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For British intellectuals, the years after the economic catastrophe of 1929 were a
devastating experience.1 Before their incredulous gaze, the old revenants of
European historymass action and the threat of revolutionturned to trouble
the serenity of life under the Constitution. The certitudes of liberalism seemed
unequal to these new and foreboding realities: the poor, for long the beneficiaries of reforming schemes and the corporal works of mercy, were suddenly the
hungry, unappeasable proletariat; political contention, once expressed in the
decorous alternation of parliamentary majorities, began to assume the form of a
manichean struggle between Communism and Fascism. No one can expect,
commented one of the leading intellectual journals of the period, that even if
we now get through without disaster, we can long avoid social disintegration
and revolution on the widest scale.2 Others, like John Strachey, attempted to
find a new direction: As not only the last vestiges of freedom for the masses,
but also the books, and the whole possibility of existence, for any who attempt
scientific thought, go up in the new autos da f, we shall all find that we shall be
forced to choose between our own mental and moral suicide, and communism.3
37
I have to thank Dr. Seamus Deane who supervised the thesis on which this article
is based, and also Clara Mulhern and Peter Mair for their assistance in the preparation of the present article.
2 Scrutiny, 1, 1 (June 1932), p. 45.
3 The Education of a Communist, Left Review, 1, 3 (December 1934), p. 69.
4 New Writing, 1 (Spring 1936), p. v.
5 Left Reriew, 1, 1 (October 1934), p. 38.
6 The range of titles testifies t0 the scope of the revaluation: Democracy, The Jews,
The Schools, Prisons, War, Money, The Home, Literature, Communism, Women, Property.
7 For fuller biographical accounts, see Stanley Edgar Hyman, The Armed Vision, New
York, 1948, and David Noah Margolies, The Function of Literature: a Study of
Christopher Caudwells Aesthetics, London, 1969.
8 Illusion and Reality, London, 1937; Studies in a Dying Culture, introd. John Strachey,
London, 1938; The Crisis in Physics, ed. and introd. H. Levy, London, 1939; Further
Studies in a Dying Culture, ed. and introd. Edgell Rickword, London, 1949; Romance
and Realism: a Study in English Bourgeois Literature, ed. Samuel J. Hynes, Princeton,
1970.
38
No serious appraisal of the decade has yet been made. The popular
after-images of The Thirties (in the main, the handiwork of the
contrite and the scornful) can be displaced only by scrupulous research
and argument. However, one problem presses for immediate attention.
Although Britain was not the only country to produce a radical
intelligentsia in those years, the intellectual fellow-traveller was not,
as has sometimes been supposed, a globally undifferentiated phenomenon. It is necessary to delineate, however provisionally, the specific
character of the Marxist milieu in which Caudwell was formed.
As is well known, the advent of Marxism in Britain was remarkably
belated. Socialism had occupied an imposing position in Germany
since the 1860s; and in France and Italy, Marxist thought had been
current since the 1880s. No comparable local heritage was available to
the marxisant intellectuals of Britain in the 1930s.11 Deprived of a
national tradition, they were also unable to make significant contact
with their counterparts abroad. By this time, the intellectual effervescence of the post-war revolutionary period had been stilled;
anathemas and encyclicals, promulgated from on high, had all but
silenced creative debate. The works of Marx, Engels and Lenin were,
of course, available, but for their knowledge of contemporary Marxism,
the British neophytes were almost entirely dependent on the officially
sponsored writings of Plekhanov, Bukharin and Stalin. The memories
of Trotsky and Luxemburg had by this time been thoroughly effaced;
and the works of Lukcs, Korsch and the Frankfurt School remained
9
See, for example, J. Middleton Murry, The Criterion, xvii, lxvii (January 1938),
pp. 3737, Douglas Garman, Testament 0f a Revolutionary (Christopher St. John
Sprigg), Left Review, 3, 6 (July 1937), pp. 3526; Hyman, 0p. cit., pp. 1682o8
(first US edition only); Ren Wellek, Concepts of Criticism, New Haven and London,
1963, p. 348; Andrew Hawley, Art for Mans Sake: Christopher Caudwell as
Communist Aesthetician, College English, xxx (1968), Margolies, op. cit.
10
For reasons of space, I have confined myself here to Caudwells theory of poetry.
