as i /
i-y-as i
what I carry/carried
/mi-y-ak-o-as i -ot/
im-y-ak-o-s i -ot whom you help/helped to cut
2P-NOM-AUG-D-cut-ot
Elsewhere the allomorph /o-/ plus Ablaut (68) occurs.

(122)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
/i-o-kesexk/
-o-kesexk
what I gnaw/gnawed
/i-o-afmox/
-o-fmox
what I gather/gathered (firewood)
/i-o-pi/
o-pi
what he tastes/tasted
/mi-o-okta/
m-o-akta
what you look/looked at
/mi-o-oi/
m-o-ai
whom you delouse/deloused
One exception to the latter is the singular stem of own/have (cf. 2.7.2 for discussion).
2.6.3. (Nonfuture) Action/oblique nominalizer
The nonfuture action/oblique nominalized form has numerous uses, which are discussed below. The
structure of this nominalized form is the same as that given in (112) except that a possessive prefix,
indicating the final subject, precedes the nominalizer. The rule deleting the i of the possessive prefix
before the nominalizer /y-/ is discussed in 2.7.2. The allomorphs of this nominalizer are as shown in
58
(123).
(123)
Action/oblique Nominalizer
i / ___ Stand
/ ___
V
[+lo ]
[lng]
C
/ ___ Passive
y [+Ablaut (67)] / ___
V
and the clause is superficially intransitive 49
[+lo ]
[+bac]
/ ___
This nominalizer has the shape /i-/ before the verb /-ap/ stand.
(124)
/i-i-ap/
ika
i-kot
i-i-p
koi
things 1P-with 3P-NOM-stand the
the people who were with me
This morpheme has a zero allomorph before other verbs which begin with short low vowels and
when followed by a consonant.
(125)
/i--as i /
i--s i
my cutting it
/i--emen/
i--men
my winnowing it
c.
i--koa
my babysitting him
d.
i--m-as i x
my not cutting it
e.
/i--p-ita/
i--p-eta
my being poked
a.
b.
The allomorph /-/ occurs before the vowel-initial allomorph of the passive morpheme.
(126)
/i--a-kas n i/
i--a-kas n i my being bitten
The allomorph /y-/ with an ablaut trigger occurs when the following morpheme begins with a
(long) low vowel or a back vowel and the clause is superficially intransitive.
(126)
49
a.
/i-y-otx/
i-y-atx
my arising
A notable exception is the verb /-ap/ be cold which takes the allomorph /-/.
59
b.
c.
/mi-y-o-as i /
im-y-a-s i
2P-NOM-D-cut
/i-y-as /
y-as
your cutting
his sneezing
The action nominalizer is /-/ elsewhere.

(127)
a.
b.
c.
d.
i--ip
i--ip
i--okta
i--afk
my straightening it
my carrying it on my head
my looking at it
my pounding it
This nominalization is the one which occurs a) in complement clauses, b) in relative clauses when
neither the (final) subject or direct object of the relative clause is coreferential with the head noun, c)
as a nominal meaning the way in which ... and d) as a nominal referring to the fact of the action or
state. The following examples illustrate these uses. The nonfuture mood of this nominalization is not
relevant in its use in complement clauses.
(128)
a.
sara ki s i s o k-mi--a-it
i-mi-ms o
the thing a 3Ob-2P-NOM-AUG-eat 1sS-PROX-want
I want you to feed Sarah something.
b.
juan ki ak
i--mi
ki ant m-okx
the somewhere 3P-NOM-not=exist the year PROX-two
Juan died two years ago.
c.
ant iti aox i--s k am

taak kom s a-p-a
land on shore 1P-NOM-arrive/PL that
NOM-PASS-say
The place where we beachedcalled Komi:s...
d.
kano a an i--ka
boat
in 1P-NOM-be
the boat that we were in
e.
kano a kom mis x ant k-i--p-akim

ak
boat the well land 3Ob-3P-NOM-PASS-put the
with respect to the boat's being piloted
This nominalization is also used to refer to more abstract notions.

(129)
a.
i--kam
alive
b.
/i--aiax/
i--iax
strong
his life
his strength
c.
i--isi
small
d.
ak
k-i--mi
somewhere
not=exist
his youth
his death
60
e.
/ko-i-i-ap/
ap k-i-i-p
outside
stand
his birth
f.
mi--mokepe
sick
your sickness
g.
i--kos i m
hot
the heat
h.
i--ap
cold
the cold
i.
i--amok
night
the night
If the person involved is not specified, the prefix /ka-/ (cf. 2.5.11) occurs before the root.
(130)
a.
i--ka-matx
hot
fever
b.
i--ka-mokepe
sick
sickness
c.
/i--ka-aitom/
i--ka-itom
talk
speech; word
/i--ka-aiax/
i--ka-iax
strong
strength
d.
e.
i--ka-pito
bloated
indigestion
This nominalization is also used in relative clauses to explicate the purpose for which the head
noun is used. If the verb is intransitive, the unspecified subject prefix occurs, as in (131). If the verb is
transitive, the relative clause must passivize, as in (132).
(131)
a.
b.
c.
d.
/i--ka-aktim/
s i i--k-aktim
thing 3P-NOM-US-cover=oneself
blanket
/i--ka-o-ait/
s i iti i--k-o-it
thing on 3P-NOM-US-D-eat
plate
/i--ka-o-ap/
s i i--k-o-p
thing 3P-NOM-US-D-sew=basket
awl
i--ka-motet
heavy
sinker
61
e.
f.
(132)
a.
/i--ka-o-koa/
i--k-o-koa
babysit
lullaby
/i--ka-os/
i--k-os
sing
song
/i--p-imt/
enim i--p-emt
knife
rub
whetstone
b.
e-e i--p-akotim
wood
chop
c.
/i--a-kapta/
e-e i--a-kapta
wood
pierce
drill
/i--a-fain/
s i an i--a-fain
thing in
tie=up
wrapper
d.
axe
2.6.4. Future nominalized forms

The irrealis prefix /si-/ occurs in all future nominalizations in the position where the nonfuture
nominalizers occur in other nominalized forms. The auxiliary particle ka (cf. 3.5) follows these forms
when they occur in relative clauses. The object marker /i-/ does not occur with these nominalizations.
(133)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
/si-ata/
si-ta ka
who will go
/si-m-ata/
s-m-ata ka
who will not go
/si-asi/
si-si ka
who will drink it
/si-m-asi/
s-m-asi ka
who will not drink it
/si-o-aitim/
s-o-itim ka
who will eat
/si-p-ait/
s-p-ait ka
which will be eaten
/si-m-p-ait/
s-om-p-ait ka
which will not be eaten
The future forms in (134) are what correspond to the nonfuture object nominalized forms. These
differ from other nominalizations, however, in that they are identical to finite irrealis forms. Subject
person prefixes occur instead of possessive prefixes. These are therefore not nominalized forms
structurally. The auxiliary particle a follows these forms.
62
(134)
a.
b.
c.
d.
/-si-m-asi/
i-s-km-asi a
which I will not drink
/a-si-asiox/
a-si-siox a
which we will drink
/i-si-kata/
i-s-kata a
whom he will bite
/ma-si-onek/
ma-s-onek a
which you (pl.) will carry
The forms in (135) are future action/oblique nominalized forms.

(135)
a.
b.
c.
d.
/i-si-aktim/
i-s-aktim a
cover=oneself
what I will cover up with
/mi-si-as k am/
mi-si-s k am a
arrive/PL
that you (pl.) will be coming
/i-si-aka/
an i-si-ka a
in
exist
that we will be in
/i-si-p-akotim/
e-e i-s-p-akotim
a
wood 3P-IRR-PASS-chop AUX
what wood will be chopped with
e.
/i-si-a-a-opo/
at koi an i-s-a-a-opo
a
what torote will be made black in
torote the in 3P-IRR-PASS-AUG-black AUX
f.
/i-si-ka-a-moix/
s i i-s-k-a-moix
a
thing 3P-IRR-US-AUG-encircled AUX
thing that one will mend with
/i-si-a-moix/
s i i-s-a-moix
a
thing 3P-IRR-AUG-encircled AUX
thing that he will mend with
g.
2.6.5. Hybrid forms

A type of hybrid formone which has characteristics of both finite and nominalized formsoccurs
before the phrase a t-a-Qi a m-a (just RL-PASS-feel just PROX-be) as if .... (This is the only
context in which these hybrid forms occur, so far as I know.) While the verb of a negative clause
occurs in a simple nominalized form, as in (136),
(136)
mi--m-ait
a t-a-Qi a ma
2P-NOM-NEG-eat
it is as if you were not eating
63
the verb of a non-negative clause occurs in the subject nominalized form with a subject person prefix
before it. The object marker occurs in two placesbefore the nominalizer, as if the form were finite,
and after the nominalizer, as if the forms were nominalized. The forms in (137) are the hybrid forms.
(137)
a.
b.
/-k-i-ait/
i-k-i-it
1sS-NOM-OM-eat
I ate it.
/i-k-i-ait/
i-k-i-it
Om-NOM-OM-eat
he ate it
c.
/ma-k-i-aitox/
ma-k-i-itox
you (pl.) ate it
2plS-NOM-OM-eat/PL
d.
/p-k-o-ap/
ip-k-o-p
I am basket-sewing
1sS-NOM-D-sew=basket
This form is even more bizarre in that the active allomorph /k-/ of the subject nominalizer occurs
before the passive morpheme in personal passives (cf. 12.2). The expected passive allomorph /a-/
occurs before the passive morpheme in impersonal passives, however. (138a) is an example of a
personal passive and (138b) is an impersonal passive.
(138)
a.
/m-k-p-as t /
im-k-p-as t
you were tattooed
2sS-NOM-PASS-tattoo
b.
mas i -a-p-as i tim

you (pl.) were tattooed
2plO-NOM-PASS-tattoo/MULT
2.7. Noun prefixes

There exists little inflection on nouns in Seri compared to that occurring on verbs. The only prefixes
which occur are discussed below.
2.7.1. Absolutive prefix
Inalienably possessed nouns always occur with either a possessive prefix or the absolutive prefix
which is /a-/ with most nouns, as in (139a-b), but /ap-/ with some kinship terms, as in (139c). These
nouns consist almost entirely of two types: they either have consonant-initial stems, as in (139a), or
putatively short low vowel-initial stems, as in (139b). (In the latter case, the root-initial vowel will
never show up. The stress will occur on the prefix vowel as a result of Short Low Vowel Deletion
(14).)
The allomorph /ap-/ occurs with kinship roots beginning with the short low front vowel e (with
perhaps one exception). The allomorph /a-/ occurs with all other roots.
64
(139)
a.
a-it
a-nai
a-nemx
a-pasi
a-tast
a-tai
a-ya
a-s m i-t
head
skin
nose ornament
flesh
tooth
loin cloth
belly
mother's brother
b.
/a-ano/
a-no
hand and arm
/a-ap/
a-p
tongue
/a-amos /
a-mos
heart
/a-a/
a-
liquid; sap
/a-aonam/
a-onam
hat
/a-eme/
e-me
camp; home
/ap-emas /
a-p-emes
father's mother
/ap-ei/
ap-ee
father
/ap-eas /
ap-ees
mother's father
/ap-eta/
ap-ete
mother
ap-akom
wife
c.
but see
Two additional rules are needed. Rule (140) will front the a of roots such as /-emas / father's
mother when an e precedes (in a counterbleeding order with i-Lowering, cf. 1.2.13). The a of these
roots surfaces when the e deletes by Short Low Vowel Deletion (14) following a prefix vowel.
(140)
Fronting:
a e / e C10 ___
The i of apee father (m.s.) lowers by the following rule

(141)
i-Lowering:
i e / e ___
This rule also applies in the derivation of the form [se e] Let's hear it!. The imperative prefix /sa-/
causes the ablaut of the first vowel of the root /-ii/, and (141) lowers the second vowel. The i of a
65
prefix also lowers following the e of an oblique prefix: /e=ia-es/ e=i-es [ee s ] to hide
it from me.
2.7.2. Possessive prefixes
The following possessive prefixes occur on both noun stems and nominalized verbs.
(142)
1st
2nd
3rd
Set A
i- ~ a- ~ atimi- ~ mai-
Set B
imaa-
Set B possessive prefixes occur on all kinship roots, as in (143b), and Set A possessive prefixes occur
elsewhere, as in (143a).
(143)
a.
b.
i-it
my head
/i-ata/
i-to
my eye
mi-nai
your skin
/mi-amas/
mi-mas
your body hair
i-pasi
his/its flesh
/i-ya/
ya
his/its belly
i-mak
my older brother (f.s.)
/i-apas /
my father's father
ma-nyak
your older brother
/ma-emas /
ma-mas
your father's mother (m.s.)
/ma-ei/
ma-i
your father
a-mak
her older brother
/a-eta/
a-ta
his/her mother
It is important to discuss the rule by which the i of a possessive prefix deletes before y, as in
/i-ya/ ya its belly, and /i-yano px/ iyano px my fist. First of all, only the i of the possessive
prefixes and the verbalizing prefix /i-/ have, as in /k-i-yen/ (NOM-have-face) kyen who has a face,
delete before y. The examples in (144) show that the object marker /i-/ and the i of the plural object
prefixes do not delete before y.
66
(144)
a.
b.
/i-yo-aa/
i-yo-o
OM-DIST-see
He saw him.
/is i -yo-ao/
is i -yo-o
1plO-DIST-see
He saw us.
The is of the possessive prefixes do not delete before any y, however. As noted above, they delete
before the y of a noun stem. They also delete (when unstressed) before both the action/oblique and the
object nominalizers /y-/, as in /i-y-otx/ iyatx my arising, except when an oblique prefix precedes
the i (of the third person possessive prefix) as in (145). (145d) shows that the deletion takes place
when a directional prefix precedes the i.
(145)
a.
tok k=i-y-ai
ak
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL the
their being there
b.
k=i-y-atx
ak
3Ob-3P-NOM-arise the
his arising
c.
/ko=i-y-otx/
ak
ko--y-atx
3Ob-1P-NOM-arise the
my arising
d.
/mo=i-y-oit/
im=y-ait
ak
toward-3P/NOM-descend the
its descending
They also do not delete before the initial y of a verb root, as in /i--yai/ iyai my traveling, and
/i--yaa/ iyaa its being pregnant. 50 The rule deleting i can be formalized as in (146).
(146)
i / Z ___ X[ Y
[-str]
Conditions: X g V, Z g Oblique prefix
The distinction between kinship and nonkinship forms is illustrated even more strikingly by the
various forms of the verb /-a/ accompany (cf. chapter 5). The subject nominalized passive form is
a-p-a a who is/was accompanied, spouse. The form i-y-a (1P-NOM-accompany) means the one
whom he/she accompanies respectively. The kinship relation for second and third person is expressed
by the forms ma and a. If the latter are to be derived from the verb /-a/, however, an object
nominalizer other than the expected /y-/ must be posited for the kinship forms in the second and third
persons.
50
The i deletes in the morphologically aberrant object nominalized forms of /-ya/ own which are
discussed in 2.7.4. The i does not delete before this verb root in the action nominalized form
i--ya my owning it.
67
The allomorphs /a-/ and /ma-/ for the first and second person possessive in set A occur only
when the possessor is plural and it is following by y, regardless of whether the y is part of the root or a
nominalizer.
(147)
a.
b.
c.
/ma-y-o-aitox/
ma-y-a-itox
2plP-NOM-D-eat/PL
your (pl.) eating
a-yano p
ma-yano p
our fists
your (pl.) fists
The morpheme /ati-/ for first person singular possessive occurs when exclusive possession is
indicated (cf. ate , the first person restrictive pronoun, and 2.5.9).
(148)
a.
ati-tast i-ai
tooth 3P-root
the root of my tooth
b.
ate
at-ya-a
1REST NOM/own-DECL
It's mine.
The possessive prefixes do not otherwise indicate number since plural inalienable nouns generally
indicate plural possessor as well.
(149)
a.
b.
i-it
i-itkox
my head
out heads
Where plurality of possessor and plurality of noun do not coincide, additional forms generally exist, as
shown in (150).
(150)
a.
b.
c.
/i-ato/
i-to
my eye
/i-atox/
i-tox
my eyes
/i-atokox/
i-tokox
our eyes
An unspecified possessor may be indicated by the unspecified subject prefix /ka-/ (which will
always appear on the surface as k) before the third person possessive prefix.
(151)
a.
b.
c.
/ka-i-it/
k-i-it
one's head
/ka-i-tox/
k-i-tox
one's eyes
/ka-i-ap/
k-i-p
one's tongue
2.7.3. Root types

Almost half of the primary kinship stems begin with k.
68
(152)
a.
b.
c.
-kak
-kemes
-kamas
daughter's child (f.s.)

husband's mother (f.s.)
son's wife
It is possible that explanation for this fact is to be found in the reanalysis of nominalized verbs. Some
kinship relations are still expressed through verbs.
(153)
a.
b.
c.
d.
/mi-o-yakx/
m-o-yakx
the one you call sibling
/mi--iket/
m--iket
the one you carried in your womb
/im-k-i-as i /
im-k-as i
1sO-NOM/OM-carry
the one who carried memy father
/im-k-i-i-apas /
im-k-i-pas
1sO-NOM/OM-have grandfather
the one who has me as grandfathermy grandchild
the relationship expressed by (153d) has an alternate, i-kipas (1P-grandson), which provides a clear
clue to the probable origin of other k kinship stems.
More than half of the body part stems begin with y following by a low vowel.
(154)
a.
b.
c.
-ya
-yap
-yano px
belly
neck
fist
d.
e.
f.
-yes x
-yesk
-yato t
scales
rattles
kidney
The fact that in a number of these roots the stress occurs on the second syllable indicates that the
sequence ya is segmentable historically.
As I have already mentioned, nearly all vowel-initial roots begin with a short low vowel. 51
2.7.4. Possession of alienable nouns
Possession of alienable nouns is indicated by a relative clause meaning which X owns. A nominal
possessor, if any, precedes the noun.
(155)
a.
simalo n ki troki ya
ki aki t-i
the car
3P/NOM/own the where RL-be
Where is Cimalon's car?
b.
/i-ya/
s a ipi
-ya
ki
watch EMPH 1P-NOM/own the
/-yo-as i /
-y-as i
1sS-DIST-carry
an ki ya
ki mos /-mi-as i /
the 3P/NOM/own the also 1sS-PROX-carry
I took my own watch; I also took Juan's watch.
51
The only root that I know of which begins with a vowel other than a short low vowel and which
also occurs with the absolutive prefix is the root /-ek/ daughter (m.s.).
69
c.
/i-o-yat/
kano a tax -o-yat
koi ak
o-mitox
boats
1P-NOM-own/PL the somewhere EMPH-not=exist/PL
Our boats are lost!
The forms of the relative clauses with plural subjects given in (157) are regularly derived
nominalized forms of the verb /-ya/ own. This verb is a typical verb in that it may occur as the main
verb of a clause, as in (156).
(156)
/m-t-m-ya/
a-p-apxk
s o m-t-kom-ya
NOM-PASS-string=beads a 2sS-RL-NEG own
Don't you have any beads?
(157)
/i-o-yat/
-o-yat
1P-NOM-own/PL
which we own
/mi-o-yat/
m-o-yat
2P-NOM-own/PL
which you (pl.) own
/i-o-yat/
o-yat
3P/NOM-own/PL
which they own
The forms of the relative clauses with singular subjects, given in (158), are irregular in that the
nominalizer does not appear and the i of the prefix deletes (cf.. (146)).
(158)
/i-ya/
i-ya
1P-NOM/own
what I own
/mi-ya/
im-ya
2P-NOM/own
what you own
/i-ya/
ya
3P/NOM/own
what he/she owns
A few alienable nouns, generally personal items, may be prefixed by the possessive prefixes. They
include: kano a boat, enim knife, tasa cup, am o friend, pas a to shoe, same s orange, pen
shoulder yoke, tom money, ait blood, and kamis shirt. Apparently almost any noun could be so
prefixed under special conditions; some plant names are compounds of the form X its-Y where Y is not
a typically possessed noun.
2.8. Frozen and nonproductive prefixes
2.8.1. Stative /m-/
A very high percentage of verb stems beginning with m in present-day Seri are stative verbs. A few
examples are given below.
70
(159)
a.
b.
c.
-mam
-matx
-maso
cooked; ripe
hot
yellow
It is possible that the m of these roots was at one time a segmentable prefix. A few pairs of words lend
further support to this hypothesis (see Sapir 1925).
(160)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
-oix
-moix
-a-tomn
-moto m n
-esomam
-mesom
tubular
encircled
inflict damage
weak
shy
undefiled; virgin
One piece of evidence that these ms are not synchronically segmentable in the normal sense is the
fact that they do not condition k-Epenthesis (cf. 2.3.7) which requires a formative boundary
following the m.
(161)
/p-si-maso/
ip-s-maso
a-ya
1sS-IRR-yellow AUX-INTERR
Should I be yellow?
2.8.2. Nominalizer /-/

A few noun/verb pairs exist whose relationship is not explainable by any productive word formation
process. The nouns of these pairs begin with a glottal stop.
(162)
a.
b.
c.
Verb Root
-akat 52
-ako
-akni
Noun
swim
build house
bowed
akat
ako
akni
shark
house
bow
2.8.3. /ii-/
In the following forms a prefix /ii-/ is prefixed to a verb stem, deriving another verb.
(163)
a.
/-ii-apa/
-ii-pa
be left standing
(cf. /-ap/ stand)
b.
/-ii-inex/
-i-inex
empty
be naked; be exposed
/-ii-ix/
-i-ix
sit
be left seated
c.
The following verbs may also involve this prefix.

52
This verb has a long vowel phonologically but a short vowel phonetically. See 5.4.
71
(164)
a.
-i met
be married
(cf. eme camp)
b.
-i t ak
be stripped to waist
(cf. -atak bone)
2.8.4. Negative
A few verbs have obviously incorporated the negative prefix as part of the stem. Since the m is
synchronically part of the stem, these ms do not condition k-Epenthesis (cf. 2.3.7) and the verbs may
be prefixed by the negative morpheme.
(165)
a.
ak
-mi
die
somewhere not=exist (cf. -i be)
b.
-mi
not=exist
scarce
c.
-moke p e
sick
(cf. -oke p e comfortable)
d.
a -mako
there
be difficult
(cf. a -ako easy)
2.8.5. Passive
A few verbs have incorporated the passive morpheme as part of the stem. Since the p in the forms in
(166) is synchronically part of the stem, it does not condition the allomorph /a-/ of the subject
nominalizer.
(166)
a.
k-pais
what is clean
(cf. k-ais he who cleans it; a-p-ais what was cleaned)
b.
k-patx
what is crushed
(cf. k-atx who pounds)
c.
k-patxk
what is spread apart
(cf. k-atxk who spreads apart)
Unlike true passives, the roots can be preceded by the augment prefix: k-a-patx who crushes,
k-a-patxk who spreads apart. The verb -pakta be, as in the phrase o t-pakta ma (thus RL-be SR)
it was thus...; then... is obviously derived historically from /-p-okta/ (-Pass-look=at). This etymology
is still reflected by the fact that the allomorph of the subject nominalizer used with this verb is still
/a-/ which otherwise occurs only before the productive passive prefix. The form is no longer
syntactically passive since it does not act like a passive form with respect to impersonal passives (cf.
12.3) and switch reference marking (cf. chapter 15) and since it can be preceded by the augment
prefix, unlike true passive forms: -a-pakta do.
Finally, the following stems occur with and without the passive prefix. With respect to the subject
nominalizer morphology the prefix is not synchronically the true passive prefix since the allomorph
/k-/ occurs. With respect to the action/oblique nominalizer, however, the prefix does act like the true
passive prefix in that the allomorph /-/ occurs, and that -Deletion (84) applies.
72
(167)
a.
k-a-kai
lack
that which remains
b.
ant k-a-xiit
down
drop
who falls
c.
/mi--a-xiit/
mi--a-xiit
your falling
2.8.6. Augment
A prefix which has the same shape as the augment prefix appears on a number of stems whose roots
do not occur independently. A few examples are listed below.
(168)
a.
b.
c.
d.
-a-toek
-a-samikt
-ak-epek
-a-as p
request help for

jealous
hunt (deer)
crush; be crushed
2.9. Rule ordering summary

In this section I will briefly discuss the ordering of the rules discussed in chapter 2.
Spell-out rules are preceded only by rules (43) and (60) since the latter affect the spelling of the
morpheme. After the spell-out rules, readjustment rules (41) and (102) apply. Rule (41) bleeds
i-Epenthesis (38) and rule (102) feeds o-Epenthesis (37).
The correct surface representation is achieved if the remaining rules apply in the following order.
The crucial orderings are noted. Short Low Vowel Deletion (14) and Vowel Deletion (16) apply
disjunctively.
(169)
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
Ablaut (67) bleeds 6, feeds 10

i-Deletion (146) bleeds 3
Stress (13)
o-Deletion (78) bleeds 6
Coalescence (26) bleeds 8, feeds 10
SLV Deletion (14) bleeds 15
Vowel Deletion (16)
o-Spirantization (54) counterbleeds 12
i-Deletion (21) feeds 12, 17
Fronting (27)
k-Epenthesis (33) counterbleeds 12
o-Epentheses (37) bleeds 17
Vowel Deletion (91) feeds 14
-Deletion (84)
Fronting (140)
Lowering (141)
i-Epenthesis (38)
73
I now believe that there is, perhaps, a better analysis of the so-called abilitative prefix discussed
in 2.2.5. This seems to be simply the negative realis interrogative (t- plus m-) spoken with special
intonation and rhetorical effect.
The analysis of the first person plural imperative given in 2.5.8 has been superseded by that of
Marlett 1994a. We now know that the morphology is simply a concatenation of the Irrealis prefix /si-/
followed by the first person restrictive prefix. This accounts for the rather bizarre metathesis
presented in 2.5.8.
I no longer use the label first person restrictive since it can be misleading. Rather, I use first
person emphatic (see Marlett 1990).
In Marlett 1990 I present the inflectional system of Seri in some detail. In that article, I suggest
somewhat tentatively (and have adopted since then) the alternative analysis whereby the so-called
oblique agreement is really indirect object agreement. The range of semantic roles associated with this
agreement morphology is still interesting, however.
Kinship terminology is discussed in detail in Moser and Marlett 1989 (in Spanish) and Moser and
Marlett 1993 (in English).
The full set of facts with respect to possessive prefix morphophonemics is not presented in 2.7.2,
as is made clear in Marlett 1994b. It is simply the case that some noun roots display long vowels and
some display short vowels, but they do not conjugate the way verbs conjugate (where long vowels
induce deletion of the prefix vowel). These facts await an adequate analysis.
The topic of 2.8.4 and 2.8.5 (reanalysis of the negative and passive prefixes) is taken up again in
Marlett 1996, in more detail and with more argumentation.
Marlett, Stephen A. 1990. Person and number inflection in Seri. International Journal of American
Linguistics 56:503-541.
Marlett, Stephen A. 1994a. One less crazy rule. Workpapers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics,
University of North Dakota Session 38:57-58.
Marlett, Stephen A. 1994b. Vowel length in Seri possessed nouns. Workpapers of the Summer Institute
of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session 38:115-116.
Marlett, Stephen A. 1996. Recycled morphology: expanding the Seri lexicon. Paper presented to the
Society for the Study of Indigenous Languages of the Americas, San Diego, California,
January 7.
Moser, Mary B. and Stephen A. Marlett. 1989. Terminologa de parentesco seri. Anales de
Antropologa 26:367-88. Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico.
Moser, Mary B. and Stephen A. Marlett. 1993. Seri kinship terms. Workpapers of the Summer Institute
of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session 37:21-36.
74
Chapter 3
Suffix morphology and morphophonemics
In this chapter I will discuss the major suffixes and postclitics which occur in Seri. Suffixes which
mark number and other suffixes which are better treated as part of the verb stem are discussed in
chapter 4.
3.1. General suffixes
In this section suffixes of a general nature will be discussed. Any restrictions on order will be noted in
the appropriate section.
3.1.1. Emphatic /-o/
The emphatic suffix /-o/ occurs following verbs prefixed by the irrealis mood prefix /si-/.
(1)
a.
mi-n
ki s-s a t-o
2P-fingers the IRR-thorny-EMPH
Your fingers will get tiny thorns in them!
b.
ip-s-km-aptim-o
1sS-IRR-NEG-pack-EMPH
Im not going to move away!
3.1.2. /-is/
The suffix /-is/ indicates mild agreement by the speaker. The i deletes following a vowel that is
not part of the verb stem.1
(2)
a.
s-ato-is
IRR-fightSure hell fight.
b.
m-otexa-s
PROX-staggerOf course he staggers!
c.
im-m-tkm-a-patxk-is
1sO-2sS-ABIL-AUG-be=spread=outOkay, untie me!
d.
i-si-it-o-s
1sS-IRR-eat-EMPHOf course I will eat it!
This suffix, which follows the emphatic suffix (cf. (2d)), occurs only on the verbs of independent
clauses.
1
Suffixes discussed in chapter 4 behave differently from suffixes discussed in this chapter in this
respect as the former constitute, with the root, the stem of the verb.
75
3.1.3. /-o/
The suffix (or particle) /-o/ occurs when a nonnegative clause contains the word koi still, as in (3a-b),
and commonly when the clause contains the word mos also; again or a just, as in (3c-f).
(3)
a.
koi k-pans -o-a

still NOM-run-o-DECL
He is still running.
b.
koi to-o t-aka

still farRL-exist
Is it still far away?
c.
mos k-am-o
again IMP-saySay it again!
d.
a -im-o
just IMP-sleepJust sleep!
e.
pedro ki a a-m-oktam-o
the just 1plS-PROX-look=atWe just looked at Pedro again.
In the above usages, the o is generally suffixed to the verb of the clause (note that (3b) is an exception
to this generalization). This suffix also commonly follows a nominal or other word to which special
attention is being drawn. The exact conditions for its usage are not clear.
(4)
a.
tikix-o a-ya
thatbe-INTERR
Is it that one?
b.
s a ki k-ipa-o iti t-ofin ma

day the NOM-few on RL-pass SR
Just a few days later...
c.
ast-o k-i-
stone- NOM-OM-do
he who goes for stone
d.
ant-o t-afp
landRL-arrive
Did he arrive by land?
e.
ant kom-o iti mo - k-a-a

land theon toward-NOM-move-DECL
It comes from the earth.
f.
a-o y-ix
there- DIST-sit
Hes over there.
g.
e-o
ma--mi-
1PRO- 2sO-1sS-RL-do
I did it to you.
76
3.1.4. /-ipi/
The suffix /-ipi/ occurs in a negative clause containing the word koi still. While it generally follows
the verb, note that in (5d) it follows another word. (In that particular example it also occurs even
though the word koi does not occur.)
(5)
a.
koi k-t-m-itaa -ipi

still 3Ob-RL-NEG-sellHasnt he sold it yet?
b.
koi t-om-mam-ipi-o
still RL-NEG-cooked-ipi-o
Its still not cooked.
c.
i-t-km-im-ipi
ma mis k am
1sS-RL-NEG-sleep- SR PROX-arrive/PL
Before I had slept, they arrived.
d.
is a ap-ipi t-m-ap
ma mi-
moon outside- RL-NEG-stand SR PROX-go/PL
Before the moon came up, they went.
e.
e
koi s-m-a-it-ipi
ka-a
1PRO still IRR-NEG-AUG-eat- AUX-DECL
Im not going fishing yet.
3.1.5. /-o/
The suffix /-o/ occurs following the verb of a negative independent clause prefixed by the neutral
realis prefix /t-/, as shown in 2.2.1. An epenthetic i precedes the glottal stop when the preceding
segment is a consonant. This epenthesis rule applies only before glottal-initial suffixes.
(6)
i / C ___ suffix[
This suffix also occurs following verbs prefixed by the dependent irrealis marker /po-/ to indicate the
possible realization of a past event.
(7)
a.
an ki p-a-it-io-t
po-m-a-it-io
the IRR-AUG-eat-o-t IRR-NEG-AUG-eat-o
Maybe Juan went fishing, maybe he didnt go fishing.
b.
po-pka-o-t po-m-apka-o
IRR-rain-o-t IRR-NEG-rain-o
Maybe it rained, maybe it didnt rain.
The following example illustrates the form of this construction if the event has not yet taken place.
(8)
akatax an i-siktox
po-o-s
sharks
many OM-IRR-kill PL IRR-o-is
Perhaps they will kill many sharks.
3.1.6. Declarative /-i/

The declarative suffix /-i/ follows a verb prefixed by the realis /t-/. This construction is often used
when the speaker is mildly surprised.
77
(9)
a.
t-m-aiskan-ii
RL-NEG-hard-DECL
Its not hard.
b.
t-isx-ii
RL-cowardly-DECL
Hes cowardly.
c.
ik-o-it i-t-ams o -i
INF-D-eat 1sS-RL-want-DECL
I want to eat.
3.1.7. Unspecified time

The suffix /-/, which occurs mainly on the verbs of dependent clauses, seems to indicate that the
specificity of the time at which the event has taken or will take place is either not relevant or not
known. Compare (10a), which contains the suffix, and (10b), which does not. This suffix follows a
switch reference marker (cf. 3.3) if one is present.
(10)
a.
t-tamt ma- pak i-yo-mxk

RL-many SR-UT some 1sS-DIST-bring
When there are many, I bring some.
b.
t-tamt ma pak i-yo-mxk

RL-many SR some 1sS-DIST-bring
Because there were so many, I brought some.
c.
mi-n
ki po-s a t
ta-
im-s-oa a-a
2P-fingers the IRR-thorny SR-UT 2sS-IRR-cry AUX-DECL
If your fingers get thorns in them, you will cry.
d.
ki ima kom
ika ki k-i-stox
things the NOM-have-spirits the other the
i-t-oktam-
i-t-ii-
OM-RL-look=at/PL-UT OM-RL-hear/PL-UT
The other people observed him, they heard him....
This suffix may also occur following the relational noun /-ati/ (cf. 7.14) or the particle ka (cf.
8.2.5) when a clause is nominalized.
(11)
a.
i--im
i-ti-
ip-patx
ta-
1P-NOM-sleep 3P-on-UT 1sS-IRR/arise SR-UT
a-si-
a-a
1plS-IRR-go/PL AUX-DECL
When I have slept, when I get up, well go.
b.
o i--pakta o i--pakta ka-

thus 3P-NOM-be thus 3P-NOM-be the/FOC-UT
It was like that, it was like that....; i.e., It was like that for a long time, ...
78
3.2. Stress-bearing suffixes

3.2.1. First /- /
The stress-bearing suffix /- / indicates some notion of precedence. When this suffix occurs, the
primary stress on the root is reduced.
(12)
a.
e
s-im-
ka-a
1PRO IRR-sleep-first AUX-DECL
Im going to be the first to sleep.
b.
epe nt-t-in-
ma
sea away-RL-return-first SR
When the tide first started to rise....
c.
i-y-as i -
1P-NOM-carry-first
my first son
d.
s i ka m ima -o-iktox- kanka takoi

fish
other 1P-NOM-kill-first bass
those
the fish that we killed first, the bass....
3.2.2. True
The stress-bearing suffix /-a / indicates some notion of reality.
(13)
a.
s i k-a-a
s o -t-km-aa-o
thing NOM-be-true a 1sS-RL-NEG-know-o
I dont know what/who it really is.
b.
s-a-tikpan-a -o
IRR-AUG-work-true-EMPH
Hes really going to work!
c.
a to t-om-a
just far RL-lie-true
It was very far away.....
d.
si-fp
ta
t-e p -e-a
sifp
a-a
IRR-arrive AUX t-IRR-say-true IRR-arrive AUX-DECL
If he really said he was coming, he will come.
3.3. Switch reference markers

Two markers are used to indicate that the (first) subject of one clause is not coreferent with the (first)
subject of the next clause. The system is discussed in detail in chapter 15. Same subject is not marked.
The switch reference markers, which occur only on dependent clauses, are ta, on irrealis clauses, and
ma, on realis clauses. These markers occur last in the clause-final verb complex except for the
unspecified time suffix (cf. 3.1.7) which follows these suffixes. For examples see chapter 15.
79
3.4. Suffixes occurring primarily on nominals

3.4.1. Declarative /-a/
The declarative suffix /-a/ follows a nominal or a nominalized verb.
(14)
a.
aso-a
net-DECL
It is a net.
b.
tasa ki k-e-ia
cup the NOM-red-DECL
The cup is red.
c.
i--pans -o-ms o -a
3P-NOM-run 1P-NOM-want-DECL
I want him to run.
d.
kmam ipkix mos is a k-o iti ap k-ap-ia

woman this
also here-o on outside NOM-stand-DECL
This woman was also born here.
3.4.2. Interrogative
The interrogative suffix /-ya/ follows a nominal or a nominalized verb.
(15)
a.
s i ka m k-e
eke-ya
fish
NOM-red small-INTERR
Is it a small red fish?
b.
k-oi-ya
NOM-blue-INTERR
Is it blue?
c.
me
ant po-fi ta
s-m-a-itox
k-e-ya
1PRO land IRR- AUX IRR-NEG-AUG-eat/PL NOM-say-INTERR
Arent you going to go fishing tomorrow?
In interrogative sentences with a nominal being questioned (cf. 8.4), this suffix must occur on the
questioned nominal if it does not occur on the predicate. Compare (15a) and (16b).
(16)
a.
as - ya
aki
int-it-a
t-ata
what-INTERR somewhere away-RL-move RL-go
Who went?
b.
as k-a-siixim-ya
what NOM/OM-AUG-move-INTERR
What is he doing?
3.4.3. Declarative /-i/

The suffix /-i/ is used much like the declarative suffix /-a/ (cf. 3.4.1).
(17)
a - -om
ak
clam 3P-NOM-lie the
k-mi--os t
ak
3Ob-2P-NOM-go=to the
80
ti
yen-o k-ap-ii
iki
3PRO face-o NOM-stand-DECL toward
me
i--iin
ak
2PRO 3P-NOM-go the
// ta ano p-ix ta-

3PRO in
IRR-sit SR-UT
ma-si-t
a-i
2plS-IRR-see/PL AUX-DECL
He will be in Desemboque before you (pl.) arrive there. You will see him there.
3.4.4. / i/
The stressed particle / i/ indicates past time.
(18)
a.
laoro ki mos is a k-o iti ap

k-ap
the also here-o
on outside NOM-stand
Lauro also was born here.
b.
e
xefe i im-t-km-aax-io
1PRO chief
1sO-RL-NEG-know/PL-o
Although I was chief, they dont know me.
c.
ant mo - m-a
ta e
s i ap
base
toward-PROX-move ta 1PRO thing deer
k- - k
NOM-OM-kill
// ik-amx
k- y -a
INF-hunt/D NOM-OM-know
In the old days I killed deer. I was a hunter.

d.
s-os
ka
i
IRR-sing AUX
He was going to sing.
e.
e
i-m-o-itim
1PRO NOM-NEG-D-eat/MULT
I havent eaten.
3.4.5. / /
The stressed particle / /, which follows the verb of an independent irrealis clause, replacing any
auxiliary particles (cf. 3.5) that would otherwise occur, emphasizes the certainty of the event.2
(19)
a.
ip-s-im

1sS-IRR-sleep
Im going to sleep.
b.
i-m-a-it-ia
ya tom
s i-s-kom-ya

NOM-NEG-AUG-eat-DECL since money a OM-IRR-NEG-own
Since he doesnt fish he just wont have money.
The suffix /-is/ (cf. 3.1.2.) commonly occurs following this particle.
2
It occurs only on independent irrealis forms, so far as I know.
81
(20)
i-si-it
-s
1sS-IRR-eat
-is
Ill just have to eat it.
3.5. Auxiliary verb particles and related items

