Monday 23 March 2015

Mr Lee meeting US President Barack Obama in the Oval Office in Washington in 2009, when he was Minister Mentor. The two leaders exchanged views on the evolving situation in Asia and the world. Photo: Reuters

All the world was his stage

Mr Lee built close ties with both
Asian and Western leaders,
who valued his unique insights

n 1967, when Singapore was two

years independent and he was a
young Premier of only 44, a report
described Mr Lee Kuan Yew giving a
talk at Harvard University. As he spoke
about the escalating Vietnam War and
the role of the United States, the Crimson university newspaper suggested:
Lee Kuan Yew, Prime Minister of the
city-state of Singapore, is a Mayor who
talks as though he may one day be a
world statesman ... His concern for the
fate of South-east Asia, fortified by his
spectacular economic successes and
his ambitious style, makes Lee a potential international strongman.
Five decades on, this description
seems prophetic. Mr Lee is to be credited with leading Singapores early transformation from Third World to First, as
reflected in the title of the first volume
of his memoirs. More than any other
member of the founding generation of
local politicians, he shaped politics and
ensured continuity. Singapores survival and success are his touchstones.
Yet, more than this, Mr Lee is remembered not only as the first Prime
Minister of Singapore; his influence has
transcended our city-state.
PRAGMATISM PLUS
Mr Lee came to power in a generation
of nationalists who sought independ-

ence from the Western powers in the

1950s and 1960s, such as Gamal Abdel
Nasser of Egypt and Jawaharlal Nehru
of India. These charismatic leaders captured the headlines of that tumultuous
era and live on in their national histories. Not all, however, have enjoyed the
same longevity or continued to enjoy
standing and relevance.
Yet Mr Lee was never an idealist nor
a demagogue of Third World ideology
and utopian theories. One might even
say that he does not leave behind a coherent, theoretical framework or populist slogan. He was famously pragmatic
to focus on what works. But this did not
mean he had no regard for principle.
Rather, he blended the two.
In a recent assessment, Ambassador-at-Large and former Permanent
Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs Bilahari Kausikan remarked:
He understood that international order is the prerequisite for international
law and organisation. So while you may
work towards an ideal and must stand
firm on basic principles, you settle for
what is practical at any point of time,
rather than embark on quixotic quests.
A major factor that shaped Mr Lees
world view was his experience of the
Japanese occupation, as he himself has
alluded to on several occasions. The illusion of colonial superiority and of Singapore as the impregnable fortress
was so suddenly and savagely torn
apart that the experience anchored
Mr Lee to an unsentimental view of
human nature and a focus on power.
This was reinforced by events in the

early history of Singapore: Konfrontasi

with Sukarnos Indonesia, the exit from
and tensions with Malaysia, and the
withdrawal of the British bases in 1971.
NIMBLE AMONG THE GIANTS
These experiences drove Mr Lee to be a
shrewd and nimble diplomat to ensure
stability and security for Singapore in
a difficult world. A key part of Mr Lees
foreign policy can in this context be
understood as efforts to engage with
the powerful and especially with the
US. During the Cold War, Mr Lee and
Singapore made every effort to befriend
America as the dominant superpower
in Asia in the post-WWII world and
bulwark against communism.
Survival was moreover not only
accepting American protection and,
while Singapore did not become a US
ally, MrLee emphasised a broader
engagement. As Mr Chan Heng Chee,
former long-serving Ambassador to
the US, recounted: For Lee Kuan
Yew, the US role in Asia was not just a
military one. The US offered markets,
technology and investments to the region that no other power could match.
This was essential for the emergence of
the four Asian tigers and the ASEAN
(Association of South-east Asian Nations)countries.
Another important dimension in
MrLees foreign engagements arose
as he developed a close relationship
with China. Beginning from Deng
Xiaopings historic visit to Singapore
in 1978, MrLee made every effort to

engage the reforming China, politically and economically.

Yet as he developed this relationship with China, Mr Lee was not one
to indulge in the idea that China and
Asias future could be separated from
the American role. Instead, with his
knowledge and access to the reforming
China, Mr Lee played a major role in
helping America and the West better
understand China.
When the Tiananmen incident on
June 4, 1989, triggered US threats of
sanctions and boycotts, MrLee articulated a view of human rights and
Asian values that responded to Western criticism. While not the only Asian
spokesman with such views, then and
now still controversial, his testimony
held weight among world leaders not
only because of his innate understanding of China, but because he had built
up long-standing ties and trust.
Conversely, Mr Lee also shared other somewhat less welcome insights
into China. This was never easy. He
believed that China and the rest of
Asia would benefit from the continued
presence of the US.
In his keynote address after receiving a lifetime achievement award from
the US-ASEAN Business Council in
Washington, DC, in 2009, Mr Lee said:
The size of China makes it impossible
for the rest of Asia, including Japan
and India, to match it in weight and
capacity in about 20 to 30 years. So
we need America to strike a balance.
His comments were misconstrued
by some netizens and commentators in
China. But throughout, Chinese leaders
from Deng Xiaoping and MrJiang
Zemin to Mr Hu Jintao and MrXi Jinping have understood that this and
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