Orgopera in Nigeria: The Case of Duro Ladipo's "O̧ba Kòso"

Opera in Nigeria: The Case of Duro Ladipo's "Oba Kso"
Author(s): Abiodun Duro-Ladipo and Gbyga Klwol

Source: Black Music Research Journal, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Spring, 1997), pp. 101-129
Published by: Center for Black Music Research - Columbia College Chicago and University of
Illinois Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/779362
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OPERA IN NIGERIA:THE CASE OF DURO LADIPO'S

QBAKOSO
AND GBOYEGA
KOLAWOLEi
ABIODUNDURO-LADIPO
Durodola Ladipo, the Man

There are conflicting accounts of Duro Ladipo's year and place of birth,
which may be the result of inaccurate documentation. A number of
sources point to December 18, 1932, but two other sources, which can be
considered more authentic, state that Nigeria's famous dramatist Duro
Ladipo was born on that date in 1931. The first of the latter sources is the
University of Ibadan Official Bulletin no. 452 (March 1978), the second is
Ladipo himself. As to his place of birth, most sources suggest Osogbo; a
negligible few others say that he was born at Ilobuu, a couple of kilometers from Osogbo. Although the dramatist never corroborated either
claim, records show clearly that his childhood was spent at Osogbo, the
present capital city of Osun State in Nigeria. This evidence, moreover,
tends to refute a third suggestion, that he was born at Ogbomoso, a town
about seventy kilometers west of Osogbo.
The dramatist's forename is suggestive of the circumstances surrounding his birth, growth, and death. To understand its derivation, one must
turn to Yoruba traditional philosophy. "Duro" is a partitive name, fully
realized as "Durodola," which literally means "stay and enjoy honor."
"Qla" is an attribute of the larger family and recurs in the surname
"Oladipo." In connotation, "Duro" refers to a child who has been born
several times and has died several times. In the cycle of birth and rebirth,
ABIODUNDURO-LADIPOis the widow of Durodola Ladipo. She performed in his operas,

including Qba Koso,the subject of the current article.
GB6YtGA K6LAWOLt is on the faculty of the University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria. He is a
folklorist who has done fieldwork on the dual origins of Sango, the hero of the opera Qba
Kbso.
101
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BMR Journal
according to Yoruba belief, children in this category die not long after
their birth but are reborn, only to die and be born again.
Rituals surrounding the death of an infant are meant to ensure that
after the next birth the child can remain in the world of humans. One of
the rituals is the inflicting of cuts on the corpse of the child before burial
in order to prevent a rebirth, thus paving the way for a different child. If
the rituals fail, the child is born again, with the scar of the earlier ceremony. The rituals of survival are then invoked, including the magical
"padlocking" of the child's gateway back to the ethereal world. If this
effort is successful, the child survives and grows to adulthood. A child
with this peculiarity is usually referred to as "Abiku" (born to die). Duro
Ladipo must have gone through the cycle of birth, death, and regeneration a number of times. That he finally survived for over forty-six years
qualified him for the title "Abikui Agba" (the elder Abikui), referring to
the fact that he died at a comparatively early age.
The account of Duro Ladipo's childhood tells of his contact with an Ifa
priest (a Yoruba divination priest and medicine man) who was nicknamed "Baba Agadagodo" (the padlock father). Duro is said to have
dreaded this man because he was believed to have shut the gate to Duro's
wandering in the spiritual world. As if time were out to prove the potency of the medicine man's "padlock," no sooner had the medicine man
died, in 1977-an event that Ladipo considered good riddance-than
Ladipo himself died, on March 10, 1978 (Ogundeji 1988, 96-99).
By the standard of the time, Duro Ladipo was highly literate. As the
son of a clergyman, he had the opportunity of acquiring primary and
middle school education in a mission school. Through in-service training
he obtained Grade Three and Grade Two teacher's certificates, in 1955
and 1958, respectively.1 In spite of his Christian background, Ladipo
secretly embraced the Eguingiun(ancestral/masquerade) cult and participated in its festivals. He was known to have worn the Egungun mask on
several occasions. Ladipo authenticated this assertion himself:
From my childhood, I showed a keen interestin traditionalYorubaculture
and customs.... I followed closely the activities of differentmasquerades
and cultists, often to the dismay of my father.The Egungun and Ose festivals ... the Obatala,Sango and Otin festivals ... were some of the important festivals in which I showed my interestsas a very young man. (Quoted
in Ogunbiyi 1981,334)
Ladipo's affiliation with various traditional forms of worship and his
exposure to moder Christian culture and Western education made him
a man of dual cultural outlook. This duality was reflected in his dramat1. In Nigeria, the sequence is descending rather than ascending as in the United States.