3.5.1. Auxiliary verb particles53
The particles ka, a, pa, and ta occur in various verbal constructions. As the consonants of these
forms all occur in various mood prefixes and nominalizers, these particles are undoubtedly
grammaticized forms of some verb.54
The particle ka follows a future subject nominalized form, as in the examples in (21). Its
relationship to the nominalizer /k-/ is confirmed by the fact that it must be followed by the declarative
suffix /-a/ if it is sentence-final, as in (21b).
(21)
a.
troki ki si-fp
ka aki
m-i
truck the IRR-arrive AUX somewhere PROX-be
The truck that was going to come is there.
b.
e
s i ka m ki si-it ka-a
1PRO fish
the IRR-eat AUX-DECL
I will eat the fish.
c.
si-fp
ka t-em-e
IRR-arrive AUX t-PROX-say
He said that its coming.
The particle a occurs after other future nominalized forms. As stated in 2.2.7, a verb with the
irrealis prefix /si-/ must be followed by some particle or suffix. In a simple finite clause the irrealis
form is often followed by the particle a which is followed by the declarative suffix /-a/, as in (22ab), the declarative suffix /-i/, as in (22c), or the interrogative suffix /-ya/, as in (22d).
(22)
a.
mi-n
ki po-s a t ta-
im-s-oa a-a
2P-fingers the IRR-thorny SR-UT 2sS-IRR-cry AUX-DECL
b.
im-s-km-i
a-a
2sS-IRR-NEG-take AUX-DECL
You shouldnt grab it!
c.
a-i
ip-s-panim
1sS-IRR-wash=ones=hair AUX-DECL
I will wash my hair.
53
One reason why I consider them to be postverbal particles rather than suffixes is because they do
not act like bound forms phonologically. The rule inserting i given as (6) does not apply before the
particle /a/. Glottal-nasal metathesis is also less likely to apply with the particle /a/ (cf. (13) in
chapter 1).
54
To be specific, the k of /ka/ corresponds phonologically and syntactically to the subject

nominalizer /k-/, the p of /pa/ to the p of the dependent irrealis form /po-/, and the t of /ta/ to the
dependent realis form /t-/. The glottal stop of /a/ has no clear counterpart.
82
d.
im-p-akat
to im-si-s k im a-ya
2sS-IRR-swim far 2sS-IRR-enter AUX-INTERR
Are you going to swim out far?
e.
po-yam ta i-s-i
a t-e m -e
IRR-later SR OM-IRR-take AUX t-PROX-say
He will buy them later, he said.
(The glottal stop of the particle a is extremely lenis, if present at all phonetically, except when the
particle receives a greater degree of stress, as it does when followed by /-i/ or /-ya/.)
The following examples with the particles pa and ta are taken from Moser 1978.55 Note that the
particles function as dependent verbs in their choice of switch reference marker. In fact, in (23b) and
(24b) these particles function as predicates.
(23)
a.
s i ki im-si-it pa ta-
thing the 2sS-IRR-eat AUX SR-UT
ma--si-i
a=a
2sO-1sS-IRR-leave AUX-DECL
If you are going to eat something, Ill leave.
(24)
b.
mis x pa
ta e-si-m
a-a
well AUX SR 3Ob/1sO-IRR-tell AUX-DECL
He will tell it to me correctly.
a.
s-o-itim
ta ma ktam ima ki yo-fp
IRR-D-eat/MULT AUX SR man other the DIST-arrive
When he was going to eat, the other man arrived.
b.
mis x ta ma e-yo-m-am
well AUX SR 3Ob/1sO-DIST-NEG-tell
he didnt tell it to me correctly.
The auxiliary particle ta and the interjection a occur in fairly fixed form in constructions such as
the following (cf. 3.5.3).
(25
55
a-s-o-kos
a ta
-e t -yo
1plS-IRR-D-rob/PL
AUX 1plS-RL-say/PL
We said that we would rob....
Purpose clauses are similar in structure but they typically follow the main clause, as in (i).
(i)
yo-fp
s-o-itim ta
DIST-arrive IRR-D-eat AUX
He arrived to eat.
(ii)
a-p-apxk
s o -s-i
pa
NOM-PASS-hang a 1sS-IRR-take AUX
is ko=m= - -m-a-a
here 3Ob-toward-1P-NOM-NEG-move-DECL
I didn't come here to buy beads.
83
3.5.2. The auxiliary use of say

The verb stem /-e/, presumably related to the intransitive verb /-e/ say, is used with future
nominalized forms. It is preceded by the nominalizer /k-/ and followed by either the declarative suffix
/-i/ or the interrogative suffix /-ya/.
(26)
a.
ya
k-akox
ki s i mxk si-fp
k-e-ya
3P/belly NOM-large the when
IRR-arrive NOM-say/D-INTERR
When is Big Belly coming?
b.
kma me mosni ki-o s-m-ai

k-e-ya
now
2PRO turtle
the-o IRR-NEG-do NOM-say/D-INTERR
Are you going turtle hunting now?
c.
e
s-anp
k-e-i
1PRO IRR-return=home NOM-say/D-DECL
Im going home.
Future nominalized forms with k-e-ya are used when broaching a new subject. Finite future
forms with a-ya (cf. (22d)) are used when seeking further information on a topic already introduced.
A response to a question with k-e-ya may be a nominalized form followed by ka-a. A response to a
question with a-ya may be a nominalized form with a-a or a-i. A non-interrogative future
clause that begins a new topic will be a nominalized form followed by ka-a, ka-i, or k-i-i.
3.5.3. The quotative use of say
The intransitive verb /-e/ (cf. 5.1) is used to indicate direct (cf. (27e) as well as indirect quotes. When
this verb follows an irrealis clause, no suffix follows the auxiliary particle. Switch reference marking
also does not occur between the main clause and the verb say (cf. (27f)). It is precisely because of this
highly restricted syntactic behavior that discussion of this verb is included here. Some examples are
given in (27).
(27)
a.
po-yam ta i-s-i
a t-e m -e
IRR-later SR OM-IRR-take AUX t-PROX-say
Hei said that hei will buy them later
b.
pak si-fp
ka t-e m -e.
some IRR-arrive AUX t-PROX-say
He said that some are coming.
c.
o s-om-k-e
a
t-e m -e
thus IRR-NEG-US-say/D AUX t-PROX-say
He said that one should not talk like that.
d.
ant po-fi ta a-tkm-a

a e - m-yo
land IRR-? SR 1plS-ABIL-go/PL 1plS-PROX-say/PL
We said that tomorrow we could go.
e.
kma sk-ata
a a t-e m -yo
now 1plIMP-go/SG just
t-PROX-say
They said, Lets go right away!
f.
i-nai ki i-tak
tintika i-ki
3P-skin the 3P-surface the
3P-side
84
t-xis i t-e m -e
RL-hurt t-PROX-say
He said that his skin hurt.
The verb /-e/ with the unspecified subject prefix /ka-/ in the distal mood is also commonly used
as the last clause of a sentence to indicate that the information is passed-down information. Old stories
are therefore sprinkled liberally with the word yo -k-e, as in (28). Switch reference marking does not
occur before yo k e.
(28)
a.
ta
ka
i-t-aitox
yo - k-e
ember the/FOC OM-RL-eat/PL DIST-US-say
They ate embers, it is said.
b.
ant nit ta ko-nt-it-a

yo - k-e
land
3PRO 3Ob-away-RL-move DIST-US-say
He went to Xnit, it is said.
The stress on the yo k e is also quite reduced, indicative of its special characteristics.
The form m-e k -yo (PROX-US-say/PL) occurs under similar conditions.
(29)
i-to
kix enm -a=as a
ki an ant t-oit
m-e k -yo
3P-eye the metal NOM-AUG=ooze the in down RL-descend PROX-US-say/PL
A bullet lands in his eye, it is said.
3.6. Conjunctive and subordinating suffixes and particles

3.6.1. /-t/
The suffix /-t/ conjoins two irrealis clauses between which an alternative is indicated.
(30)
a.
ip-si-ta po-o-t ip-s-km-ata po-o

1sS-IRR-go IRR-o- 1sS-IRR-NEG-go IRR-o
I will go perhapsor perhaps I wont go.
b.
me
m-si-ta a-ya-t
an ki si-ta a-ya
2PRO 2sS-IRR-go AUX-INTERRthe IRR-go AUX-INTERR
Are you going to go or is John going to go?
c.
ipkom a-ya-t
imkom a-ya
this
be-INTERR- that
be-INTERR
Is it this one or is it that one.
3.6.2. /ta/
The subordinating particle ta follows an independent clause containing a verb in a realis mood and
indicates that the action of that clause and that of the main clause are simultaneous.
(31)
a.
a-m-a-tikpan
ta
tom koi e
k-i-is i tox-ia
1plS-PROX-AUG-work
money the 1PRO NOM-OM-earn-PL-DECL
We worked for money.; more literally, We worked, we earned money.
b.
a-y-a-tikpan
1plS-DIST-AUG-work
We work for money.
ta
tom
koi a-y-is i tox
money the 1plS-DIST-earn/PL
85
c.
ko-o iti p-y-itim

ant mo - m-a
all-o
on 1sS-DIST-be/MULT base come-PROX-move
I walked over all of it (the island) in the old days.
ta
3.6.3. /ya/
An independent clause followed by the subordinating particle ya indicates an action or condition
from which another action or condition has resulted or will result.
(32)
a.
ee aox k-oit
kom im-tamt
plant beach NOM-descend the PROX-abundant
Since driftwood was abundant.....
b.
m-a-ap
ya
PROX-AUG-cold
Since he was cold...
c.
k-mipa-a
ya imo -mi-kat
NOM-bad-DECL
away 1sS-PROX-throw
Since it was ruined, I threw it away.
d.
roberto ka
si-fp
ka-a
ya
the/FOC IRR-arrive AUX-DECL
ya
s i i-s-atim
a-a
thing 1sS-IRR-cook/MULT AUX-DECL
Since Roberto will come, I will cook something.
3.6.4. Concessive /isa/
An irrealis concessive clause generally occurs in a nonfuture nominalized form and followed by the
particle isa.
(33)
a.
isa
posx ki epe an ant im-s-km-akat
a-a
im-y-a-it
line the sea
in down 2sS-IRR-NEG-leave AUX-DECL 2P-NOM-AUG-eat
You shouldnt leave the net in the sea, even if you are fishing.
b.
anta k-mi--siixim isa i-tak

s o m-po-m-a-ktim
near
3Ob-2P-NOM-move
3P-bone a 2sS-IRR-NEG-AUG-be=cut
Even if you are near, you shouldnt cut its limb...
An alternative construction which apparently means the same is with the verb prefixed by the irrealis
prefix /po-/ and suffixed by /-/.
(34)
a.
im-po-m-os-i
isa
2sS-IRR-NEG-sing-
Even if you dont sing....
b.
an ki kano a s i-po-i-
the boat
a OM-IRR-finish-
isa
e
p-s-km-a-it
a-a
1PRO 1sS-IRR-NEG-AUG-eat AUX-DECL
Even if Juan makes a boat, I wont go fishing.
86
3.6.5. Concessive /o/

A realis concessive clause occurs as a finite dependent realis clause followed by the particle o.56
Switch reference marking does not occur on a clause followed by o.
(35)
a.
an t-o-it
o m-ite xk
much RL-D-eat
PROX-thin
Although he eats a lot, he is thin.
b.
a-t-asxox
o a-t-km-asxox
ak
m-i
1plS-RL-paddle/PL
1plS-RL-NEG-paddle/PL somewhere PROX-be
Although we were paddling (sometimes), (sometimes) we didnt paddle.
c.
k-i-o
kop i-t-km-eke
NOM-OM-see the OM-RL-NEG-give
ipi
k-aitom-
ki a nt-it-a-
EMPH NOM-speak-first the there away-RL-move-UT
ti-o
ya-a
3PRO-o 3P/NOM/own-DECL
Although the finder doesnt give it to him, the first to speakit is his.
3.6.6. Contrary to fact /piki/
A contrary to fact clause occurs in a nominalized form followed by the particle piki.
(36)
a.
kay tikom i-m-oi

piki
horse that
NOM-NEG-die
If that horse had not died...
b.
a-a
mi--m-mokepe
piki a-si-
2P-NOM-NEG-sick
1plS-IRR-go/PL AUX-DECL
If you had not been sick, we would have come.
c.
i--i-pas a tox
piki ip-si-fp
a-a
1P-NOM-have-shoes
1sS-IRR-arrive AUX-DECL
If I had had shoes, I would have come. or, If I had shoes, I would come.
3.6.7. /o/
The particle o conjoins independent clauses the meaning but.
(37)
a.
k-ak-ato-ia
o
NOM-AUG-timid-DECL but
s i i-s-a-Qi
a
s i-m-ax-ia
thing 3P-IRR-PASS-feel AUX a NOM-NEG-know/PL-DECL
It was dangerous but they werent thinking.
56
(iii)
o also occurs following a dependent irrealis clause. Compare (iii) with (35b).
a-p-asxox
o a-po-m-asxox
ak
s-i
a-a
1plS-IRR-paddle
1plS-IRR-NEG-paddle somewhere IRR-be AUX-DECL
We will paddle some, we will not paddle some.
87
b.
i-s-mipa
a
ki mos i-miy-a
3P-IRR-bad AUX the also OM-PROX-know but
ti
k-ya-a
o
3PRO NOM/OM-own-DECL but
o m-e
ya
ta-o ko-m-pakta
thus PROX-say/D since 3PRO-o 3Ob-PROX-be
He knew that it would be ruined, but he was the owner, and since he said thus,
thats the way it was.
3.7. Suffix and particle order
The relative order of the suffixes and certain particles is shown in (38).
(38)
-a -
-o
-ipi
-o
Auxiliary
o
particles
a

i
i
ya
Switch
reference
markers
88
is
Chapter 4
Stem morphology and morphophonemics
The extent, variety, and idiosyncrasy of stem alternations is one of the most complicated aspects of the
Seri language. Moser 1961 was an attempt to describe stem alternations in verbs, and Moser and
Moser 1970 an attempt to do the same for nouns. In this chapter I will not present a complete analysis
of these facts, but try to 1) show the direction a complete analysis must take and 2) extract some of the
basic patterns which exist to use as a key for later work. I am using the term stem to include the root
and also 1) those suffixes occurring with it obligatorily and/or 2) the number agreement suffixes. Since
a root with the augment prefix (cf. 2.5.6) often behaves differently than the same root without the
augment prefix, the two forms will be treated as separate stems.
All of the verbs cited in this chapter are listed paradigmatically in Appendix 1.
4.1. Subject number agreement
The verb agrees in number with the (final) subject of the clause.57 This agreement may be signaled by
a) suffixation, b) deletion, c) replacement, d) infixation, e) suppletion, or f) a combination of these. A
few examples of each of these are discussed in the following sections.
4.1.1. Suffixation
A variety of suffixes are used to indicate plurality on a verb and every verb of the language must be
idiosyncratically marked as to what suffix it will take. There does not appear to be any
overwhelmingly dominant pattern. Some examples are given in (1). (The forms are given in the
singular action for (cf. 4.2). The examples have been chosen to illustrate the underlying forms of the
suffixes and when they do not, the underlying form is given; some root shapes are not underlying.)
(1)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
Singular
-Qim
-s a
-tins
-a-a
-AUG-be
-as
-mis
Plural
-Qim-tox
-s a -t
-tins-o
-a-a-tax
throw at
talk about
scrape
appoint
-as-am
-mis-tax
deflate
resemble
A verb may also have a suffix which always occurs when it is singular but which is replaced by
another suffix when the verb is plural.58
57
Occasionally, however, one finds a singular verb stem with plural subject prefix agreement.
Alongside ska- (lplIMP-go/PL) Let's go! exists ska t a (lplIMP-go/SG). The latter occurred in a
story in which a number of people were travelling as a group.
58
Morpheme breaks are not totally obvious from these few examples, but justification for this
analysis will be made apparent below.
89
(2)
a.
b.
c.
Singular
-pasx-im
-ok-ta
/-asak-ta/
-asak-a
Plural
-pasx-ox
-ok-tam
/-asak-tox/
-asak-ox
fall underwater
look at
spread legs
In addition, there is a class of verbs which take the suffix /-x/, of unknown significance, in all
forms. One subset of these verbs requires the suffix /ta-/ in plurals, in addition to other suffixes.
(3)
Singular
a.
-apo-
b.
-Qimi-
c.
-imo-
d.
-ipa-
Plural
/-apo-ta--t/
-ap-ta-x-k
/-Qimi-ta--t/
-Qim-ta-x-k
/-imo-ta--t/
-imo-ta-x-k
/-ipa-ta--t/
-ip-ta-x-k
pull out
be very much
butcher
climb
A more complete inventory of suffixes, as well as the phonological rules affecting them, is given
in 4.2.1 and 4.4.1.
4.1.2. Deletion
Along with suffixation, number agreement is often marked on verb roots by the deletion of the posttonic vowel. It is complete unpredictable, however, in which form the deletion will occur, if at all. An
augmented verb (cf. 2.5.6) may differ from the corresponding simple verb. It is certain that a deletion
rule rather than an epenthesis rule is needed because 1) the vowels affected lengthen by Post-tonic
lengthening when they remain (cf. 1.2.1) which does not apply to suffixal vowels or infixed vowels,
and 2) the quality of the vowel would not be predictable in a solution using epenthesis.
(4)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
Singular
-atp
-akts
-meke
-pito
-imo ni
-ao
-ai
-oke t
Plural
-atop-ox
-akats - ox
-mek-tox
-pit-ox
-imo n-tax
-a-t
-a
-oke e-am
spit out
screen
lukewarm
bloated
dance victory dance
see
finish
flexible; bounce
If the vowel to be deleted is o and if it is contiguous to a back consonant, the vowel is instead replaced
by W, which will coalesce with the preceding back consonant if one exists, and under certain
conditions with a following k (cf. 4.3.5 for the latter rule).
90
(5)
a.
b.
c.
d.
Singular
-kek
-axk
-ako
-i-a
Plural
-keko-ox
-ax-ox
-ak-t
-i-ao-ox
listen
squat
build house
have eating utensil (clam)
I will call this morphologically-triggered rule affecting post-tonic vowels Syncope. A possible
formulation is given as (6). (See 1.2.1 for discussion of M (mora).)
(6)
Syncope:
V
+bac
lo
if
<> segment
/
son
syl
then
C
[+bac]
/
if
M (M) C1 ___
[+str]
This rule is intended to be expanded as follows

(7)
a.
(o)
(W)
V
[-son] /
[+bac]
[-syl ]
[lo ]
C
M (M) C1 ___
[+str]
[+bac]
M (M) C
___
[+str]
[+bac]
b.
V /
M (M) C1 ___
[+str]
Syncope feeds the following unconditioned rule which coalesces W and a preceding back
consonant.3
(8)
W-Coalescence I:
C W [+rd]
[+bac]
1 2
1
2
4.1.3. Replacement
It is extremely common for number agreement to be reflected by the replacement of one or more
segments by others. I will discuss the major replacement rules below.
4.1.3.1. The x-Rule
Numerous verb stems end in x in the singular subject, singular action form. In all other forms the x is
replaced by for most verbs. (These verbs contrast with verbs whose roots end in in all forms.) I
have not found any clear evidence that this x is synchronically a suffix (but see 4.5.1). This is not a
suffix distinct from the x synchronically; it occurs with a suffixal (cf. 4.3.4).
3
Syncope does not bleed Fronting (cf. 2.5.3). Therefore it follows Ablaut (67) and Coalescence
(26), which are discussed in chapter 2.
91
(9)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
Singular
-aix
-anx
-otex-a
-as t ox
-amax
-yakx
Plural
-ai-kox
-an-kox
-ote-kox
-as t o
-ama-kox
-yaka-kam
sway
poison projectile points
stagger
make atole
test
call sibling
There are also numerous verbs whose roots end in k in the singular subject/singular action form,
but xk in the other forms. (The k happens to delete by a phonological rule in some of the plural forms
given below.)
(10)
a.
b.
c.
d.
Singular
-isk
-komk-a
-itk
-nosk
Plural
-isx-ox
-komx-ox
-itx-ox
-nosxk
whistle; hiss
noisy
drip
rough
This process could be described as either deletion or epenthesis, and I do not know of any evidence
indicating that one solution is preferable to the other. I will assume a deletion analysis which will
allow the two processes to be stated as one rule affecting an underlying x. This is a major rule to
which there are very few exceptions.
(11)
x-Rule:
/ _________
k+
[+SINGULAR]
/ _________
+
[SINGULAR]
This rule will be revised in 4.2.3.

The x-Rule precedes Syncope (6) because the change from x to sometimes prevents W from
being generated.
(12)
Singular
/-a-Qiox/
-a-Qix
Plural
/-a-Qiox-tox/
-a-Qi-kox
make red
4.1.3.2. The ko-Rule

In several verbs in i is replaced by ko when the verb agrees with a plural subject. (It is not clear
whether the length on the o is predictable.) This minor rule is formalized as (13).
(13)
ko-Rule:
V ko /
[lo ]
[bac]
root
[C0 ____________
[-SINGULAR SUBJ]
92
(14)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
Singular
-sik
-s i p
-fis
-s i m
-fikx
-pi
-si
Plural
-skok-am
-s k op-am
-fkos - am
-s k om-t
-fkok
-pko-yo
-sko-yo
grind
kiss
tie knot
enjoy
wrap oneself with
taste
smell
4.1.3.3. Plural lateralization

In a number of verbs a root-final n or t becomes when the verb agrees with a plural subject.
(15)
Plural lateralization:
(16)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
Singular
-oit
-sait-
/-Qetin/
-Qetni
/-atin/
-atni
-oxa s t
-oke t
C
[+lat ] / _______________
]root
[+cor]
[nas] [SINGULAR SUBJ]
[cnt ]
Plural
-oi-a
-sai-a-x-k
dance
gather together with stick
-Qet-oka
tap
-at-oka
-oxa s i-am
-oke e-am
touch
hop
flexible; bounce
It is not clear whether the following case should be included as due to the same process since the t is
not root-final.
(17)
Singular
-ata
Plural
-a
go
4.1.3.4. Ablaut
Vowel changes are sometimes used to indicate number. One common alternation is between i and a,
as in (18).
(18)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
Singular
-oi
-a=kai
-ai
-oka i
-siix-im
-paxim
-taim
-yas i m
-iim
-on a -
Plural
-oa-o
-a=kaa-im
-aa-ox
-okaa--ox
-sia-am
-paxam-ox
-taam-ox
-yas a m-ox
-iam-t
-onii-ta-x-k
93
wear tuft of hair

remain
leave
follow
move
overcooked
scratch
finlike
fear
wash ones hands
The operation of this rule gives evidence for the interpretation of what is phonetically [i] as a two
vowel cluster (cf. (18e)) since that is how it behaves phonologically.
4.1.3.5. Other
Other replacement processes occur with some regularity. These include an alternation between n and s,
as in (19a), an alternation between n and x, as in (19b), and an alternation between i and o, as in (19c).
(19)
a.
b.
c.
Singular
/-akn/
-akni
/kas i n/
-kas n i
-nip
Plural
/-akn-ta/
-aks - a
/-kas i n-ta/
-kas x -a
-nop-tox
bowed
bite
hit with hand
Of course, it is not always clear in these cases which consonant or vowel is underlying.
4.1.4. Infixation
A large number of verbs exhibit plural forms with the sequence /-to -/ infixed in them by the following
minor rule
(20)
Infixation:
to
V
_________________
[+str] [SINGULAR SUBJ]
where the stressed vowel is [+lo, +lng] or [-lo, -bac]

The stress on the initial vowel is weakened and primary stress is retained on the infix. The initial
vowel, which is always a long low vowel or a high front vowel, may be either a root vowel or the
vowel of the augment prefix (cf. 2.5.6).
(21)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
l.
Singular
-as
-aa
-at
-a-in-im
-ip
-iin
-a-tiin
-ik-tim
/-o-ik-tim/
-ek-tim
-efe-im
/-a-as i xk-tim/
-a-s k -im
/-a-as i /
-a-s
Plural
-a-to - s a -ox
-a-to - a-t
-a-to-t-ox
-a-to - i-kam
-i-to - pax
-i-to - ix
-a-ti-to - is - ox
-i-to - k-
-a-to - k-
-a-to - fe-am
/-a-as i xk-tox/
-a-to - s i x-ox
/-a-as i /
-a-to - s
cough
call
cook in ashes
cause be mixed
carry on head
go
make headring
cross
cross (D)
stumble on
make enter
make suckle
A pretonic e() becomes a(), as illustrated by (21i-j). The rule is given as (22).
94
(22)
Backing:
V [+bac] / ___ C1 V
[+lo ]
[+str]
[bac]
The way in which the Infixation rule applies will affect the interpretation of superficially long
vowels. In (21b) it supports an interpretation of [a] as a two vowel cluster; in (21e) it gives evidence
for interpreting [i] as i, but in (21f) as ii.
As rule (20) is presently formulated, it must follow the rule assigning primary stress at least. It
appears that it must also follow Short low vowel deletion (cf. 2.3.2) in order for the rule to apply to
the forms with an augment prefix, as illustrated by the following derivation.
(23)
UR
Stress
SLV Del
Infix
Other
SR
AUG-enter-PL
-a-as i xk-tox
-a-a s i xk-tox
-a -s i xk-tox
-a-to - s i xk-tox
-a-to - s i x-ox
-a-to - s i x-ox
Since the class of augmented verbs to which Infixation applies is not the same as that which
irregularly takes the p allomorph of the passive prefix (see discussion in 2.5.6), these facts do not
provide evidence for the alternative analysis mentioned by which the augment is added via a
lengthening rule rather than a prefix.
It is unclear how the plural form of -a-anp return, which is -a-to - nip-ox, is to be derived
from the supposed underlying representation /-a-anip-tox/. No rule yet formulated would delete
the glottal stop of the augment prefix in the derivation of this form.
4.1.5. Suppletion
It will have been noticed already that verbs may utilize more than one of the various means to indicate
subject number agreement. Some verbs have totally suppletive singular and plural roots to which
suffixes may be attached.
(24)
a.
b.
c.
Singular
/-afap/
-afp
-yai
/-as i xk-tim/
-as k -im
Plural
/-as i xk-tam/
as k -am
-os t
/-ois i xk-t/
-ois k -t
arrive
go to
enter
4.2. Action number marking

Number marking with respect to the action also occurs on the verb stem, indicating whether the action
occurred once or more than once. (The latter has usually been glossed MULT (multiple).) Some verbs
also distinguish repetitive and sequential action. As will be shown in the following sections, the same
means are used to indicate action number as are used to indicate subject number. In fact, while the
subject number and action number agreement are two separate and independent things, the system by
which they are marked is integrated. It is not possible to isolate one morpheme or process and say that
it marks subject agreement and not action agreement. This will become more evident below. In
addition, all of the idiosyncrasies of subject number marking apply equally to action number marking.
95
4.2.1. Suffixation
A verb stem usually has four forms: 1) singular subject/singular action, 2) singular subject/plural
action, 3) plural subject/singular action, and 4) plural subject/plural action. I will refer to these forms
as Forms 1, 2, 3, and 4, respectively. The following table shows some of the more common sets of
suffixes which occur.
(25)
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
1
-
-
-
-
-
-tim
-ta
-
-t
-
-
2
-tim
-tim
-tim
-tim
-tim
-tim
-ta
-
-tim
-tim
-tim
3
-tox
-tox
-tox
-t
-o
-tam
-tox
-tx
-tx
-
-am
4
-toka
-tam
-tox
-toka
-tam
-tam
-tox
-xam
-xam
-ka
-am
Numerous variations on these sets as well as other sets also occur. It is also possible that suffixes like
/-toka/ are compounded from /-tox/ plus /-ka/.
One subset of the class of verbs taking the suffix /-/ (of unknown significance) in all forms also
requires the suffix /-ta/ (which surfaces as ka- in (26) in each form except Form 1.
(26)
a.
b.
c.
1
-taps -
-mis -
-aps -
2
-tap-ka-
-mi-ka-
-ap-ka-
3
-tap-ka-x-k
-mi-ka-x-k
-ap-ka-x-k
4
-tap-ka--ka
-mi-ka--ka
-ap-ka--ka
signal
slip
torn out
4.2.2. Deletion
The application of Syncope is also used to indicate action number. The examples below show that
Syncope, if it applies at all, may apply in a) Form 1 only, b) Form 3 only, c) a combination of two
forms, d) a combination of three forms, or e) all four forms. (I know of no verbs to which Syncope
applies to only Form 2 or to only Form 4.) Evidence that the vowel should be in the underlying
representation even when it never appears in the surface representation is of two types: 1) the
presence of a round consonant, assuming that all round consonant are derived, and 2) the presence of
the vowel in a related verb or noun.
(27)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
-atp
-pito
-iket
-ao
-fikx
-nes x
/-s a o/
-s a
-atop-im
-pito-im
-ikt-o
-ao-tim
-fika-im
-nes i -im
-atop-ox
-pit-ox
-ikt-ox
-a-t
-fkok
-nes -kox
-atop-oka
-pito-am
-ikt-oka
-a-toka
-fkoka-am
-nes -kox
spit out
bloated
carry in womb
see
wrap oneself
crush
-s a -tim
-s a -t
-s a -toka
talk about
96
4.2.3. Replacement
4.2.3.1. The x-Rule
The x-Rule, originally formulated as (11), is revised below. An x deletes as shown only in form 1. The
change to takes place in Forms 2, 3, and 4.
(28)
x-Rule: x
/ _________________ k +
[+SINGULAR SUBJ]
[+SINGULAR ACT ]
/ _____________ +
[-SINGULAR]
(29)
a.
1
-anx
2
-ana-im
3
-an-kox
4
-ana-am
b.
-otex-a
-ote-ka
-ote-kox
-ote-am
c.
-isk
-isixk-im
-isx-ox
-isixk-am
d.
-komk-a
-komaxk-a
-komx-ox
-komaxk-am
e.
-itk
-itxk
-itx-ox
-itixk-am
/-anax/
poison points
/otex/
stagger
/-isixk/
whistle; hiss
/-komaxk/
noisy
/-itixk/
drip
4.2.3.2. Ablaut
The alternation i ~ a (cf. 4.1.3.4) indicates action number as well as subject number.
(30)
a.
b.
1
-koi
-oi
2
-koa-tim
-oa-im
3
-koi-t
-oa-o
4
-koa-tam
-oa-am
bring
wear tuft of hair
4.3. Morphophonemics of number suffixes

The major morphophonemic rules pertaining to suffixes are discussed in the following sections.
4.3.1. t-Deletion
The t of a suffix deletes when it follows an unstressed vowel (i.e., a vowel without primary stress) and
at least one consonant.
97
(31)
a.
b.
Root + tim
Form
/-Qaas - tim/
-Qaas - im
hit with stick
/-kai-tim/
-kaa-im
lack
/-kapap-tim/
-kapap-im
crack with teeth
/-ao-tim/
-ao-im
grooved
/-oke en-tim/
-oke en-im
turn around
/-atop-tox/
-atop-ox
spit out
/-aom-tox/
-aom-ox
beg
/-kakop-tox/
-kakop-ox
pound
Root + tox
The t of a suffix also deletes when it follows two or more consonants.

(32)
a.
b.
Root + tam
Form
/-akas-tam/
-aks-am
chew to pulp
/-atixk-tam/
-a-to - tixk-am
spread around
/-ina-tox/
-in-ox
ring
/-komaxk-tox/
-komx-ox
noisy
Root + tox
98
c.
Root + ta
/-komaxk-ta/
-komk-a
noisy
The rule deleting t is given as (33).

(33)
t-Deletion:
t / V
C1 C then + ___
< [+str] >if
It appears that some degemination rule may have to apply before t-Deletion, bleeding the latter.
(34)
/-oapap-tim/ Form 2
-oap-tim
whinny
Rule (33) is formulated such that it will delete a word-final t since in the majority of cases the suffix -t
does not appear in the environment shown. A couple of exceptions exist, however.
(35)
-iam-t
-iko s im-t
/-ois i xk-t/
-ois k -t
Form 3
Form 3
smile
fear
Form 3
enter
4.3.2. k-Deletion
A root-final k deletes by the following rule which is fed by t-Deletion (33).
(36)
k-Deletion:
(37)
Form 2
-kesexk-im
-ixixk-im
-isixk-im
-atixk-im
k / x ___ + o
Form 3
-kesex-ox
-ix-ox
-isx-ox
-ato t ix-ox
Form 4
-kesexk-am
-ixix-ox
-isixk-am
-ato t ixk-am
chew
explode
whistle; hiss
spread around
/-kesexk/
/-ixixk/
/-isixk/
/-atixk/
4.3.3. Velarization
A t becomes k in a certain environment, bleeding t-Deletion (33). The k always follows a surface
that is derived from x (cf. (28)), as in (39a). Underlying does not condition this change, as illustrated
by (39b). The rule can be formulated in such a way that the conditioning environment is x, and apply
before the x-Rule. The forms in (39c) show that this process does not apply following a back velar
fricative. The rule is given tentatively as (38).
(38)
t k / x + ___ o
(39)
a.
b.
Form 1
-aix
-anx
-osx
Form 2
-ai-im
-ana-im
-osa-im
Form 3
-ai-kox
-an-kox
-os-kox
sway
/-aix/
poison projectile points /-anax/
spray
/-osax/
-ao
-kek
-pito
-ao-im
-keko-im
-pito-im
-ao-ox
-keko-ox
-pito-ox
grooved
listen
bloated
99
/-ao/
/-keko/
/-pito/
c.
-ai
-ata
-kap
-anp
Form 4
-aa-ox
-aa-oka
-kapap-oka
-anip-oka
-aa-im
-ata-im
-kapap-im
-anip-im
leave
go
crack with teeth
return home
/-ai/
/-ata/
/-kapap/
/-anip/
A word-final t also becomes k when it follows a back fricativex or , assuming that the process
applies before the x-Rule (28). This process also bleeds t-Deletion (33). The change does not occur
following , however. While the feature [-round] could be added to the environment, the solution
adopted here is that of having this process apply before Syncope (6), in a counterfeeding order.
(40)
Form 1
-nafix
-i-a
-a-ma
/-amax--t/
-am-x-k
/-asa-/
-asa-
/-tipit-/
-tipt-
/-apat-/
-apt-
Form 3
-nafi-k
-i-x-k
-a-max-k
/-amax-ta--t/
-am-a-x-k
/-asa-ta--t/
-a-to - s-ta-x-k
/-tipit-ta--t/
-tipt-a-x-k
/-apat-ta--t/
-apt-a-x-k
spiraled
have water
brew liquor
/-nafix/
/-i-aa/
/-a-maa/
bring
/-amax-/
open up
/-asa-/
touch
/-tipit-/
gather
/-apat-/
These two processes changing t to k are formulated as (41).

(41)
Velarization:
t k / C + ___
[+bac]
[+cnt]
<+hi> then
##
<o> if
4.3.4. Dissimilation and i-Epenthesis

A number of verbs take suffixes beginning with . (Interestingly, almost all of these verbs have x-final
roots or have the obligatory suffix /-/.) A derived sequence + surfaces as s + i. The forms in
(42a) justify the underlying form of the suffix and those in (42b) illustrate changes.
(42)
a.
b.
Form 1
-apt-
-kee-x
Form 3
-os a
-apt-a-x-k
-kee-ta-
Form 4
-os a -ka
-apt-a--ka
-kee-ta--ka
talk
gather
cut hair of
-apx
-sakx
-nakx
-nopix
-aps - i
-saks - i
-naks - i
-nops - i
-aps - ika
-saks - ika
-naks - ika
-nops - ika
choke
carry child
bowed
sink
The following rules are fed by the x-Rule (28).

(43)
Dissimilation: s / ___ +
100
(44)
i-Epenthesis:
i / C + ___
[+cor]
[+cnt]
[vd ]
4.3.5. W-Coalescence II and X-Deletion

A W and a following k coalesce to become k.
(45)
W-Coalescence II:
W k
1 2
[+rd]
1
2
Compare the derivations of the following forms

(46)
vertical
UR
Stress
Syncope
x-Rule
t-Del
W-Coal II
SR
Form 1
-ooxk
-o oxk
-o Wxk
-o Wk
-o k
-o k
Form 2
-ooxk-tim
-o oxk-tim
-o oxk-im
-o oxk-im
Form 3
-ooxk
-o oxk
-o Wxk
-o Wxk
Form 3 becomes [-o Wk] by the rules discussed in 1.2.13 and 1.2.3. Some other forms to which
rule (45) applies are given in (47).
(47)
Form 1
-mapk
-nok
Form 2
-mapoxk-im
-nooxk-im
Form 3
-mapWx-ox
-noWx
burst
concave
/-mapoxk/
/-nooxk/
When the sequence [Wk] occurs phonetically, therefore, I claim that it is phonologically /Wxk/.
A monomorphemic example is [totWk] /totWxk/ cholla. I do not know of any independent
evidence that would argue for this analysis in this case. In other instances, however, independent
evidence exists for the presence of an x. Consider, for example, the following forms
(48)
a.
b.
Form 1
[-tipWk]
[-ite o Wk]
Form 2
-tip-im
-ite o-im
Form 3
-tips - i
-ite o-kox
squeeze
thin
The fact that there is an --(s ) alternation in these roots is explained by the rules already discussed
(namely, the x-Rule (28) and Dissimilation (43)) if an underlying root-final x is posited. The presence
of k in Forms 1 and 3 of thin, from underlying /-t/, is also explained if there is an underlying x
preceding it (cf. (41)). If Form 1 is phonologically ...Wx-k (< /...ox-t/), rule (45) cannot apply.
Derivations for Form 1 of squeeze and thin are given in (50). The following rule is also needed to
derive Form 1 of thin.
(49)
X-Deletion:
/ ___ W x
101
(50)
UR
Vel (41)
x-Rule
Syncope
X-Del(49)
SR
-tipox-t
-tipox-k
-tipx-k
-tipWx-k
-tipWx-k
-ite ox-t
-ite ox-k
-ite x-k
-ite Wx-k
-ite Wx-k
Again, the late rules discussed in chapter 1 will apply to give the phonetic forms shown in (48).
The following forms illustrate the application of -Deletion (49). This rule must be ordered after
Dissimilation since it is bled by that rule. It also obviously bleeds W-Coalescence I (8).
(51)
Form 1
-ipWx-k
-aWx-k
Form 2
-ip-im
Form 3
-ips - i
-as - i
have gonorrhea
continue
/-ipox/
/-aox/
The following verbs must be marked as exception to the x-Rule to prevent W-Coalescence II from
applying to Form 1.
(52)
Form 1
-aWxk
-aWxk
Form 2
-aoxk-im
Form 3
-aWx-ox
-aWx-ox
squat
dry
/-aoxk/
/-aoxk/
4.3.6. Final i-Epenthesis

When Syncope (6) applies to a form and generates a stem-final sequence of obstruent followed by
nasal or the sequence obstruent-nasal-consonant, an i is inserted following the nasal.
(53)
Final i-Epenthesis:
(54)
Form 1
-nepni
-a-motni
-neni
-anix
-aknix
i/
Form 2
-nepen-im
-a-moton-im
-neon-a
-aan
-akon
C
C
___ s (C) #
[son] [+nas]
stooped
make cracklings
hold in lap
quiver
shake (liquid)
/-nepen/
/-a-moton/
/-neon/
/-aanx/
/-akonx/
The following forms illustrate the fact that this insertion takes place regardless of whether the stem is
followed by a vowel-initial suffix.
(55)
koi k-nepni-o-a He is still stooped.

koi k-neni-o-a He is still holding it in his lap.
This insertion does not take place when two nasals occur stem-finally.
(56)
Form 1
-moto m n
Form 2
-moto m an-im
/-moto m an/
weak
4.3.7. -Fronting I
A back velar fricative becomes a velar fricative when it precedes a suffix beginning with a velar stop.
This is illustrated by the forms in (40). This process is fed by Velarization (41).
102
(57)
X-Fronting I:
x / ___ + k
4.3.8. x-Deletion I and II

A velar fricative deletes when it precedes a back velar fricative.
(58)
x-Deletion I:
x / __
This is illustrated by the following forms and derivations.