However, no major exclusion is involved: Illusion and Reality is almost wholly devoted to poetry; the novel is treated at length only in the brief Romance and Realism,
and never, there or elsewhere, does it receive comparable theoretical definition;
furthermore, poetry, art, and literature are often used interchangeably in his
writings, suggesting that the theory of poetry is the core of his aesthetics.
11 The reasons for this tardiness cannot be discussed here, but see Perry Anderson,
Origins of the Present Crisis, NLR 23, pp. 2654.
39
sociological theory; and the sociology which defines the general laws
determining the relation of human beings at a given period, and the
change of these relations from period to period is historical materialism.14 The classic statement of historical materialism is, of course,
contained in Marxs Preface to his Contribution to the Critique of Political
Economy, but what is important here is the manner in which Caudwell
reads it. The contradiction which propels economic production is the
struggle between man and Nature. History is the development of
humanity through this struggle, towards the aim of all society, freedom from the forces of Nature.15 This contradiction between man and
Nature is absolutely primary to society: history presents it in successive versions, but in its general form, it drives on the development of
all society.16 These twin axioms constitute the necessary foundation of
fecund social investigation.
The study of bourgeois society demands the addition of a third thesis,
related specifically to that form of society. Bourgeois culture is grounded in an illusory notion of freedom which, from the moment of its
enshrinement in the Renaissance charter of the bourgeoisie, has never
ceased to fascinate and tantalize it.17 In its struggle against feudal social
relations, the bourgeoisie generated the ideology of individualismthe
bourgeois revolutionary depicted himself as an heroic figure fighting a
lone fight for freedom . . . against all the social relations which fetter
the natural man.18 Freedom, it was understood, was the natural condition of man, and was therefore to be realized through the abolition of
social relations. Man was most free when pursuing an individual
destiny, unconstrained by his fellows. The new market society which
was established as a result of the anti-feudal struggle appeared to
respect this natural condition: it had dissolved all relations between
men, leaving only relations between men and things, the institution of
private property. However, this new relation merely disguises a new
form of social relations. The market is nothing but the blind expression
of real relations between men; and, precisely because it is blind, it is
coercive and anarchic, acting with all the violence of a natural force.19
The bourgeoisie, constitutionally incapable of discarding the deluded
ideology of its revolutionary youth, cannot see the market for what it
is, and so perseveres in its rampant individualism, which, to its growing
horror, seems to produce only the blind coercion of war, anarchy,
slump and revolution.20 Individual freedom is at once the indispensable justification of bourgeois property and the impossible utopia of
the bourgeois soul.
The bourgeois illusion is only one instance of the general phenomenon
of commodity-fetishism which sees in a relation between men only a
relation between things.21 Not content simply to occlude human relation14 IR, p. 9.
15 Further Studies
16 IR, p. 125.
17 Studies in a
41
It is the central discipline of this general critique that protects the uncommon versatility of Caudwells work from the dangers of eclecticism.
Throughout a corpus of writing that encompasses established fields of
knowledge (physics, history, philosophy, psychology), politics (liberty,
schemes for reform, pacifism), institutions (religion) and mythologies
(heroism, love), this theme persists. The forensic tone thus achieved
served both theoretical and political purposes. Theoretically, it
divined the essence which, he believed, underlay the diverse manifestations of bourgeois culture. Thus, despite his unquestionable scientific
advances, Freud was unable to extricate himself from the bourgeois
illusion: he could not avoid visualizing civilization as the enslavement
of the completely free instincts by culture, and therefore failed to discern the social determinations of consciousness.25 In consequence of
this, psychology aspired to total social explanation.26 The fabulous
language in which he attempted to expound his insights was, in effect, a
regression to obsolete positions. Ideologically, he succumbed to the
disorder which he himself had diagnosedneurosis. D. H. Lawrence
was deceived by the same old lie. His hatred of the commercialindustrial ethos led only to an exaltation of the untrammelled instinctual self, the freedom of animality.27
Complementarily, Caudwells analysis offered elucidation of the extremely complex political conjuncture, exposing the crisis as that of an
historically specific form of society, and insisting on the necessity for
profound social change. His attempt to define an authentically revolu22
p. 117.
pp. 156, 1501.
24
This is the process that Georg Lukcs termed reification. Here and elsewhere,
Caudwells affinities with the Lukcs of History and Class Consciousness are particularly
striking.