Duro-Ladipo and Kolawole * Opera in Nigera
103
ic work, although it also estranged him from the church. An example will
suffice here. In 1960 All Saints Church in Osogbo invited him to stage an
Easter cantata. To the astonishment of the congregation, Ladipo introduced the traditional talking drum into the performance, an innovation
that the church authorities considered deviant, even sacrilegious, and
caused them to stop the performance.
Undaunted, the dramatist simply moved into the secular area. Years
later he established the Mbari Mbaro (Popular) Theatre, where his tradition-based innovations were neatly woven into biblical adaptations.
Ladipo's new method was a visionary response to the wind of change
that was to permeate the traditional culture in years to come. Adrift in
mid-position as he was, it was inevitable that he would embrace the old
and the new; in doing so, he helped the old to survive. A comment by
Nigerian playwright Wole Soyinka (1988, 191) interestingly expresses the
situation:
The history of WestAfricantheatrein the colonialperiod revealsitself therefore as largely a history of culturalresistanceand survival. Confrontedby
the hostility of both Islamicand Christianvalues in addition to the destructive imperativesof colonialism,it has continued until today to vitalise contemporary theatricalform, both in the traditional folk opera and in the
works of those playwrights and directors commonly regarded as
"Westernized."
A. J. Odunsi and Alex Peters, who were two of Duro Ladipo's head
teachers in his career as a schoolteacher, helped to discover the dramatist
and actor in him. He met Peters in 1947, when the latter's theatrical
troupe came from Ilesa for a performance at Osogbo. Ladipo was struck
by Peters's art and opted to join him. The young man was offered a job in
Peters's school. When Peters was transferred to Kaduna in 1949, Ladipo
went with him, but he did not return with Peters in 1951 when his mentor was transferred back to Ilesa. This gave him the opportunity to establish an independent troupe, which made its debut four years later with
an adaptation of Shakespeare's As YouLikeIt.
When Ladipo lost his property to thieves in 1956, he returned to
Osogbo to get another teaching job. He also served as a box office collector and handbill distributor for the Ajax Cinema and ran a beer parlor, the
Popular Bar. This drinking place soon played an important role in his
growth as a theater artist. There he came into contact with Ulli Beier, a
University of Ibadan extramural tutor in Osogbo, who shortly thereafter
made the place an evening relaxation resort. Ladipo's invitation to Beier
to attend his Easter cantata in 1960 marked a turning point in the young
dramatist's career. When the performance was canceled, as noted earlier,
Beier not only encouraged him to produce the cantata at the Popular Bar,
BMR Journal
104
he also alerted the University of Ibadan to Ladipo's genius. This recommendation soon paid off well, as the university's Institute of African
Studies gave him a grant of two hundred pounds. With the special support of Ulli Beier and Susan Wenger, he was able to convert his Popular
Bar into a cultural and literary center, renamed Mbari Mbaro. It was patterned after the Mbari Club of Ibadan, a gathering place of literary scholars from the University of Ibadan.
The demands of the new center were such that Duro Ladipo lost his
teaching job. But this was a hidden blessing, as he could now go into fulltime acting. The center's commissioning by the traditional ruler of
Osogbo, the Ataoja Qba Adenle, on May 17, 1962, was marked by the performance of Ladipo's QbaMoro (The Ghost Catcher), the first of a trilogy.