(59)
UR
Vel (41)
x-Rule
Syncope
t-Del (33)
x-Del (58)
X-Front (67)
SR
-amax--t
-amax--k
-amx--k
-am--k
-am-x-k
-am-x-k
Form 1, bring
-aix--tax
-aix--ax
-ai--ax
-ai--ax
Form 1, strong
An x also deletes when it follows and precedes a consonant or word boundary, as in (60).
(60)
a.
b.
/-a-maax/
-a-ma
/-a-aax-t/
-a-ax-k
Form 1, brew liquor

Form 1, ask for water
This rule, formalized as (61), is fed by Syncope.

(61)
x-Deletion II:
x / ___
C
##
Finally, a velar fricative also deletes when it follows s and precedes a consonant cluster. This rule,
formalized as (62), is illustrated by the forms in (63).
(62)
x-Deletion III: x / s ___ C C
(63)
a.
b.
c.
d.
/-as i xk-tam/
-as k -am
/-ois i xk-t/
-ois k -t
/-as x --t/
-as - x-k
/-os o xk/
-os x k
Form 3, arrive
Form 3, enter
Form 1, leave piled up
Form 1, yip
This rule is also fed by Syncope; it must apply before t-Deletion (33) since it is not bled by that rule.
4.3.9. -Fronting II
The of the suffix /-am/ becomes a velar fricative when it follows a high front vowel. The back
velar fricatives of other morphemes, such as the emphatic suffix /-o/ (cf. 3.1.1), do not undergo the
103
change. Therefore the rule is written as (64).

(64)
X-Fronting II: x / i + ___ am
(65)
a.
b.
c.
Form 3
-pos - am
-imo n-tax
-ama-am
Form 4
-pos i -xam
-imo ni-xam
-ama-am
pear-shaped
hop
seep
This rule is bled by Syncope.

4.3.10. s -Coalescence
A root-final s and the t of the suffixes /-ta/ and /-to/ coalesce to become k. This rule does not apply to
suffixes such as /-tax/, as shown in (68). (67d-g) show that this rule does not feed X-Fronting I (57).
(66)
s-Coalescence:
(67)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
(68)
a.
s + t
V + k
[+bac]
1 2 3
1 2 3
Form 1
/-apas - /
-aps -
-mis -
-taps -
-nas
Form 2
/-apas - ta-/
-ap-ka-
-mi-ka-
-tap-ka-
-na-ka
Form 1
-pas
-pes -
-nas
/-anos - /
-ans -
/-panos - /
-pans -
Form 3
-pa-ka
-pe-ka-
-na-kox
/-anos - to--t/
-an-ko-x-k
/-panos - to--t/
-pan-ko-x-k
Form 1
-xis i
Form 3
-xis - tax
torn
slip
signal
rub
scratchy
concave
rub
spin thread
run
spicy
The forms in (69) show that s-Coalescence bleeds t-Deletion (33).

(69)
Form 1
-ipo t is -
Form 3
-ipo t i-ka-x-k
put clothes on wrong
4.4. Stem suffixes

4.4.1. Number suffixes
In 4.2.1 an incomplete paradigm of number suffixes was presented. Since a complete listing via
paradigm would be very complicated, and perhaps impossible, a list of the more common suffixes is
presented below. Some internal structure to these suffixes may be noticed.
104
(70)
Primary use
-t
-ta
-tim
-tam
-tax
-tox
-tx
-toka
-at
-o
-
-o
-am
-ka
-x
-xam
-
-am
singular subject/plural action

plural subject
plural subject
plural subject
plural subject/plural action
plural subject/singular action
plural subject/singular action
plural subject/plural action

plural subject
plural subject
plural subject
Mention has been made above of the suffix /-ta/ which occurs only on verbs with the suffix /-/
(cf.4.4.2.1). In fact, verbs taking the suffix /-/ also require this suffix, or the suffix /-to/ discussed
below, to occur under certain conditions. The suffix /-ta/ occurs primarily when agreement is with a
plural subject. It also occurs on a Form 2 if no other suffix occurs to indicate plural action. The
following examples illustrate the occurrences of this suffix.
(71)
Form 1
-am-x-k
Form 2
-ama--im
Form 3
-am-a-x-k
Form 4
-am-a--ka
bring
/-amax-/
-as - x-k
-as -a-
-as -a-x-k
-as -a--ka
throw
/-as x -/
-atis -
-ati-ka-
-ati-ka-x-k
-ati-ka--ka
peel back foreskin
/-atis - /
-aps -
-ap-ka-
-ap-ka--ka
torn
/-apas - /
-ato s -ta--ka
open up
/-asa-/
-im-ta--ka
butcher
/-imo-/
-asa-
-imo-
-asa--im
-imo--im
-ap-ka-x-k
-ato s -ta-x-k
-im-ta-x-k
A suffix that is similar syntactically is /-to/, but it is less common.
105
(72)
Form 1
-ans -
Form 2
-anos - -im
Form 3
-an-ko-x-k
-pans -
-panos - -im
-pan-ko-x-k
Form 4
-an-ko--ka
spin thread
-pan-ko--ka
run
/-anos - /
/-panos - /
4.4.2. Other stem suffixes

4.4.2.1. /-/
A large number of verbs, such as those in (71) and (72), take the suffix /-/ in all forms. It is not clear
what the significance of this suffix is synchronically or was historically.
4.4.2.2. /-ot/
The suffix /-ot/ occurs following the root of many verbs when they are preceded by the augment
prefix (cf. 2.5.6). (The allomorph /-t/ occurs following a vowel.)
(73)
Root
-emen
-ipe
-ako
-as
-meke
winnow
good
make house
cough
lukewarm
Augmented
-ak-o-men-ot
-a-ipe-t
-a-ako-t
-a-as a -ot
-a-meke-t
make winnow
fix
help make house
make cough
barbecue
The augmented form of /-meke/ lukewarm without this suffix means heat.
4.5. Noun pluralization
As with number marking in verbs, there exists a great deal of idiosyncrasy in noun pluralization.
Nouns must be lexically marked with respect to 1) the set of suffixes with which they occur, and 2)
whether or not, and in which form, Syncope (6) will apply.
4.5.1. Suffixation
Some of the more common suffix sets which occur on nouns are given below.
(74)
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
Singular
-(((x)a)m)
-
-
-
-
-(a)
-
Plural
-k((a)m)
-(o)x
-kox
-ko
-xox
-ox
-tax
The parentheses are only a means to indicate that there are suffixes with or without the parenthesized
segment. Class A, or example, could theoretically include the following sets. The relative number of
examples that I have found in each of these classes is indicated.
106
(75)
A1
A2
A3
A4
A5
A6
A7
A8
A9
A10
A11
A12
-
-x
-xa
-xam
-
-x
-xa
-xam
-
-x
-xa
-xam
-k
-k
-k
-k
-ka
-ka
-ka
-ka
-kam
-kam
-kam
-kam
many
many
few
none
few
many
several
none
few
few
none
few
One reason for analyzing the x as a suffix and not as part of the root is that it does not lengthen by
Post-tonic lengthening (cf. 1.2.1).
(76)
[s a -x-ia]
[pai-x-ia]
It is a sea cliff.
It is driftwood.
A second reason for analyzing x as a suffix is discussed in 4.5.3.1.

Class B, in which plurals are formed by adding /-(o)x/, seems to be the productive class since
loanwords generally fall into this class (cf. Moser and Moser 1976).
(77)
Singular
mona
pipa
kaskare ra
ora
soano
pas a to
santa r
totar
aristo n
Plural
mona-x
pipa-x
kaskare ra-x
ora-x
soano-x
pas a to-x
santa r-ox
totar-ox
aristo n-ox
monkey
tobacco pipe
ladder
donkey
sheet
shoe
soldier
chicken
ribbon
Some exceptions to these generalizations are given in (78).

(78)
kano a
sara pi
mero n
yos
kano a -tax
sara pi-tax
mero n-tax
yos - am
boat
blanket
cantaloupe
god
4.5.2. Deletion and replacement

4.5.2.1. Syncope
Syncope (6) is used in nouns as well as in the verbs. In some nouns it applies in plural forms, as in
(79a), and in others it applies in singular forms, as in (79b).
107
(79)
a.
b.
Singular
yamo-
sepo-
tepo-
moxe p e
eko-x
seko-x
Plural
yam-ox
sep-ox
tep-ox
moxe p -tox
ek-
sek-
its stomach
bush (sp.)
black jackrabbit
saguaro cactus
wolf
heron
s o s - x
ot
s i k
tip
koept
a-p
ast
a-skt
pist
s o s a -ka
oto-ka
s i ka-k
tipo-k
koepit-ox
a-pa-ox
asat-ox
a-sakt-ox
pisat-x
burlap bag
coyote
bird
sea shell (sp.)
quail (sp.)
tongue
stone
lung
squirrel (sp.)
4.5.2.2. The x-Rule

A few nouns might be analyzed analogously to verbs in that the singular form is identical to the plural
form minus x (cf.4.1.3.1).
(80)
Singular
a-sk
katk
petk
Plural
a-sxk
katxk
petxk
body louse
grasshopper
seaweed (sp.)
Underlying forms with a final sequence xk would be posited.

Moser and Moser 1976 (p. 286) suggests that stem final and stem medial x ... of singular nouns is
replaced by in the plural form for forms such as ekox / ek wolf. Since I have proposed a rule
(the x-Rule, 4.1.3.1) that effects such a change in verbs, one might think that it would be
advantageous to do the same for the nouns in Class A. I have not done so for two reasons. First, the
evidence in (76) suggests that x is not part of the root. Second, the data below is evidence that the is
not part of the root either since it cannot be separated from the k by a-Infixation (cf. 1.2.1 and
3.1.8).
(81)
s a -x
s a -ka
s a -ka-a-ya
pai-x
pai-k
pai-k-a-ya
sea cliff
sea cliffs
Sea cliffs, my eye!
driftwood
driftwood (pl.)
Driftwood, my eye!
*s a -a-ka-a-ya
*pai-a-k-a-ya
Nevertheless, if the plural suffix of the following nouns is underlyingly /-tox/, equatable with that
which occurs on verbs, underlying root-final x might be proposed and the x-Rule changing x to
involved (cf. 4.3.3).
108
(82)
Singular
enox
kos ox
sena p s x
Plural
eno-kox
kos o-kox
sena p s -kox
hummingbird
banded gecko
heron (sp.)
4.5.2.3. Other
As with some verbs (cf. 4.1.3.5), there appears to be a process changing n to s in some nouns. (The
final i of the first five forms in (83) is epenthetic (cf. 4.3.6).)
(83)
Singular
akni
a-pni
kano kni
a-ni
a-tepni
moon
Plural
aks - ox
a-ps - ox
kano ks - ox
a-s - ax
a-teps - a
moos - a
bow
forehead
red bill seagull
chest area
central incisor
fish (sp.)
109
Chapter 5
Irregular verbs
5.1. Stress-retracting verbs
There is a class of verbs which share the characteristic of generally not having the stress on the first
vowel of the root. Rather, the stress generally occurs on the syllable preceding the root. A vowel is
often inserted, if necessary and possible, so that stress may not occur on the root-initial vowel. This
class of verbs includes: /-om/ lie; /-a/ accompany; /-e/ give; /-e/ say; /-a/ grind; /-a/ be; /-e/ do;
and the root of /mo= -a/ come and /nt= -a/ go.
In a form such as k-o m he who lies down, the stress occurs on the root vowel. When the third
person oblique prefix /ko=/ is affixed, however, the stress occurs on the first vowel: ko =k-om. The
underlying form of the negative imperative is /k-m-om/. but a vowel is inserted to carry the stress,
giving the surface form ka m om. Under other conditions an i may be inserted to carry the stress:
m p om (< /m-po-om/) if you lie down. In this section I will discuss the nature and application of the
various rules which account for these surface forms.
5.1.1. The stress-retracting rule
Assuming that stress is initially placed on the root-initial vowel of these verbs by the primary stress
rule (cf. 2.3.1), the minor rule retracting stress can be written as follows59
(1)
Stress retraction:
V (C)
[+str]
1
2
[+str]
[-str]
1 2
3
The following derivations illustrate its application.

(2)
UR
Stress
Retraction
SR
OM-RL-accompany
i-t-a
i-t-a
- t-a
- t-a
OM-EMPH-accompany
i-o-a
i-o-a
i-o - a
i-o - a
(The interaction of this rule with Vowel deletion (2.3.3) is discussed in 5.1.3 below.)
5.1.2. i-Epenthesis and a-Epenthesis
If a consonant cluster (whether underlying or derived by the application of i-Deletion (2.3.4)) directly
precedes a stress-retracting root, a vowel is inserted to carry the stress. The vowel which is inserted is
either i or a, one factor determining which it will be. This factor is whether or not the first of the last
59
I reject a solution which avoids the false step of placing stress on the root vowel. Such an
analysis would posit a minor stress rule for these roots which might be formulated as follows
(i)
V [+stress] / ___ (C) + ROOT

[+Stress Retr. ]
This rule would have to apply before the major stress rule. In 5.1.2-3 it is seen, however, that it
would also have to apply after Vowel deletion (16) of chapter 2. This is an ordering problem for this
analysis since Short low vowel deletion and Vowel deletion are intrinsically ordered after the major
stress rule.
110
two consonants is an obstruent or a sonorant (namely, a nasal or glottal stop). For an i to be inserted, it
must be a sonorant. In the examples in (3), an a is inserted; in (4), and i is inserted.
(3)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
(4)
a.
b.
c.
/k-m-a/
ka m a
Dont accompany him!
/k-m-om/
ka m om
Dont lie down!
/si-m-om/
sa m om
he will not lie down
/p-t-om/
a t om
I lay down...
/p-t-m-om/
iptka m om
I did not lie down...
/-si-m-a/
iska m a
I will not accompany...
/-t-a/
t a
I accompanied him...
/m-mi-a/
m m a
you accompanied him
/m-si-om/
m s om
you will lie down
The forms above show that the insertion rules are fed by Vowel deletion (2.3.3) and that they do not
bleed k-Epenthesis (2.3.7). Forms such as (3d) are especially interesting since the p of the intransitive
allomorph /p-/ of the first person singular subject prefix does not appear superficially if an epenthetic
a follows it, although it conditions the application of the rule inserting a.
(5)
p-Deletion:
p / ___ V C + ROOT
[+Stress retraction]
An i is also inserted when a stress-retracting root is preceded by a single word-initial consonant.

(6)
a.
b.
c.
/k-i-a/
k a
he who accompanies him
/k-i-a/
k a
he who grinds it
/k-i-e/
k e
he who gives it
This environment also gives another piece of evidence for the stronger boundary, represented as a
single word boundary in rule (8), following the directional prefixes since an i is inserted in the forms
below.60
60
In footnote 27 of chapter 2 it is discussed how an unspecified final subject of a passive clause is

represented. The nominal which appears occurs following the directional prefix in the following
111
(7)
a.
b.
c.
/nt=k-a/
int k a
he who goes
/nt=si-a/
int s a
he will go
/nt=yo-a/
int y a
he went
An i is not inserted following the direction prefix /mo=/, however: mo - k-a he who comes. The
epenthesis rules can be formulated as follows, i-Epenthesis bleeding a-Epenthesis.
(8)
i-Epenthesis:
C
[+son]
C
#
(9)
a-Epenthesis:
___ C +
ROOT
[+Stress Retr.]
a / C ___ C +
ROOT
[+Stress Retr.]
The form in (10) shows that a-Epenthesis also feeds Fronting (2.3.5).
(10)
/k-m-e/
ke m e
Dont give it!
The verb /-om/ does not utilize the word-initial environment for the insertion of i: k-o m he who
lies.
5.1.3. Other irregularities of stress-retracting verbs
Stress-retracting verbs also all share the characteristic of treating forms with the emphatic prefix /o-/
differently than forms with the irrealis /po-/ or distal /yo-/. The o of the emphatic prefix fails to delete
by Vowel deletion (2.3.3). The following forms are all with first person singular subjects.
(11)
Emphatic
i-o - a
mo-p-o - a
ip-o - a
i-o - a
ip-o - om
ip-o - e
Distal
- - y-a
im--a y -a
-ay-a
- y -a
-a y -om
-e y -e
accompany
come
be
grind
lie
say
An emphatic realis form of a [+Stress retracting] root is therefore marked [-Vowel deletion].
example.
(ii)
ko=nt=kmike=k=i-s-a-aas i
ak
3Ob-away-person-3Ob-3P-IRR-PASS-send the
with respect to a person's being sent away
This provides additional evidence for the stronger boundary following the directional prefixes.
112
The verb /-om/ lie is also exceptional in that it acts like a transitive verb in two respects. First,
Coalescence (2.3.5) never applies although it is expected to. Secondly, the allomorph /-/ of the
second person singular imperative (cf. 2.5.7) occurs rather than vowel ablaut.
(12)
ant y-o m
ant -o m
He lay down.
Lie down!
The transitive verbs /-a/ accompany, /-e/ give, and /-a/ grind also share an additional
irregularity. They undergo a minor rule inserting glottal stop. It is not clear under what conditions this
rule, which feeds a-Epenthesis, applies. The inserted glottal stop is underlined in the following forms.
Additional forms in which no inserted glottal stop appears, are included for comparison. The second
person singular imperative form of give, e, is irregular in that i-Insertion rather than a-Insertion
applies.
(13)
accompany
give
grind
Infinitive
/ia-a/
ia a
/ia-e/
ie e
/ia-a/
ia a
2 sg. Imp.
/-a/
a a
/-e /
e
/-a/
a a
1 pl. Imp.
/sa-a/
sa a
/sa-e-yox/
se yox
/sa-a-yox/
sa yox
2 sg. Imp.
1 sg. Object
/po--a/
ipo a
Subj. Nom.,
Passive
/a-p-a/
apa a
/a-p-e/
ape e
/a-p-a/
apa a
2 sg. Action
Nom., Passive
/mi--p-e/
mipe e
1 sg. Irrealis,
Passive
ipspe e
/p-si-p-e/
Subj. Nom.,
Negative
/i-m-a/
m a
/i-m-e/
m e
/i-m-a/
m a
Object prefixes do not receive a retracted stress. Rather, an i is inserted as if the object prefix were
not there. This insertion rule does not feed Vowel deletion (2.3.3).
(14)
a.
b.
c.
ma- t -e
ma- t -yox
ma- t -aa
Did he give it to you?

Did they give it to you?
Did they accompany you?
Plural subject agreement prefixes are replaced by singular subject agreement prefixes before
certain stress-retracting verbs.
113
(15)
- t -e
- t -yox
Did I give it to him?

Did we give it to him?
As these forms illustrate, the singular and plural forms are distinguished solely by the shape of the
stem.
A number of the stress-retracting verbs have plural stems which lack the root-initial vowel in
surface forms.
(16)
singular
-a
-e
-a
be
give
grind
plural
-x
-yox
-yox
These verbs behave in every way as if the long vowel were present at certain levels of derivation,
however, suggesting that a minor deletion rule is operating.
(17)
Root vowel deletion (minor):
V / [ ___________
[+Stress Retr.]
[+Plural
]
An analysis which posits underlying vowel-initial plural roots would account for 1) the fact that
suppletive prefix allomorphy before singular and plural stems is the same; 2) the deletion of prefix
vowels, as in (18); and 3) the fact that an inserted a becomes e in plural stems when the corresponding
singular stem has e, even though no such conditioning vowel occurs in the surface forms of plural
roots, as in (19).
(18)
(19)
/ko-yo-ax/
ko - y-x
they were with it
/ko-po-ax/
ko - p-x
if they will be with it
/mi-ka-eyo/
PROX-US-say
m-e k -yo
they (unspecified) say
/mi-eyo/
t-e m -yo
they say
The verb /-e/ say is irregular in two ways. First, it never undergoes i-Epenthesis, but rather
a-Epenthesis in all cases. Second, when only a single consonant precedes the root, a meaningless t is
inserted, thus feeding a-Epenthesis. The rule inserting t is fed by Vowel deletion (2.3.3).
(20)
a.
b.
c.
/k-e/
te k e
he who says
/si-e/
te s e
he will say
/yo-e/
te y e
he said
114
d.
/i-m-e/
m e
he who doesnt say
One final irregularity that is shared by all roots which retract stress is that the allomorph /-/ of the
action/oblique nominalizer occurs rather than the allomorph /y-/ (plus Ablaut) that might be expected
in some case (cf. 2.6.3).
(21)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
/mo-i--a/
m a
his coming
/nt-i--a/
int a
his going
/i--om/
om
his lying
/i--e/
e
his saying
/ko-i--a/
k a
his being with
The verb /-a/ be has a glottal stop instead of a k in the subject nominalized form: ko - -a who is
with.
5.2. The verbs come and go
The verbs come and go, which use the directional prefixes /mo=/ and /nt=/ (cf. 2.5.14), are based on
the root /-a/. The prefix /mo=/ toward loses its o by Vowel Deletion (2.3.3), as described in 2.5.14,
as well as by the following rule which applies to this morpheme only.
(22)
m V = C V 134
[-str]
1
2
3 4
Accordingly, an underlying form such as /mo=o-a/ He came! surfaces as imo a , and /mo=t-m-a/
Didnt he come? as imtama. The latter shows that (22) is fed by a-Epenthesis (9). The o remains
before a consonant cluster: /mo=p-o-a/ mopo a I came!. If the o is stressed by Stress
Retraction (1), it does not delete: /mo=yo-a/ mo y a He came. Exceptionally, however, the o does
not delete in the second person negative forms of the verb go.
(23)
/mo=k-m-a/
moka m a
Dont come (sg.)!
/mo=k-m-a-t/
moka m at
Dont come (pl.)!
Some ad hoc condition must therefore be added to rule (22).
5.3. The verbs /-aa/ know and /-ee/ give
The verbs /-aa/ know and /-ee/ give must be marked to undergo a minor rule of y-Epenthesis which
follows Short low vowel deletion (2.3.2).
(24)
y-Epenthesis: y / i ___ +
115
(25)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
/i-mi-aa/
im y a
he knows it
/i-si-ee/
is y e
he will give him it
/i-yo-aa/
iyo a
he knew it
/i-t-aa/
ita a
Did he know it?
/k-ee/
ke e
Give him it!
/k-i-ee/
k y e
he who gives him it
5.4. Pseudo-short low vowel roots

A few verbs have roots beginning with phonetically short low vowels but which behave with respect
to all phonological rules and all spell-out rules as though they had long low vowels. If underlying short
vowels are posited these verbs must therefore carry many exception features. Such an analysis does
not capture the generalization that these verbs behave as though they had long vowels with respect to
all rules. An alternative analysis, which I will adopt, is to posit underlying long vowels and the
following late minor rule.
(26)
Shortening:
V [-long] /
root[
___
Some verbs which must be marked [+Shortening] are /-akat/ swim (which contrasts phonologically
with /-akat/ bitter), /-ai/ awaken, /-askim/ paddle (which contrasts phonetically with kaskim
flounder), /-aa/ submit, /-aitox/ creep, and /-asakim/ comb ones hair.
The analysis of the abstract consonant, presented in chapter 6, could be extended to handled the facts
in 5.3. The roots would be /-aQa/ and /-eQe/, respectively, where Q represents the abstract consonant
(or empty consonant position, according to later analyses). The spreading of the features of i to this
position, generating y would follow directly, as well as the fact that the features of o do not spread
(since there is no semivowel w in the language).
116
Chapter 6
Topics in Seri phonology
6.1. The abstract consonant
In 1.1 it was mentioned that Seri has a consonant whose features cannot be determine synchronically.
In this section I will present the case for the abstract consonant. First the facts will be presented, and a
concrete solution developed. Then the concrete solution will be compared with the abstract solution
which involves positing an abstract underlying consonant.
6.1.1. Irregular verbs and a concrete solution
There are twenty some verbs that do not pattern like the verbs discussed in chapters 2 or 5 with respect
to prefix allomorphy. 61 Note the paradigm in (1).
61
The irregular verbs that I have found are listed below, with the symbol Q representing the
abstract consonant that will be ultimately proposed.
(i)
Intransitive
-Qa
-Qamopa
-Qamx
-Qap
-Qas a xox
-Qas o x
-Qa
-QiWx
-Qimi
-Qo
-Qosx
make (whistling) sound

be lost
be brilliant
be brittle
be latticed
be perforated
be hard
be red
be very much
argue
sprinkle
Transitive
-Qaktim
-Qas
-Qi
-Qis o
-Qots
use, fix, touch

hit with stick
feel
lift (heavy item)
suck
Transitive and detransitivized

-Qenx
play stringed instrument
-Qetni
tap
-Qim
throw at
-Qimos
think
-Qis x
grind to pulp
117
(1)
shiny
play stringed
instrument (T)
(D)
feel
argue
grind to
soft pulp
Nominalized
kkamWx
Neutral
ttamWx
Irrealis
ssamWx
Distal
yoamWx
kkenx
koenx
kki
kko
kkis x
kois x
ittenx
toenx
itti
tto
ittis x
tois x
issenx
soenx
issi
sso
issis x
sois x
iyoenx
yenx
iyoi
yoo
iyois x
yais x
The superficial irregularities are numerous. First, if the verbs are assumed to have vowel-initial roots,
they appear to be exceptions to Vowel Deletion (cf. 2.3.3). Compare
(2)
Regular
Irregular
/i-yo-i/
iyi he heard it
/i-yo-i/ (?) iyoi he felt it
Second, these verbs appear to be exceptions to Short low vowel deletion (cf. 2.3.2). Compare
(3)
Regular
Irregular
/i-yo-ap/
iyop she sewed it
/yo-amWx/ (?) yoamWx it was shiny
Third, these verbs appear to be exceptions to Coalescence (cf. 2.3.5). Compare

(4)
Regular
Irregular
/yo-otx/
yatx he arose
/yo-o/ (?) yoo he argued
Fourth, these verbs appear to be exceptions to Ablaut (cf. 2.5.3). Compare:

(5)
Regular:
Irregular:
/t-o-ip/ tep did he carry (on head)?

/t-o-is x / tois x did he grind?
Regular:
Irregular:
ie to hear
/ia-i/
/ia-i/ (?) iai to feel
A rule feature analysis could mark these roots as [-Vowel deletion], [-Short low vowel deletion],
[-Coalescence], and [-Ablaut]. Coalescence applies, nevertheless, when the environment is met within
the prefixes themselves, as in yais x (</yo-o-is x /). A rule deleting a is necessary for those cases
where an impermissible sequence ae would otherwise be generated. The underlying form /yo-o-inx/
yields a surface form yenx rather than yaenx. This rule is given as (6).
(6)
a / ___ + e
In addition, whereas these verbs appear to be exceptions to Vowel deletion, prefixal is do delete, as
shown below.
(7)
/i-yo-enx/ (?) iyoenx he played it

/i-si-enx/ (?) issenx he will play it
/k-i-enx/ (?) kkenx he who plays it
Therefore a minor deletion rule would be needed to delete is before these roots which would still be
marked as exceptions to Vowel deletion.
The most salient feature of these irregular verbs, however, is that a prefix consonant geminates if it
is contiguous to the root. Compare
118
(8)
Regular:
Irregular:
/i-t-ip/
itip
did he carry it?
/i-t-is x / (?) ittis x
did he grind it?
Regular:
Irregular:
/yo-m-is/
yomis
it wasnt raw
/yo-m-amWx/ (?) yommamWx it wasnt shiny
These verbs must be marked to undergo a special gemination rule which does not apply to any other
forms in the language.
Another phonological rule to which these verbs are exceptions is the rule which accounts for the
alternation ko-~ k- of the third person oblique prefix (cf. 2.4.3). Compare
(9)
Regular:
Irregular:
Irregular:
/ko--a-as/ kas Give it to him to drink!

/ko--as/ (?) koas Hit him with it!
/ko--is x / (?) kois x Pound it with it!
It is not clear how the rule feature necessary would be formulated, however, since the rule of
o-Spirantization fails to apply only when the o is followed by a single consonant and the root vowel.
The rule applies in cases such as the following.
(10)
/ko-i-si-is x / (?) kissis x he will pound it with it

/ko-t-o/ (?)
ktto
did he argue about it?
The superficial irregularities of these verbs are also very evident when the spell-out rules of
various prefixes are considered. First, the allomorph /a-/ of the augment prefix (cf.2.5.6) is the only
one which occurs, even though other allomorphs would be expected before these roots if they were
vowel initial.
(11)
-a-iWx
-a-otos - ot
-a-ai-t
make red
make suck
make whistle
These roots must therefore be marked as belonging to an ad hoc class which requires the allomorph
/a-/.
Second, the allomorph /a-/ of the passive prefix (cf. 2.5.5) occurs although the allomorph /p-/ is
the one expected before vowel-initial roots.
(12)
k-t-a-as
t-a-i
was he hit?
was it felt?
These roots must therefore be marked as requiring the allomorph /a-/. In addition, the glottal stop of
the passive prefix, which deletes in regular verbs by rule (84) of chapter 2, also deletes in these
irregular verbs even though the environment for rule (84) is not found.
(13)
-a-ots
-enx
-a-as
what was sucked

what was played
what was hit
< /a-a-ots / (?)

< /a-a-enx/ (?)
< /a-a-as / (?)
Therefore in the rule feature solution a minor rule of glottal deletion would be necessary.
Third, the only allomorph of the second person imperative prefix which occurs directly before
these roots is /-/, even though other allomorphs are expected in some cases (cf. 2.5.7). In addition, it
appears that i-Epenthesis (38) of chapter 2 has applied even though the conditions for its application
are not met.
119
(14)
i-is o
i-amWx
i-ots
i-enx
Lift it!
Be shiny!
Suck it!
Play it!
<
<
<
<
/-is o / (?)
/-amWx/ (?)
/-ots / (?)
/-enx/ (?)
These verbs must therefore be marked to take the allomorph /-/ of the imperative prefix and also to
undergo a minor i-Epenthesis rule.
Fourth, the allomorph /-/ of the action/oblique nominalizer (cf. 2.6.3) occurs with these verbs
even though in some cases the allomorphs /y-/ or /-/ would be expected if they had vowel-initial
roots.
(15)
mi--ots
mi--is o
mi--o
your sucking it
your lifting it
your (pl.) arguing
Therefore these verbs must be marked to require the zero allomorph.

Fifth, the allomorph /o-/ of the object nominalizer occurs before these roots although again in
some cases a different allomorph would be expected (cf. 2.6.2).
(16)
-o-i
-o-im
-o-is x
-o-enx
-o-ots
what I felt
whom I threw things at
what I ground
what I played
what I sucked
A rule feature analysis must mark these roots to take this allomorph.
In summary, a rule feature analysis requires something in the order of six minus rule features, four
positive rule features (for minor rules), and five special markings so that the correct suppletive
allomorph will occur. (It was also noted that the minus rule features are complicated.) In the next
section an abstract solution will be presented that contrasts markedly with this analysis.
6.1.2. Abstract solution
The concrete, rule feature analysis developed above has assumed that the geminating verbs have
vowel-initial roots. If that assumption is not granted and consonant-initial roots are posited instead, the
analysis would be quite different. First of all, the fact that the behavior of these verbs is not like that of
other vowel-initial verbs is immediately explained. Second, the geminate consonant clusters can be
handled by a phonological rather than morphological rule. If we let the symbol Q represent the initial
consonant of these roots, the following assimilation rule derived ttamWx is it shiny from underlying
/t-Qamx/.
(17)
Q-Assimilation;
Q Ci / Ci ___
[+cns]
Q does not assimilate to a nonconsonantal segment, such as the glottal stop of the passive prefix.
(18)
t-a-i
was it felt?
/t-a-Qi/
Third, the consonant-initial root also makes the minor i-Deletion rule unnecessary since i-Deletion
(21) of chapter 2 deletes prefixal is before consonants. Thus underlying /si-QamWx/ becomes
ssamWx by i-Deletion (21) and Q-Assimilation. Fourth, no ad hoc markings are necessary for the
suppletive allomorphs. The geminating verbs simply take the allomorphs of the prefixes which are
120
expected before consonant-initial roots. These roots act like consonant-initial roots with respect to
phonological rules such as i-Epenthesis and o-Spirantization. The only extra rule necessary, a rule of
absolute neutralization, deletes Q in all other contexts than those specified in (17).
(19)
Q-Deletion: Q
By ordering rules (17) and (19) after Vowel Deletion, Coalescence, Ablaut, i-Epenthesis, oSpirantization, and, of course, all of the spell-out rules, all of the supposed exceptional behavior of
these verbs disappears.
6.1.3. Comparison of analyses
I have shown in detail how two different analyses would handle these data. The abstract analysis
posits an abstract consonant, a simple assimilation rule, and a rule of absolute neutralization. In the
rule feature solution developed, the geminating verbs must be marked by at least fifteen rule features.
The number of rule features in the concrete analysis is significant, and increases proportionately to the
number of prefixes considered.
If the abstract solution is rejected, not only must the lexicon be complicated by marking
geminating verbs for the numerous exception features, but the complexity of the spell-out rules must
be greatly increased, and four minor, unnatural rules must be added to the phonology. Moreover, to
reject the abstract solution is to reject a coherent and unified account of the facts in favor of a solution
which claims that the exceptionality of geminating verbs is due to an ad hoc collection of arbitrary
exception features (of more than one type). I conclude that the abstract solution is to be preferred.
Brame (197251), following Kisseberths (1969) constraint, suggests that similar arguments for an
abstract solution in Maltese Arabic would be convincing only if the exact nature of X can be
discovered and if X can be shown to exhibit a distribution similar to other root segments. Although
Brame could do both for Arabic, I have found no evidence for positing the abstract consonant of Seri
in any position but root-initially. As for the identity of the abstract consonant, the problem in Seri is
that the phonetic evidence does not exist for claiming Q to be any particular consonant, unlike the
Arabic or Yawelmani case. The facts do not even point to what class of consonant it might belong,
phonotactics being no help here either. There is no single glaring gap in the phonemic system which
might point to the identity of the consonant. Therefore there seems to be no way to identify this
abstract consonant with chameleon-like properties. Kenstowicz and Kisseberth (197757-58) point out
that cases of this type have been described elsewhere, but suggest that in those cases there is some
doubt that the abstract solution is to be clearly favored.
The usual procedures do not lead to a unique solution to the problem of the underlying forms of
Q-verbs. The following alternatives must therefore be considered. Alternative one: avoid the identity
problem by assigning Q certain phonetic features, either arbitrarily or by some principle. This
alternative involves arbitrariness since no reason exists for claiming Q is underlying q, h, or w.
Alternative two: leave the features of the abstract consonant unspecified in the lexical and
phonological representation, except for [-syllabic], of course. Then no arbitrary or otherwise
unmotivated choices of underlying features would have to be made. If the features of Q are left
unspecified in the phonological representations, how will the rules affecting Q be written? Exploiting
the fact that the features are unspecified, the rules would appear as below, the assimilation rule being
very similar to the type of rule specifying the features of an archisegment in the traditional sense.
121
(20)
Assimilation:
-syl
+cns
0F1 1F1 / 1F1 ___
0F2
2F2
2F2
mFm
mFm
0Fm
Deletion:
-syl
0F1
0Fm
The advantage of this solution is that is avoids the arbitrariness of positing a fully-specified underlying
consonant. It claims no more than the facts warrant. While it has been argued (Stanley 1967) that the
matrices of phonological representations must be fully specified to avoid contrasting plus, minus, and
unspecified, these arguments have been based on the assumption that the matrices could be fully
specified. This assumption cannot be granted in the Seri case, however, since the feature values cannot
be determined. This alternative also seems to violate Postals (1968) Naturalness Condition,
suggesting that this condition needs to be relaxed. In view of the weakness of the arguments against
this solution, I consider the advantages sufficiently strong to favor its adoption.
6.2. Interpretation of phonetic vowel length
I have claimed (cf. 1.1) that the majority of phonetically long vowels in root-initial position should be
interpreted as underlyingly long vowels and not as sequences of two short vowels. In this section I will
briefly review the facts on which this claim is based. The first six pieces of evidence pertain only to
low vowels, but nonetheless provide evidence for underlying long vowels.
First, verbs with initial low vowels behave differently depending on whether the vowel is long or
short (cf. 2.3.2-3). Compare the distal realis forms of /-afs / fast and /-aps / torn out; y-afs he
was fast, yo-ps it was torn out.
Second, verbs with initial low vowels take different allomorphs of the augment prefix, depending
on the length of the vowel (cf. 2.5.6). The allomorphs /a-/ and /ak-/ occur before short low vowels
and /a-/ before long low vowels.
Third, the allomorphs of the second person imperative differ before low vowels of differing
lengths (cf. 2.5.7). The allomorph /k-/ occurs before short low vowels. Before long low vowels other
allomorphs appear.
Fourth, the object (nonfuture) nominalizer has different allomorphs before low vowels of differing
lengths (cf. 2.6.2). The allomorph /y-/ occurs before long low vowels, and /o-/ [+Ablaut] before short
low vowels (and also before consonants).
Fifth, the distribution of the allomorphs of the action/oblique nominalizer depends in part on
vowel length (cf. 2.6.3). Before short low vowels a zero allomorph occurs, but before long low
vowels either /y-/ or /-/ occurs.
Sixth, the infixation of /to-/ in stems (cf. 4.1.4) occurs only when the stressed vowel is long if it
is also low. The infixation also clearly distinguishes between the sequence ii and the unit i, as shown
in 4.1.4.
Seventh, one environment in which t-Deletion (cf. 4.3.1) applies is when an unstressed vowel and
a consonant precede the t. A t therefore deletes following sequences such as a i and a o m. It does not
delete, however, following a long vowel and consonant such as a and ip.
These facts all provide evidence for the claim that Seri has long, as well as short, underlying
vowels. It is therefore irrelevant that phonetically long vowels are structurally analogous to sequences
122
of diverse vowels (Moser and Moser 196565). It has also been shown (cf. 4.1.4 and 5.3) that there
is evidence for positing sequences of identical vowels in underlying forms.
The analysis of this chapter appeared in Marlett 1981. Marlett and Stemberger 1983 presents a
variation on the analysis, where the abstract consonant is reanalyzed as an empty consonant position in
the CV tier. This is a much less abstract analysis, of course. It is not clear how these facts would be
handled in the more current moraic theories that exclude the CV tier.
Marlett, Stephen A. 1981. The abstract consonant in Seri. Proceedings of the Berkeley Linguistics
Society, pp. 154-165.
Marlett, Stephen A. and Joseph P. Stemberger. 1983. Empty consonants in Seri. Linguistic Inquiry
14:617-639.
123
Chapter 7
The noun phrase
A noun phrase in Seri typically consists of a head noun followed by an optional number of relative
(and hence nominalized) clauses and a demonstrative adjective or article. Less typical types of noun
phrases will also be discussed below.
7.1. Definite articles
Moser 1978a discusses the definite articles and demonstratives of Seri and the facts will only be
briefly reviewed here. There are several positional articles, which Moser argues came historically
from verbs (which continue to exist synchronically) denoting position or movement. The articles are
given below.
(1)
Singular
kix
kap/kop
kom
ipmoka
ipintika
timoka
tintika
imintika
ki
()ak
seated
standing
lying
coming, close
going, close
coming, distant
going, distant
going, distant
unspecified position/movement
area
Plural
koi
is m okat
is i ntikat
tamokat
tantikat
imintikat
stationary or unspecified position/movement

coming, close
going, close
coming, distant
going, distant
going, distant
The article ki is best analyzed as synchronically having an underlying form /k/, the i being inserted
by i-Epenthesis (2.3.4), since it has the shape k before vowels and ki before consonants. (These
allomorphs will not be represented phonetically in transcriptions in this thesis.) The glottal stop deletes
utterance finally, bleeding i-Epenthesis and resulting in the allomorph k. The article denoting standing
position has two allomorphs: kap, which is closer to the historical source; and kop, the o of which is
probably due to influence from kom. The article used for areas has a glottal-initial allomorph
following vowels and a vowel-initial allomorph following consonants,
The plural set, which is much smaller than the singular set, might also contain some additional
rarely used forms that are more like the plural forms of the positional verbs. The meanings of the
articles given above belie their actual usage, however. The motion articles, for example, are also used
with objects such as a beach which runs along a certain dimension.
The article is almost always the last element of a noun phrase, but sometimes other articles occur
following various elements in the noun phrase, as in (2j), for reasons that are not well understood. The
124
singular/plural distinction is also not always strictly maintained (cf. (2g)). Examples illustrating some
of these articles are given below.
(2)
a.
totxk kix k-m-i

cholla
IMP-NEG-take
Dont grab the cholla cactus!
b.
s e me kop im-s-km-okta
a-a
2sS-IRR-NEG-look=at AUX-DECL
You shouldnt look at the last light of the day!
c.
s a ki i-ti m-p-i-
sun
3P-on 2sS-IRR-be-UT
ksai kom mi-it ki ko-m-s-ai
a-a
brush
2P-hair
3Ob-2sS-IRR-do AUX-DECL
You should brush your hair in the daytime.
d.
k-i-o
tintika ti i-s-kom-ya
a-a
NOM-OM-see
3PRO OM-IRR-NEG-own AUX-DECL
The finderhe wont own it.
e.
epe timoka ano ant yait

sea
in down DIST/descend
It fell into the sea.
f.
ima tantikat s o a nt- t -a-

others
a there away-RL-move-UT
one of the others going along...
g.
kanka ki o-iaxk
bass
EMPH-strong/PL
Bass are very strong (fish).
h.
e-me
ak k-a-t-as k am
ABS-camp
3Ob-1plS-RL-arrive/PL
We arrived at the camp...
i.
mi-n
ki s-s a t-o
2P-fingers
IRR-thorny-EMPH
Your fingers will get thorns in them!
j.
ika ki k-i-stox
ki ima kom i-t-oktam-
things
NOM-have-spirits
other
OM-RL-look=at/PL-UT
The other people observed him...
In the following examples a nonspecific direct object, instrumental, or locative occurs without an
article.
(3)
a.
ti
aso k-s a pim-ii
3PRO net NOM-sew-i
Hes mending net(s).
b.
aox t-afp
shore RL-arrive
He arrived at shore...
125
c.
e-me
mi-s k am
ABS-camp PROX-arrive/PL
They arrived at camp....
d.
enm-akni-o k-i-t-a
i-mi-k
metal-bow-o
3Ob-OM-RL-do OM-PROX-kill
Doing it with a rifle, he killed it.
e.
e
s i ap k-i-k
i
1PRO thing deer NOM-OM-kill ii
I used to kill deer.
7.2. Indefinite articles