25 SDC, pp. 192, 186.
26 SDC, pp. 1857.
27 SDC, pp. 4472.
23
SDC,
SDC,
42
tionary stance proceeded negatively, in critiques of the various reforming solutions then current. Among the principal exponents of such
solutions were H. G. Wells, contriver 0f utopias, and George Bernard
Shaw, hierophant of fabian socialism. The latter, Caudwell argued,
sponsored an individualist conception of thought which vitiated his
socialist sympathies.28 Truth was conceived of, not as the outcome of
collective thought and action, but as the soliloquy of the enlightened
individual. Thus, socialist theory became a matter of ratiocination,
commitment a paternalistic willingness to instruct, and revolutionary
change, a successful argument. Shaws ideal society, directed by intellectual Samurai, nurtured an embryonic fascism. Caudwell shared
Lenins estimate of Shaw as a good man fallen among Fabians, but
H. G. Wells was granted no such indulgence. The shaping force in his
life was his fear of proletarianization. Literature attracted him, but
offered no prospect of wealth; and when made to choose between
further scientific studies and the maintenance of a domestic establishment, Wells had no difficulty in opting for the latter. Having sacrificed
both artistic inclination and scientific ambition to his consuming desire
for social success, Wells became an intellectual entrepreneur: a popularizer of science and a novelist of ideas. His interest in social reform
was genuine, but his fear of the working class inhibited his political
vision. Relying instead on the powers of the free intelligence, he condemned himself to capricious speculation.29
In large measure, these political errors originated in an epistemological
failure (the bourgeois fracture of the subject-object relation): Shaw and
Wells developed their ideas in ignorance of the concrete character of
the social structure that they hoped to reform. Thus, in terms of
Caudwells distinction between the hero and the charlatan, they were,
decidedly, instances of the latter. Traditionally, the hero was an individual who could master both men and matter: matter, because, however dimly, he perceived the logic of history, and men, because he
could give expression to the vague intimations of the future which
agitated their hearts.30 The charlatan, in contrast, is incapable of this.
His ability to manipulate men is unaccompanied by any understanding
of the laws of social change: he leads men back into abandoned ways
and forgotten heresies.31 No charlatan could ever divulge the secret of
the future; historically, this has been the office of the hero. The communist future, moreover, calls forth a new kind of hero, one not only
capable of the leadership of men, but also armed with a scientific understanding of social forces. Lenin was the prototype of the new hero who
fully understands the nature of his task and the manner of its execution.
He knew what bourgeois thought had barely glimpsed: that freedom
resided not in the uncontrolled velleities of the instincts but in social
relations themselves;32 that free, rational action was possible only if
the agents recognized the boundaries which they could not transgress;
that, in Engels words, freedom is the recognition of necessity.
28
SDC,
SDC,
30
SDC,
31
SDC,
32
SDC,
29
pp. 119.
pp. 7395.
pp. 2043.
p. 30.
p. xxi.
43
p. 7.
p. 12.
35 IR, pp. 11, 12.
36 IR, pp. 256.
37 IR, p. 26.
38 IR, pp. 267.
39 IR, pp. 2730.
44
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
pp. 2930.
p. 5. See p. 31 If.
p. 136.
pp. 1445.
p. 157.
p. 125.
p. 146.
p. 125.
p. 134.
p. 125.
45
46
dream, phantasy was obliged to differentiate itself from the simple perception of things round-me-now and feelings-inside-me-now. To
this end, subject was severed from object, to give on the one hand the
Common Affective World, the social ego and its Mock World of art,
and on the other, the Common Perceptual World with its Mock Ego
science; the separation of time and space yielded, respectively, the
evolutionary sciences and the story, and the classificatory sciences and
poetry.57
Poetry, then, extends awareness of the endless potentiality of the
instincts . . . by revealing the various ways in which they may adapt
themselves to experiences.58 The poet, who is distinguished by his
unusual receptivity to new experience, articulates new feelings and, by
incorporating them into the Common Affective World, wins for his
fellows a richer awareness of their relations with the outer world.59
Poetry, unlike dream, is socially responsible; and the purposes which it
serves are, therefore, fundamentally economic. It soaks external reality
with emotional significance, inducing in the organism an appetitive
attitude towards it; and, thus emboldened, the organism can deal more
resolutely with Nature in the course of its productive labour.60 (The
intimacy of this relationship is conveyed in the kind of metaphor to
which Caudwell habitually turns: Art is the product of society, as the
pearl is the product of the oyster,61 or again, Poetry is . . . the sweat of
mans struggle with Nature. 62) Thus, poetry is the psychological agent in
a general historical movement: by harmonizing instinct and environment,
it facilitates the struggle of man against Nature. The change of the ego
for the purposes of social production is the value, purpose and mode of
generation of poetry.63
The Character of Poetry
p. 183.
p.155.