The Plays and Operas of Duro Ladipo
It is a common idea that the opera in Nigeria was a literary and musical subgenre borrowed from the Europeans; Nigerian opera was not the
brainchild of Duro Ladipo, but he made the most innovative use of the
form. In addition, the pioneering effort of Hubert Ogunde (1916-1990)
ought to be acknowledged here, for he was not only the first Nigerian to
use the opera in a secular context, he also removed it from the grip of the
church, where it was first used, and gave it to the public. Ogunde's
operas deviated greatly from the European archetype because of their
three-act form, comprising an opening glee, the opera proper (the unfolding of the plot), and a closing glee. Ogunde's formula was a conscious
imitation of the Alarinj6 (itinerant) Traditional Theatre, which followed
the Yoruba masquerade cult (Adedeji 1970; Clark 1980).
However, the colonial European influence cannot be disputed, since
the majority, if not all, of the artists who drifted toward Lagos lost their
traditional outlook to moder European influences. This loss of tradition
would have gone beyond retrieval but for the rescue efforts of Duro
Ladipo, whose innovations and inclusion of indigenous elements were
evident from the moment he made his debut with his own National
Theatre. His limited use of the established dramatic forms and substantial deviations from the pattern used by his predecessors were informed
by his prime purpose, namely, propagating Yoruba culture.
That Ladipo's plays were mostly operas can be accounted for by the
fact that music, with or without accompaniment, is an essential aspect of
any traditional Yoruba performance-without music it is incomplete. The
idea of an opera would not be seen as novel by a traditional Yoruba artist.
It is this correspondence that made it easy for Nigerian artists to adopt
Duro-Ladipo and K6lawole * Opera in Nigera
105
the operatic form, which they did first as church drama.2 In most cases,
all actions are accompanied by music. The plot is acted out by the singers,
but in some cases the libretto is sung and the corresponding actions
enacted by silent performers. In terms of literary sources and thematic
concerns, Ladipo's operas can be classified in three categories: traditional-biblical adaptations (morality plays), secular plays, and mytho-historical plays.
The first of these categories requires some clarification. The conflation
of traditional and Christian themes is the result of the dual cultural background from which Ladipo was writing. The adaptations look biblical to
the churchgoer, but in the eyes of the Yoruba traditionalist they seem to
be based on the corpus of Ifa divination narratives. This fact lends credence to Ladipo's denial of an exclusively biblical source. His titles point
to neither source, but the plots embrace both sources. It is most probable
that the dramatist married the two sources because of their cultural parallels. Thus, by the "traditional-biblical adaptations" we mean works
adapted from either Yoruba or Christian traditions, or both. In either case,
they are better regarded as morality plays.
Some illustration is necessary here. The plot of Ko Bi Idi is similar to the
story of David and Goliath but also correlates with the competition or
rivalry in Osd Meji, from the Ifa corpus, in which the less rated but more
patient rival triumphs. Similarly, Jdl'ycmiseems to be fashioned after the
story of Samson and Delilah but also parallels the story of the betrayal of
Ikui (Death) by his wife in OyktiuMeji in the Ifa corpus. Afqldyan relates
the story of Joseph the Dreamer, who triumphs over his older brothers,
which is quite similar to the Ifa divination story in which Eji Ogbe, the
youngest of the children of )ruinmila (the divine figure behind Ifa corpus), hated and neglected by his elder brothers, surpasses them through
the virtues of perseverance, humility, and honesty. The plot of Oluorogbo
(1967) might have been informed by the nativity story in the Bible; its
title, however, suggests a popular story in the Yoruba myths of origin and
survival, as does the title of M6remi (1966). Finally, idd (Man, 1970) is
often considered an adaptation of the medieval story Everyman(the translation by Hugo van Hofmannsthal was likely to have been made available to Ladipo by Ulli Beier). But the traditional materials overpower the
medieval content. For instance, the dramatist does not emphasize the
theme of retributive justice, which is universal, as much as the theme of
reincarnation, which is strong in traditional Yoruba philosophy.
2. "Church drama" in this sense does not imply the medieval meaning of the term. These
church dramas are identical to operas in form, except that the plots are dominated by the
story of the birth, life, and death of Jesus. The fact that the term "opera" is not used in this
context may be connected to the connotation of opera as entertainment, which runs contrary
to the didactic and instructive purpose of the church.