The indefinite articles are s o (singular), and pak (plural). They also function as indefinite pronouns.
The examples in (4) illustrate their usage as article and those in (5) as pronouns. s o occurs as s before
a vowel.
(4)
(5)
a.
kmike ktam s o tok k-t-i

a-s s i-mi-k
person man
there 3Ob-RL-be ABS-pet
OM-PROX-kill
There was a man, he killed a dog.
b.
kototax s o ant s i-ti

po-p
boojum
land
3P-on IRR-stand
If there is a boojum tree in a place...
c.
ika pak tok k-mo-t-at

things
there 3Ob-toward-RL-move/PL
Some people came...
a.
pak yo-s k am
DIST-arrive/PL
Some arrived.
b.
kmike roberto ki s
person
the
Roberto killed one.
i-t-ak
OM-RL-kill
7.3. Demonstratives
Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns are formed, as Moser 1977 describes, by placing a stressed
locative (from a limited set) before a positional article. In the case of the motion articles, the first
syllable is simply stressed since it already contains a locative prefix. The locative prefixes are: ip(sg.) ~ is - (pl.) close, im- distant, ti- (sg.) ~ ta- (pl.) distant.
The usage of these forms as adjectives is illustrated in (6), and as pronouns in (7).
(6)
a.
aso k-ak
ta k om
nets NOM-big/PL
those big nets
b.
ant p moka k-t-afp

land
3Ob-RL-arrive
He arrived at this place...
126
(7)
c.
ako p kop ano mo-t-a

house
from toward-RL-move
He came out of this house...
d.
komkak s k oi a-si-aox
a-a
people
1plS-IRR-leave/PL AUG-DECL
We must leave these people.
a.
t k op s
i-t-as i
one OM-RL-carry
That one took one...
b.
ta ak ano a-mi-s k am
to 1plS-PROX-arrive/PL
We arrived there.
c.
s k oi kano a s i-yo-yat
boat
a OM-DIST-own/PL
These have a boat.
7.4. Relative clauses

A relative clause is formed by nominalizing the main verb. (For a discussion of the morphology, see
2.6.). The relative clause, which may occur headless, follows the head noun. Some examples are
given below.
(8)
Subject nominalizer
a.
s i ki k-i-sa
ki o i-sox
thing the NOM-have-spirit the thus 3P-being
i--
ki k-a-ato
o i-sox
i-t-a
3P-NOM-do the NOM-X-many thus 3P-being OM-RL-do
When the person who does thus many times does thus...
b.
s i a-p-ait
ki im-it-yox
thing NOM-PASS-eat the 1sO-RL-give/PL
kma s i -a-yat
ki im-it-yox
then
thing NOM-PASS-own/PL the 1sO-RL-give/PL
They gave me food, they gave me valuable things...
Object nominalizer
c.
ika k-ipa -o-enek

takoi a-t-aitox
a-t-a
things NOM-few 1P-NOM-carry/PL those 1plS-RL-eat/PL 2plS-RL-finish/PL
We finished eating the few things that we had taken along...
d.
m-o-yakakam
ktamk ki k-okx-ya
2P-NOM-call=sibling men
the NOM-two-INTERR
You have two brothers, dont you?
Oblique nominalizer
e.
e
kano a ano i--ka
kom
1PRO boat
in 1P-NOM-exist the
the boat that we had been in
127
f.
ako i--fp
kop
house 1P-NOM-arrive the
the house to which I arrived
7.5. Adjectives
There are very few noun modifiers in Seri that are not verbal in morphology. Some forms, such as
eke small and rok crazy , are inflected like verbs except that there is no subject nominalized form
with /k-/; rather, the bare stem occurs under those conditions where /k-/ would be expected. The forms
aa i imitation; kind of and ima another are not inflected; they are evidently historically derived
from a -a-Qi (just NOM-PASS-feel) and i-m-a (NOM-NEG-be).
7.6. Quantifiers
Most of the quantifiers in Seri are verbal, including the numerals, as illustrated by the following
examples.
(9)
a.
is t ox t-okx o is t ox t-apa ma y-anipat

moons RL-two o moons RL-three SR DIST-return=home/PL
After two or three months, they returned home.
b.
ta a-po-ko-
k-a-s-mipa
a-a
3PRO 1plS-IRR-all-UT 3Ob-1plS-IRR-bad AUX-DECL
That would be bad for all of us; more literally, That, we will be all, we would be
bad about it.
c.
enm-aks o x ki t-ko ma i-t-on

t-ata yo-k-e
metal-bows
the RL-all SR OM-RL-carry RL-go DIST-US-say/D
He took all of the rifles, he went, it is said.
The form an much is not verbal, however; it occurs with or without a nominal preceding it.
(10)
a.
kpot
ki an po-p-en
mackerel the much IRR-PASS-carry
If lots of mackerel are taken...
b.
an ak
im-mitox
somewhere PROX-not=exist/PL
Many have died.
The invariant form ko all is also used to quantify a noun phrase.

(11)
s i ki i-ti k-i--itom
thing the 3P-on 3Ob-3P-NOM-talk
Do (pl.) everything that he says.
ko ka
i-ti k--ais i
the/FOC 3P-on 3Ob-IMP-do/PL
7.7. Material
When the material of which an item consists is indicated, it occurs as a noun preceding the item.
(12)
a.
mox posx
cotton line
cotton line
b.
ee a-skam
wood ABS-balsa
ship
c.
ast a
stone arrowhead
stone arrowhead
128
If the head noun is verbalized with the prefix /i-/ (cf. 2.5.12), the material noun precedes the derived
verb.
(13)
a.
oro k-i-tast
gold NOM-i-tooth
he who has a gold tooth
b.
enim k-i-tamt
metal NOM-i-sandal
he who has metal sandals
7.8. Coordinate noun phrases

The coordinator a (with a variant aa) expresses both conjunction, as in (14a-c), and disjunction,
as in (14d). Xa typically follows each coordinated element, but is sometimes omitted following the
last element. The precise position of this particle is before the final article of the noun phrase, if there
is one; note that in (14c) it splits up the demonstrative adjective (cf. 7.3).
(14)
a.
ano si-s k am
a-a
s i kam k-aka
a kanka a
in IRR-arrive/PL AUX-DECL fish
NOM-long/PL
bass
Totoaba (fish) and small baya (fish) will arrive among them.
b.
ekot a-t-ixox tok ko-nt-a-m-at

kmike robe r to aa
desert 1plS-RL-be/PL there 3Ob-away-1plS-PROX-move/PL person
pedro aa an
aa serxio
We were in the desert, we went thereRoberto, and Pedro, and Juan, and Sergio.
c.
kmike
person
robe r to im
LOC
a kix kmike mart n a

the person
kix ko-o k-i-k-a-itox

ak
the all-o
3Ob-3P-US-AUG-eat/PL the
Both Roberto and Martin, with respect to the fishing...
d.
k-s o k
-a-samik
NOM-PASS/AUG-curled/PL NOM-four
a k-oitom
NOM-five
a i-snap k-as o x ki t-p-as i ax

3P-chest NOM-one the RL-PASS-cut/MULT
When four, five, or six bundles have been cut...
Coordinate noun phrases sometimes occur without Xa.
(15)
s i ka m k-ospox
ki kanka ki
fish
NOM-spotted the
the
s i ka m k-ak
ki k-t-i
i-ti m-oi
atx
kix
fish
NOM-big/PL the 3Ob-RL-be 3P-on PROX-be/PL fishing=spot the
Spotted bass, were in the fishing spot.
7.9. Compounds
The most salient stress in both phrases and compounds is the rightmost. Thus phrases and compounds
are not structurally distinguishable except that the latter sometimes involve the loss of a consonant or
vowel, or some other mutation occurs. Some examples of compounds are given in 1.2.11.
129
7.10. Pronouns
The personal pronouns, which distinguish person but not number, occur infrequently with finite verbs.
They do not reflect grammatical relations. The forms are: e (first person), and me (second person). A
third person pronoun e is used only in a slightly derogatory sense, as in (16d), and is rare.
Demonstrative pronouns are generally used for third person; they include: ti (with a variant ti) that
one, ta (with a variant ta) those, that (abstract), ip this one, and is a these, this (abstract).
Some examples are given below.
(16)
Subject
a.
e kma s i k-oke t
s-ak-aaam
ka-a
now
thing NOM-bounce IRR-AUG-play/PL AUX-DECL
Now we are going to play ball.
b.
ip-m-eexim e kma-aa
1sS-PROX-old
now-?
I am old now.
c.
ktam kai tintika ti t-anp

yo-k-e
man elder the
3PRO RL-return=home DIST-US-say/D
The older man, he returned home, it is said.
d.
e s i ki ko-a see k-i-t-aa

k-amos - ia
thing the all-FOC
3Ob-OM-RL-know NOM-think-DECL
He thinks that he can do anything.
Object
e.
e ta im-s-a-to s ipox
a-i
3PRO 1sO-IRR-AUG-spottted/PL AUX-DECL
They will photograph me.
f.
me e im-m-is-a
ka-a
2PRO
1sO-2sS-IRR-accompany AUX-DECL
You will accompany me.
g.
me ma-k-mistax
1sO-NOM-resemble/PL
who resembled you
h.
ta i-yo-mos i
1sS-DIST-dream
I dreamed that.
Possessor
i.
me m-ya-ya
2P-NOM/own-INTERR
Is it yours?
j.
e i-me ak
1P-camp the
my house
k.
ta mos komka k kex ki ant

3PRO also people
elders the base
130
mo - k-at
koi
toward-NOM-move/PL the
ta yas a -a
3P/NOM/talk/PL-DECL
That is also what the old people said.

Reflexivity is expressed by a possessed form of the stem /-asox/ being.
(17)
i-sox
mi-sox
i-sox
myself
yourself
himself
i-soka
mi-soka
i-soka
ourselves
yourselves
themselves
A singular form is sometimes used in lieu of a plural form.62

(18)
i-sox
a-yo-s i tx
i-soka 1plS-DIST-tattoo/PL
We tattooed ourselves.
Reciprocality is expressed with the form pti (~ pte) together. The verb stem indicates singular
number agreement, however.
(19)
a.
pti i-yo-s i tim

OM-DIST-tattoo/SG/MULT
They tattooed each other.
b.
is a pti i-m-mis
ki t-ko ma
these
NOM-NEG-resemble the RL-all SR
All of these did not resemble each other...; i.e., All of these different kinds...
c.
pti a-yo-m-a-inex
1plS-DIST-NEG-AUG-empty
We did not cause each other to be gone; i.e., We stayed together.
d.
i--k-aitim
ki k-mipa tintika
3P-NOM-US-do/MULT the NOM-bad the
ti
ipi
mi-soka koi
3PRO EMPH 2P-beings the
pte ma-s-km-a
a-a
2plS-IRR-NEG-do AUX-DECL
You shouldnt do bad things to each other.

7.11. Relational nouns
Many of the oblique grammatical relations are marked by separate, stress-bearing relational nouns to
which a possessive prefix is attached. When such a relational noun occurs, oblique agreement on the
verb (cf. 2.4.3) is typically suspended.63
62
Note that reflexive morphology is used in the following type of sentence

ipi
i-soka is k oi -yo-o
EMPH 1P-selves these 1sS-DIST-see
I saw us.
(i)
Reflexive clauses are finally transitive according the tests of transitivity presented in chapter 10.
63
Note the following example
131
7.11.1. Comitative; between

The singular comitative stem is /-aa/, and the plural is /-akot/. There are two third person forms of
each: - a ~ k - a, and - kot ~ k - kot. It is not at all clear what is the difference in meaning or
usage between the alternate forms.
(20)
a.
- a y-a-tikpan
DIST-AUX-work
He worked with him.
b.
i-a po-p-ai
ta-
k - a i-p-ai
ta-
IRR-PASS-do SR-UT
OM-IRR-do SR-UT
If hei is helped, (and) hei helps himj...
c.
k - kot ip-t-ata
1sS-RL-go
I went with them...
d.
- kot i-t-onek
OM-RL-carry/PL
They carried it with us...; i.e., They helped us carry it.
e.
ta
- kot t-ap
3PRO
RL-stand
He was with them...
f.
ika k-is i
ktamk koi
things NOM-small/PL men
the
We played with the boys.
(k)i-kot a-m-aaam
1plS-PROX-play/PL
The stress on the relational noun is reduced when the noun phrase to which it is related precedes it, as
in (20f).
This relational noun in its plural form also has the sense between. With this usage, however, the
noun has the characteristics of those discussed in 7.11.6it retains its stress, it is followed by an
article, and it is followed by another relational noun under certain conditions.
(21)
akt ki - kot kom esen

ki mi-to
house the
the
ironwood the PROX-much
There is a lot of ironwood between the houses.
7.11.2. Goal; Source

A singular goal triggers oblique agreement (cf. 2.4.3.). Plural goals, however, are marked by a form
of /-ano/. A noun phrase is followed by ano, with reduced stress, as in (22c). The third person form is
k-no or ano otherwise.
- no mi-fp
PROX-arrive
He arrived to us.
(22)
a.
(ii)
iki kix a-ya

ano k=t-as k im
which the NOM/be-INTERR in 3Ob-RL-enter
Which one did he go into?
132
b.
k - no t-as k am
ano
RL-arrive/PL
They arrived to them...
c.
kano a tax ki ano a-yos k am

boats
the
1plS-Dist-arrive
We arrived to the boats.
A source is also marked by a form of /-ano/.

(23)
e
k-oxokam i-ti yai
ak ano k-afp-ia
1PRO NOM-flee/PL 3P-on 3P/NOM/be/PL the
NOM-arrive-DECL
I come from the place where the ones who fled are.
The relational noun /-ano/ has the sense of in in the following examples.
(24)
a.
a-s
kop a-men ak ano k-ap-ia
ABS-pet the ABS-inside the
NOM-stand-DECL
The dog is inside the house.
b.
kopa kix an
ak an i-yo-kim
glass the inside the
OM-DIST-put
He put it in the glass.
A temporal sense is indicated when this relational noun follows a nominalized verb.
(25)
k-i--im
a n o a-ak-aaim
3Ob-1P-NOM-sleep
IMP-AUG-play
Play with it while I sleep!
This relational noun loses its final vowel when it precedes a vowel, as shown in (24b).
7.11.3. toward; with
The relational noun /-aki/ has the sense toward in (26).
(26)
a.
- ki -sik
IMP-shove
Shove it towards me/us!
b.
m - ki t-apka
RL-rain
Did it rain on you (sg./pl.)?
The same form is used also to indicate the meaning with, in the sense of accompanied by as in
(27). As (27a) shows, the stress on this form is reduced when it follows the noun phrase it is relating.
(27)
a.
a-
ki i-ki t-p-am
ABS-liquid the
RL-PASS-swallow
Is it swallowed with water?
b.
a-tai
i--ktim
s o im-m- p -e
ta-
ABS-cloth 3P-NOM-be=cut a 1sO-2sS-IRR-give SR-UT
is a k i-ti -po-
here 3P-on 1sS-IRR-do
- ki ko--s-s a pim
a-a
3Ob-1sS-IRR-sew AUX-DECL
If you give me a piece of cloth, I will patch it with it.
133
7.11.4. on
The relational noun /-ati/ has the sense on. The third person form i-ti is used in a temporal sense also,
as shown by examples (28d-f). Oblique agreement also occurs when it has a temporal sense and the
noun phrase it relates is not a nominalized verb.
(28)
a.
- ti m-s-ka m -om a-a

2sS-IRR-NEG-lie AUX-DECL
You shouldnt lie down on it.
b.
e
m - ti p-s-o-s a m
a-a
1PRO
1sS-IRR-D-put AUX-DECL
Im going to step on you.
c.
s a kix am me kom i-ti k-ix-ia

sun the sky
the
NOM-sit-DECL
The sun is in (on) the sky.
d.
s a ipkop i-ti k-i-si-fp

a
t-em-yo
sun this
3Ob-IRR-arrive AUX t-PROX-say/D/PL
They say that he is coming today.
e.
mie rkoles kop i-ti k-si--fp

a-a
Wednesday the
3Ob-IRR-arrive AUX-DECL
He will arrive on Wednesday.
f.
a nt-i--at
there away-3P-NOM-move/PL
On their going there...
i-ti
7.11.5. above
The forms /-tak/ (sg.) and /-takax/ (pl.) indicate location above an item.
(29)
a-mas a x kix mi-ta k k-ix-ia

ABS-jug
the
NOM-sit-DECL
The jug is above you.
This noun has a literal meaning of surface, as in the phrase mi-nai i-tak the surface of your skin.
7.11.6. Other
The following relational nouns also occur. They differ from those discussed above in that 1) they all
retain their stress when following the noun phrase they relate, 2) they are followed by an article, and 3)
they are followed by another relational noun such as ano or i-ti.
(30)
midst of
/-amak/ (sg.), /-amaxk/ (pl.)
behind (literally backside)

/-apak/ (sg.), /-apaxk/ (pl.)
under (one or two things covering)

/-mok/ (sg.), /-mokax/ (pl.)
under (several things covering)

/-apot/
in front of
/-yan k/ (sg.), /-yan kxox/ (pl.)
beside; with respect to

/-akp/
134
(31)
a.
s i k-oke t
kix m - mak ak ano -ix
thing NOM-bouncy the
the in EMPH-sit
The ball is in the midst of you (pl.)
b.
a-s
kop ako ki - pak ak ano k-ap-ia
ABS-pet the house the
the in NOM-stand-DECL
The dog is behind the house.
c.
a-p-aspox
-ano kax
ki
NOM-PASS-AUG/spotted NOM-PASS/carry=in-arms the
mi-mok ak ano -i
the in
EMPH-be
The book is under you!
d.
a-p-aspoka
koi i-pot ak ano t-om
NOM-PASS-AUG/spotted/PL the
the in RL-lie
Is it lying under the papers?
e.
a-s
kop ako kop yan k ak i-ti k-ap-ia
ABS-pet the house the
the 3P-on NOM-stand-DECL
The dog is standing in front of the house.
f.
mi-it ki i-kp ak s i-ki

m-po-kim
2P-head the
the one 3P-toward 2sS-IRR-throw
If you throw one towards the side of your head...
The definite articles are discussed in detail in Marlett and Moser 1994 where it is suggested that the
language is developing a noun class system. While the usage of the positional articles is quite
transparent semantically in most cases, there are certainly many cases, and many groups of cases,
where the semantic origin has become opaque.
Stephen A. Marlett and Mary B. Moser. 1994. El desarrollo de clases nominales en seri. Estudios de
Lingstica y Sociolingstica, ed. Gerardo Lpez Cruz and Jos Luis Moctezuma Zamarrn.
Hermosillo: Universidad de Sonora and Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia.
135
Chapter 8
Word order and foregrounding
In this chapter I will discuss basic word order and various ways in which a nominal can be
foregrounded without changing the grammatical relation that it bears to the clause.
8.1. Basic word order
Nominals are not marked for case in Seri. Word order, while not immutable, is quite important in
indicating grammatical relations. The unmarked order, which is also the most frequent when full
nominals appear in a clause, is Final 1 - Obliques - Final 3 - Final 2 - Predicate. This order is
illustrated by the following sentences.
(1)
a.
ast ki ee kom i-t-atni

stone the stick the
OM-RL-touch
Is the stone touching the stick?
b.
ast ki ee kom ko=m-t-a-tni

stone the stick the
3Ob-2sS-RL-AUG-touch
Did you make the stone touch the stick?
c.
kmam ki ast ki ee kom k=i-m-afaxkim

woman the stone the stick the
3Ob-OM-pound/MULT
The woman is pounding the stick with the stone.
Some obliques occur in other positions also. The verb /-QaXs/ in (2) implies hitting with a long object.
(2)
ast kix ee s o ko=-yo-Qas

stone the stick a 3Ob-1sS-DIST-hit
I hit the stone with a stick.
Although other orders of nominals also occur in appropriate contexts, a relational noun used with
a verb must always appear immediately preverbally, as in (8d-e). Two exceptions to this generalization
exist, however. If a reflexive form is present, it occurs following the relational noun, as in (3).
(3)
e
penisil na ki ano i-sox ko=-si-
a-a
1PRO penicillin
the in
1P-being 3Ob-1sS-IRR-put AUX-DECL
I will inject myself with penicillin.
A modifier such as ant down also follows the relational noun.

(4)
ee k-poin
imkom an ant ip-t-ix
plant NOM-closed that
in down 1sS-RL-sit
I sat down in that forest...
8.2. Foregrounding strategies

A nominal may occur in a position other than that shown in the previous section without a change in
grammatical relation. As shown in the following sections, however, not all foregrounding is
accompanied by a change of position. (I use the term foregrounding in a nontechnical sense.)
8.2.1. Clefting
A definite nominal may be clefted with the verb /-a/ be, as in the following examples. (This verb
does not use the prefix /k-/ in its nonnegative subject nominalized form.) Clefting is not used with
indefinite nominals.
136
(5)
a.
luis ki a-ya
t-os
the NOM/be-INTERR RL-sing
Was it Luis who sang?
b.
me
a-ya
m-t-a-kas n i
2PRO NOM/be-INTERR 2sS-RL-PASS-bite
Was it you who was bitten?
c.
me
a
ma--m-s a
2PRO NOM/be 2sO-1sS-PROX-talk
Its you Im talking to.
d.
kamis ki a
im-m- y e
shirt
the NOM/be 1sO-2sS-DIST-give
Its the shirt that you gave me.
8.2.2. Foregrounding with /-i/

An indefinite nominal can be foregrounded by omitting the indefinite article and attaching the suffix
/-i/.
(6)
a.
kaytax-ii yo-s k am
horses-FOC DIST-arrive/PL
It was horses that arrived.
b.
enim-ii
kset ki i-y-i-tamt
metal-FOC
the OM-RL-have-sandal
Kwset wore metal sandals.
c.
k-o-kas n i-i
im-yo-kas n i
NOM-D-bite-FOC 1sO-DIST-bite
It was a rattlesnake that bit me.
The nominal suffixed by /-i/ need not be fronted; the two nominals in (6b) may also appear in the
reverse order.
8.2.3. Foregrounding with /-a/
A definite nominal may be foregrounded by occurring with the suffix /-a/ following it. The article
ki (which is also used with plural nouns in these cases) followed by /-a/ results in the form ka.
(7)
a.
an ka
yo-fp
the/FOC DIST-arrive
Juan arrived.
b.
an ki ap kop-a i-mi-k
the deer the-FOC OM-PROX-kill
Juan killed the deer.
c.
kaytax ka
yo-s k am
horses the/FOC DIST-arrive/PL
The horses arrived.
d.
ti-a
ap s i-mi-k
3PRO-FOC deer a OM-PROX-kill
He killed a deer.
137
e.
a - -om-a
ano mi-s k am
clam 3P-NOM-lie-FOC to
PROX-arrive/PL
It was Desemboque where they arrived.
f.
ta-a-o
k=t-pakta ma
3PRO-FOC-o 3Ob-RL-be SR
Because it was like that....
8.2.4. Foregrounding by fronting

A nominal may be foregrounded by simply occurring in clause-initial position, sometimes followed by
a resumptive demonstrative pronoun. When the object of a relational noun is fronted, as in (8d-e), the
relational noun does not change position.
(8)
Final 2
a.
totxk kix s a t k-isi
ki i-t-kom-Qaktim-io
cholla
the thing NOM-small the OM-RL-NEG-touch-o
A child does not touch the cholla cactus.
b.
s i k-oke t
-a-nipatim
ti-a
a-m-ak-aam
thing NOM-bounce NOM-PASS-hit/ITER 3PRO-FOC 1plS-PROX-AUG-play/PL
We played volleyball.
Locative
c.
ee k-poin
s o s i y-ako s o
plant NOM-closed a thing 3P/NOM-carry=on=back
k-aiax
kop k=t-afp
NOM-strong the 3Ob-RL-arrive
The donkey arrived at a forest...
Object of relational noun
d.
i-ten
ak ait ki ano mo - m-a
3P-mouth the blood the from toward-PROX-move
The blood came from his mouth.
e.
ant iti i--i

s o s i a-p-ait
s iti t-m-i
land on 1P-NOM-be a thing NOM-PASS eat a on RL-NEG-be
Where I live there isnt any food....
Oblique
f.
seten ki e
k=s-at k pan a ta
k-amxk-ia
sea=pen the 1PRO 3Ob-IRR-work AUX NOM-think-DECL
...(then) we intend to
8.2.5. Pronoun foregrounding
A pronoun may be foregrounded by the use of the independent pronoun.
(9)
a.
me
ma-k-mistax
2PRO 2sO-NOM-resemble/PL
who were like you...
138
b.
e
-s - ia
1PRO 1P-pet-DECL
Its my pet.
In addition, a pronoun can be emphasized by being followed with the form ipi, which can also be
used with a nominal or alone, as in (10b).
(10)
a.
e
ipi
-o-i-a
1PRO EMPH 1P-NOM-finish-DECl
I myself made it.
b.
santa r koi ipi i-t-iyaa

kma ipi i-t-onek
soldiers the EMPH OM-RL-defend/PL then
EMPH OM-RL-carry/PL
The soldiers themselves defended them, they took them...
8.3. Postposing rules

8.3.1. Postposing of nominals
A nominal sometimes occurs sentence-finally, as in (11), perhaps as an afterthought, to make the
identity of the nominals explicit.
(11)
a.
as
k-a-siixim-ya
kmike robe r to
what NOM-AUG-move-INTERR Seri
What is Roberto doing?
b.
k-afs -ia
kano a kom
NOM-fast-DECL boat
the
The boat is fast.
c.
mos ima ki i-t-i-tamt

yo - k-e
enim kix
also others the OM-RL-have-sandal DIST-US-say metal the
He put on other sandals, it is said, metal ones.
d.
aptko mos k-at k pan-ia

s a ipkop
already again NOM-work-DECL day this
They are already working again today.
8.3.2. Postposing of clauses

A dependent clause is also occasionally postposed to follow the independent clause, as in (12).
(12)
a.
mexiko ak ano t-i

tom ki an i-y-is i
money the much OM-DIST-defeat
the in RL-be
He earned a lot of money when he was in Mexico City.
b.
komka k koi k=t-iin

yo - k-e
a-skam s iti t-ix
people
the 3Ob-RL-return DIST-US-say ABS-balsa a on RL-sit
He returned to the people, it is said, in a balsa.
c.
s i mxk a k-as k am-ia

aki
t-om-
when
there NOM-arrive/PL-DECL somewhere RL-lie-UT
They arrived there a long time ago.
Purpose clauses are typically postposed. See 3.5.1.
139
8.4. Interrogatives
Question words generally occur in preverbal position. (Examples (13b-c), however, show an alternate
attested order.) Question intonation then begins with the question word, dropping until the end of the
sentence.
(13)
a.
s a ki aki ak ano t-ix

sun the where the in
RL-sit
Where is the sun?
b.
aki ak s a ki ano t-ix

where the sun the in RL-sit
Where is the sun?
c.
me
s i mxk seten ki k=s-at k pan k-e-ya
2PRO when
sea=pen the 3Ob-IRR-work NOM-say-INTERR
When will you go to get sea pens?
d.
luis ki mosn p o ki s i mWxk k- - k-ya

the leatherback the when
NOM-OM-kill-INTERR
When did Luis kill the leatherback turtle?
e.
luis ki as - ya
i-t-ak
the what-INTERR OM-RL-kill
What did Luis kill?
f.
pedro ki k i-si-s t
a-ya
the who OM-IRR-tattoo AUX-INTERR
Who will tattoo Pedro?
g.
pedro ki k si-s t
k-e-ya
the whom IRR-tattoo NOM-say-INTERR
Whom will Peter tattoo?
h.
pedro ki k -ya
i-t-as t
the whom-INTERR OM-RL-tattoo
Whom did Peter tattoo?
i.
pedro ki k o-s t -ya

the who 3P/NOM-tattoo-INTERR
Who tattooed Peter?
j.
kano a kom k y-ai-ya

boat
the
who 3P/NOM-make-INTERR
Who made the boat?
k.
as - ya
an k=t-as k im
what-INTERR in 3Ob-RL-enter
What did it enter into?
l.
k -ya
k=i-t-ak-o-o-t
s i ka m ki
whom-INTERR 3Ob-OM-RL-AUG-o-see-t fish
the
To whom did he show the fish?
As (13f-i) show, the word k functions as both subject and object interrogative. Word order does not
serve to indicate whether it is subject or object that is being questioned (in independent clauses);
rather, when both subject and object are third person, the distinction is made through the choice of
140
either a finite or a nominalized form. In the irrealis mood, a finite irrealis verb is used when
questioning the subject, as in (13f-g), but in the realis mood, a nominalized form is used when
questioning the subject, as in (13h-i).
The following question words are simple nominals and may therefore be followed by the
interrogative suffix /-ya/ (cf. 3.4.2): k who/whom; as what; who; k i which one. The expression
for where, aki, is generally followed by the article ak except when directly followed by certain verbs
such as /-i/ be, as in (14).
(14)
ma-ta
ki aki t-i
2P-mother the where RL-be
Where is your mother?
The equivalent of why is expressed by a clause meaning How is/was it...: s o t-pakta ma (how
RL-be SR).
The word for how, s o , is used alone in a very limited way, as in the examples in (15).
(15)
a.
b.
c.
d.
s o m-t-e
how 2sS-RL-say
What did you say?
s o m-t-imos
how 2sS-RL-think
What do you think?
s o t-p-ai
how RL-PASS-say
What is it called?
s o t-yai
how RL-cost
How much does it cost?
The usual equivalent of how, in the sense of in what way, is expressed by a clause meaning How
did/will X cause it to be...: s o -t/p-a-pakta (how -RL/IRR-AUG-be).
The equivalent of the expression how much/many is expressed by the phrase s o k-yai (how
NOM-complete).
(16)
komka k ki s o k-yai
s-a-itox
k-e-ya
people
the how NOM-complete IRR-AUG-eat NOM-say-INTERR
How many people will go fishing?
The word s o can also modify a noun, with the meaning which, as in (17).
(17)
a.
s o ktam-ya
man-INTERR
Which man?
b.
me
s o ant k-a-yai-ya
2PRO
year NOM-X-complete-INTERR
How old are you?; more literally, What year are you completing?
141
Chapter 9
Nominalizations and complementation
Nominalized verbs occur in a variety of constructions: all relative clauses, most embedded clauses,
oblique clauses of certain types, and many main clauses. Relative clauses are discussed in chapter 7.
The other uses of nominalized verbs are discussed below, as well as complements that do not involve
nominalization.
9.1. Nominalizations as main clauses
Nominalized forms, followed by some type of suffix or auxiliary particle, occur as main clauses.64
(1)
Nonfuture subject nominalizer

a.
anso k-isi-ia
just
NOM-small-DECL
It is just small.
b.
e
-o-i
s o tok k-i-m-i-ia
1PRO 1P-NOM-finish a there 3Ob-NOM-NEG-be DECL
One I have made doesnt exist.; i.e., I have never made one.
c.
s i mWxk epe i-ti

k-om-ya
when
sea
3P-on NOM-lie-INTERR
When did it lie on the sea?; i.e., When was it launched?
d.
is a k ki i-ti
a-y-ai
ki ia p po-pa ta
here the 3P-on 1P-NOM-be/PL the days IRR-three SR
e
k-s-ito i x
ka-a
1PRO 3Ob-IRR-go/PL AUX-DECL
After we have been here three days, we will leave.
e.
s-ap
k-e-ya
IRR-cold NOM-say-INTERR
Will it be cold (weather)?
Nonfuture object nominalizer

f.
komka k ki oko-ax-ia
people
the 3P/NOM-know/PL-DECL
The Seri know it.
g.
ot
s o tok k-t-i ma e
ipi
-t-ai
coyote a there 3Ob-RL-be SR 1PRO EMPH 1sS-RL-do
64
It seems that a wide range of factors may be involved in the choice of a nominalized verb or a
finite verb form. Note the difference in meaning in the following sentences.
(i)
mi-ta
PROX-go
It (the watch) is running.
(ii)
k-ata-ia
NOM-go-DECL
It (the watch) works.
142
-o-ik
i
1P-NOM-kill ii
I myself killed a coyote.
h.
ti
i--p-asi
o-ms o -a
3PRO 3P-NOM-PASS-drink 3P/NOM-want-DECL
He wants it to be drunk.
i.
k-i--s a
ak aptko k-i-y-asitim-ia
3Ob-3P-NOM-tell the already 3Ob-3P-NOM-lie-DECL
Already he was lying to him with his words.
9.2. Nominalizations as oblique clauses

A clause whose verb is in the action nominalized form often occurs followed by the relational noun iti (3P-on) (cr. 7.11.4) and functions as an adverbial clause.
(2)
a.
tok k-i--itoka
i-ti
there 3Ob-1P-NOM-be/MULT/PL 3P-on
While we were there...
b.
a nt- - -at
i-ti
there away-1P-NOM-move/PL 3P-on
We continued going....
A nominalized clause of this type may also occur without any formal link to the rest of the sentence, as
in (3); it is often followed by the article ()ak.
(3)
a.
kma is a k i-ti
k-i--ix
ak
now
here 3P-on 3Ob-1P-NOM-sit the
amerika nax s i s o im-t-ke m -e-o
Americans
thing a 1sO-RL-NEG-give-o
Now although Im here, Americans dont give me anything.
b.
s a kix k-mi-ya
ak i-saa ant ait
sun the 3Ob-2Pp-NOM/own the 1P-spirit down EMPH/descend
Im happy that you have a watch.
A nominalized clause, usually repeated and followed by ka (the/FOC), indicates a longer period of
time over which the event occurred.
(4)
a.
a nt- - -a
there away-3P-NOM-move
He went, and went...
a nt- - -a ka
the/FOC
b.
tok k-i-y-ai
tok k-i-y-ai
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL
They were there, they were there...
9.3. Nominalized object complements and Equi

Two verbs control the omission of the final subject of a nonnegative complement clause, under
identity with the final subject of the upstairs clause, resulting in an infinitive in the downstairs clause:
/-ams o / want, and /-aa/, with the meaning know how, be able.
143
(5)
a.
s i s ia-it im-t-ams o
thing a INF-eat 2sS-RL-want
Do you want to eat something?
b.
ika-p-as t
i-o-ms o
INF-PASS-tattoo 1sS-EMPH-want
I want to be tattooed.
c.
ik-oit
k- y -a-a
INF-dance NOM-OM-know-DECL
He knows how to dance; i.e., He dances well.
d.
t-ko ika-
i-t-km-aax
RL-all INF-go/PL OM-RL-NEG-know/PL
None of them would walk...
If the conditions for Equi are not met, the downstairs clause must be nominalized using the action
nominalizer.
(6)
a.
i--fp
im-po-ms o
3P-NOM-arrive 2sS-IRR-want
If you want it to arrive....
b.
k-i--pans
ak i--ia
-yo-ms o
3Ob-3P-NOM-run the 3P-NOM-fast 1sS-DIST-want
I wanted him to run fast.
Action nominalized forms occur as the object of other verbs, including the verb /-aa/ when it
means know, if the downstairs clause is realis.
(7)
a.
i--is i
i-mi-o
3P-NOM-small/PL 1sS-PROX-see
I saw them when they were little.
b.
--ta
i-yo--o
3Pp-NOM-go 1sS-DIST-see
I saw him go.
c.
k-mi--im
ak i-yo-a
3Ob-2P-NOM-sleep the 1sS-DIST-know
I know that you were sleeping.
d.
k-i--k-o-pis
i-yo-m-k-epe
3Ob-3P-NOM-US-D-suck=in 1sS-DIST-NEG-AUG-good
I dont like to smoke; more literally, I dont like ones smoking.
e.
s i i-pasi k-i--p-ait
i-yo-m-k-epe
thing 3P-flesh 3Ob-3P-NOM-PASS-eat 1sS-DIST-NEG-AUG-good
I dont like to eat meat; more literally, I dont like meats being eaten.
f.
e
ipi
k-i--mokepe ak -oko-a-a
1PRO EMPH 3Ob-1Pp-NOM-sick the 1P-NOM-know-DECL
I know that I am sick.
g.
ko-nt-it-a
mi--fp
s o -t-km-aa-o
3Ob-away-RL-move 2P-NOM-arrive a 1sS-RL-NEG-know-o
I dont know when you arrived.
144
h.
psak i--k-oi
kop i-t-km-iim-io
hunger 3P-NOM-US-die the 1sS-RL-NEG-fear-o
I am not afraid of going hungry; more literally, I do not fear ones being hungry.
An irrealis complement of a verb such as /-aa/ know occurs in the future action nominalized form if
it is certain, as in (8), and in the dependent irrealis form if it is uncertain, as in (9).
(8)
a.
kmike s i-s-km-ao
ak
person a 3P-IRR-NEG-see the
k-iy-a-a
NOM-OM-know-DECL
ta
AUX
Hei knew that hei wouldnt see anyone.
b.
ant po-fi ta i-si-fp

a -oko-a-a
land IRR-? SR 3P-IRR-arrive AUX 1P-NOM-know-DECL
I know that he will come tomorrow.
c.
kmike s o mi-s-km-ao
ak i-miy-a
person a 2P-IRR-NEG-see the 1sS-PROX-know
I knew that you wouldnt see anyone.
d.
a-p-i-sto
ant ak i-si-aox
a
1sS-IRR-have-spirits land the 1P-IRR-leave AUX
ta i--m-aax-ia
3PRO 1P-NOM-NEG-know-DECL
We didnt think (lit., know) that we would leave the place alive.
(9)
e.
i-a i-s-ai
ta
im-t-km-aa
1P-with 3P-IRR-do 3PRO 2sS-RL-NEG-know
Dont you know that he will help me?
a.
ti po-a ta -t-km-aa-o
3PRO IRR-be SR 1sS-RL-NEG-know-o
I dont know if its him.
b.
s a s o aki
p-ix ta -t-km-aa-o
sun a somewhere IRR-sit SR 1sS-RL-NEG-know-o
I dont know whether there is a sun.
9.4. Pseudo-complements
The expressions in Seri that correspond to the English X think that... and X try to.... contain two
clauses. The clause that corresponds to the embedded clause in English is not an embedded clause in
Seri, however. An irrealis complement is expressed by an irrealis clause, and a realis complement by a
dependent or independent realis clause. (Note the function of the particle ta in this respect.) In
addition, the verb /-amos /, rarer /-Qimos / think and /-imos / think, is an intransitive verb. The right
syntactic relationship between the complement clause and the main clause is reflected by the fact that
change of subject marking (cf. 3.3) does not occur between them. The examples in (10) and (11)
illustrate both uses of the verbs of thinking.
(10)
a.
i-s-ya
a ta
yo-mos
OM-IRR-own AUX DIST-think
Hei thought that hei would own it.
145
(11)
b.
im-s-km-ai
ta
o im-s-km-imos
a-a
2sS-IRR-NEG-do AUX thus 2sS-IRR-NEG-think AUX-DECL
Dont think that you shouldnt do it.
c.
ip-si-fp
a ta
k-amos - ia
1sS-IRR-arrive AUX NOM-think-DECL
He thought that I was going to arrive.
d.
t-im
a t-om a t-amos
RL-sleep there RL-lie RL-think
She thought that he was asleep...
a.
ptkamn kom ayo

lobster the
1plS- DIST
-kat
a
-seek/PL
t
RL
m
PROX
ayo
1plS- DIST
-mWxk
-think/PL
mi
PROX
We tried to hunt for lobsters.
b.
ptkamn kom a-po-kat

a a-si-mWxk
a-a
lobster the
1plS-IRR-seek/PL 1plS-IRR-think/PL AUX-DECL
We will try to hunt for lobsters.
c.
ptkamn kom e s-kat

a ta
k-amWxk-ia 65
lobster the 1PRO IRR-seek/PL AUX NOM-think/PL-DECL
We decided to try to hunt for lobsters.
d.
i-si-ptaxk
a ta
im-QimWxk
OM-IRR-pull=out AUX PROX-think/PL
They tried to pull it out.
e.
me
as s-ai
ta
k-amos - ya
2PRO what IRR-make AUX NOM-think-INTERR
What are you planning to make?
The expressions in Seri that corrrespond to the English X feel that... and X finish... also contain
two clauses, the equivalent to the English complement clause being expressed by a dependent clause.
These constructions are different syntactically from those discussed above, however. First of all, the
verbs involved are transitive verbs. Second, switch reference marking occurs when appropriate.
(12)
ot
s o anta k-t-itim
ma i-t-Qi
coyote a near
3Ob-RL-be/MULT SR OM-RL-feel/PL
They felt that a coyote was nearby...
65
In a construction such as this, when a nominalized verb is used in the main clause, a nominalized
verb must also be used in the complement clause.
146
(13)
ta a-p-a-fitam
a-po-
3PRO 1plS-IRR-AUG-stand/PL 1lplS-IRR-finish/PL
kma e
a-s-a-itox
a-a
then 1PRO 1plS-IRR-AUG-eat/PL AUX-DECL
When we finish pulling them in, then we will go fishing.
147
Chapter 10
Transitivity
A theory of language must make available to the grammars of individual languages those concepts
necessary for an adequate description of the facts. One significant notion in Seri grammar is that of
transitivity. Surprisingly, however, most syntactic frameworks do not offer a definition of transitivity
at all and furthermore it is not at all clear how such a definition would be formulated in these
frameworks. Equally surprising, the notion of transitivity which is made explicitly in relational
grammar (see the introduction for important references) also appears to be tailor-made for the Seri
language, although it was formulated previous to the study of Seri syntax.
In Perlmutter and Postal 1977 and (to appear a), and Perlmutter 1978 the following definitions
appear
(1)
A stratum is transitive if and only if it contains a 1-arc and a 2-arc.