59 IR, pp. 2034.
60 IR, p. 217.
61
IR, p. 11.
62
IR, p. 130.
63
IR, p. 236.
64
IR, p. 128.
65
IR, p. 126.
66
IR, p. 129.
67
IR, p. 127.
47
The concrete studies which supplement Caudwells theoretical reflections are cast in the form of a literary history. But since the basis of
literary art, . . . the contradiction which produces its onward movement . . . can only be a special form of the contradiction which produces the whole movement of history, the contradiction between the
instincts and the environment,76 this literary history is, properly
speaking, a Sociology of English literature.77 It is not possible here to
68
p. 127.
p. 124.
70
p. 130.
71
p. 131.
72
p. 132.
73
p. 134.
74
p. 204. See p. 200f.
75
p. 135.
76
p. 201.
77 Hynes, Introduction to Romance and Realism, p. 25. Hereafter, RR.
69
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
IR,
48
IR, p. 55.
IR, p. 69.
IR, Chs. IV, V, VI.
IR, p. 74.
IR, p. 74.
RR, p. 40.
IR, p. 75.
49
50
IR,
p. 201.
Colin McCabe, Situation, in Stephen Heath, McCabe and Christopher Prendergast (eds.), Signs of the Times, Granta, Cambridge, 1972, pp. 1213.
95
See, for example, IR, pp. 152, 1956.
96
Raymond Williams, Base and Superstructure, NLR 82; Signs of the Times, passim.
97 SDC p. 43; see IR, pp. 150, 220.
98 For example, Lucien Goldmann, The Human Sciences and Philosophy, London, 1969,
pp. 278, 125f.
94
51
52
Ibid., p. 56.
53
See respectively: RR, p. 98, FS, pp. 1334; IR, pp. 30, 136.
Maurice Cornforth, Caudwell and Marxism, Modern Quarterly (N.S.), 6, 1
(Winter 19501), pp. 1633; George Thomson, In Defence of Poetry, Ibid., 6, 2
(Spring 1951), pp. 10734; The Caudwell Discussion, Ibid., 6, 3 (Summer 1951),
pp. 25975, and 6, 4 (Autumn 1951), pp. 34058.
108
FS, pp. 17982; see also SDC, pp. 15892. Caudwells attitude to Freud was, from
first to last, an unsettled combination of admiration and suspicion.
109
IR, pp. 32, 44, 135; FS, p. 137; RR, pp. 34, 36, 124.
110
IR, p. 203.
111
See, for example, IR, pp. 1245.
112
Components of the National Culture, NLR 50.
113 IR, p. 204. Note too the massive preponderance of psychological titles in the
bibliography appended to IR. The reading-habits of an autodidact can often be a
telling indication of the deepest propensities of a culture.
107
54
55
IR p. 69.
Even the relatively remote Anglo-Saxons exhibited considerable versatility in
their poetic practice: the extant literature includes poems of political and social
criticism, elegies, heroic poems, primitive encyclopedias, religious poems 0f an
historical 0r mythic nature, and personal lyrics.
122 For a critique of this theory see Roman Jakobson, Linguistique et Potique,
Essais de linguistique gnrale, Paris, 1963, pp. 20948; idem., The Dominant, Ladislaw
Matejka and Krystyna Pomorska (eds.), Readings in Russian Poetics, London, 1971.
121
56
57
128
His critique omits to analyse the role of institutions in the dissemination of bourgeois ideology. Also, it is unclear whether fetishized appearances are to be seen as
real or illusory. For a discussion of the point in relation to Lukcs, see Gareth
Stedman Jones, The Marxism of the Early Lukcs: an Evaluation, NLR 70.
58