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BMR Journal
Most of Duro Ladipo's secular plays and operas-that is, those based
on neither biblical nor traditional Yoruba themes-are satirical and didactic plays scripted for television. However, two are adaptations of
Shakespearean plays. Qtun Akggun (The Field Marshal) is a variant of
Macbeth, while Qmgnid? (The Precious Child) is similar to As You LikeIt.
In purpose, Duro Ladipo's television productions can be classified into
two broad groups. There are the satirical anticolonial plays portraying the
Yoruba colonial experience, such as Gbddeg?sin(the title is the name of the
eponymous protagonist); Bode Wdsimi (1975), set in and named after
Ladipo's home district in Ibadan; and Oyinb6 Ajfl! (The White District
Officer, 1986). The second group comprises highly didactic plays, as the
titles suggest: AldgbdraMd Merb (Possessor of Zeal Without Knowledge),
Md Gbara Le Wgn (Do Not Rely on Them), IgberagaNi i Siwdju Iparun
(Pride Goes Before Destruction), Ologbon Aye (The Wise Man of the
Universe), and Omulqm6fo(Seeker of Naught).
Besides writing plays and acting them in the operatic mode, Ladipo
also wrote narrative serializations of literary texts for radio and television. Jdd Onilegld (The Man of Property and Honor) was broadcast in the
1960s on the radio service of the Nigerian Broadcasting Service. In the
1970s, for the Nigerian Television Authority, Ibadan, he adapted D. O.
Fagunwa's prose fiction Ogb6ju Qdq Ninu Ibgo IrumQl' (recently translated into English by Wole Soyinka under the title A Forest of the Thousand
Demons).3
In the period between 1968 and 1973, Ladipo succeeded in publishing
most of his plays and producing gramophone records of his collection of
cultural songs and some of his operas. He also served as a source for oral
and written material on some Yoruba age-old interethnic war stories and
other heroic events. Consequently, the following plays emerged: Jdlumi
(literally, "Fall into Water," but in thematic translation, "The Battle on
Water") and kkiti Parapb (an alliance of Ekiti ethnic groups in battle).
There were also plays whose themes border on the epic: 6ke Ibadan(The
Hill of Ibadan) is a retelling of the history of the Ibadan people; Oluhm
Olumro(an allusion to the rock in Abeokuta) is a play on the aboriginal
history of the Egba (Abeokuta) people; Ajagunla focuses on the epic
achievement of the Ondo cultural group, while Iremogun does the same
for the Ekiti group.
Duro Ladipo's literary dexterity was rewarded at both the national and
international levels. In 1963 he became the first dramatist to receive the
Nigeria Arts Trophy from the Nigerian Arts Council. In 1964 at the Berlin
3. Dates of the stageplays, provided when known, are those of publication. The exact
dates of composition for many of Ladipo's works are not known. Some of them have never
been published but remain in manuscript. The dates given for radio and television plays are
the years of production.
107
Arts Festival in Europe, Ladipo, whose company was the first to travel
out of Nigeria, won the first prize in drama. This performance also
earned him an invitation to perform in the commonwealth Arts Festival
in London in 1965. In the same year, in recognition of Ladipo's talent and
in appreciation of the fame he had brought to the country, the Nigerian
government honored him with the title Member of the Order of Niger
(M.O.N.).
Backgroundto Qba Koso
Having discussed Duro Ladipo's operas in general, we will now turn
to the specifics of Qba Kbso (The King Did Not Hang). It is the second of
a trilogy, the other two being QbaMorb (The Ghost Catcher) and Qba Waja
(The King Is Dead). Ladipo's trilogy was never intended to embrace the
classical or Sophoclean concept of the word. Rather it was an attempt to
reenact three crucial stages of the ancient Yoruba kingdom of Oyo. One of
the dramatist's primary sources is Johnson's classic History of the Yorubas
([1920] 1973). The story of Sango, the fourth Alaafin of Oyo, predates
written history, so Johnson's retelling ([1920] 1973,149-152) was based on
oral accounts. The plays, made to wear the heavy robes of the oral tradition, are so constructed that none of the trio can be considered either a
complete historical play or one dominantly grounded in folklore; rather,
they are a mixture of both. The high degree of drumming and dancing
involved, in QbaMorb especially, relegates the plot to such a degree that
the play becomes more a subject of choreography.