A stratum is intransitive if and only if it is not transitive.
The definitions are stated in terms of stratum because, as has been argued repeatedly in works on
relational grammar, a clause may have more than one syntactic level. A personal passive clause can be
represented by the simplified stratal diagram in (2), according to the proposal made in Perlmutter and
Postal 1977. The initial stratum is transitive by definition (1), but the final stratum is intransitive.
(2)
(2) therefore cannot be labelled a transitive clause, nor an intransitive clause. As Perlmutter and Postal
(to appear a) remark, Evidently, it makes no sense to speak of clauses but only of certain levels of
clauses, as transitive or intransitive (emphasis theirs).
In the following sections I will make explicit the various rules that have been stated above in one
form or another in which the notion transitive stratum is pertinent. These facts will be referred to
repeatedly in chapters 11-13 as the interaction of various syntactic transitions such as subject raising
and 3-2 advancement with proposed universals make important, testable claims about the syntax of
Seri.
10.1. First person singular subject prefix
As the examples in 2.4.1 show, the first person singular subject prefix has two allomorphs. The
allomorphy is conditioned solely by the transitivity of the final stratum of the clause.
(3)
1 Sg Subj
/ the final stratum is transitive

p / the final stratum is intransitive
10.2. Infinitive prefix

As the examples in 2.5.3 show, the infinitival prefix has two allomorphs. Again, the allomorphy is
conditioned solely by the transitivity of the final stratum of the clause.
148
(4)
Infinitive
ia [+Ablaut (67)] / the final stratum is transitive

ika / the final stratum is intransitive
10.3. Second person imperative

The second person imperative has several suppletive allomorphs, as described in 2.5.7. At this point I
will consider only those allomorphs which appear before a morpheme beginning with either a long
low vowel or a back vowel. The distribution is again conditioned by the transitivity of the final stratum
of the clause.
(5)
2 Sg Imp
[+Ablaut (67)] / the final stratum is intransitive

10.4. First person plural imperative

As illustrated by the examples in 2.5.8, the first person plural imperative has two suppletive
allomorphs, the distribution of which is conditioned solely by the transitivity of the final stratum of the
clause.
(6)
1pl Imp
sa [+Ablaut (67)] / the final stratum is transitive

ska / the final stratum is intransitive
10.5. Nonfuture action/oblique nominalizer

As described in 2.6.3, the nonfuture action/oblique nominalizer has several suppletive allomorphs. I
will consider here only those allomorphs which appear before a morpheme beginning with either a
long low vowel or a back vowel. The transitivity of the final stratum of the clause is again very
relevant.
(7)
Action/oblique Nominalizer
/ the final stratum is passive
y [+Ablaut (67)] / the final stratum is intransitive
10.6. First person restrictive

The first person singular restrictive prefix has two suppletive allomorphs, as described in 2.5.9, the
distribution of which is conditioned solely by the transitivity of the final stratum of the clause.
(8)
1 Sg Rest
a [+Ablaut (67)] / the final stratum is transitive

ka / the final stratum is intransitive
10.7. Coalescence
The phonological rule coalescing os discussed in 2.3.5 applies only when the verb occurs in a clause
whose final stratum is intransitive.
10.8. Unspecified subject prefix
In 2.5.11 a morpheme called the unspecified (final) subject prefix is discussed. It is noted there that
this prefix occurs only on verbs in finally intransitive clauses. (A clause with a transitive verb
obligatorily passivizes if the initial subject is unspecified (cf. 12.2). Since such a passive clause will
149
have a specified final subject, the unspecified subject prefix will not appear.) 66
10.9. The object marker
In 2.5.1 it is pointed out that the object marker /i-/ occurs in subject nominalized clauses only when
the final stratum is transitive. (The generalization accounting for its occurrences in finite clauses is
quite different. See 12.6.)
66
As pointed out in footnote 27 of chapter 2, if a passive clause has an unspecified final subject, a
nominal such as kmike person occurs as final subject. The unspecified subject prefix does not occur
in such sentences.
150
Chapter 11
Subject raising
Seri sentences expressing the number of occurrences of an action are biclausal in structure and usually
involve the raising of a copy of a downstairs subject into the upstairs clause. The upstairs verb, a verb
of quantity, is also marked by a special prefix (glossed Xcf. 2.5.10) when raising has occurred.
Examples (1a-b) are simple, monoclausal sentences. Examples (2a-b) differ in that a verb indicating
the number of times the event occurred has been added, resulting in a biclausal sentence. The event
clause comes first and is nominalized. This nominalized clause is also followed by a definite article if
the main verb is /-ato/ much, many.
(1)
(2)
a.
s e me kop i-y-okta
the 1sS-DIST-look=at
I looked at the last light of the sun.
b.
ip-yo-p-as t
I was tattooed.
a.
s e me kop i--okta
p-m-akx
the 1P-NOM-look=at 1sS-PROX-X/two
I looked at the last light of the sun twice.
b.
i--p-as t
ki p-m-a-ato
1P-NOM-PASS-tattoo the 1sS-PROX-X-much
I was tattooed many times.
This iteration construction contrasts with the extent construction which does not involve subject
raising or the prefix X, as illustrated by (3).
(3)
i-y-aspox
ki yo-to
1sS-NOM-AUG/spotted the DIST-much
I wrote a great deal.
In the following sections I will argue that sentences such as (2a) have the following structure.
(4)
In 11.1 I argue that the raisee heads a final 1-arc upstairs. In 11.2 I argue that the downstairs clause
does not head a final 2-arc. In 11.3 I argue that raising is involved in these clauses and that a
monostratal analysis is not to be preferred. The argument that the downstairs clause does not head a
1-arc upstairs is presented in chapter 15 and is based on switch reference marking facts.
151
11.1. Arguments that a downstairs subject is the final upstairs subject

Stratal diagram (4) claims that the subject of the downstairs clause is also the final subject of the
upstairs clause. This diagram does not indicate that this situation is resolved by what has been called a
copying process rather than by Equi. Similar copy raising phenomena have been reported for
Blackfoot (Frantz 1978), Koine Greek (Marlett 1976), Modern Greek (Joseph 1976), and Mojave
(Munro 1976). This diagram also does not indicate that raising occurs only when the number verb
upstairs expresses the number of times that the action occurred. Five arguments that the nominal
which is the downstairs subject is also the final subject upstairs are given below.
11.1.1. Subject person agreement
Verbs in Seri agree in person with their final subject. It can be seen from (3) that an upstairs verb does
not agree with a downstairs subject. The fact that both verbs in (2a-b) agree with the same nominal
follows if the final 1 of the downstairs clause is also the final 1 of the upstairs clause of the iteration
construction. The facts regarding person agreement in the iteration construction hold true regardless of
the person or number of the downstairs subject, whether the downstairs clause is finally transitive or
intransitive, whether the downstairs subject is semantically an agent or patient, or whether the subject
of the downstairs clause is referential or nonreferential, as the following examples illustrate.
(5)
a.
ak
mi--mi
im-t-a-s o k
somewhere 2P-NOM-not=exist 2sS-RL-X-four
Did you faint (die) four times?
b.
psak a-y-ayat
ki a-m-a-atox
hunger 1P-NOM-die/PL the 1plS-PROX-X-much/PL
We were often hungry.
c.
ant i--axko i
a-m-akakam
down 1P-NOM-fall/PL 1plS-PROX-X-two/PL
We fell down twice.
d.
luisa ki at ki i--kas n i
ki m-a-ato
the torote the 3P-NOM-bite the PROX-X-much
Luisa has bitten torote many times.
e.
mo m a ki iki i--pka
m-a-pa
yesterday the on 3P-NOM-rain PROX-X-three
It rained three times yesterday.
11.1.2. Number agreement

Seri verbs agree in number with their final subject. Thus both the upstairs and downstairs verbs in (5bc) are marked for plural number. As the following extent construction shows, an upstairs verb does not
agree in number with a downstairs subject.
(6)
a-y-ato s ipox
ki mi-to
1P-NOM-AUG/spotted/PL the PROX-much
We wrote a great deal.
The fact that the upstairs verbs in (5b-c) are marked for plural number follows if the downstairs
subject is also the final upstairs subject.
152
11.1.3. Upstairs subject as Equi victim

Equi victims in Seri are always final subjects (cf. 9.3). When an iteration construction, such as (7a) is
embedded in an appropriate structure, the raised nominal can be an Equi victim, as in (7b).
(7)
a.
ma-i--s t
ip-m-akx
2sO-1P-NOM-tattoo 1sS-PROX-X/two
I tattooed you twice.
b.
ma-i--s t
ik-akx
i-mi-ms o
2sO-1P-NOM-tattoo INF-X/two 1sS-PROX-want
I want to tattoo you twice.
An extent construction similarly embedded does not result in an infinitive.

(8)
ant imkak iti mi--i

ki ia p i--s o k im-t-ams o
land that
on 2P-NOM-be the days 3P-NOM-four 2sS-RL-want
Do you want to stay there for four days?
The fact that an infinitive appears in (7b) follows if the subject of the downstairs clause is also the
subject of the number verb.
11.1.4. Imperatives
Imperative forms of verbs are possible in Seri when the final subject is second person or first person
plural. If the downstairs nominal of a raising construction is second person, a second person
imperative can be formed on the upstairs verb, as in (9a). If the downstairs nominal of the raising
construction is first person plural, a first person plural imperative can be formed on the upstairs verb,
as in (9b). This is an additional piece of evidence that the final subject of the higher verb is the same
nominal which is the final subject of the downstairs clause.
(9)
a.
mi--i
akx
2P-NOM-take IMP/X/two
Grab twice!
b.
i--iax
sk-akakam
1P-NOM-take/PL IMP-X/two/PL
Lets grab twice!
Imperatives cannot be formed on the extent construction since the upstairs subject is not second
person.
(10)
ki ska-tox
*a-y-ato s ipox
1P-NOM-AUG/spotted/PL the IMP-many/PL
Lets write a great deal!
Instead of the latter, an expression such as an sk-ato s ipox (much IMP-AUG/spotted/PL) would
be used.
11.1.5. Relativization
As pointed out in 2.6.1, when the final subject of a relative clause is coreferential with the head noun,
the subject nominalized form occurs. When the coreferent nominal in the embedded clause is not the
final subject, a different nominalization is used. The fact that the subject nominalized form k-a-ato
appears in (11) is another piece of evidence that the subject of the downstairs clause is also the final
subject of the verb /-ato/.
153
11.2. Arguments that the downstairs clause is not a final 2

If the Relational Succession Law (Perlmutter and Postal (to appear b)) is correct, the ascendee will
bear the same relation upstairs as did the clause out of which it ascended. If the Chmeur Law
(Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)) is correct, the embedded clause is an initial 2, the above-mentioned
laws predict that the ascended will bear the 2 relation upstairs and that the downstairs clause will bear
the chmeur relation. The ascendee then presumably advances to subject by unaccusative advancement (Perlmutter 1978).67
The raising analysis and the above-mentioned proposed laws of universal grammar make a strong
and not totally expected claim. Perlmutter and Postal (in press b) have defined a transitive stratum as
one which contains a 1-arc and a 2-arc and an intransitive stratum as one which is not transitive. The
claim made by the relational grammar analysis is that the final stratum of the upstairs clause of the
iteration construction is intransitive since it does not contain a 2-arc. The analysis of a strikingly
similar set of facts in Mojave (Munro 1976) in a transformational framework made the opposite
prediction. Arguments for the final intransitivity of these clauses (together with the final subjecthood
of the ascendee) are arguments that the downstairs clause is not a final 2. I will give eight arguments
that support the claim that the final stratum of the upstairs clause is indeed intransitive.
First, the intransitive allomorph of the first person singular subject prefix (cf. 10.1) occurs in (2ab). Second, the intransitive allomorph of the infinitive prefix (cf. 10.2) occurs in (7b). Third, the
intransitive allomorph of the second person imperative prefix (cf. 10.3) occurs in (9a). Fourth, the
intransitive allomorph of the first person plural imperative prefix (cf. 10.4) occurs in (9b). Fifth, the
intransitive allomorph of the action/oblique nominalizer (cf. 10.5) occurs in sentences involving
raising, as in (11).
(11)
mi--i
im-y-akx
i-mi-ms o
2P-NOM-take 2P-NOM-X/two 1sS-PROX-want
I want you to grab twice!
Sixth, the intransitive allomorph of the first person singular restrictive prefix (cf. 10.6) occurs in
sentences involving raising, as in (12).
(12)
mexiko ak ano ati--fp

im-k-a-ato
the in
1REST-NOM-arrive PROX-1REST-X-much
As for me, I have been to Mexico City many times.
Seventh, the unspecified subject prefix may occur (cf. 10.8), as in (13).
(13)
an i--ka-fp
ki po-k-a-ato
to 3P-NOM-US-arrive the IRR-US-X-much
If one arrives there often...
Eighth, the object marker (cf. 2.5.1) does not appear on the number verb in (5d-e).
67
I will briefly mention here two arguments against an analysis claiming that the downstairs clause
initially bears some relation other than 2 or 1 to the upstairs clause and in which raising is posited.
First, the Relational Succession Law or the Oblique Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)) would
have to be weakened under such an analysis. Second, most final obliques in Seri determine oblique
agreement on the verb. If the downstairs clause were a final oblique, oblique agreement would be
expected.
154
11.3. Arguments for a raising analysis

The analysis of the iteration construction which is partially represented by stratal diagram (4) is not the
only analysis which is consistent with the facts presented in 11.1-2. In this section I will argue specifically against one alternative, a monostratal analysis which is summarized by stratal diagram (14).
(14)
As argued above, a downstairs subject is the final upstairs subject, and the downstairs clause is not a
final 2. The two analyses are not equivalent, however. In 11.3.1 I will present some additional facts
which must be taken into consideration and in 11.3.2 I will make the two analyses explicit and
demonstrate the differences in complexity.
11.3.1. Restrictions on raising
One fact that has not yet been shown is that there are some restrictions on raising. The one best
understood by me is that raising is not preferred when the downstairs clause is passive.68 In fact, a
raising construction in this case is ungrammatical except when the upstairs verb is /-ato/. Consider
the following sentences. Although a times meaning is involved in (15), a raising construction is
ungrammatical (cf. (2b).
(15)
a.
i--p-as t
m-okx
1P-NOM-PASS-tattoo PROX-two
I was tattooed twice.
b.
*i--p-as t
ip-m-akx
1P-NOM-PASS-tattoo 1sS-PROX-X/two
(same gloss)
Notice that when raising does not occur, the prefix X does not occur.
68
(i)
Raising cannot occur in the following sentence.

s i s o k=i--m-ait
ta t-ato-
a k-aka-a
thing a 3Ob-1P-NOM-NEG-eat 3PRO RL-much-UT there NOM-exist-DECL
There were many times that I didn't eat anything.
Raising is not preferred in a sentence such as the following.

(ii)
e-i--Qakaxam
m-oitom
3Ob/1sO-3P-NOM-beat PROX-five
They beat me five times.
155
11.3.2. Comparison between the monostratal analysis and the raising analysis
In this section I will make the two analyses explicit and show that they differ in complexity.
The bistratal analysis for (15a) is represented by the partial stratal diagram in (16).
(16)
The monostratal analysis for (15a) is represented by (17).

(17)
The grammars which incorporate the bistratal and monostratal analyses will now be compared. The
raising grammar incorporates the raising analysis for sentences with downstairs active clauses and the
analysis represented by stratal diagram (16) for clauses with downstairs passives (and other places
where raising does not occur). The monostratal grammar incorporates the analyses represented by
stratal diagrams (14) and (17). For the sake of convenience, the appropriate diagram numbers follow
the name of the grammars.
With respect to the relation that the downstairs clause bears in the raising construction69
69
One argument against analyzing this so-called downstairs clause as an independent clause that is
not grammatically part of the main clause is the fact that such clauses do occur, but in a different
shape. They are typically followed by the article ()ak, as in (iii).
156
Raising grammar (4): Predicted by the unaccusative hypothesis and the Chmeur Law.
Monostratal grammar (14): Must be specified as being GRx.
Furthermore, in the monostratal grammar, it must be specified that GRx, presumably an oblique
relation of some kind, does not determine oblique agreement on the verb, unlike most other obliques.
With respect to the relation that the downstairs clause bears when the downstairs clause is passive and
the upstairs verb is not /-ato/:
Raising grammar (16): Predicted by the unaccusative hypothesis and Unaccusative
advancement.
Monostratal grammar (17): Must be specified as being 1.
While the raising grammar posits the same initial relations regardless of whether the downstairs clause
is passive or not, the monostratal grammar posits distinct initial relations, complicating the grammar.
With respect to the presence of a nonclausal subject in the upstairs clause
Raising grammar (4): Obligatory raising under certain conditions.
Monostratal grammar (14): Specify that a times expression must have a nonclausal subject
under certain conditions.
With respect to the coreference restrictions on the subjects of the two clauses in the raising
construction
Raising grammar (4): Predicted by the raising of the downstairs 1.
Monostratal grammar (14): Must be specified as being necessarily coreferential.
This comparison ignores some facts which are discussed below which complicate the picture
slightly. Also recall that the subject involved may be the dummy subject of a verb such as /-apka/ rain
(cf. (5e)). A monostratal analysis would have to posit an initial dummy subject in the upstairs clause.
With respect to the restrictions imposed by downstairs passive clauses
Raising grammar (16): Condition: Raising out of a passive clause is a) optional when the
upstairs verb is /-ato/; b) blocked otherwise.
Monostratal grammar (17): Condition: A times expression can have a nonclausal subject
when the downstairs clause is passive a) optionally if the upstairs verb is /-ato/; b) not
otherwise.
With respect to the occurrence of the prefix glossed X it could be claimed for both grammars that
this prefix occurs in all clauses involving the meaning times but that the morpheme has a zero
allomorph when the final subject of the clause is clausal, as in (15a). Alternatively, it could be claimed
in the raising grammar that this prefix occurs when raising is involved, and in the monostratal
grammar that it occurs when coreferential subjects are involved in the times construction. (The
(iii)
s a kix k=mi--ya
ak i-sa ant m-oit
watch the 3Ob-2P-NOM-own the 1P-spirit down PROX-descend
I am happy that you have a watch.
Another argument against such an analysis is the fact that it would have to posit initial dummy
subjects in the main clause.
157
occurrence of this prefix in other constructions which are discussed in 11.5 is not covered by these
generalizations, nor is it obvious that it should be.)
The preceding comparison shows that the monostratal grammar must include at least four
language-specific statements to handle facts which are handled in the raising grammar by the
ascension and certain proposed universals. The monostratal grammar also runs into the problem of
having to posit initial dummy subjects. In at least five ways, therefore, the raising grammar is
preferable to the monostratal grammar.
11.4. Raising of non-final subjects
All of the preceding examples involve the raising of a final subject. It is not necessarily always the
final subject which is raised, however. In the following sentence it is the initial unspecified subject
which is raised.
(18)
soda k-opo
ki i--p-asi
ki po-k-a-ato-
NOM-black the 3P-NOM-PASS-drink the IRR-US-AUG-much-UT
ak
s-ka-mi
a-a
somewhere IRR-US-not=exist AUX-DECL
If Coke is drunk often, one will die.
11.5. Other uses of the prefix X

The prefix glossed X occurs in two other types of constructions. It is not likely that a raising analysis
should be posited for either of these constructions which differ markedly from the times construction.
The first is the construction used to tell age, as in (19).
(19)
a.
ant i-m-a s o k
year 1sS-PROX-X-four
I am four years old.
b.
is t o i-m-aitom
moons OM-PROX-X/five
He is five months old.
c.
s-p-aa
a-a
ant p-a-a-an
ik-a-it
year IRR-PASS-X-ten INF-AUG-eat IRR-PASS-know AUX-DECL
When one is ten years old, one can go fishing.
By all of the pertinent tests, these clauses all contain a transitive stratum. (19a-b) have finally transitive strata; (19c) is a passive construction.
The other construction involving the morpheme glossed X is that of doubling up, tripling up, etc.
(20)
posx ki i-pot i-s-akx

a-a
line the 3P-calf 1sS-IRR-X/two AUX-DECL
I will double up the fishing line.
In this case the prefix X is functioning more like a causative prefix since the expression ipot k-okx
what is doubled up also occurs. (20) is finally transitive.
158
The subject raising facts discussed in this chapter were published in Marlett 1984a. They also play a
role in the argumentation presented in Marlett 1984b and Farrell, Marlett and Perlmutter 1991.
Marlett, Stephen A. 1984a. Switch-Reference and Subject Raising in Seri. Syntax and Semantics 16:
The Syntax of Native American Languages, 247-68, eds. Eung-Do Cook and Donna Gerdts.
New York: Academic Press.
Marlett, Stephen A. 1984b. Personal and impersonal passives in Seri. Studies in Relational Grammar
2, 217-239, eds. David M. Perlmutter and Carol Rosen. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Farrell, Patrick, Stephen A. Marlett, and David M. Perlmutter. 1991 Notions of subjecthood and
Switch reference: evidence from Seri. Linguistic Inquiry 22:431-56.
159
Chapter 12
Advancements
In this chapter I will discuss advancements for which I have found evidence in Seri. They include 3-2
advancement and passive. In addition, evidence bearing on the question of whether the notion 3
(indirect object) as a grammatical relation is necessary is discussed in 12.3.
12.1. 3-2 Advancement in absence of notional 2
In 2.4.2-3 two informal rules for the occurrences of the object person prefixes and the oblique
person prefixes were presented. The object person prefixes indicate agreement with, among other
things, final 2s. (For examples see those sections.) But compare the following sentences.
(1)
(2)
(3)
a.
s i s o me--m-s a
thing a 2Ob-1sS-PROX-talk=about
I am talking about something to you.
b.
ma--m-s a
2O-1sS-PROX-talk=about
I am talking to you.
c.
*s i s o ma--m-s a
thing a 2O-1sS-PROX-talk=about
I am talking about something to you.
a.
s i s o k-i-yo-s a
thing a 3Ob-OM-DIST-talk=about
He talked about something to him.
b.
i-yo-s a
OM-DIST-talk=about
He talked to him.
c.
*s i s i-yo-s a
thing a OM-DIST-talk=about
He talked about something to him.
a.
ta me--m-s a
3PRO 2Ob-1sS-PROX-talk=about
I am talking to you (sg./pl.) about that.
b.
mas i --m-s a
2plO-1sS-PROX-talk=about
I am talking to you (pl.).
c.
*ta mas i --m-s a

3PRO 1plO-1sS-PROX-talk=about
I am talking to you (pl.) about that.
Ignoring for now the question of whether an unspecified notional 2 occurs (see chapter 13), there are
at least three possible analyses for the (b) sentences above. One, the object prefix marks agreement
with a final 3. Two, the object prefix marks agreement with a final 2 which is also an initial 2. Three,
the object prefix marks agreement with a final 2 which is an initial 3. These analyses are discussed
below.
160
12.1.1. Arguments against hypothesis one

The first hypothesis claims that the (b) sentences have the following structure
(4)
Two rules are immediately complicated by assuming this structure, however. The first is the rule
accounting for object prefixes, which would have to be extended to include 3s in just these clauses.
The second is the rule accounting for the object marker /i-/ (cf. 2.5.1) which otherwise only registers
the presence of a final 2 in active clauses. Also, since the notional indirect object of (b)-type sentences,
but not (a)-type sentences, can be the subject of a passive clause, as shown in (5), it follows that it
heads a 2-arc at some level in the (b)-type sentences.
(5)
a.
ip-y-a-s a
1sS-DIST-PASS-talk=about
I was talked to.
b.
*s i s o p-y-a-s a
thing a 1sS-DIST-PASS-talk=about
I was talked to about something.
The hypothesis illustrated by diagram (4) also claims that the final stratum of a clause such as (1b) is
intransitive. Arguments based on the facts in chapter 10, however, can be presented for the transitivity
of the final stratum of these clauses.
First, the transitive allomorph of the first person singular subject prefix occurs in (1b). Second, the
transitive allomorph of the infinitive prefix occurs in (b)-type sentences, as in (6).
(6)
ma-ia-s a
i-o-ms o
2sO-INF-talk=about 1sS-EMPH-want
I want to talk to you!
Third, the transitive allomorph of the first person imperative prefix occurs, as in (7).
(7)
a.
sa-s a t
1plIMP-talk=about/PL
Lets talk to him!
Fourth, the transitive allomorph of the first person restrictive prefix occurs, as in (8).
(8)
ate
s-m-a-s a
a-a
1REST IRR-NEG-1REST-talk=about AUX-DECL
As for me, I wont talk to him.
Fifth, the condition on the occurrence of the unspecified subject prefix (cf. 10.8) correctly predicts
that (b)-type clauses cannot occur with an unspecified final subject.
(9)
*i-po-ka-s a
OM-IRR-US-talk=about
If one talks to him...
161
The analysis illustrated by diagram (3) would therefore require the complication of at least seven
generalizations in Seri.
12.1.2. Discussion of hypotheses two and three
The second hypothesis claims that the (b) sentences have the following monostratal structure
(10)
The third hypothesis claims that these sentences have a bistratal structure, as in (11).
(11)
The facts presented in the previous section are adequately accounted for by either of these analyses
since in each the notional indirect object heads a final 2-arc. The third hypothesis assigns the same
initial grammatical relation to the notion indirect object in these clauses as in clauses with specified
notional direct objects. There do not appear to be any strong arguments internal to Seri that favor one
of these analyses over the other.
12.2. 3-2 advancement in ditransitive clauses
With the verbs /-e/ give and /-ee/ give (with generic notional 2) the recipient always determines
object agreement (in active clauses), as shown in (12).
(12)
a.
tom ki
money the
ma -- t -e
2sO 1sS-RL-give
*me
2Ob
Did I give you the money?

b.
s i ka m ki ma -t-ee
fish
the 2sO RL-give
*me
2Ob
Did he give you fish?
A bistratal analysis would claim that the initial 3 advances to 2, putting the initial 2 en chomage. This
advancement is required for the verbs /-e/ and /-ee/.
162
Two possible monostratal analyses will be considered. They are represented by the diagrams in
(13). Either of these analyses violates some proposed universal in relational grammar(a) the Stratal
Uniqueness Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)) and (b) the Motivated Chomage Law (Perlmutter
and Postal (in press a)).
(13)
a.
b.
In the following sections I will present empirical evidence favoring the bistratal analysis of these
clauses.
12.2.1. 3-2-1 clauses
When the notional 3 of the clause is the final 1, the bistratal analysis would claim that the following
structure exists, assuming the Chmeur Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)).
(14)
Under this analysis it is predicted that the final stratum of such clauses is intransitive.
What does a monostratal analysis predict? Four variations are shown below. The first two incorporate a monostratal analysis of passive clauses (cf. 12.4.1) and the second two a bistratal analysis.
(15)
a.
b.
163
c.
d.
Arguments for a bistratal analysis of passive clauses will be presented in 12.4.1. Any such argument
also counts against the analyses represented by (15a-b). In the following sections, however, I will
present arguments against these analyses that do not depend on one analysis or another of passive
clauses.
12.2.1.1. Arguments against the final transitivity of 3-2-1 clauses
Structures (15a) and (15c) claim that the final stratum of 3-2-1 clauses is transitive since in each there
is a final 2. The facts indicate, however, that the final stratum of 3-2-1 clauses is intransitive. First, the
intransitive allomorph of the first person subject prefix occurs in 3-2-1 clauses.
(16)
a.
tom ki p-yo-p-e e
money the 1sS-DIST-PASS-give
*-yo-p-e e
I was given the money.
b.
s i ka m ki
p-t-p-ee
1sS-RL-PASS-give
*-t-p-ee
Was I given fish?

Second, the intransitive allomorph of the infinitive prefix occurs in 3-2-1 clauses.
(17)
a.
s i ka m ki ika-p-e e
INF-PASS-give
-mi-ms o
1sS-PROX-want
*ia-p-ee
I want to be given the fish.
b.
s i ka m ki
fish
the
ika-p-ee
INF-PASS-give
-mi-ms o
1sS-PROX-want
*ia-p-ee
I want to be given fish.
Third, the intransitive allomorph of the first person singular exclusive prefix occurs in 3-2-1 clauses.
(18)
ate tom ki s-ka-p-e e

a-a
1EXCL money the IRR-1EXCL-PASS-give AUX-DECL
As for me, I will be given the money.
These facts therefore argue strongly against both structure (15e) and structure (15c).
12.2.1.2. Arguments for the 2hood of the notional object
The bistratal analysis of 3-2-1 clauses summarized by structure (14) claims that the notional object
164
heads an initial 2-arc. Since it heads a chmeur arc in the second stratum, it is an acting 2 according to
the definition of acting 2 given in Perlmutter and Postal (to appear a) and repeated below.
(19)
A nominal node is an acting term x if and only if

a)
it heads an arc whose R-sign is term x in a given stratum and,
b)
it does not head an arc with a term R-sign other than term x in a later stratum.
While structures (15c) and (15d) claim that this nominal is a chmeur, they do not claim that it is a 2 at
any level. Any argument for the 2hood of these nominals is therefore an argument against structures
(15b) and (15d). An argument that they are acting 2s is an argument for their 2hood. One such
argument is presented below.
The object marker (cf. 2.5.1) occurs on finite verbs when the final nuclear terms are third person
and there is a final 2. It also occurs in 3-2-1 clauses when the final subject is third person and the
notional 2 is third person.
(20)
kamis ki i-yo-p-e e
shirt
the OM-DIST-PASS-give
He was given the shirt.
Under an analysis in which the notional 2 heads an initial 2-arc the following generalization can be
made
(21)
The object marker occurs when

i)
the final nuclear terms are all third person and
ii)
there is an acting 2.
Under an analysis such as (15b) or (15c) in which the notional 2 does not head a 2-arc, however, such
a generalization is not possible, which is an argument against these analyses.
A second argument is not exactly for the 2hood of the notional object, but rather an argument
against its obliquehood. As noted in 2.4.3, final 3s and most obliques determine oblique agreement
on the verb. In the bistratal analysis it follows automatically that an oblique prefix will not occur in 32-1 clauses since the notional direct object is a chmeur. In a monostratal analysis which posits some
other relation, it must be stated that the grammatical relation borne by this nominal does not determine
oblique agreement.70
12.3. The notion 3
In the previous sections I have discussed constructions in which a notional 3 determines object
agreement on the verb; in other words, the notional 3 behaves like a final 2. In other constructions
notional 3s determine oblique agreement, in the same manner as instrumentals, locatives, etc. (cf.
2.4.3). Such facts might lead one to think that the notion 3 is unnecessary in Seri. As Faltz 1978
says, The syntactic alignment of indirect objects with direct objects and obliques... suggests that at
least languages with those types of indirect object marking lack a syntactic indirect object category
altogether (85). The facts in 12.2 provide arguments against the claim that notional 3s which are
70
Sentences which would involve a passive transition and subsequent 3-2 advancement are
ungrammatical.
(i)
*s i ka m s o im-yo-p-e e
fish
a 1sO-DIST-PASS-give
A fish was given me.
A special statement is apparently needed to rule these out.
165
final 2s are initial 2s. That the notional 3 is a final 2 therefore cannot be taken as evidence for initial
2hood. An alternative not yet considered, however, is that in which the notional 3 is an initial
obliqueGoal, for example. A rule of Goal to 2 advancement would be posited. In this section I will
give arguments for the grammatical relation 3 as distinct from obliques as well as from 2.
Certain verbs such as /-itaa / buy/sell, /-amxk/ bring, /-am/ tell, and /-a-aso-t/ lend share the
peculiar characteristic of not allowing a plural notional indirect object to bear a term relation. The
nominal is instead marked by the appropriate form of the relational noun for goals, /-ano/. Compare
(22), in which the notional 3 determines oblique agreement, and (23), in which the notional 3 is
marked by ino.
(22)
mi-kano a kom e--ak-o-otim

2P-boat
the
1Ob-IMP-AUG-D-see/MULT
Show us your boat!
(23)
tom ki i-no k-amxk

money the 1P-to IMP-bring
Bring us the money!
The claim I will defend is that the nominal determining oblique agreement in (22) is an initial and final
3 and that the nominal marked by ino in (23) is an initial and final goal. These sentences therefore
differ syntactically. I will argue against an analysis which would claim that these nominals are final
goals in both sentences. Under such an analysis verbs would divide into two classes, one class whose
plural goals determine oblique agreement, the other class whose plural goals determine /-ano/
marking. An analysis will first be presented below assuming a 3 relation. In 12.3 the alternative
analysis will be examined.
12.3.1. The verb /-itaa /
The verb /-itaa / occurs in clauses having to do with buying and also in clauses having to do with
selling. In clauses involving buying the initial stratum is transitive by all of the available tests (cf.
chapter 10). The object bought is the initial 2. The person from whom the object is bought cannot be
mentioned. Some examples are given in (24). Note the object marker in (24a), the transitive
allomorph of the infinitive prefix in (24b), and the passive construction in (24c).
(24)
a.
s i ka m ki k-ato
pak i-s-itaa
a-ya
fish
the NOM-many some OM-IRR-buy AUX-INTERR
Will he buy a lot of fish?
b.
asax kap i-ataa -mi-ms o

basket the INF-buy
1sS-PROX-want
I want to buy the basket.
c.
troki -a-taa
car
NOM-PASS-buy
the car which was bought
The verb /-itaa / also means sell; however, in these clauses the object sold occurs as an oblique
nominal and the recipient, if any, heads a 2-arc. I will assume for the present that the recipient heads
an initial 3-arc and that it advances to head a 2-arc. With this meaning, therefore, /-itaa / occurs in
clauses which have the following structure.
166
(25)
a.
b.
Sentences in which the recipient does not occur are therefore finally intransitive (and cannot
passivize), whereas those in which the recipient occurs are finally transitive (unless passivized). The
examples in (26) do not involve a recipient and are therefore finally intransitive as indicated by the
intransitive allomorph of the infinitive prefix in (26a), the intransitive allomorph of the first
person singular subject prefix in (26b), and the lack of the object marker in (26c). The examples in
(27) involve a transitive stratum since a recipient is expressed in each; note the transitive allomorph
of the infinitive prefix in (27a), the transitive allomorph of the first person singular subject prefix in
(27b) and the passive construction in (27c). ((27c) is an impersonal passivesee 12.5.2.).
(26)
(27)
a.
asax kap k-ik-itaa -mi-ms o

basket the 3Ob-INF-sell 1sS-PROX-want
I want to sell the basket.
b.
s i ka m ipkom ko-p-t-km-itaa -o
fish
this
3Ob-1sS-RL-NEG-sell-o
I didnt sell this fish.
c.
k-t-m-itaa -o
3Ob-RL-NEG-sell-o
He didnt sell it.
a.
ti
me-i-ataa
i-m-aa-a
3PRO 3Ob/2sO-INF-sell NOM-NEG-know-DECL
He cant sell it to you.
b.
ko--y-itaa
3Ob-1sS-DIST-sell
I sold it to him.
c.
asax kap e-y-a-ataa

basket the 3Ob/1sO-DIST-PASS-sell
I was sold the basket.
A plural recipient of sell, however, is encoded as a Goal rather than as a 3 which advances to 2. The
initial stratum appears as in (28).
(28)
167
Since the final stratum of such a clause does not contain a 2, it will be intransitive, contrasting in this
respect with the sentences in (27). Note the intransitive allomorph of the infinitive prefix in (29a)
and the lack of an object marker in (29b).
(29)
a.
mi-no k-ikitaa -mi-ms o

2P-to 3Ob-INF-sell 1sS-PROX-want
I want to sell it to you (pl.).
b.
ki-no k-y-itaa
3P-to 3Ob-DIST-sell
He sold it to them.
12.3.2. The verb /-miit/

The verb /-miit/ ask occurs with one or both of the following nominals: a 2, here assumed to be an
initial 3, which is the source of the information; and an oblique which is the topic of the inquiry. This
verb has the peculiarity that if no 2 occurs, the morpheme /a-/ is prefixed to the verb. In the examples
in (30) a 2, but no oblique nominal, occurs; in (31) both a 2 and an oblique occur; and in (32) only an
oblique occurs.
(30)
(31)
(32)
a.
im-t-miit
1sO-RL-ask
Did he ask me?
b.
pedro kix t-aitom kmam kop i-t-miit

the RL-speak woman the OM-RL-ask
Peter spoke, he asked the woman...
a.
s i s o e-t-miit
thing a 3Ob/1sO-RL-ask
Did he ask me about something?
b.
s i s o e-y-a-miit
thing a 3Ob/1sO-DIST-PASS-ask
Was I asked about something? (impersonal passive)
a.
e-t-a-miit
1Obl-RL-AUG-ask
Did he ask about me?
b.
k-t-a-miit
3Ob-RL-AUG-ask
Did he ask about him?
This verb also does not permit a plural notional 3 to be encoded as a term. Therefore in the examples
in (33) no 2 occurs. It follows automatically that the prefix /a-/ will occur.
(33)
a.
s i s o mi-no k-t-a-miit
thing a 2P-to 3Ob-RL-AUG-ask
Did he ask you (pl.) something?
b.
s i s ano k-t-a-miit
thing a to
3Ob-RL-AUG-ask
Did he ask them something?
12.3.3. The verb /-am/

The verb /-am/ say governs two nominals: an initial 2, which is the utterance spoken; and an optional
initial 3, which is the person to whom the utterance is spoken. When an initial 3 occurs, however, the
prefix /a-/ occurs on the verb. The examples in (34) do not involve an initial 3 whereas those in (35)
168
do.71
(34)
(35)
a.
mos k-am-o
again IMP-say-o
Say it again!
b.
i-t-am
OM-RL-say
Did he say it?
a.
e--a-m
1Ob-IMP-AUG-say
Say it to me!
b.
ko--y-a-m
3Ob-1sS-DIST-AUG-say
I said it to him.
c.
i-yo-m
1sS-DIST-say
I said it.
c.
s i s o me-s-p-a-m
thing a 2Ob-IRR-PASS-AUG-say
Something will be said to you.
When the notional 3 is plural, as in (36), it occurs as a Goal. Since it is not a 3, the prefix /a-/ does not
occur.
(35)
a.
ki-no k-am
3P-to IMP-say
Say it to them!
b.
mi-no -yo-m
2P-to 1sS-DIST-say
I said it to you (pl.).
12.3.4. Comparison of analyses

In this section I will summarize the analysis assumed above for the facts in 12.3.1-3 and contrast it
with two analyses which do not recognize the 3 relation.
In the sections above it was assumed that a notional indirect object usually bore an initial 3
relation. It was then shown that certain verbs have certain idiosyncrasies associated with them. These
idiosyncrasies are summarized in (37).
(37)
Class
X
Y
Example
/-itaa /
/-miit/
/-am/
Idiosyncrasy
obligatory 3-2 advancement
obligatory 3-2 advancement
prefixed by /a-/ if there is no initial 3
prefixed by /a-/ if there is an initial 3
It was also shown that when these verbs governed a plural notional indirect object, that nominal bears
an initial Goal relation rather than an initial 3 relation. The following consequences follow
automatically from this analysis. First, there will be no 3-2 advancement in verbs of class X, and if no
71
A verb which is like /-am/ is the verb /-is/ hide. This verb also governs two nominals other
than the subject an initial 2, the object hidden and an optional initial 3, the person from whom the object is hidden. When the initial 3 is present, the root-initial vowel undergoes Ablaut (67) of chapter 2.
(ii)
a.
-is
IMP-hide
Hide it!
b.
e=-es
1Ob-IMP-hide
Hide it from me/us!
As (iib) illustrates, however, a plural nominal determines oblique agreement with this verb, unlike
with /-am/.
169
other 2 occurs the final stratum of a clause with a verb of this class will be intransitive. Second, the
prefix /a-/ will occur on a verb of class Y since there is no initial 3. Third, the prefix /a-/ will not
occur on a verb of class Z since there is no initial 3. Fourth, the oblique person prefix will not occur
since there is no final 3 (and a plural goal is marked by /-ano/).
A monostratal alternative analysis would also say that plural notional indirect objects are initial
goals with these verbs. For verbs of classes X and Y it would claim that singular notional indirect
objects are initial 2s. No advancements would be posited. It would be claimed that class Y verbs are
prefixed by /a-/ if there is no singular goal and class Z verbs are prefixed by /a-/ if there is a singular
goal.
A bistratal alternative analysis would say that all notional indirect objects are initial goals. Rather
than 3-2 advancement, Goal-2 advancement would be posited except that with certain verbs plural
goals cannot advance. It would be claimed that class Y verbs are prefixed by /a-/ if there is no singular
goal and class Z verbs are prefixed by /a-/ if there is a singular goal.
Both of the alternative analyses, however, must also stipulate that plural goals of some verbs are
marked by /-ano/ and that plural goals of other verbs determine oblique agreement, as in (22). It is
purely coincidental in these analyses that all of the verbs with idiosyncrasies involving plural goals
also are verbs whose goals are marked by /-ano/. In the analysis utilizing the 3 relation, these facts are
integrated; the fact that the presence or absence of a plural notional 3 which does not determine
oblique agreement has other ramifications is a consequence of the analysis rather than a coincidence.
These facts therefore provide an argument for a 3 relation as distinct from both 2 and Goal in a
language in which the distinction is not at all obvious superficially.
12.4. Personal passives
In this section I will discuss the syntax of the person passives in Seri. Passive clauses are claimed by
Perlmutter and Postal 1977 to involve the advancement of the 2 of a transitive stratum to 1. Assuming
the Chmeur Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)), a typical passive clause could be represented as
(38).
(38)
In Seri there exist clauses in which the notional subject (initial 1 in these cases) is not expressed in the
clause (although it may be indicated by the context). The verbs of these clauses are marked by what I
have called the passive prefix (cf. 2.5.5). Some simple passive sentences are given in (39).
(39)
a.
ip-yo-p-as t
I was tattooed.
d.
t-p-eta
RL-PASS-poke
Was he poked?
b.
ip-t-a-kas n i
1sS-RL-PASS-bite
Was I bitten?
e.
ktam ki t-a-kas n i
man the RL-PASS-bite
Was the man bitten?
c.
im-yo-m-p-es i
2sS-DIST-NEG-PASS-defeat
Werent you defeated?
170
Passive clauses do not occur with specified subjects. Nor do they occur when the notional subject of
an intransitive verb is left unspecified (cf. 2.5.11).
In Marlett (to appear a) it is argued that the clauses in (39) are passive rather than simply active
clauses with unspecified subjects. The main arguments for the 1hood of the specified nominal in these
clauses are based on the presence of the subject agreement prefixes, the lack of object agreement
prefixes, number agreement with final subject, subject nominalizer allomorphy, and the presence of
the object marker in subject nominalized forms. These arguments will not be repeated here.
In the following section I will examine two alternative analyses of these passive clauses.
12.4.1. Bistratal vs. monostratal
Various analyses of passive clauses have been proposed in recent years. In this section I will compare
a bistratal analysis, as illustrated by (38), with a grammar which analyzes passive clauses as being
syntactically monostratal. Perlmutter (to appear c) points out that several recent theories of
passivization are essentially monostratal. An analysis of the type proposed by Fillmore 1968 would
claim that if the Object is chosen as the Subject, this fact is registered on the verb; in Seri this
registration would be the passive prefix. The final 1 of a passive clause does not head a 2-arc at any
level syntactically under such an analysis. Sentence (39a) might therefore be represented by the
following simplified stratal diagram in which the semantic roles have not been indicated.
(40)
A passive clause in this analysis might be defined in terms of the choice of a nonnormal subject
(Fillmore 196837).
I will discuss the claims of these two analyses and present empirical evidence that will permit a
choice between them.
12.4.1.1. 3-2-1 clauses
In 12.2 ditransitive clauses involving 3-2 advancement were discussed. It was shown that clauses in
which the initial 3 is the final 1 are finally intransitive. This intransitivity is predicted by the
advancement of the 3 to 2, together with the Chmeur Law. The three arguments given in 12.2.1.1
are arguments against a monostratal analysis of these clauses in which the notional 2 is a final 2
because the monostratal analysis does not predict the final intransitivity of these clauses. In 12.2.1.2
arguments are given against a different monostratal analysis based on the generalization accounting for
the object marker /i-/ and oblique agreement. These facts all favor a bistratal analysis of passive
clauses.
12.4.1.2. Switch reference marking
In chapter 15 I discuss the switch reference marking system in Seri (cf. 3.3). It is shown there that the
switch reference marking rule cannot be formulated in terms of final subject because of examples such
as (41a-b) in which different subject marking occurs between clauses whose final subjects are the
171
same, and examples such as (41c) in which no different subject marking occurs even though the final
subjects are different. Each sentence involves a passive clause.
(41)
a.
Whenever a deer died, it was eaten.
b.
kset a-p-a
ee kap t-p-es i
ma t-ata yo-k-e
NOM-PASS-say plant the RL-PASS-defeat SR RL-go DIST-US-say/D
The tree called Kwset was defeated, he (Kwset) went, it is said.
c.
at ki p-a-ka-
torote the IRR-PASS-seek-UT
epo
ki mos s-a-ka
a-a
white=ratany the also IRR-PASS-seek AUX-DECL
When torote is looked for, white ratany should also be looked for.
A monostratal theory of passives would have to complicate the switch reference marking rule by
adding extra conditions in case one of the clauses is passive and yet other conditions in case both
clauses are passive. In a bistratal theory of passives, however, the rule can be formulated in terms of
some other level. For the facts presented above the necessary generalization could refer to initial
subjects. These facts therefore provide another argument in favor of a bistratal analysis of passives.
12.4.1.3. Subject raising
A construction involving subject raising was discussed in chapter 11. It was shown that the raised
nominal may be the initial unspecified subject, as in (42). Note the presence of the unspecified
subject prefix on the verb /-ato/ many.
(42)
soda k-opo
ki i--p-asi
ki po-k-a-ato-
soda NOM-black the 3P-NOM-PASS-drink the IRR-US-AUG-many-UT
ak
s-ka-mi
a-a
somewhere IRR-US-net=exist AUX-DECL
If Coke is drunk often, one will die.
A monostratal analysis of passive clauses posits only one subject, the final one, and no unspecified
nominal; it would therefore be incapable of accounting for these facts.
12.5. Impersonal passives
At least two types of passive clauses have been discussed in the literature. The most well known is the
personal passive in which one of the nominals bearing a grammatical relation in the initial stratum of
the clause (or in some stratum of a complement clause) is the final 1. Another is the impersonal
passive in which none of these nominals is the final 1. I will argue below that Seri has impersonal
passives. First, however, I will point out the theoretical implications an analysis of these passive
clauses has. Perlmutter and Postal (to appear) have proposed the following analysis for impersonal
passives of transitive clauses.
(43)
172
Keenan (1975) and Comrie (1977) have proposed that impersonal passives should be analyzed as
involving the spontaneous demotion [chomage] of the initial 1 with no advancement to 1. This
proposal is illustrated by the following stratal diagram.
(44)
It should be noted that apart from any other consequences these proposals hold for proposed language
universals such as the Motivated Chomage Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)), they make
different empirical claims and can therefore be tested. The unmotivated chomage analysis claims that
the initial 2 is a final chmeur. In the following sections I compare these two analyses for the
impersonal passives of Seri.
12.5.1. Impersonal passives with plural 2s
Passive sentences in Seri with plural subject prefixes are ungrammatical.
(45)
*a
-y-a-kas x ox
1plS -DIST-PASS-bite/PL
*ma
2plS
*
We/You/They were bitten.
Either of the following constraints would be sufficient to block these sentences.

(46)
a.
b.
Plural nominals cannot advance to 1.

Plural nominals cannot advance by Passive.
However, both of these constraints must be wrong because plural nominals can advance to 1 by
Passive and be Equi victims, as shown in (47a), or relativize, as shown in (47b-c).
(47)
a.
ik-akas x a
a-yo-mkaxk
INF-PASS- bite/SG
1plS-DIST-want
kas x ox
bite/PL
We wanted to be bitten.
b.
ktamk -akas x a
NOM-PASS- bite/SG
kas x ox
bite/PL
the men who were bitten
173
c.
asatox a-pstones NOM-PASS-
es
hide/SG
*esaxk
hide/PL
the stones that were hidden
(Note also that the infinitive stem may be either singular or plural, and that in passive relative clauses
the facts are even more complex. I have not fully investigated these particulars.) The following modified constraints would also be sufficient to block the sentences in (45).
(48)
a.
Plural nominals that advance to 1 must undergo Equi or Relativization.
b.
Plural nominals that advance to 1 by Passive must undergo Equi or Relativization.
The fact that plural nominals can advance to 1 by unaccusative advancement (cf. chapter 11, example
(11c)) suggests that (48a) is not correct. I conclude then that (48b) is the proper constraint.
In spite of condition (48b), however, utterances exist which correspond to the glosses given in
(45).
(49)
a.
is i y-a- kas x a
1plO
bite/SG/MULT
mas i
*kas x ox
2plO
bite/PL
We/You/They were bitten.
b.
i-toit koi t-a-faikim

3P-feet the RL-PASS-tie/SG/MULT
his feet had been tied up...
Four facts about these sentences should be noted. First, there is passive morphology. Second, the
initial 2s are determining object agreement. Third, the verb agrees with a third person final subject
(unmarked). Fourth, the verb number marking indicates singular subject and plural action. I propose
that these are impersonal passives. In the next section additional impersonal passive clauses are shown
and in 12.5.3 alternative analyses are compared.
12.5.2. Impersonal passives when oblique nominal present
It is also the case that personal passives with an oblique nominal present, such as those in (50), are
ungrammatical.72
(50)
a.
*ee imkom ko-m-t-a-Qas

stick that
3Ob-2sS-RL-PASS-hit
Were you hit with that stick?
72
The oblique nominal must be one that determines oblique agreement; otherwise, a personal
passive is used.
(iii)
kano a kom an
ak ano p-y-a-kai
boat
the inside the in
1sS-DIST-AUG-put
I was put into the boat.
It is not clear whether impersonal passives are required when a nonadvancing 3 is present. Sentences
needed to establish this seem marginal.
174
b.
*as - ya
ko-p-t-p-as t
what-INTERR 3Ob-1sS-RL-PASS-tattoo
What was I tattooed with?
c.
*ta
ka
ko-m-t-p-as t
ember the/FOC 3Ob-2sS-RL-PASS-tattoo
Were you tattooed with charcoal?
d.
*epe kom ko-nt-ip-y-a-as i

sea
the 3Ob-away-1sS-DIST-PASS-take
I was taken to the sea.
The grammatical sentences corresponding to these glosses are given in (51).

(51)
a.
ee imkom me-t-a-Qas
stick that
3Ob/2sO-RL-PASS-hit
b.
as - ya
e-t-p-as t
what-INTERR 3Ob/1sO-RL-PASS-tattoo
c.
ta
ka
me-t-p-as t
ember the/FOC 3Ob/2sO-RL-PASS-tattoo
d.
epe kom int-e-y-a-as i

sea
the
away-3Ob/1sO-DIST-PASS-take
Note again the passive morphology, the agreement with third person singular subjects (unmarked), and
the object agreement determined by the initial 2. (This is obscured somewhat by the fact that an
oblique nominal is present (cf.2.4.4). I propose that these sentences are also impersonal passives.
12.5.3. Alternative analyses
In an advancement analysis these impersonal passives would be analyzed as shown in (43) (with an
oblique nominal present for the examples discussed in 12.4.2). Dummy insertion would take place
when a clause contains one of the following substructures.
(52)
a.
b.
As predicted by the conditions necessary for dummy insertion, impersonal passives with a singular 2
and no oblique nominal present are ungrammatical.
(53)
*im-y-a-kas n i
1sO-DIST-PASS-bite
I was bitten.
Since the initial 2s of (49a-b) are claimed to be final chmeurs in an advancement analysis, the rule for
the determination of object agreement cannot refer solely to final 2s as heretofore assumed. The rule is
given as (54).
175
(54)
Acting 2s determine object agreement.73
As with personal passives, the passive morphology indicates the advancement of a 2 of a transitive
stratum to 1, but in these cases it is a dummy that advances. Person and number agreement is with the
dummy, which is assumed to be third person singular. Third person subject marking is clearly seen
when the clause is a complement clause and the subjects are not coreferential. Such a clause is
nominalized and the final 1 is represented by the appropriate possessive prefix. The third person
possessive prefix is used when the complement clause is an impersonal passive.
(55)
a.
is i -i--p-as i tim
i-o-ms o
1plO-3P-NOM-PASS-tattoo/SG/MULT OM-EMPH-want
He wants us to be tattooed!
b.
is i -i--a-kas x a
m-t-ams o
1plO-3P-NOM-PASS-bite/SG/MULT 2sS-RL-want
Do you want us to be bitten?
In an unmotivated chomage analysis the impersonal passive clauses would be analyzed as shown
in (44). Since the initial 2 is a final 2, there is no reason to use the notion acting 2 for the rule of object
agreement (see (54)); the notion final 2 is sufficient. The passive morphology that personal and
impersonal passives share would be accounted for by the following rule.
(56)
The demotion of 1 to chmeur is signaled by the passive prefix.
These two analyses make different claims about the structure of impersonal passive clauses.
Evidence to choose between these analyses will be presented below.
12.5.3.1. Argument one: Third person subject marking
The fact that the verb in an impersonal passive clause has third person subject agreement follows
directly in the advancement analysis under the reasonable assumption that dummies are third person.
A special statement is required in the unmotivated chomage analysis, however, since it claims that
there is no final 1. This additional statement is necessary since it is not universally the case that verbs
of impersonal passive clauses occur with third person morphology (Comrie 1977, Perlmutter and
Postal (to appear a)). This additional complexity for the unmotivated chomage analysis is evidence in
favor of the advancement analysis.
73
Only one object prefix may occur on a verb. If there are two non-third person acting 2s in the
same clause, the initial 2 occurs in a special full nominal form and the final 2 occurs as the object
prefix, as in (iv).
(iv)
ipi
i-sox ipkop i-ta
ma- t -e
EMPH 1P-being this
1P-mother 2sO-RL-give
Did my mother give me to you?
5 It has recently come to my attention that the object marker does not occur before the form ponaix
in the following sentence, although by all expectations it should. I have not explored this type of
sentence to determine what further restrictions need to be placed on the generalization accounting for
the object marker.
(v)
s i po-naix ant s iti k-kai

s o aki
i-m-i-ia
thing IRR-seize land a on NOM/OM-put a somewhere NOM-NEG-be-DECL
There was no one who could catch him and put him anywhere.
176
12.5.3.2. Argument two: Number agreement

The fact that the verb stem in an impersonal passive clause shows agreement with a singular subject
follows directly in the advancement analysis under the assumption that dummies are singular. A
special statement is required in an unmotivated chomage analysis since it is claimed that there is no
final 1. Of course, it might be claimed that this is a universal of impersonal passive clauses and should
therefore be incorporated into the framework and be available without cost to language-particular
grammars. This is an empirical claim which is falsifiable. Unless and until this is proposed as a
universal, however, the advancement analysis is to be preferred.
12.5.3.3. Argument three: The object marker
The object marker discussed in 2.5.1 also occurs in impersonal passives which involve 3-2
advancement. Its occurrence in this case is predicted by the rule given in (21).
(57)
ktamk koi i-yo-p-e etim

men
the OM-DIST-PASS-give/SG/MULT
The men were given it.; more literally, There was given the men it.
It does not occur in impersonal passives that do not have an initial 3.

(58)
a.
y-a-kas x a
DIST-PASS-bite/SG/MULT
They were bitten.
b.
enim ipkop k=s-om-p-ak

a-a
knife this
3Ob-IRR-NEG-PASS-kill AUX-DECL
He will not be killed with this knife.
Under the advancement analysis the rule accounting for the occurrences of the object marker /i-/ on a
finite verb can be modified as follows (see also 12.6).
(59)

1)
the final nuclear terms are all third person, and
2)
there is a third person acting 2 which was not put en chomage by a dummy.
The crucial structures to notice are the following

(60)
a.
Simple transitive
b.
c.
3-2 Advancement and Impersonal passive
177
3-2 Advancement and Personal passive
d.
Personal passive
e.
Impersonal passive
Since sentences with structures (60a-c) meet the conditions of rule (59), the object marker will occur
in these clauses.
How would these facts be accounted for in a grammar incorporating the notion of unmotivated
chomage? The following structures would be posited, corresponding to those in (60).
(61)
a. Simple transitive
b. 3-2 Advancement and Personal passive
c. 3-2 Advancement and Impersonal passive
d. Personal passive
e. Impersonal passive
No generalization seems formulable to account for the occurrences of the object marker if the
sentences have these structures. Therefore these facts provide an argument against a grammar
incorporating the notion of unmotivated chomage.
12.5.3.4. Argument four: Distinction between final 2s and 2-chmeurs
In (54) I proposed that acting 2s determine object agreement in the advancement analysis. I will not
suggest that this generalization must be refined somewhat since there is a systematic difference
phonologically between object prefixes which are determined by final 2s and those which are
determined by 2-chmeurs. This difference in behavior is easily explained in a grammar incorporating
the advancement analysis for impersonal passives; it is unexpected and less easily explained in a
178
grammar incorporating unmotivated chomage.

In 2.3.7 a rule of k-Epenthesis was discussed. It was noted that part of the necessary environment
for this rules application could be provided by an object prefix but not by an oblique prefix (cf.
2.4.3). It was argued in 2.4.3 that oblique prefixes ware attached with a stronger boundary. The
examples in (62) show that object prefixes determined by 2-chmeurs, unlike those determined by
final 2s, do not provide the environment for the application of k-Epenthesis.
(62)
a.
is i -s-m-a-miitim
a-a
1plO-IRR-NEG-PASS-ask/SG/MULT AUX-DECL
We will not be asked.
b.
mas i -s-m-a-kas x a
a-a
1plO-IRR-NEG-PASS-bite/SG/MULT AUX-DECL
You will not be bitten.
Likewise, the oblique nee object prefixes in (63) do not provide the environment for k-Epenthesis,
unlike the oblique nee object prefixes in 2.4.4.
(63)
a.
enim ipkop me-s-om-p-ak

a-a
knife this
3Ob/2sO-IRR-NEG-PASS-kill AUX-DECL
You will not be killed with this knife.
b.
ta
ka
e-s-om-p-as t
a-a
ember the/FOC 3Ob-1sO-IRR-NEG-PASS-tattoo AUX-DECL
I will not be tattooed with charcoal.
A grammar incorporating the advancement analysis of impersonal passives could claim that object
prefixes determined by final 2s are attached with a + boundary while those determined by 2-chmeurs
are attached with an = boundary. (As the rule in 2.4.4 predicts, oblique nee object prefixes have the
same boundary as the underlying object prefix.)
How would the facts regarding k-Epenthesis be accounted for in a grammar incorporating
unmotivated chomage which claims that the object prefixes are all determined by final 2s?
12.5.3.5. Argument five: Subject raising
The subject raising rule discussed in chapter 11 makes reference to the notion of subject, irrespective
of level. If the advancement analysis of impersonal passives is correct, it might be expected that the
dummy could raise since it heads a 1-arc. This prediction appears to be correct. Compare the following
sentences, which are all paraphrases and considered acceptable sentences. In (64a) raising has not
occurred; in (64b) the dummy has raised; and in (64c) the brother-in-law of the dummy (cf. Perlmutter
and Zaenen (to appear) has raised.
(64)
a.
is i -i--p-aspox
ki k=po-to ta-
1plO-3P-NOM-PASS-AUG/spotted the 3Ob-IRR-many SR-UT
a-s-atimx
a-a
1plS-IRR-rich/PL AUX-DECL
If we are photographed often, we will be rich.
b.
is i -i--p-aspox ki k=p-a-ato ta-...

3Ob-IRR-X-many SR-UT
c.
is i -i--p=aspox ki k=a-p-a-atox-...
3Ob-1plS-IRR-X-many/PL-UT
179
An unmotivated chomage analysis of impersonal passives would not be able to account for these
sentences since under such an analysis only one nominal heads a 1-arc.
12.6. The object marker /i-/
Versions of a generalization accounting for the object marker /i-/ in finite clauses have been given in
various places in this thesis. (Its occurrence in nominalized clauses (see2.5.1) is accounted for by a
fairly simple and distinct generalization. In this section I will briefly review the facts, discuss the
generalization as it would appear assuming the analyses argued for in the previous chapters, and then
discuss the problems which would arise in other frameworks.
First of all, the object marker does not occur when the final subject or object is first or second
person (cf. 2.5.1). The object marker occurs in clauses which are finally transitive, as in (65a-b), but
not in monostratal, finally intransitive clauses, as in (66a-b).
(65)
(66)
a.
i-yo-pi
OM-DIST-taste
He tasted it.
b.
ika-ta i-t-ams o
INF-go OM-RL-want
Does he want to go?
a.
yo-pans
DIST-run
He ran.
b.
t-o-tis
RL-D-point=at
Is he pointing at (unspec.)?
The object marker occurs in 3-2-1 clauses (cf. 12.2.1), as in (67), but not in other personal passive
clauses, as in (68).
(67)
i-yo-p-e e
OM-DIST-PASS-give
He was given it.
(68)
yo-p-an
DIST-PASS-stir
It was stirred.
The object marker occurs in impersonal passive clauses that involve 3-2 advancement (cf. 12.5.3.3),
as in (69), but not in other impersonal passive clauses, as in (70).
(69)
(70)
a.
i-yo-p-e etim
OM-DIST-PASS-give
They were given it.
b.
is i -i-s-kom-p-eetim
1plO-OM-IRR-NEG-PASS-give
We will not be given it.
a.
yo-p-as i tim
DIST-PASS-tattoo
They were tattooed.
b.
is i -s-om-p-as i tim
1plO-IRR-NEG-PASS-tattoo
We will not be tattooed.
The object marker does not occur in the main clause of subject raising constructions, nor in predicate
nominal construction.
(71)
a.
i--okta
ki p-a-ato-
s-oi a-a
3P-NOM-look=at the IRR-X-many-UT IRR-die AUX-DECL
If he looks at it often, he will die.
180
b.
k-i-ee
k-akox t-a
NOM-have-stick NOM-big RL-be
Since he was a major ruler...
The following generalization accounts for the occurrences of /i-/

(72)
The object marker occurs when:

(i)
the final nuclear terms are third person and
(ii)
there exists a third person acting 2 which
a) is a transitive 2 at some level, and
b) is not the brother-in-law of a dummy
Condition (i) is quite simple. The final subject and direct object must be third person. This condition
presumes the analysis argued for in 12.5 which claims that the object prefixes in impersonal passives
mark agreement with 2-chmeurs rather than with final 2s. If they were final 2s, condition (i) would
be violated in (69b). Condition (ii) says first of all that there must be a third person acting 2that is, a
nominal which heads a 2-arc in a given stratum and no other term arc in any later stratum. Therefore,
the object marker occurs in finally transitive clauses such as (65), and in all clauses involving 3-2
advancement since they result in a 2-chmeur. See examples (67) and (69). The object marker will not
occur in a passive clause in which the only 2 is a final 1, as in (68).. Condition (iia) specifies that the
acting 2 must be a transitive 2 at some level, i.e. that it be a 2 in some transitive stratum. There are two
constructions which make this condition necessary. The first is the subject raising construction in
which the downstairs clause is an acting 2. It does not head a 2-arc in a transitive stratum, however,
and the object marker does not occur. The second construction is the predicate nominal. One possible
analysis of this construction in relational grammar, suggested by David Perlmutter (class notes), is
given in (73).
(73)
If this analysis is correct, the object marker does not occur in such clauses because there is no transitive 2. Condition (iib) is necessary because 2-chmeurs which arise due to a dummyspecifically, in
impersonal passives such as (70)do not cause the occurrence of the object marker. The acting 2 in
this construction is the brother-in-law of the dummy (Perlmutter and Zaenen, to appear).
Having motivated the generalization which accounts for the object marker, given the framework of
relational grammar and the analyses argued for, I will now compare this with the account which would
be given in other current frameworks. As Perlmutter (to appear) has pointed out, various recent
syntactic frameworks are essentially monostratal syntactic theories, that is, theories which claim that a
given nominal bears only one (the superficial) grammatical relation. The monostratal theory which
will be discussed below does not differ in essential respects from case grammar (Fillmore 1968),
functional grammar (Dik 1978), realistic transformational grammar (Bresnan 1978), or tagmemics
181
(Pike and Pike 1977). Each of these frameworks posits some type of semantic or logical relation that a
nominal bears as well as its single syntactic relation. The structures below are meant to illustrate the
claims of these theories in a simple way, with a semantic stratum and a syntactic stratum. The
structures which a monostratal theory would posit for the sentences in which the object marker occurs
are given in (74). Although none of the above frameworks posits silent dummies, the possibility is left
open in the following structures.
(74)
Simple transitive (65a)
3-2-1 clause (67)
3-2, Impersonal passive (69a-b)
The structures which a monostratal theory would posit for those sentences in which the object marker
does not occur are given in (75). Predicate nominals and subject raising constructions are ignored
since they present no additional problems in these frameworks.
(75)
Simple intransitive
Simple passive
Impersonal passive
Impersonal passive
182
While the generalization for the object marker was statable as (72) in a theory that recognizes more
than one level of syntax, no generalization is possible within a monostratal theory. The object marker
would have to be accounted for by a rule such as (12), which involves a disjunction.
(76)

(i) the subject, if any, is third person
and
(ii) in active clauses, there is a third person direct object
or
(ii) in passive clauses, there is
(a) a third person direct object
and
(b) a distinct nominal which is a recipient
This complication is in addition to the various other complication that the monostratal analyses above
would present, especially with respect to the transitivity facts discussed in chapter 10.
It has been seen that a theory which posits, among other things, more than one level of syntax and
dummy nominals, allows for the statement of the generalization accounting for the object marker. No
such generalization is possible within the type of monostratal theory which is common to certain
current syntactic frameworks, however.
The matter of verb subcategorization is taken up again in Marlett 1990, and again in Marlett 1993. The
latter is the most complete treatment of verbs that subcategorize for recipients or addressees; new data
is included there and the analysis is somewhat different than in this chapter.
The rule for the object marker plays a rule in the argumentation for the structure of impersonal
passives in Marlett 1984b.
Marlett, Stephen A. 1990. Person and number inflection in Seri. International Journal of American
Marlett, Stephen A. 1993. Goals and indirect objects in Seri. Workpapers of the Summer Institute of
Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session 37:1-20.
183
Chapter 13
Clauses with unspecified direct objects
Most, but not all, transitive verbs in Seri can be used without specifying a direct object. The verb
/-sanx/ in (1a) has a specified direct object, but in (1b) the direct object is not specified. The
morpheme /o-/ (cf. 2.5.4) occurs on the verb in (1b).
(1)
a.
ki-ya
i-t-sanx
whom-INTERR OM-RL-carry=on=back
Whom did he carry on his back?
b.
t-o-sanx
RL-D-carry=on=back
Is he carrying (someone) on his back?
Various arguments can be given that the final stratum of a simple clause with a verb marked by /o-/ is
intransitive (cf. chapter 10).
First, the intransitive allomorph of the first person subject prefix occurs, as in (2).
(2)
ip-m-o-itim
1sS-PROX-D-eat/MULT
I am eating.
Second, the intransitive allomorph of the infinitive prefix occurs, as in (3).
(3)
ik-o-it i-mi-ms o
INF-D-eat 1sS-PROX-want
I want to eat.
Third, the intransitive allomorph of the second person imperative prefix occurs, as in (4).
(4)
a.
a-fmox < /-o-afmox/

IMP-D-gather=firewood
Gather firewood!
b.
a-sanx < /-o-sanx/

IMP-D-carry=on=back
Carry (someone) on your back!
Fourth, the intransitive allomorph of the first person plural imperative prefix occurs, as in (5).
(5)
sk-o-itoka
1plIMP-D-eat/PL/MULT
Lets eat!
Fifth, the intransitive allomorph of the action nominalizer occurs.
(6)
im-y-a-fmox
i-mi-ms o
2sS-NOM-D-gather=firewood 1sS-PROX-want
I want you to gather firewood.
Sixth, the rule coalescing os in finally intransitive clauses applies.
(7)
a-pox
< /o-o-apox/
EMPH-D-blow=at
He blew!
Seventh, the intransitive allomorph of the first person singular exclusive prefix occurs, as in (8).
(8)
ate
s-om-k-o-p
a-a
1EXCL IRR-NEG-1EXCL-D-sew=basket AUX-DECL
As for me, Im not going to sew a basket.
184
Eighth, these clauses may have an unspecified final subject, as in (9).

(9)
po-m-k-o-tis
IRR-NEG-US-D-point=at
If one does not point....
Ninth, the object marker (cf. 2.5.1, 12.5.3.3 and 12.6) does not occur in these clauses. If these
clauses had an acting 2, this prefix would be expected.
(10)
/yo-o-inx/
y-enx
DIST-D-yell=at
He yelled!
Therefore these sentences cannot be analyzed as having the structure shown in (11) without revising all of the generalizations which presently refer to final 2 to make them refer to final specified 2.
(11)
I will therefore not consider this possibility further.

Postal 1977 suggests that such clauses should be analyzed as involving Antipassive, as in (12),
resulting in a finally intransitive stratum.
(12)
Presently, the generalization for the object marker /i-/ refer to transitive acting 2s (cf. 11.). If (12) is
correct, this generalization would have to be changed to refer to specified transitive acting 2s.
An alternative to the Antipassive analysis is what I will call the Absent Arc hypothesis, which if
correct for Seri cannot be correct for certain other languages, as Postal 1977 argues. Under this
hypothesis, clauses such as (1b) do not contain any nominal heading a 2-arc, as shown in (13).
(13)
While this is the analysis which I have assumed elsewhere in this thesis, I am not aware of any strong
arguments that would establish it as superior or inferior to the Antipassive analysis.
185
It is important to consider now how the occurrences of the prefix /o-/ will be accounted for, given
one analysis or the other. It is important to reconsider in this regard the sentences discussed in 12.,
where the notional 2 is unspecified and the notional 3 is the final 2. These clauses are not marked with
/o-/. Under the Antipassive analysis, and assuming initial 3-hood for the final 2, these clauses might
have the following structure.
(14)
The prefix /o-/ might be accounted for by the following generalization

(15)
/o-/ occurs on a verb when the clause contains a 2-chmeur and the final stratum is
intransitive.
Clauses having a substructure like (14) can also be passive, the initial 3 heading a final 1-arc (cf.
12.2.). Although the final stratum is intransitive, the prefix /o-/ does not occur. The lack of this prefix
in these cases could be handled in the morphology as a result of the presence of the passive prefix,
however.
Alternatively to (15), the following generalization might be proposed.
(16)
/o-/ occurs on a verb when the clause has an Antipassive substructure and the final stratum is
intransitive.
Finally, one other alternative within the Antipassive analysis would be the proposal that /o-/
occurs whenever the clause has an antipassive substructure, and that structure (14) is incorrect. The
chomage of the unspecified 2 would be handled by the advancement of the 3, as in (17).
(17)
Since (17) does not contain an Antipassive substructure, the prefix /o-/ will not appear.
Under the Absent Arc hypothesis, the presence of the morpheme /o-/ might be handled by the
following generalization, regardless of whether structure (19a) or (19b) is adopted for the 3-2 clauses.
(18)
/o-/ occurs when a transitive verb occurs in a clause without a 2-arc.
186
(19)
a.
b.
b.
Since in either case a transitive verb occurs in a clause with a 2-arc, the morpheme /o-/ does not occur.
187
Chapter 14
Augmented verbs
In this chapter I will discuss the syntax of constructions in which the verb is prefixed with the augment
prefix (cf. 2.5.6). Verb forms bearing the augment prefix are extremely common and their relationship
to the simple verb is not always semantically transparent (cf. 14.6). Whether the process by which a
root is augmented is lexical or syntactic, it has many idiosyncrasies morphologically. Augmented
verbs commonly indicate number of subject and action (cf. chapter 4) differently than the corresponding simple verbs, both with respect to the application of rules such as Syncope (cf. 4.1.2) and the
number suffixes which occur. In addition to idiosyncrasies of number agreement, some (but not all)
augmented verbs have the idiosyncrasy of being followed by the suffix /-ot/ (cf. 4.4.2.3). Also,
whereas the allomorphs of the augment prefix are basically suppletive, in a few cases more than one
augmented form occurs. The transitive verb /-ai/ leave, for example, has three augmented forms
which are only subtly different semantically. These verbs are listed below in all four forms for
comparison.
(1)
Form 1
Form 2
Form 3
Form 4
/-ai/ leave DO
-ai
-aa-im
-aa-ox
-aa-ox
/-ak-o-ai/ strip DO off IO

-ak-o-i
-ak-o-a-im
-ak-o-a-ox
-ak-o-a-aka
/-a-ai/ take/bring DO
-a-i
-a-is -a
-a-to-is -ax
-a-to-is -oka
/-k-ai/ take DO away

-k-ai
-k-ai-im
-k-ai-am
-k-ai-oka
Another example is the root /-ipe/ good which has two augmented forms: /-a-ipe/ fix; heal, and
/-k-epe/ like (cf. 14.2).
It is not at all clear whether there is any one generalizationsemantic or syntacticthat will
account for all of the occurrences of the augment prefix. A semantic generalization appears totally
impossible. As far as a syntactic generalization is concerned, in some cases a verb root with the
augment prefix governs one more nominal than the same verb root without the augment prefix. In
other cases the augmented verb governs one nominal less than the simple verb. Regardless of whatever
generalization might ever be arrived at, a verb root is never prefixed by more than one augment prefix
at a time.
In the following sections I will discuss those constructions in which the augment prefix occurs.
14.1. Impersonal verb plus experiencer
There are a few predicates which I assume typically occur in clauses in which no nominal heads any
relation in the initial stratum. Such predicates in Seri include those which are used to describe weather
conditions: /-kos i m/ hot (weather), /-ap/ cold, and /-apka/ rain.
188
The Final 1 Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)) claims, however, that every basic clause has a
nominal heading a final 1-arc. And indeed, these verbs are inflected to agree with a third person
subject in the following sentences.
(2)
a.
o-kos i m
EMPH-hot
Its hot (weather)!
b.
t-ap
RL-cold
Is it cold?
c.
si-pka ka-a
IRR-rain AUX-DECL
It will rain.
I claim, following Postal and Perlmutter (in press a) that a dummy heads a final 1-arc in such sentence,
accounting for the third person agreement. Additional evidence for a subject in these clauses is given
in 11.1.1.
An impersonal verb such as /-kos i m/ or /-ap/ may also occur in constructions in which an
experiencer is specified. The experiencer is the final 1 and the augment prefix precedes the verb root,
as in (3).
(3)
a.
ip--a-kos i m
1sS-EMPH-AUG-hot
Im hot!
b.
im-t-a-ap
2sS-RL-AUG-cold
Are you cold?
I propose the following structure for sentences such as (3a).