The trilogy was published in translation in 1964 as ThreeYorubaPlays.
The translation, by Ulli Beier, calls into question the European influence
on Duro Ladipo's dramatic career as it affects his operas. A recording of
Qba Kbso, sponsored by the Institute of African Studies at the University
of Ibadan, was made two years later, employing a translation by Robert
G. Armstrong.
Qba Kbso, Ladipo's most successful play, won him fame beyond his
national boundaries. Between 1963 (when it was premiered) and 1973, the
opera was performed in about twenty countries in Europe, North
America, South America, and the West Indies.
Ladipo's primary source of raw material was the oral tradition. In
order to discover the extent to which he was faithful to his original
sources, we must make a short excursion into these mytho-historical
sources; without this, the story of Qba Kbsomay not be clear to the majority of readers. One of the authors, Gb6yega K6lawole, a folklorist by
training, collected data in the field on the dual origin of Sango, the
opera's tragic hero, who is conceived of by the Yoruba people as either a
primordial god or a deified hero.
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BMR Journal
Among Africans in general, and the Yoruba in particular, the chain of

being begins with the supreme God, Olo6dmare, the be-all and end-all of
the entire universe. He is at the top of the hierarchy. Next in rank are the
other gods and goddesses, some of whom are primordial, the rest deified
humans. These divine personages are intermediaries between humankind and God. Each has his or her particular "portfolio." For example,
Obatala is the archdivinity and molder of human beings, Ogun is the god
of iron and of war, and Sango holds the prominent office of god of thunder-an instrument of poetic justice. The Yoruba also believe in the existence of spirits, who are next in rank to the gods and goddesses. This is
not to say that the belief in these divinities and spirits amounts to polytheism; these supernatural figures are only a means to an end-they commune with the Supreme Being on behalf of humanity. Their role as intermediaries is similar to that of the Roman Catholic saints, who are asked
to intercede with God in response to earthly prayers.
In Ladipo's opera, Sango is initially a king and becomes a god when
deified at the end. There is contradictory evidence in Yoruba myth about
whether Sango's origin was human or primordial. In one tradition he is
mentioned alongside other primordial divinities during the descent from
heaven. In fact, the s r' (an important Sango symbol) and apo laba
(Sango's bag) are said to have been handed to him by rruinmilabefore
the dispersal of the gods, according to ()kanran Meli, in the Ifa corpus.
However, all other myths indicate that Sango was once a human who was
deified on his death or after a mysterious disappearance. The conflicting
accounts of Sango's origin may be resolved by accepting that they derive
from two different traditions and refer to two different individuals of different periods who bear the same name and exhibit many similarities in
character.
Our informants on these matters are leaders of Sango worshippers.
They bear the title M9ngba, which means "he who saves the victim from
Sango's wrath," which refers to Sango's bosom friend, to whom Sango
bequeathed his s~r~ and Idba bag. These sources' accounts are virtually
identical and seem to corroborate some written sources. The most prominent of these is that of Adefabi Akanbi, who claimed that a forebear of his
was the closest of the friends of Sango, who was the Alaafin Q)y(-Qrr.
"Alaafin" is the title of the sole ruler of the Oyo kingdom. His territory
covers the largest part of Yorubaland and his supremacy is so limitless
that he is often addressed as "Kdbfiysi" ("Who dares to question your
action?").4
4. Oy0--)r was the nineteenth-century name of the kingdom. The present kingdom,
called Oy-Ile, is ruled by the Alaafin Adeyemi III, who also chairs the Oyo State Traditional
Council.
109
Figure 1. Qyapresents Sango with her calabash,which contains the potion that
enables Sango to spitfire
Alaafin Sango Olufiran had extraordinary powers, which were afforded him by the charms he possessed. He was obsessed with the search for
a particular charm, which he rated as the most potent. Sango got the
charm but it ruined his career. According to Courlander's account (1973,
81-82), Eiui, the Yoruba divine messenger and trickster, prepared the
charm in question.5 The oral tradition also has it that Qya, Sango's most
beloved wife, was given the special assignment of conveying the medicine (see Fig. 1). Out of concern for her husband, rather than curiosity on
her own part, she tasted the potion. On arriving home, as she attempted
to greet Sango she emitted fire, to Sango's embarrassment. Sango, who
5. ESu,or K9gila,is a nearequivalentto the ChristianDevil or the MuslimShaitan.
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BMR Journal
consumed the whole potion, continuously emitted fire, which outraged

the Oyo citizens, who had already borne too much of his tyranny. The
uncontrollable charm is said to have set part of Sango's palace ablaze,
burning many of his household to death. The bereft Alaafin Sango then
sent for his closest friend, to inform him of his decision to commit suicide.