(4)
Since the final stratum is intransitive, the intransitive allomorph of the first person singular subject
prefix occurs.
14.2. Stative verb plus experiencer
Perlmutter 1978 claims that stative verbs, such as those in (5), govern initially unaccusative strata; that
is, the initial stratum of the clause contains a 2 but no 1.
(5)
a.
o-xis i
EMPH-hurt
It hurts!
d.
t-akat
RL-bitter
Is it bitter?
b.
o-mipa
EMPH-bad
It is bad/rotten/ugly/broken!
e.
e
t-as o x k-omsis n-ia
1PRO RL-alone NOM-pitiable-DECL
I am the only pitiable/poor one.
c.
k-ipe-ya
NOM-good-INTERR
Is it good?
Assuming this to be true for Seri, a sentence such as (5a) would be diagrammed as in (6), with the
initial 2 advancing to 1 by unaccusative advancement.
189
(6)
An experiencer may also occur in such clauses, as in (7) below. The experiencer is the final 1 of a
finally transitive clause.
(7)
a.
i-it
i-y-a-xis
1P-head 1sS-DIST-AUG-hurt
I have a headache.
e.
im--a-msis xk
1sO-EMPH-AUG-pitiable/PL
They pitied/loved me!
b.
i-t-a-mipa
OM-RL-AUG-bad
Did he dislike it?
f.
im-t-a-simta
2sS-RL-AUG-itchy
Is it itchy to you?
c.
i-yo-k-epe 74
1sS-DIST-AUG-good
I liked it.
g.
i-m-a-komka
1sS-PROX-AUG-noisy
I find it noisy.
d.
im-t-ak-akat
2sS-RL-AUG-bitter
Is it bitter to you?
If the experiencer is unspecified (cf. 5.11), the clause must be passive, as in (8).
(8)
a.
p-a-k-akat-
IRR-PASS-AUG-bitter-UT
If it is bitter to one...
b.
k-i-it
po-m-a-xis -
US-3P-head IRR-NEG-PASS/AUG-hurt-UT
If ones head doesnt hurt...
I therefore propose that sentences such as (7a) have the structure shown in (9a), and (8a) the structure
shown in (9b).
(9)
a.
b.
14.3. Sensory verb without experiencer

Sensory verbs such as /-pi/ taste, /-si/ smell, and /-s i m/ enjoy, which commonly occur with an initial
subject and direct object, also occur in clauses in which no experiencer is mentioned.
74
The length of the ablauted vowel in this form is anomalous. It would be expected to be short.
190
(10)
a.
mi-kamis a a s i ka m -a-si
2P-shirt rather fish
EMPH-AUG-smell
Your shirt smells like fish!
b.
a is k op a a epe -a-pi
water this
rather sea EMPH-AUG-taste
This water tastes like seawater.
c.
mi-pnai ki -a-s i m
2P-skirt the EMPH-AUG-enjoy
Your skirt is pretty!
I propose that sentence (10b) has the following structure.

(11)
14.4. Causative construction

Augmented verbs commonly occur in causative constructions.75
(12)
a.
a is k op i-m-a-meke
water this
1sS-PROX-AUG-warm
I am warming this water.
b.
e
an ki k-a-as a -ot-ia
1PRO
the NOM-AUG-cough-ot-DECL
I am making Juan cough.
c.
ast ki ee kom ko-m-t-a-tni

stone the stick the
3Ob-2sS-RL-AUG-touch
Did you make the stone touch the stick?
I am not aware of any strong arguments in favor of either a biclausal analysis, as in (13a), or a
monoclausal analysis, as in (13b), of this construction.
75
(i)
Periphrastic causatives also exist, as in (i). The causation may be less direct in them, however.
a.
i-p-ai
ta im-s-a-kas n i
a-a
1sS-IRR-do SR 2sS-IRR-PASS-bite AUX-DECL
I causing it, you will be bitten (as by a snake.)
b.
ti-a-o
im-t-a ma ipi i-sox i-mi-s t
3PRO-FOC-o 1sO-RL-do SR EMPH 1P-being 1sS-PROX-tattoo
He made me tattoo myself.
191
(13)
a.
b.
Causative constructions do not occur with downstairs passives, to use biclausal terminology. A
downstairs verb may occur detransitivized, however.76
The final relations of nominals in an active causative construction are always as follows: a
downstairs ergative is an upstairs 3, determining oblique agreement, and a downstairs absolutive is an
upstairs 2, determining object agreement. However, the root of a causative verb is not always a verb
root. Some examples with noun roots are given in (14). A verb such as (14a) occurs transitive, with a
specified direct object, or intransitive when no specific bread is in mind.
(14)
a.
-a-simet
bread
bake bread
e.
-a-s i
thing
appreciate; respect
b.
-a-tasi
name
name
f.
-a-psi
flesh
get flesh of
c.
-a-kmike
person
honor
g.
-a-s a mt
adobe
make adobe
d.
-a-ksip-a
resin
glue; solder
(15) involves an impersonal verb and both an experiencer (cf. 14.1) and an agent. Note that only
one augment prefix occurs.
(15)
kmike m intika s a kix i-s-a-kos i m

a-a
person that
sun the OM-IRR-AUG-hot AUX-DECL
The sun is going to make that person feel hot.
14.5. Help construction

Augmented verbs also commonly occur in what I call the help construction.77 The sense of help in
76
An example is given below.

-a-itim
IMP-AUG-eat/MULT
Feed him (unspecified food)!
(ii)
77
Periphrastic expressions are also available, such as in (iii).
192
the following sentences is not that of a simple benefactive. Rather, the person who is the final 1 of the
active clause does part or all of the action for the person who is the final 2.
(16)
a.
ma--y-ak-on--ot
2sO-1sS-DIST-AUG-carry-X-ot
I helped you carry it.
b.
kas t as is k oi ma--y-ak-o-men-ot
wheat these
2sO-1sS-DIST-AUG-D-winnow-ot
I helped you winnow this wheat.
c.
ma--s-a-asakim
a-a 78
2sO-1sS-IRR-AUG-comb=ones=hair AUX-DECL
I will help you comb (your hair); i.e., I will comb your hair for you.
The initial 2 of the downstairs verb does not determine oblique agreement; it is not clear what
grammatical relation it bears in the upstairs clause. It is also not clear whether a biclausal or
monoclausal analysis is to be preferred for the help construction.
Noun roots also occur in help constructions, as in /-a-tamat-ot/ help put on sandals.
14.6. Other
In 12.3.2-3 two very special uses of the augment prefix are illustrated. In one case the augment
prefix occurs when there is no initial 3 and in the other case it occurs when there is an initial 3.
A few verb forms exist which presumably involve detransitivizing an augmented form of the root.
The derived form has the idea of repetitive action involved. The derived forms in (17) are given in the
subject nominalized form.
(17)
Base
-aa
-ao
-ai
-ap
-asi
order
see
leave
sting
drink
Derived
k-o-k-o-a
k-o-k-o-o
k-o-k-o-i
k-o-k-o-p
k-o-k-o-si
boss
onlooker
winner (of race)
one that stings
one that bites (as mosquito)
The augment prefix also occurs on a number of other verbs which are related in less consistent
ways to the simple verb.
(iii)
a takop k=mi--a-meke
ak mi-a i-s-ai
a-i
water that 3Ob-2P-NOM-AUG-warm the 2P-with 1sS-IRR-do AUX-i
I will help you warm that water.
78
The augment prefix occurs before the root /-asakim/ also when teeth is specified as the
object.
(iv)
e
i-tast ki s-a-asakim ka-a
1PRO 1P-tooth the IRR-AUG-brush AUX-DECL
I will brush my teeth.
193
(18)
-ait
-aitim
-apka
-iks
-aim
eat
eat
rain
prickly
play
-a-it
-ak-o-itim
-a-pka
-a-iks
-ak-aim
194
fish
rob food from (MULT)
protect oneself from rain
bring in (thorny fruit)
play with
Chapter 15
Switch reference
Moser 1978b outlines the basic characteristics of the switch reference (SR) marking system. It is
shown that if two adjacent clauses have different subjects, change of subject marking occurs on the
first clause; if the clauses have the same subject, no marking occurs. The switch reference markers are
ta (on irrealis clauses), and ma (on realis clauses).79 SR marking occurs on dependent clauses only
not on complement clauses, nominalized clauses, or independent clauses.80 The following examples
illustrate these facts. In examples (1a-b) different subject marking occurs, but in (1c) it does not occur.
(1d), taken from Moser 1978b, illustrates that switch reference marking occurs between adjacent
clauses when more than one dependent clause exists.
(1)
a.
m -n
ki po-s a t ta-
2P-fingers the IRR-thorny SR-UT
im-s-oa a-a
2sS-IRR-cry AUX-DECL
b.
t-om-meke
ma -yo-m-asi
RL-NEG-warm SR 1sS-DIST-NEG-drink
Since it wasnt warm, I didnt drink it.
c.
mi-nai kom im-po-k-exk-

2P-skin the 2sS-IRR-AUG-wet-UT
ata p k-m- s -a
a-a
cold 3Ob-2sS-IRR-be AUX-DECL
If you wet your skin, you will catch a cold.
d.
ta
i-ti t-ap
ma ya
kix an i-t-atni
ma
3-PRO 3P-on RL-stand SR 3P-belly the in OM-RL-touch SR
ika-ta i-t-km-aa
taak i-ti t-ap
ma
INF-go OM-RL-NEG-know there 3P-on RL-stand SR
k-a-mi-s k am
3Ob-1plS-PROX-arrive/PL
79
The first clause sometimes follows the second clause, as in (i). (See 8.3.2)
s i ki k=i--ka-mipa ki iti k=m- s -a
a-a
thing the 3Ob-3P-NOM-US-bad the on 3Ob-2sS-IRR-be AUX-DECL
(i)
as tikom-o ma-po- ta-

dog that-o
2sO-IRR-do SR-UT
You will experience something bad, the dog doing it to you.
Also note that SR is not marked on a clause followed by o (3.6.5), nor on the pseudocomplement of a verb of thinking (9.4), nor on a clause followed by a verb of saying (3.5.3). Also,
while a nominalized clause cannot be marked with a SR marker, a nominalized independent clause
may cause a preceding finite clause to be so marked.
80
195
It (a horse) was standing there, he (one of our group) shot it in the belly, it (the
horse) wasnt able to walk, it stood there, we went to it.
What is at issue, of course, is what constitutes a change of subject. The rule must be made explicit
using a precise notion of subject.
15.1. The notion first subject
The following rule (omitting various details) is adequate for the facts in the examples in (1). A
grammatical notion such as final subject is chosen over a notion referring to semantic roles since no
generalization would be possible if semantic roles were involved.
(2)
If the final subject of clause A is not coreferential to the final subject of clause B, different
subject marking occurs.
Such a rule would not account for the occurrence of different subject marking in sentences such as
those in (3), however, in which the final subjects are the same. The examples in (3-4) involve passive
clauses.
(3)
a.
Whenever a deer died, it was eaten.
b.
s i ka m s o po-tamt
ta t-om-p-ao-o
fish
a IRR-abundant SR RL-NEG-PASS-see-o
Not many fish were seen.; more literally, Fish was abundant, it wasnt seen.
Nor would it account for the lack of different subject marking in sentences such as the following, in
which the final subjects are different.
(4)
a.
ta po-p-asi
ak
s-ka-mi
a-a
3PRO IRR-PASS-drink somewhere IRR-US-not=exist AUX-DECL
If that is drunk, one will die.
b.
koi s i -ipi s o t-om-p-ait

still thing-ipi a RL-NEG-PASS-eat
k-i--k-o-pis
ak i-yo-m-k-epe
3Ob-3P-NOM-US-D-suck the 1sS-DIST-NEG-AUG-good
I dont like to smoke before I eat something.; more literally, While something has
not yet been eaten, I dont like ones smoking.
c.
at ki p-a-ka-
torote the IRR-PASS-look=for-UT
epo ki mos s-a-ka
a-a
ratany the also IRR-PASS-look=for AUX-DECL
When torote is looked for, white ratany should also be looked for.
Following the analysis of bistratal passive clauses argued for in 12.4, sentence (4b) might be
represented as in (5).81
81
As noted in 12.4, while a subject may be left unspecified overtly within a clause, the reference
may be clear by the context, as in (4b). See also example (107) in chapter 2. There are situations
involving passive clauses, however, in which a sentence which might be expected to be ambiguous is
either 1) unambiguous, and therefore marked a particular way for SR, or 2) ambiguous, but still
196
(5)
Such a bistratal analysis posits more than one level at which a nominal bears the subject relation. It
therefore permits the formulation of SR marking to be in terms of initial subject, as in (6).
(6)
If the initial subject of clause A is not coreferential to the initial subject of clause B, different
This rule is adequate for all of the examples given above.

In Perlmutter 1978 it is proposed that certain clauses have initial strata without a subject. While
evidence in favor of this hypothesis has not been presented for Seri, although it was assumed for
various constructions in chapter 14, it is not clear how it would interact with the SR marking rule as it
is stated in (6). What does (6) indicate when there is no initial 1? Fortunately, evidence bearing on this
question is found by examining sentences involving subject raising (cf. chapter 11). Number
predicates would be predicted to fall within the class of unaccusative predicates (Perlmutter 1978). In
Perlmutter 1979 and Perlmutter and Postal (to appear a) the claim is also made that raising is always
out of a 2. If the downstairs clause of the raising construction in Seri heads an initial 2-arc, which
these proposed universals would predict, it is not clear how the SR marking rule would apply as
presently formulated in (6) since there is no initial 1. As the following sentence shows, however, the
rule must be made to work since SR marking occurs.
(7)
a-s imkop im-i--kata ki p-a-ato ta-

ABS-pet that
1sO-3P-NOM-bite the IRR-X-many SR-UT
ip-s-oa
1sS-IRR-cry
a-a
AUX-DECL
If that dog bites me often, I will cry.

It is assumed that the downstairs clause heads an initial 1-arc, rule (6) incorrectly predicts that SR
marking would occur in the following sentence.
marked only one way for SR. An example of the first case is sentence (4b) the unspecified subject of
the first clause in this and in structurally similar sentences is not at all ambiguous. There can be no SR
marking following this clause. An example of the second is (ii).
(ii)
an ki po-fp
taim-s-p-as t
a-a
the IRR-arrive SR-UT 2sS-IRR-PASS-tattoo AUX-DECL
When Juan comes, you will be tattooed.
Regardless of whether Juan is or is not the one who will do the tattooing, SR marking is obligatory
in this type of sentence.
197
a-s
imkop im-i--kata ki p-a-ato-
s-oi a-a
ABS-pet that
1sO-3P-NOM-bite the IRR-X-many-UT IRR-die AUX-DECL
If that dog bites me often, it will die.
(8)
As pointed out in chapter 11, the occurrence of a raising construction is more restricted when the
downstairs clause is passive. The sentences in (9) are both grammatical; (9a) involves raising and (9b)
does not. Different subject marking occurs only in (9b).
(9)
a.
i--p-as t
ki p-p-a-ato
1P-NOM-PASS-tattoo the 1sS-IRR-X-many
If I am tattooed many times, I wont cry.
p-s-km-oa
a-a
1sS-IRR-NEG-cry AUX-DECL
b.
i--p-as t
ki k-po-to
ta-
1P-NOM-PASS-tattoo the 3Ob-IRR-many SR-UT
ip-s-km-oa
a-a
1sS-IRR-NEG-cry AUX-DECL
(same gloss)
Therefore a SR marking rule which makes reference to the initial subject is empirically inadequate. I
suggest that (6) must be reformulated in terms of the first subject, rather than the initial subject, of a
clause, using the following definition of first subject.82
(10)
Nominal a is the first subject of clause d if it heads a 1-arc in stratum ci of clause d and there is
no nominal b in clause d which heads a 1-arc in stratum cj and j<i.
An analysis incorporating the unaccusative hypothesis and SR marking rule (11) correctly predicts that
different subject marking will not occur in (8) or (9a), and that it will occur in (7) and (9b).
(11)
If the first subject of clause A is not coreferential to the first subject of clause B, different
An analysis incorporating rule (11) and not the unaccusative hypothesis would incorrectly predict that
different subject marking would occur in (7).
An explicit analysis of the SR marking system and subject raising in Seri therefore provides
arguments in favor of both the unaccusative hypothesis and the notion first subject since both are
necessary to account for the switch reference marking facts.
15.2. Switch reference and the Final 1 Law
Perlmutter and Postal (in press a) notes that a basic claim of relational grammar is that every basic
clause contains a final-stratum 1-arc and thus that every basic clause involves some nominal as final
1. It is claimed that what have been called subjectless impersonal clauses by many linguists actually
have a dummy subject. If clauses of this type in Seri were subjectless, it is unclear how SR marking
rule (11) would be made to apply. Sentences such as the following show that it must apply, however.
An analysis which posits dummy subjects, as in chapter 14, accounts for these facts without
complicating rule (11).
(12)
a.
t-apka ma kmam kix -ixk

RL-rain SR woman the EMPH-wet
Since it rained, the woman got wet!
82
The possibility of such a notion being necessary is briefly discussed in Perlmutter (to appear)
where it is noted that no argument had yet been presented in its favor.
198
b.
ee-an kom ano po-k-itim

ta-
plant-area the
in IRR-US-be/MULT SR-UT
po-pka ta-
s-k-ixk
a-a
IRR-rain SR-UT IRR-US-wet AUX-DECL
If one is out in the desert, if it rains, one will get wet.
Rule (11) also speaks of coreference. If it is assumed that dummies are nonreferential, the change
of subject marking in sentences such as (13) is also explained since the subject of the first clause (a
dummy) is not coreferential with the subject of the second clause (also a dummy).83
(13)
po-pka ta-
s-ap
a-a
IRR-rain SR-UT IRR-cold AUX-DECL
If it rains, it will be cold.
Therefore the SR facts of Seri support the Final 1 Law.

15.3. Switch reference and coreference
The following sentences show that the SR marking system operates on coreference with identity. In
these examples the first subject of one of the clauses is a nominal which symbolically represents the
first subject of the other clause, but is not identical to it.
(14)
a.
im-po-pans - mi-xox s-oyat

a-a
2sS-IRR-run-UT 2P-limbs IRR-die/PL AUX-DECL
If you run, you will get tired.; more literally, If you run, your limbs will die.
b.
pants o ki s i s i-t-km-ak
the thing a OM-RL-NEG-kill
anso i-xox int-iy-atox
just
3P-limbs away-DIST-go/PL/MULT
Since Pancho didnt catch anything, he was upset.; more literally, Since Pancho
didnt catch anything, his limbs went away.
c.
asa i ti kap i-mos k-t-oit

i-y-i
gasoline the 1P-heart 3Ob-RL-descend 1sS-DIST-take
I remembered the gas, I took it.; more literally, My heart falling on the gas, I took
it.
d.
kanka ki k-s o k a k-oitom a ki

bass
the NOM-four or NOM-five or
the
pti
k-t-p-akotim-
together 3Ob-RL-PASS-kill/MULT-UT
ans-a a i--ka-iax
ki t-inex-a
ant s o ko-m-k-ix
just-true just 3P-NOM-US-strong the RL-gone-true land a 3Ob-PROX-US-sit
83
Sentences such as (iii) in which the subject of the second clause refers to the meteorological
event of the first do not take SR. It is not clear how this should be explained.
(iii)
po-pka (i--pka
ki) si-iax
a-a
IRR-rain 3P-NOM-rain the IRR-strong AUX-DECL
If it rains, it will rain hard.; more literally, If it rains, it (the raining) will be hard.
199
After four or five bass have been caught in a row, ones strength is gone, when one
is in a place.
e.
i--iax
ki t-inex anso k-oi-a
3P-NOM-strong the RL-gone just
NOM-die-DECL
When its strength is gone, it just dies.
f.
ip-t-o-p
i-sa ant m-oit
1sS-RL-D-sew=basket 1P-spirit down PROX-descend
When I am basket-sewing, I am happy.
These sentences contrast with sentences such as (1a) in which the possessed body part does not stand
for the whole person.
15.4. Adjacent clauses
It has been mentioned that SR is marked only on dependent clauses. But while the clause on which SR
is marked must be a dependent clause, the following clause need not be. In fact, it may be any kind of
clausedependent, complement, or independent; nominalized, infinitival, or finite. The clauses
therefore need not be on the same level. SR in a sentence such as (15) marks change of subject
between a dependent clause and a complement clause, as diagrammed in (16).
(15)
simet pak i-p-aitim

ta mi--it i-mi-ms o
bread some 1sS-IRR-make/MULT SR 2P-NOM-eat 1sS-PROX-want
If I make bread, I want you to eat it.
(16)
Clause A and Clause B are the adjacent clauses between which SR is marked. The fact that one is
embedded and the other is not is irrelevant. Sentence (17) has a similar structure but the subjects of the
pertinent clauses are the same and so SR marking does not occur.
(17)
a m-po-fp-
s i s o mi--it
i-mi-ms o
there 2sS-IRR-arrive-UT thing a 2P-NOM-eat 1sS-PROX-want
If you arrive there, I want you to eat something.
The following sentences illustrate this fact further. In (18a) clause A is a dependent clause and
clause B is infinitival; the first subjects are different and so SR marking occurs. Example (18b) has the
same construction but the first subjects are the same and no SR marking occurs.
200
(18)
a.
a
p-po-fp
ta-
ika-p-as t
i-mi-ms o
there 1sS-IRR-arrive SR-UT INF-PASS-tattoo 1sS-PROX-want
If I arrive there, I want to be tattooed.
b.
a p-po-fp
ta-
s i ia-it i-mi-ms o
there 1sS-IRR-arrive SR-UT thing INF-eat 1sS-PROX want
If I arrive there, I want to eat something.
15.5. Finite relative clauses

It appears that a dependent clause may, under certain conditions, function as a relative clause. SR
marking does not occur before such a clause if the preceding and following clauses have the same first
subject. The facts are represented schematically in (19). The dependent clause in question describes a
noun which is a constituent of the following clause.
(19)
(20)
Clause A
Clause B
Clause C
no
subject = a SR
subject = b SR
subject = a
GRx = b
a.
i-sa t-emt i-t-Qi

asax s o tok k=t-ap
ma
3P-spirit RL-stink OM-RL-feel basket a there 3Ob-RL-stand SR
ti-o i--tamt
y-ai-a
3PRO-o 3P-NOM-easy 3P/NOM-do-DECL
He was angry, he felt it (note: no SR), a basket was there, he grabbed it easily.
b.
iti t-i-no
enim s o tok k=t-ap
ma k=i-t-Qaas i m
on RL-have-hand knife a there 3Ob-RL-stand SR 3Ob-OM-RL-hit/MULT
He touched it (note: no SR), a knife was there, he hit it with it.
The switch reference system of Seri has appeared in a few publications since 1981. Minor reference is
made to it in Marlett 1984b, and data from Seri appear in Finer 1985a and Finer 1985b (which did not
take the facts of this chapter into consideration). It is the major focus of Marlett 1984a, and also
Farrell, Marlett, and Perlmutter (1991). The latter is a critical review of the Government and Binding
analysis presented in Finer 1985a-b since the Seri facts provide direct counterevidence.
Farrell, Patrick, Stephen A. Marlett, and David M. Perlmutter. 1991. Notions of subjecthood and
switch reference: evidence from Seri. Linguistic Inquiry 22:431-56.
Finer, Daniel. 1985a. The syntax of switch reference. Linguistic Inquiry 16:35-55.
Finer, Daniel. 1985b. The formal grammar of switch reference. Garland, New York. Doctoral
dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, 1984.
Marlett, Stephen A. 1984a. Switch-reference and subject raising in Seri. Syntax and Semantics 16: The
Syntax of Native American Languages, 247-68, eds. E.-D. Cook y D. Gerdts. New York:
Academic Press.
201
Chapter 16
Text
The following text is an edited version of a story as it was told by Antonio Burgos, recorded and
transcribed by E. Moser.
(1)
o
t-pakta yo - k-e
thus
RL-be
DIST-US-say
It was like this, it is said.
(2)
tok k=t-aka ant k=- -a

ki to k-a-yai
there 3Ob-RL-be base
3Ob-toward-NOM-move the far NOM-X-complete
In the old times, long ago,
i--ka - itom
ant mo - k-a
k-aka
o t-e
yo - k-e
3P-NOM-US-say base
toward-NOM-move NOM-exist thus RL-say DIST-US-say
old stories say thus, it is said.
(3)
ki ee ki is a k ano y-om
kset a-p-a 84
NOM-PASS-call the tree the here
in DIST-lie
The one called Kwset was here among these bushes.
(4)
ta - kot t-ap
is a yo-p
3PRO 3P-with RL-stand here DIST-stand
He was with them, he was here.
(5)
ma
ti s a imkix i-kp
i-t-yai 85
3PRO sun that
3P-side OM-RL-help=lower SR
He was opposing the sun,
t- - motox
tok k=t-oi
yo - k-e
RL-have-gambling=stick/PL there 3Ob-RL-be/PL DIST-US-say
they were there gambling, it is said.
t- - motox
tok k=t-oi
RL-have-gambling=stick/PL there 3Ob-RL-be/PL
They were there gambling,
(6)
tok k=i-y-ai
tok k=i-y-ai
ka
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL the/FOC
they were there a long time,
kset is a bush of the area (Aramisquea emarginata). This story is about Kwset before he
became a bush.
84
The expression ikp kyai literally means to help someone lower the load he is carrying on his
head. Such an action implies strength on one's part with respect to the other person, and thus,
according to one man's explanation, this expression has taken on the extended meaning of opposing a
person.
85
This version of the story does not explain that the sun had coerced Kwset into gambling with him.
202
t-p-es i
yo - k-e
kset a-p-a
kix
RL-PASS-defeat DIST-US-say
NOM-PASS-call the
the one called Kwset was beat, it is said.
(7)
t-p-es i
ma t-ata yo - k-e
RL-PASS-defeat SR RL-go DIST-US-say
He was beat, he went, it is said.
(8)
s a kix ap t-ap
ma-
sun the outside RL-stand SR-UT
When the sun rose,
an is a k ko=nt= t -a
ta ko=nt= t -a
ma
area this
3Ob-away-RL-move 3PRO 3Ob-away-RL-move SR
he (Kwset) went here, he went there,
o i--pakta ka
ant tas o a ant k-okx
thus 3P-NOM-be the/FOC year one or
year NOM-two
a ta i-t-aao
ma
or 3PRO OM-RL-go=around SR
so after one or two years had passed,
enim-i i-t-i-tamt
yo - k-e
metal-FOC OM-RL-have-sandal DIST-US-say
he put on metal sandals, it is said,
o t-aska yo - k-e
but RL-break DIST-US-say
but they broke, it is said.
(9)
o t-aska ko t-aska ma
enim-i i-t-i-tamt
metal-FOC OM-RL-have-sandal but RL-break all
RL-break SR
He wore metal sandals but they broke, they broke completely,
mos ima ki i-t-i-tamt
yo - k-e
enim ki
also other the OM-RL-have-sandal DIST-US-say metal the
he put on other ones, also of metal, it is said.
(10)
s a ki -me ak i-t-yai
a
nt= t -a
sun the 3P-camp the OM-RL-go=to there away-RL-move
He was going to the suns house, there he was going,
a nt= - -a
a nt= - -a
ka
there away-3P-NOM-move there away-3P-NOM-move the/FOC
going there a long time,
ika komka k k-mis
pak
things people
NOM/OM-resemble some
tok k=t-oi
ma
there 3Ob-RL-be/PL SR
ano t-afp
yo - k-e
in
RL-arrive DIST-US-say
some Indians were there, he arrived among them, it is said.
203
(11)
ant tas o t-eme

ma ano t-afp
year one RL-gone SR
in
RL-arrive
When one year had passed, he arrived among them,
ika o - itox
ki i-t-ait
yo - k-e
things 3P/NOM-eat/PL the OM-RL-eat DIST-US-say
he ate the peoples food, it is said.
(12)
ta ka
i-t-aitox
yo - k-e
coals the/FOC OM-RL-eat/PL DIST-US-say
They ate coals, it is said.
(13)
ta ka
ika k-atk
t-p-aitim
ma-
coals the/FOC things NOM-thin/PL RL-PL-PASS-make/MULT SR-UT
Tortillas were made from coals,
i-t-aitox
yo - k-e
OM-RL-eat/PL DIST-US-say
they ate them, it is said.
(14)
t-a-simet
ma- mos i-t-aitox
yo - k-e
RL-PASS/AUG-bread SR-UT also OM-RL-eat/PL DIST-US-say
When bread was made, they also ate it, it is said.
(15)
ta ki t-i a ma
coals the RL-pure SR
Although it was pure coals,
k- - itox-ii
komkak e
is i -k-mis
NOM-OM-eat/PL-FOC people
1PRO 1plO-NOM/OM-resemble
the ones who ate it were people like us,
o o im-pakta
yo - k-e
DIST-US-say but thus PROX-be
it is said, but thats how it was.
(16)
ta ka
i-m - itox
coals the/FOC OM-PROX-eal/PL
They ate coals.
(17)
o t-pakta ma a nt= - -a
s a kix iki
t-iin
thus RL-be SR there away-3P-NOM-move sun the toward RL-go
So, going,
going toward the sun,
a nt= - -a
a nt= - -a
ka
there away-3P-NOM-move there away-3P-NOM-move the/FOC
going a long time,
mos ant tas o t-eme ma
mos pak aki
k=t-oi
ma
also year one
RL-gone SR
also some somewhere 3Ob-RL-be/PL SR
again, after a year was up,
again some (people) were somewhere,
204
pak k - no
t-afp
s a ki t-ato
ma
some 3P-among RL-arrive sun the RL-many SR
he arrived to some many days later
pak k - no
t-afp
yo - k-e
some 3P-among RL-arrive DIST-US-say
he arrived to some, it is said.
(18)
ta ika i-m- - ms i
a-p-a
yo - k-e
3PRO things NOM-NEG-have-anuses NOM-PASS-call DIST-US-say
They were called Anus-less people, it is said.
(19)
kmike ipi
is i -k-mis
yo - k-e
o
person EMPH 1plO-NOM/OM-resemble DIST-US-say but
He was a person like us, it is said, but
s i i-mx s iti t-m-aka
ma s i a-p-ait
ki i-t-a-tamatx
thing 3P-anus a on RL-NEG-exist SR thing NOM-PASS eat the OM-RL-AUG-abundant
he didnt have an anus,
they had lots of food,
a-p-a a
k-is
a ika k-ak
a
NOM-PASS-grind NOM-raw and things NOM-big/PL and
flour and corn and
s i -s
k-Qix ki i-t-as n akox
thing 3P-fruit NOM-red the OM-RL-cook=in=water/PL
beans they cooked,
k-mam
ki
ak
ant t-a-kniio yo - k-e
somewhere land RL-PASS-pour DIST-US-say NOM-cooked the
it was poured out on the groundthe cooked stuff.
(20)
o t-pakta ma ant s o k=t-oi-

thus RL-be SR land a 3Ob-RL-be/PL-UT
Then, they were in a place,
ano t-yenkox
yo - k-e
ika takoi
in RL-have/face/PL DIST-US-say things those
they put their faces in it, it is said, those people.
(21)
s i s i-m-aitox-ia
thing a NOM/OM-NEG-eat/PL-DECL but
They didnt eat it but
ano t-yenkox
tok k=t-oi
in RL-have/face/PL there 3Ob-RL-be/PL
they put their faces in it,
a ta ika is k oi im i-t-aalaxk-
just 3PRO things these there OM-RL-leave/PL-UT
those people just threw it out,
205
i-t-aaox
yo - k-e
OM-RL-leave/PL DIST-US-say
they left them, it is said.
(22)
o t-pakta ma
thus RL-be SR
Then
s i a-p-es i
s a ki k-yai
tintika
thing NOM-PASS-defeat sun the NOM/OM-go=to the
the one who had been defeated who was going to the sun
t-o -itim
yo - k-e
RL-D-eat/MULT DIST-US-say
ate, it is said.
(23)
t-o -itim
ika kom i-t-aitim
RL-D-eat/MULT things the OM-RL-eat
He ate, he ate the things,
ika k-atk
a simet kom i-t-aitim
things NOM-thin/PL and bread the OM-RL-eat/MULT
he ate the tortillas and the bread,
tok k=i--itim
iti an i-t-on
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/MULT on much OM-RL-carry
while he was there, he carried a lot,
t-ata mos s a tikix i-t-yai
yo - k-e
RL-go also sun that OM-RL-go=to DIST-US-say
he went, he went to the sun, it is said.
(24)
s a tikix i-t-yai
a nt= - -a
a nt= - -a
sun that OM-RL-go=to there away-eP-NOM-move there away-3P-NOM-move
He went to the sun,
he was going a long time,
ant s o t-eme ma kma s i kak k-ato
pak
year a RL-gone SR then
birds
NOM-many some
a year passed, then many birds
amime ipkom ano k-oi
ki t-ko ma
sky
this
in NOM/be/PL the RL-all SR
who live in the sky, all of them,
t-p-aatim
s i s o tok k=t-ap
RL-PASS-call/MULT thing a there 3Ob-RL-stand
were called, somebody was there,
ako s ano t-ap
house a in RL-stand
he was in a house,
ako ipkop k-mis

s ano t-ap
ma
house this
RL/OM-resemble a in RL-stand SR
he was in a house like this one,
k=t-afp
ma t-o-k-aix
t-o-k-aix
3Ob-RL-arrive SR RL-D-AUG-sway RL-D-AUG-sway
he (Kwset) arrived to him, he (man) called a long time with a bull-roarer,
tok k=i- -p
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-stand
standing there a long time,
tok k=i- -p
iti
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-stand on
206
s i kak is m okat ko ant k=t-oi

yo - k-e
birds
these
all
down 3Ob-RL-be/PL DIST-UT-say
all of the birds came down, it is said.
(25)
ko ant k=t-oi
ma t-a-miitim
yo - k-e
all
down 3Ob-RL-be/PL SR RL-PASS-ask/MULT DIST-US-say
They all came down, they were questioned, it is said,
ant taaxka is ko=nt= t -at
ma
land that
here 3Ob-away-RL-move/PL SR
they were in a line.
(26)
aki ak s a ki ano t-ix

where the sun the in RL-sit
Where is the sun?
s a ki aki ak ano t-ix
sun the where the in RL-sit
Where is the sun?,
(27)
i-me
ki aki ak ano t-ap
3P-camp the where the in RL-stand
Where is his house?
t-p-a
ma o t-e
yo - k-e
RL-PASS-say SR thus RL-say DIST-US-say
it was said, thus he said, it is said.
o t-e
yo - k-e
s i k kix
thus RL-say DIST-US-say bird the
Thus the bird said, it is said:
s a s o aki
p-ix ta -t-km-aa-o
sun a somewhere IRR-sit SR 1sS-RL-NEg-know-o
If there is a sun somewhere, I dont know it.
(28)
s a ki i-me s o aki
po-p
ta
sun the 3P-camp a somewhere IRR-stand SR
If there is a suns house,
o t-e
yo - k-e
-t-km-aa-o
1sS-RL-NEG-know-o thus RL-say DIST-US-say
I dont know it, thus he said, it is said.
(29)
iki
i--i
s i-t-km-aax
yo - k-e
toward 3P-NOM-be a OM-RL-NEG-know DIST-US-say
They didnt know where it was, it is said,
tok k=i-y-ai
tok k=i-y-ai
i--a-miitim
iti
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL 3P-NOM-PASS-ask/MULT on
on their being asked.
(30)
86
s i k s a ka p nix k- - it
a-p-a
bird
NOM-OM-eat NOM-PASS-call
The bird called Who eats s a kapnix86
s a ka p nix is the name of some unknown edible item, probably a small fruit.
207
ti tok k=mo - t-a

ant t-oit
3PRO there 3Ob-toward-RL-move down RL-descend
came, he descended,
ant ipmoka k=t-afp
ma t-a-miit
ma
land this
3Ob-RL-arrive SR RL-PASS-ask SR
he arrived at this place, he was asked,
is a k=t-ix ma t-a-miit
ma
here 3Ob-RL-sit SR RL-PASS-ask SR
he was sitting here, he was asked,
o t-e
yo - k-e
thus RL-say DIST-US-say
thus he said, it is said:
(31)
ako s o is a k ano yo-p

house a here in
DIST-stand
There is this house.
(32)
ti a
a m-a-imos
3PRO NOM/be just PROX-1REST-think
That is it, I think.
(33)
ant -a-ya
k-akox s o is a k ano t-om ma
land NOM-PASS-own NOM-big a here
in
RL-lie SR
There is a large farm here,
ano p-t-afp-
ano p-t-ix
in
1sS-RL-arrive-UT in 1sS-RL-sit
I arrive to it, I am on it, I eat it.
(34)
i-yo-itim
1sS-DIST-eat/MULT
ant -a-ya
kom ate at-o -itim
i
land NOM-PASS-own the 1REST 1REST/P-NOM-eat/MULT ii
The farm was what I myself ate at times,
kom-a
ant -a-ya
land NOM-PASS-own the-FOC
the farm.
(35)
ti
a
a m-a-imos
ti
3PRO NOM/be just PROX-1REST-think 3PRO
That is it, I think.
(36)
a-p-os t
a-tkm-oktam
o t-e
yo - k-e
1plS-IRR-go=to 1plS-ABIL-look=at/PL thus RL-say DIST-US-say
If we go there, we can see it, thus he said, it is said.
(37)
o t-pakta ma s i ipkix i-t-sanx

thus RL-be SR thing this
OM-RL-carry=on-back
So he (bird) carried him (Kwset) on his back,
is a k an i-t-sanx
t-kap t-ata ma
here in OM-RL-carry=on=back RL-fly RL-go SR
he carried him here on his back, he flew, he went,
208
ant t-ax t ak
t-mi
yo - k-e
down RL-fall
somewhere RL-not=exist DIST-US-say
he (Kwset) fell down, he fainted, it is said.
(38)
ak
t-mi
tok ko - t-om a ta
somewhere RL-not=exist there 3Ob-RL-lie just AUX
He fainted, he just lay there,
mos t-i-sa
ma mos aptko i-t-ak-ata
yo - k-e
also RL-have-spirit SR also already OM-RL-AUG-go DIST-US-say
he revived, he (bird) took him again,
it is said.
(39)
o i--
o i--
ka
thus 3P-NOM-do thus 3P-NOM-do the/FOC
Doing that a long time,
ak
i--mi
ki t-a-ato ma
somewhere 3P-NOM-not=exist the RL-X-many SR
he fainted many times,
i-t-sanx
i-t-ak-ata
OM-RL-carry=on-back OM-RL-AUG-go
he (bird) carried him on his back, he took him,
a nt=i--os i
ka
there away-3P-NOM-take the/FOC
in his taking him there,
i--amok
s i-t-ait
ma
ant s-fi ta
ma
3P-NOM-night a OM-RL-travel/PL SR
land IRR- AUX SR
they traveled in one night, when it was about to dawn,
ako kop k=t-afp
yo - k-e
house the 3Ob-RL-arrive DIST-US-say
he arrived at the house, it is said.
(40)
ako kop k=t-afp

i-t-akat
ant -a-ya
kom k=t-iin
house the 3Ob-RL-arrive OM-RL-leave land NOM-PASS-own the 3Ob-RL-go
He arrived at the house, he left him,
he went to the farm,
i-t-aitim
yo - k-e
s i k tintika
OM-RL-eat/MULT DIST-US-say bird the
the bird ate it, it is said.
(41)
ant -a-ya
kom k=t-iin i-t-aitim
ma
land NOM-PASS-own the 3Ob-RL-go OM-RL-eat/MULT SR
He went to the farm, he ate it,
s a kix ap t-ap
ma
sun the outside RL-stand SR
the sun was rising,
kma ako ipkop ano mo - t-a

then
house this
in toward-RL-move
then he came out of this house,
209
ap t-ap
ma
outside RL-stand SR
he was rising,
s a kix k=t-afp
yo - k-e
s i i-sox
k=a-p-es i
ki
sun the 3Ob-RL-arrive DIST-US-say thing 3P-being 3Ob-NOM-PASS-defeat the
the one who had been defeated arrived to the sun.
(42)
k=t-afp
ma s a ka m kix tok k=t-ix
o t-e
yo - k-e
3Ob-RL-arrive SR girl
the there 3Ob-RL-sit thus RL-say DIST-US-say
He arrived to him, there was a young girl there,
thus she said, it is said:
(43)
kmakox a-a ktam k-ipe

m--is i
old=man just-FOC man NOM-good 2sS-EMPH-defeat
Old man (father), what a good man you beat!
(44)
ktam i-pak k=k-ipe

m--is i
man 3P-back 3Ob-NOM-good 2sS-EMPH-defeat
You beat the best man!
(45)
s i s o m-t-is i
m-e y -e
thing a 2sS-RL-defeat 2sS-DIST-say
You said that you beat someone.
(46)
ti ip a-ya
is t-ap
o i-t-ai
yo - k-e
3PRO this
NOM/be-INTERR here RL-stand thus OM-RL-say DIST-US-say
Is this one standing here the one?
thus she said to him, it is said.
(47)
kmakox ki s a kix o t-e

yo - k-e
old=man the sun the thus RL-say DIST-US-say
The sun said thus, it is said:
(48)
ti po-a ta -t-km-aa-o
3PRO IRR-be SR 1sS-RL-NEG-know-o
I dont know if it is him.
(49)
ti
a-ya
o ti po-a ta -t-km-aa-o
3PRO NOM/be-INTERR but 3PRO IRR-be SR 1sS-RL-NEG-know-o
It might be him, but I dont know if it is him.
(50)
s a kix a n o po-s k im ta
sun the in IRR-go SR
When the sun sets,
i--amok
ki tas o kop ti iti ika koi ko i-p-a- - ik
3P-NOM-night the one the
3PRO on things the all
OM-IRR-AUG-3P-seed
if he (Kwset) harvests everything in one night,
i-po -i
ta ant -a-ya
kom ko i-p-ai
i-po -i
OM-IRR-finish SR land NOM-PASS-own the
all
OM-IRR-do OM-IRR-finish
if he finishes it,
if he does the whole farm, if he finishes it,
210
kma ko=-s y -a
a-a
t-e
then 3Ob-1sS-IRR-know AUX-DECL RL-say
then I will know him by that, he said, it is said.87
(51)
yo - k-e
DIST-US-say
o t-pakta ma tok k=i-y-ai

tok k=i-y-ai
thus RL-be SR
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL
Then
t-amok ma i-t-ai
yo - k-e
RL-night SR OM-RL-do DIST-US-say
when it was night, he did it, it is said.
(52)
i-t-ai
ant -a-ya
kom ko i-t-ai
yo - k-e
OM-RL-do land NOM-PASS-own the all
OM-RL-finish DIST-US-say
He did it,
he finished the whole farm, it is said.
(53)
ko i-t-ai
i-t-akat
yo - k-e
all OM-RL-finish OM-RL-leave DIST-US-say
He finished it all, he left it, it is said.
(54)
ant t-fi-a ma i-yo -i

land RL-?-true SR OM-DIST-finish
By morning he finished it.
(55)
koi i-t-km-aa-o
t-e t -e
yo - k-e
still OM-RL-NEG-know-o t-RL-say DIST-US-say
He said that he still didnt know him, it is said.
(56)
koi s i ki a-o
s i-tk-m-aa
still thing the NOM/be-o a OM-RL-NEG-know
He said that he still didnt know him, it is said.
(57)
tok k=i--ix
iti mos is a kix
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-sit on also moon the
Also while he was there, the moon
t-e t -e
yo - k-e
t-RL-say DIST-US-say
ee a-p-ek
s o is t-ap
ma
tree NOM-PASS-plant a here RL-stand SR
a tree was there
i-sexa
s i-p-a -pim
iki
i-p-a
ta
3P-branch a OM-IRR-AUG-break toward OM-IRR-point AUX
he should break a branch from it, he should point it toward it (the moon),
- yat kop iti ant i-s-kai
ta
3P-tip the on down OM-IRR-put AUX
he should put it on its tip,
i-t-a
ma is a kix
OM-RL-say SR moon the
he told him.
87
This is the first of the four impossible tasks the sun requires Kwset to do. The sun hoped that he
would fail so that his daughter would not marry him.
211
(58)
o-o m-pakta o
thus-o PROX-be but
It was thus, but
mos koi i-t-km-aa-o

t-e t -e yo - k-e
also still OM-RL-NEG-know-o t-RL-say DIST-US-say
he said that he still didnt know him, it is said.
(59)
koi i-t-km-aa-o
t-e t -e ma
still OM-RL-NEG-know-o t-RL-say SR
He said that he still didnt know him,
tok k=i-y-ai
tok k=i-y-ai
kaa
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL the/FOC
mos o t-e
t-e m -e
also thus RL-say t-PROX-say
he said thus, he said:
(60)
ee amo ra ipkop iti m-p-ix

ta po-kapatim
is k=p-itim
wood mule
this
on 2sS-IRR-sit SR IRR-fly/MULT here 3Ob-IRR-be/MULT
If you get on this wooden mule,88
if it is here bucking,
ant me-po-m-Qas
ta-
land 3Ob/2sO-IRR-NEG-throw SR-UT
if it doesnt throw you to the ground,
kma ma--s y -a
a-i
then
2sO-1sS-IRR-know AUX-i
then I will know you.
(61)
kma ma--s y -a
a-a
then
1sO-1sS-IRR-know AUX-DECL
Then I will know you.
(62)
s i k-a
ki ma--s y -a
a-a
o i-t-ai
yo - k-e
thing NOM-be the 2sO-1sS-IRR-know AUX-DECL thus OM-RL-say DIST-US-say
I will know who you are,
thus he said to him, it is said.
(63)
mos s i k-a-o
s i-t-km-aa
t-e t -e
yo - k-e
also thing NOM-be-o a OM-RL-NEG-know t-RL-say DIST-US-say
Again he said that he didnt know who he was, it is said.
(64)
ant i-t-kom-xiit
yo - k-e
down OM-RL-NEG throw DIST-US-say
It didnt throw him down, it is said.
(65)
kay k-kaptim
aa i ee amo ra kop
horse NOM-fly/MULT sort=of wood mule
the
ant k=i-t-kom-Qas
yo - k-e
land 3Ob-OM-RL-NEG-throw DIST-US-say
The bucking horse, the wooden mule, didnt throw him to the ground, it is said.
88
There is a jump in the story at this point. The sun's daughter and Kwset run away together.
212
(66)
o t-pakta ma tok k=t-oi

a ta
ma
thus RL-be SR there 3Ob-RL-be/PL just AUX SR
Thus it was, they were there,
kma mos o i-t-ai
yo - k-e
then
also thus OM-RL-say DIST-US-say
then he (sun) said to him, it is said:
(67)
kma-a p-t-i met tok ko=p-t-ix

ma
then-FOC 1sS-RL-married there 3Ob-1sS-RL-sit SR
When I was just newly married,
epe k-akox s o a mo - t-a
ma a-t-ait
sea
NOM-big a there toward-RL-move SR 1plS-RL-pass/PL
we were passing a big sea,
ant is a k k=a-t-ito i x
ma
land this 3Ob-1plS-RL-go/PL SR
we were coming to this land,
ant iti a-y-ai
is a k k=a-t-ito i x ma
land on 1P-NOM-be/PL this
3Ob-1plS-go/PL SR
we were returning to this place where we live,
kma a-no
-a-kai
is a k=k-ix
s o is t-ix
then ABS-finger NOM-PASS-put here 3Ob-NOM-sit a here RL-sit
then a ring that was here was here,
ti oro ki t-a epe an ant yait
3PRO gold the RL-be sea
it was gold, it fell into the sea.
(68)
epe timoka an ant yait

sea the
It fell into the sea.
(69)
ti
im-p-as i
m-po-mxk ta-
3PRO 2sS-IRR-carry 2sS-IRR-bring SR-UT
If you carry it, if you bring it,
kma s i k-a
ki ma--s y -a
a-a
then
thing NOM-be the 2sO-1sS-IRR-know AUX-DECL
then I will know who you are,
o i-t-ai
yo - k-e
thus OM-RL-say DIST-US-say
thus he said to him, it is said.
(70)
t-amok ma a-no
-a-kai
kix i-t-amxk
RL-night SR ABS-finger NOM-PASS-put the OM-RL-bring
It was night, he (Kwset) brought the ring,
213
s a kix k=i=t-ak-o-o-t
yo - k-e
sun the 3Ob-OM-RL-AUG-o-see-t DIST-US-say
he showed it to the sun, it is said.
(71)
o-o m-pakta o mos i-t-km-aa-o

t-e t -e
yo - k-e
thus-o PROX-be but also OM-RL-NEG-know-o t-RL-say DIST-US-say
Thus it was, but
again he said that he didnt know him, it is said.
(72)
a i-t-km-aa-o
koi i-t-km-aa-o
just OM-RL-NEG-know-o still OM-RL-NEG-know-o
He just didnt know him, he still didnt know him,
(73)
o t-pakta ma
thus RL-be SR
Then
t-e t -e yo - k-e
t-RL-say DIST-US-say
he said, it is said.
tok k=i-y-ai
tok k=i-y-ai
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL
s i ki o-Qaktim
tintika an - a i-t-ai
thing the 3p/NOM-work=at the
much 3P-with OM-RL-do
he helped him a lot with what he (sun) was working at,
an i-t-Qaktim
tok k=i--ix
iti kma
much OM-RL-work=at there 3Ob-3P-NOM-sit on then
he was doing a lot, while he was there
ans-a a i-t-ap-a
a t-a-Qi
a ta
yo - k-e
just-true just OM-RL-mad=at-true just RL-PASS-feel just AUX DIST-US-say
it seemed that he (the sun) just became very mad at him.
(74)
epe ki i-te ipkom k-mis

s o
sea
the 3P-shore this
NOM/OM-resemble a
There was a seashore like this one,
tok ko - t-om
there 3-b-RL-lie
ma
SR
i-t-os i t
k=t-as k am
ma
OM-RL-go=to/PL 3Ob-RL-arrive/PL SR
they (Kwset and daughter) went to it, they arrived to it,
ant a-p-aspox
aa i iti i-t-kai ma s i tikix
land NOM-PASS-AUG/spotted sort=of on OM-RL-put SR thing that
he drew a picture in the sand,
ee a-skam s o t-a ma ano t-oi
yo - k-e
wood ABS-balsa a RL-be SR in RL-be/PL DIST-US-say
it became a ship, they got in it, it is said.
(75)
yo - k-e
ano t-oi
epe k-akox ipkom ko=nt- t -at
in
RL-be/PL sea NOM-big this
3Ob-away-RL-move/PL DIST-US-say
They got in it, they went away on this large sea, it is said.
(76)
ta iti - -om
ta
3PRO on 3P-NOM-lie 3PRO
While they were there,
214
aki
t-oi
ma s a kix ap si-p
ta
somewhere RL-be/PL SR sun the outside IRR-stand AUX
they were somewhere, the sun was about to rise,
ee a-skam ki yen
ki - yat tikop
wood ABS-balsa the 3P/face the 3P-tip that
s a ki iti mo - t-a
ap t-ap
yo - k-e
sun the on toward-RL-move outside RL-stand DIST-US-say
the sun rose over the ships bow, it is said.
(77)
s a ki iti mo - t-a
ap t-ap
sun the on toward-RL-move outside RL-stand
The sun came, he rose,
kma kmam y-as i
kix i-t-miit yo - k-e
then
woman 3P/NOM-carry the OM-RL-ask DIST-US-say
then he questioned his daughter, it is said.
(78)
kma nt= t -a-o

me-o
im-mi--
ki -yo - a
ya
then away-RL-move-o 2PRO-o 1sO-2P-NOM-do the 1sS-DIST-know ya
From the beginning I knew that it was you who was doing it to me.
(79)
me-o
im-k- - -i
is ko=m-m-ix
2PRO-o 1sO-NOM-OM-do-FOC here 3Ob-2sS-PROX-sit
It was you doing it to me.
(80)
me-o
im-m-t-a
ma ma--t-km-ao-o
2PRO-o 1sO-2sS-RL-do SR 2sO-1sS-RL-NEG-see-o
You caused me to not see you,
o i-t-ai
yo - k-e
thus OM-RL-say DIST-US-say
thus he told her, it is said.
(81)
o i-t-ai
mos i-t-akata im-t-iin
thus OM-RL-say also OM-RL-leave toward-RL-go
Thus he told her, he left her, he returned.
(82)
im-t-iin
i--ix
ak k=t-iin
toward-RL-go 3P-NOM-sit the 3Ob-RL-go
He returned to the place where he was,
(83)
kma iki
i--itox
s i-t-km-aa-o
then
toward 3P-NOM-be/PL a OM-RL-NEG=know-o
Then he didnt know where they were.
(84)
iki
i--itox
s i-m-aa
ta s a a ki t-ato ma
toward 3P-NOM-be/PL a NOM/OM-NEG-know ta sun the RL-many SR
He didnt know where they were,
the days were many,
215
k=t-ix
yo - k-e
3Ob-RL-sit DIST-US-say
he was there, it is said.
epe kom ti ika santa r pak iti i-t-at

yo - k-e
sea the 3PRO things soldiers some on OM-RL-see/PL DIST-US-say
they saw some soldiers on the ocean, it is said.
(85)
ika k-i-as x ox
ki iti i-t-at
k=i-t-kas i tox
yo - k-e
things NOM-have-bullets the on OM-RL-see/PL 3Ob-OM-RL-abduct/PL DIST-US-say
The soldiers saw them on it,
they abducted her, it is said.
(86)
kmike kmam kix k=t-a-kas i t

yo - k-e
Seri
woman the 3Ob-RL-PASS-abduct DIST-US-say
The Seri woman was taken, it is said.
(87)
k=t-a-kas i t
ma
3Ob-RL-PASS-abduct SR
She was taken away,
tok ko=nt= - -a
tok ko=nt= - -a
there 3Ob-away-3P-NOM-move there 3Ob=away-3P-NOM-move
they went a long time,
ai k-aiax
s o m-t-oit
ma
wind NOM-strong a toward-RL-descend SR
a strong wind came up,
y-a-e mek
a ee a-skam ki - sox
3P/NOM-AUG-move/PL and wood ABS-balsa the 3P-being
a kix epe kom ko=nt= t -a
and the sea
the 3Ob-away-RL-move
the sails and the ship itself went into the sea,
t-tapokim ma
Rl-break=up SR
it broke up,
ika koi k-is-ipi

t-m-aka i
yo - k-e
things the NOM-little-ipi RL-NEG-remain DIST-US-say
nothing at all was left, it is said.
(88)
ee a-skax ki k-s o k ki tok k=t-oaka

wood ABS-balsa the NOM-four the there 3Ob-RL-be/PL
There were four ships,
tas o -ipi t-m-aka i
yo - k-e
one-ipi RL-NEG-remain DIST-US-say
not even one of them was left.
(89)
epe kom i-t-aaox

i-taix -s k kom k=t-as k am
sea the OM-RL-leave/PL 3P-edge 3P-? the 3Ob-RL-arrive/PL
They left the sea, they arrived at the high tide line,
it iti t-oi
ap t-oi
3PRO on RL-be/PL outside RL-be/PL
they were there, they got out,
tok k=t-oi
yo - k-e
there 3Ob-RL-be/PL DIST-US-say
they were there, it is said.
216
(90)
s o ak
t-om-mi
yo - k-e
ika takoi
a somewhere RL-NEG-not=exist DIST-US-say things those
None of those people died, it is said.
(91)
yos kix ek
kix ak
t-om-mi
yo - k-e
god the 3P/daughter the somewhere RL-NEG-net=exist DIST-US-say
Gods daughter didnt die, it is said.
(92)
epe kom ak
k=t-om-mi
sea the
somewhere 3Ob-RL-NEG-not=exist
She didnt die in the ocean,
ap t-ap
i-t-ai
ma
outside RL-stand OM-RL-leave SR
she got out, she left it (ocean),
pyest k-akox s o aki

ant t-ix ma
fiesta NOM-big a somewhere land RL-sit SR
there was a big party,
k=t-as k am
ma
3Ob-RL-arrive/PL SR
they arrived to it,
mos aptko mos k=i-s-kas i tox
a ta
also already also 3Ob-OM-IRR-abudct/PL AUX
again they (soldiers) tried to abduct her.
(93)
t-amxk
yo - k-e
RL-think/PL DIST-US-say
k=i-s-kas i tox
a ta
t-amxk
3Ob-OM-IRR-abduct/PL AUX RL-think/PL
They tried to abduct her,
i-t-iax
ant ima s ano k-kaitaxk-ia
o
OM-RL-take/PL land other
a in NOM/OM-put/PL-DECL but
they took her, they put her in a place,
ant s iki
t-iin
yo - k-e
ktam tintika
mos - t-a-o
also OM-RL-accompany-o land a toward RL-go
DIST-US-say man the
he (Kwset) also accompanied her, the man (Kwset) went along.
(94)
- t-a
ant s iki
i--iin
OM-RL-accompany land a toward 3P-NOM-go
He accompanied her, he went,
tok ko=nt= - -a
ta s a ki t-ato ma
there 3Ob-away-3P-NOM-move 3PRO sun the RL-many SR
going there, the days were many,
mos eme-a k=t-afp
yo - k-e
also camp-true 3Ob-RL-arrive DIST-US-say
he arrived at his real home.
(95)
eme-a k=t-as k am
ma
camp-true 3Ob-Rl-arrive/PL SR
They arrived at their real homes,
217
kma aptko mos pyest ant i-t-kaitaxk

yo - k-e
then
already also fiesta down OM-RL-put/PL DIST-US-say
they (people) put on another big party.
(96)
tok k=i-y-ai
iti
there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL on
While they were there,
kma ika k-i-as x ox
tamokat k=t-as k am
then
things NOM-have-bullets the
3Ob-RL-arrive/PL
the soldiers arrived to them,
yo - k-e
o mos i--ais i -a-pi
a t-m-aka
ma
DIST-US-say but also 3P-NOM-do/PL-a-ipi there RL-NEG-exist SR
it is said, but they didnt do a thing to them,
i-t-aaox
yo - k-e
OM-RL-leave/PL DIST-US-say
they left them, it is said.
(97)
kmike kmam kix k=i-t-km-ak-o-aox

yo - k-e
Seri
woman the 3Ob-OM-RL-NEG-AUG-o-leave/PL DIST-US-say
They didnt make the Seri woman leave, it is said.
(98)
i-t-km-iax
yo - k-e
OM-RL-NEG-take/PL DIST-US-say
They didnt take her, it is said.
(99)
a
nt= - -at
a nt= - -at
iti
there away-3P-NOM-move/PL there away3P-NOM-move/PL on
They went for a long time,
epe s o k=t-ois k t
ant-a pa iki
t-ato k
ma
sea a 3Ob-RL-be/PL land-true toward RL-cross/PL SR
they got out of the ocean, they crossed to the mainland,
ika ta k=t-oi
t-ato ma
things 3PRO 3Ob-RL-be/PL RL-many SR
people were there, they were many,
ki-no t-as k am
ma
santa r koi ipi i-t-iyaa
3P-in RL-arrive/PL SR
soldiers the EMPH OM-RL-defend/PL
they (Kwset et al) arrived to them, the soldiers themselves defended them,
kma ipi i-t-onek
ant tintika k=i-t-ak-o-i-t
then
EMPH OM-RL-carry-PL land the
3Ob-OM-RL-AUG-o-do-t
they took them, they took them by land,
a
nt=i--os i tox
kaa
there away-3P-NOM-take/PL the/FOC
taking them,
218
kma ipi iti i-s-i

a
aai s o k=i=t=amaxk
ma
then EMPH on 3P-IRR-be AUX sort=of a 3Ob-OM-RL-bring/PL SR
they took her to a place where she would stay,
ta iti t-ix ma i-t-aaxk
ma
3PRO on RL-sit SR OM-RL-leave/PL SR
she was there, they left her there,
ant ak iti t-i tok k=t-i ma
land the on RL-be there Ob-RL-be SR
she was in the place, she was there,
kma s i k-ame pit ki ipi o -i
then
thing NOM-strange the EMPH 3P/NOM-finish
ki ya
ta t-ato ant kom iti t-om
the 3P/NOM-own 3PRO RL-many land the on RL-lie
she did many miracles while she was there,
tok ko - t-om yo - k-e
s a kix ek
ki tok k=t-ix
there 3Ob RL-lie DIST-US-say sun the 3P/daughter the there 3Ob-RL-sit
she was therethe suns daughter, it is said.
This text will be included in the Archive of Glossed Texts of the Languages of Mexico, sponsored by
the University of Arizona, the Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, and the Universidad de
Sonora. The analysis is slightly different in a few places and the method used for glossing the text is
more sophisticated, allowing for a more adequate representation of the facts.
219
Appendix 1
Verb paradigms
Form 1
Form 2
Form 3
Form 4
/-afap/, /-as i xk/ arrive -afp
-afap-im
-as k -am
-as i xk-am
/-aitom/, /-os a / talk
-aitom
-aa-tim
-os a
-os a -ka
/-ai--ax/ strong, loud
-ai--ax
-ai--im
-ai-a-x-k
-ai-a--ka
/-ai/ leave
-ai
-aa-im
-aa-ox
-aa-ox
/-akas/ chew to pulp
-aks-im
-akas-im
-aks-am
-akas-am
/-akats / screen
-akts
-akats -im
-akats -ox
-akats o ka
/-akonx/ shake
-aknix
-akon
-akna-kox
-akna-kox
/-amax/ test
-amax
-ama-im
-ama-kox
-ama-am
/-amax-/ bring
-am-x-k
-ama--im
-am-a-x-k
-am-a--ka
/-anos -/ spin thread
-ans -
-anos --im
-an-ko-x-k
-an-ko--ka
/-aom/ beg
-aom
-aom-am
-aom-ox
-aom-oka
/-apat-/ gather
-apt-
-apat--im
-apt-a-x-k
-apt-a--ka
/-apo-/ pull out
-apo-
-apo--im
-ap-ta-x-k
-ap-ta--ka
/-aps -/ torn out
-aps -
-ap-ka-
-ap-ka-x-k
-ap-ka--ka
/-as i xk/, /-ois i xk/ enter -as k -im
-as i xk-im
-ois k -t
-ois i x-ox
/-as x -/ throw
-as - x-k
-as -a-
-as -a-x-k
-as -a--ka
/-ata/ go
-ata
-ata-im
-a
-aa-oka
/-atin/ touch
-atni
-atin-im
-at-oka
-at-oka
/-atis -/
-atis -
peel back foreskin
-ati-ka-
-ati-ka-x-k
-ati-ka--ka
/-atop/ spit out
-atp
-atop-im
-atop-ox
-atop-oka
/-ai/ finish
-ai
-ai-tim
-a
-a
/-aox/ continue
-axk-k
-as - i
/-aoxk/ dry
-aWxk
-aWx-ox
/-ao/ see
-ao
-ao-tim
-a-t
-a-toka
/-aa/ call
-aa
-aa-tim
-ato a -t
-ato a -tka
/-aix/ sway
-aix
-ai-im
-ai-am
/-akn/ bowed
-akni
-aks - a
/-ako/ build house
-ako
-ako-tim
-ak-t
/-ama/ seep
-ama
-ama-tim
-ama-am
-ama-am
220
/-anax/
-anx
poison projectile points
-ana-im
-an-kox
-ana-am
/-anip/ return home
-anp
-anip-im
-anip-at
-anip-ka
/-ao/ grooved
-ao
-ao-im
-ao-ox
/-apax/ choke
-apx
-apa-im
-aps - i
-aps - ika
/-asak/ spread legs
-asak-a
-asak-ox
/-asa-/ open up
-asa-
-asa--im
-ato s -ta-x-k
-ato s -ta--ka
/-asi/ deflate
-as
-as-tim
-ato s i /-ato s i-xam -as-am
/-as a / cough
-as
-as a -im
-ato s a -ox
-ato s a -ox
/-at/ cook in ashes
-at
-at-tim
-ato t -tox
-ato t -tka
/-atixk/
spread around
-atxk
-atixk-im
-ato t ix-ox
-ato t ixk-am
/-aanx/ quiver
-anix
-aan
-ana-ka
-ana-kox
/-aoxk/ squat
-axk
-aoxk-im
-ax-ox
-aoxk-am
-a-in-im
/-a-ain/
cause to be mixed
-a-in-im
-a-to i -kam
-a-to i -kam
/-a-as i / make suckle
-a-s - tim
-ato s
-a-to s - yoka
/-a-as i xk/ make enter -a-s k -im
-a-s i xk-im
-a-to s i x-ox
-a-to s i x-ox
/-a-maa/ brew liquor -a-ma
-a-ma-tim
-a-max-k
-a-maa-xam
/-a-moton/
-a-motni
make cracklings
-a-moton-im
-a-moton-ox
-amoton-ox
/-a-tiin/
-a-tiin
oka
make headring
-a-tiin-im
-a-tito i s - ox
-a-tito i s -
/-a-a/
-a-a-tim
-a-a-tax
-a-a-tam
-a-s
-a-a
appoint; cause to be
/-a-aa/ stain
-a-a
-a-a-tim
-a-aa-xam
-a-aa-xam
/-a=kai/ remain
-a=kai
-a=kaa-im
/-a-Qiox/ make red
-a-QiWx
-a-Qio-im
-a-Qi-kox
-a-Qio-am
/-emen/ winnow
-emen
-emen-im
-emes - a
-emes - a
/-efe/ stumble on
-efe-im
-efe-am
-ato f e-am
-fika-im
-fkok
-fkoka-am
/-fikax/
-fikx
wrap oneself with
/-fis / tie knot
-fis
-fis - tim
-fis - am
-fkos - am
/-iin/ go
-iin
-iin-im
-ito i x
-ito i -am
/-ik/ cross
-ik-tim
-ito k -
221
/-iko s im/ smile
-iko s im
-iko s am-am
-iko s im-t
-iko s im-toka
/-imo-/ butcher
-imo-
-imo--im
-im-ta-x-k
-im-ta--ka
/-imo ni/ hop
-imo ni
-imo ni-tim
-imo n-tax
-imo ni-xam
/-ipo t is /
-ipo t is -
put clothes on wrong
-ipo t is - -im
-ipo t i-ka-x-k
-ipo t i-ka--ka
/-ipox/
-ipWx-k
have gonorrhea
-ip-im
-ips - i
-ips - ika
/-ite ox/ thin
-ite Wx-k
ite o-im
-ite o-kox
-ite o-kox
/-iim/ fear
-iim
-iam-am
-iam-t
-iam-toka
/-iket/ carry in womb
-iket
-ikt-o
-ikt-ox
-ikt-oka
/-ina/ ring
-in-a
-ina-a
-in-ox
-ina-ox
/-ipa/ carry on head
-ip
-ip-tim
-ito p a-
-ito p a-ka
/-ipa-/ climb
-ipa-
-ipa--im
-ip-ta-x-k
-ip-ta--ka
/-ipe/ good
-ipe
-ipe-tim
-ip-t
-ip-tox
/-isixk/ whistle; hiss
-isk
-isixk-im
-isx-ox
-isixk-am
/-itixk/ drip
-itk
-itxk
-itx-ox
-itixk-am
/-ixixk/ explode
-ixk
-ixixk-im
-ix-ox
-ixix-ox
/-i-aa/ have water
-i-a
-i-a-tim
-i-x-k
-i-x-k
/-i-ao/
-i-a
have eating utensil (clam)
-i-ao-im
-i-ao-ox
-i-ao-oka
/-kai/ lack
-kai
-kaa-im
-kaax
-kaax-am
/-kakax/ chip
-kakx
-kaka-im
-kaks - i
-kaks - ika
/-kapap/ chew
-kap
-kapap-im
-kapap-ax
-kapap-oka
/-kas i n/ bite
-kas n i
-kas i n-im
-kas x -a
-kas x -ox
/-kakop/ pound
-kakp
-kakop-im
-kakop-ox
-kakop-oka
/-keko/ listen
-kek
-keko-im
-keko-ox
-keko-ox
/-kesexk/ chew
-kesexk
-kesexk-im
-kesex-ox
-kesexk-am
/-kee-/ cut hair of
-kee-
-kee--im
-kee-ta-
-kee-ta--ka
/-koi/ bring
-koi
-koa-tim
-koi-t
-koa-tam
/-komax/ noisy
-kom-ka
-komax-ka
-komx-ox
-komax-kam
/-mapoxk/ burst
-mapk
-mapoxk-im
-mapWx-ox
-mapWx-ox
/-meke/ warm
-meke
-meke-tim
-mek-tox
-meke-xam
/-mis/ resemble
-mis
-mis-tim
-mis-tax
-mis-am
/-mis - / slip
-mis -
-mi-ka-
-mi-ka-x-k
-mi-ka--ka
222
/-moto m an/ weak

oka
-moto m n
-moto m an-im
-moto m an-ox
-moto m an-
/-nafix/ spiralled
-nafix
-nafi-imi
-nafi-k
-nafi-kox
/-nas / rub
-nas
-na-ka
-na-kox
-na-kox
/-nakax/ bowed
-nakx
-naka-im
-naks - i
-naks - ika
/-nes i x/ crush
-nes x
-nes i -im
-nes -kox
-nes -kox
/-neon/ hold in lap
-neni
-neon-a
-nes - ox
/-nepen/ stooped
-nepni
-nepen-im
-neps - ox
-neps - oka
/-nipa/ hit (with hand) -nip
-nipa-tim
-nop-tox
-nop-toka
/-nopix/ sink
-nopix
-nopi-im
-nops - i
-nops - ika
/-nosxk/ rough
-nosk
-nosxk
/-nooxk/ concave
-nok
-nooxk-im
-noWxk
-noWx-ox
/-oapap/ whinny
-oap
-oap-tim
-oapap-ox
-oapap-oka
/-oekex/ hang
-oekx
-oeke-kam
-oek-kox
-oek-kox
/-oi/ blue;green
-oi
-oi-o
/-oi/ wear tuft of hair
-oi
-oa-im
-oa-o
-oa-am
/-oit/ dance
-oit
-oi-tim
-oi-a
-oi-am
/-oka i / follow
-oka i
-oka i -tim
-oka a --ox
-oka a --oka
/-oke et/
-oke t
flexible; bounce
-oke et-im
-oke e-am
-oke e-am
/-oke en/ turn around
-oke en
-oke en-im
-oke es - ox
-oke es - oka
/-on a -/
-on a -
wash ones hands
-on a --im
-on i -ta-x-k
-on i -ta--ka
/-otex/ stagger
-otex-a
-ote-ka
-ote-kox
-ote-kox
/-oxa s it/ hop
-oxa s t
-oxas i t-im
-oxa s i-am
-oxa s i-am
/-oka/ look at
-ok-ta
-oka-tim
-ok-tam
-oka-tam
/-osax/ spray
-osx
-osa-iim
-os-kox
-os-kox
/-os o xk/ yip
-os x k
-os o xk-im
-os -a-x-k
-os -a--ka
/-ooxk/ vertical
-ok
-ooxk-im
-oxk
-ooxk-am
/-panos -/ run
-pans -
-panos - -im
-pan-ko-x-k
-pan-ko--ka
/-pasx/ fall underwater -pasx-im
-pasx-im
-pasx-ox
-pasx-ox
/-paxim/ overcooked
-paxim
-paxam-am
-paxam-ox
-paxam-oka
/-pas / scratchy
-pas
-pa-ka
/-pes - / concave
-pes -
-pees - -im
-pe-ka-
-pe-ka-
223
/-pito/ bloated
-pito
-pito-im
-pit-ox
/-pi/ taste
-pi
-pi-tim
-pko-yo
-pko-yoka
/-pos i / pear-shaped
-pos i
-pss i -tim
-pos - am
-pos i -xam
/-sakax/
-sakx
carry child on hip
-saka-im
-saks - i
-saks - ika
/-sait-/
-sait-
gather together with stick
-sait--iim
-sai-a-x-k
-sai-a--ka
/-siix/ move
-siix-im
-sii-im
-sai-a-x-k
-sai-a--ka
/-sik/ grind
-sik
-sik-tim
-skok-am
-skok-am
/-si/ smell
-si
-si-tim
-sko-yo
-sko-yoka
/-s a o/ talk about
-s a
-s a -tim
-s a -t
-s a -toka
/-s i p/ kiss
-s i p
-s i p-tim
-s k op-am
-s k op-am
/-s i mi/ enjoy
-s i m
-s i m-tim
-s k om-t
-s k omi-tam
/-tapas - / signal
-taps -
-tapas - -im
-tap-ka-x-k
-tap-ka--ka
/-taim/ scratch
-taim
-taam-am
-taam-ox
-taam-oka
/-tinis/ scrape
-tins
-tinis-im
-tins-o
-tins-oka
/-tipit-/ touch
-tipt-
-tipit--im
-tipt-a-x-k
-tipt-a--ka
/-tipox/ squeeze
-tipx-k
-tip-im
-tips - i
-tips - ika
/-xis i / painful
-xis i
-xis i -tim
-xis - tax
-xis - tax
/-yakax/ have sibling
-yakx
-yaka-im
-yaka-kam
-yaka-kam
/-yas i m/ finlike
-yas i m
-yas i m-am
-yas a m-ox
-yas a m-oka
/-yai/, /-ost/ go to
-yai
-yai-tim
-os i t
-os i it-am
/-Qaas /, /-Qakax/
hit with stick
-Qas
-Qaas - im
-Qakx
-Qakax-am
/-Qetin/ tap
-Qetni
-Qetin-im
-Qet-oka
/-Qim/ throw at
-Qim
-Qim-tim
-Qim-tox
-Qim-toka
/-Qimi-/ too much
-Qimi-
-Qimi--im
-Qim-ta-x-k
-Qim-ta--ka
224
Appendix 2
Irregular verb paradigms
lie
/-om/
give
/-e/
say
/-e/
do
/o() -e/
accompany
/-a/
ko m
k e
te k a
o k e
k a
pl.
ko i ti
ikyox
te k yo
o k yo
k aa
neg.
m om
m e
m e
o m e
m a
pass.
ape e
apa a
Infinitive
k om
ie e
o k e
ia a
2s Imper.
o m
ka m om
ke m e
o ke m e
ka m a
sko i ti
se yox
o se k yo
sa aa
Nom., 1s
om
o e
Nom., 3s
y e
y a
a t om
t e
e t e
o e t e
t a
2s
m t om
m t e
me t e
o me t e
m t a
3s
to m
t e
te t e
o t e
t a
1pl
ato i ti
t yox
e t yo
o e t yo
t aa
yo m
y e
te y e
o y e
y a
yo m om
iyo m e
o o e
io a
Emph., 3s
o m
io e
o e
o o e
io a
Irr., 3s
so m
s e
te s e
o s e
s a
neg.
sa m om
iske m e
se m e
o se m e
iska m a
2s
m s om
m s e
me s e
o me s e
m s a
Subj.Nom.
neg.
1pl Imper.
a a
Action
Object
Neutral Realis, 1s
Distal, 3s
neg.
225
grind
/-a/
be with
/ko= -a/
come
/mo= -a/
k a
ko a
mo k a
pl.
k yox
ko x
mo k at
neg.
m a
k m a
m m a
pass.
apa a
Infinitive
ia a
k k a
m k a
2s Imper.
a a
ko a
mo a
neg.
ka m a
koka m a
moka m a
1pl Imper.
sa yox
ksa k x
imsa k at
Action Nom., 1s
k a
im a
Object Nom., 3s
y a
Neutral Realis, 1s
t a
ka t a
ima t a
2s
m t a
km t a
imm t a
3s
t a
ko t a
mo t a
1pl
t yox
ko t x
ima t at
y a
ko y a
mo y a
iyo m a
kyo m a
imyo m a
Emph., 3s
io a
ko a
imo a
Irr., 3s
s a
ko s a
mo s a
neg.
iska m a
ksa m a
imsa m a
2s
m s a
km s a
imm s a
Subj. Nom.
Distal, 3s
neg.
226
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229

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The Structure of Seri

Chapter 5 Irregular verbs................................................................................................................. 110

10.5. Nonfuture action/oblique nominalizer ................................................................................... 149

Postscript to Chapter 15.................................................................................................................... 201

Postscript to the Introduction

Introduction to the grammar

segments are included in the inventory of segments above.

M (M) <C> ____ (##) [-syl]

This rule is intended to have the following expansion

[-syl] [+long] / M (M) ___ (##) V

M (M) C ___ (##) C

which are five

Therefore the morpheme also triggers the following infixation rule. 2

1.2.2. Glottalization and Nasal-Glottal metathesis

I will break it.

1.2.3. Rounding and Velarization

Rounding (phrase-level, iterative):

when he runs like him...

The rule is formalized as (17).

cherry stone clam

The x of sapWx kaa deletes by a rule which is discussed in 1.2.13.

Nasal lenition: m becomes following a tautosyllabic back stop.

A word-initial m or an m following an unstressed vowel assimilates to the general point of

It is not clear what is the actual point of articulation of a nasal before y.

who is not grinding

kotpam ki [ko tpaki]

the sardine (sp.)

The m in the root /-msis n/ pitiable never assimilates, however.

Other morpheme-internal ms assimilate. The exceptional nature of /-msisn/ is therefore especially

An underlying n does not assimilate to labial or velar points of articulation.

[so men kaa]

m -intika tok ko-nt- m -a [ m intika tok kont m a]

That man, my eye!

It is not clear how these facts should be accounted for.

According to M. Moser (p.c.), this word has an idiolectal variant moe s i s .

They said to him.

1.2.13. x-Lenition and x-Deletion

1.2.15. Sibilant assimilation

if you lie on it...

A sonorant-consonant sequence is always preceded by a vowel.13

The consonants of a coda agree in nasality.

Glides occur only contiguous to a vowel.

temple (of head)

1.3.3. Vowel clusters

Obliq.-Direct.- Object Marker

Neg.- First Restr.

Pass. - Augment - root

The brackets in (1) indicate some of the restrictions on these morphemes.

/ika-o-ait/ /-t-m-ams o -o/

2.2.2. Emphatic realis

2.2.3. Distal realis

2.2.5. Abilitative irrealis

ant po-fi ta tm-a-ap

2.2.6. Dependent irrealis

2.2.7. Independent irrealis

kay tikom i-m-oi

2.3. Morphophonemics of mood prefixes

Nonlow back vowel, intransitive

2.3.1. Primary word stress

Primary stress: V [+stress] / root[C0___

Short Low Vowel Deletion:

Some derivations are given in (15).

Short Low Vowel Deletion':

A low vowel does not lengthen /ika-ata/ (INF-go) ika -ta.