This was considered good riddance by the Oyo citizens. But he was saved
from hanging by his friend.6 In appreciation of his friend's steadfastness,
Sango bequeathed to him his s r" and laba bag. He then wandered for
seven days, after which he vowed to revenge his humiliation on the Oyo
people, adding that his anger would not be placated until his friend came
to save (gba) the situation.
Sango then resorted to the power of transmutation, which heroes of his
type enjoyed in those days. He beat a heavy chain on the ground, at
which the bowels of the earth opened up and swallowed him. Sango's
power then struck: thunder crashed, setting houses ablaze, until his
friend interceded, earning his epithet Mgngba. He soon became the head
of Sango worship, and subsequent holders of the office were addressed
as such. Even today, only the Mgngba can preside over the rituals performed on those whom Sango has struck or whenever Sango's thunderbolt (qdun ard) has struck.
Three of Sango's wives, in sympathy with their husband, also transmuted: Oba, Osun, and Qya are believed to have changed into rivers,
which still flow today and are dedicated to them. At Sango's shrine, the
statues of these goddesses conventionally surround the image of Sango.
Another myth holds that Sango was half Nupe (a tribe of the Nigerian
middle belt). )ra_nyan,his father, had married a Nupe woman, Torosi,
and Sango Olufiran was born an Ok4(a child born with an unruptured
placenta). Because this was an abomination in Nupe belief, he was abandoned in the bush, where he was nursed by a tiger. This connection is
said to account for Sango's ability to spit thunderbolts and emit smoke
from his mouth and nose. In the Nupe language, "Sango" means "the
powerful one." His strange powers and charisma made Ajuan, his elder
brother, abdicate the throne in his favor (Johnson [1920] 1973, 148). These
two written sources (Courlander and Johnson) agreed that Sango was
capable of spitting fire.
In Qba Kbso, Ladipo largely follows the traditional accounts but deviates a little by saying that Sango's abdication was prompted by his fruitless attempt to get rid of his fiercest warriors, Gbonka and Timi of Ede,
whose rising influence was a threat to his power. In Ladipo's version,
Sango devises the intrigue of playing both ends against the middle.
6. Johnson ([1920] 1973, 151) made a different claim, stating that Sango did hang; however, no other source has confirmed this version.
111
Figure 2. Sango holding double-headedaxes, which symbolize that this power

cuts both ways
When the men realize Sango's trick, they incite a rebellion in which Sango
loses his throne and influence.
Sango's symbol of power is a double-headed axe. It signifies that his
power cuts both ways (see Fig. 2). The broader meaning is that Sango
stands for poetic justice and that erring individuals against whom
Sango's wrath is invoked are within his easy reach. Sango is said to have
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BMR Journal
sixteen eyes, eight covering heaven and eight overseeing the whole earth;
they symbolize his omnipresent power.
Taboos attached to Sango are strictly adhered to by his devotees. They
must not weep when Sango's thunder strikes someone; when it rains,
they do not look in a mirror, carry a light, or sit on mortar. Also, no
Alaafin may enter Sango's shrine except on the occasions of his coronation and his death; a proverb associated with this custom, "The elephant
and its calf do not trumpet at the same time" (Erin kliffn ki QmQre fQn),
implies that Sango detests rivalry.
Sango's meat is that of a ram, on which the blood of the cockerel must
be sprinkled. His favorite dish is amala (paste made from yam powder
after thorough kneading) and gbegiri (bean soup). He detests esuro (antelope), ~e' (beans), and ago (rat).
Sango is worshipped annually immediately after the Egungun festival,
which lasts thirteen days and is a community affair. The total cost is supposedly borne by the natural ruler (Oba) of the town. This is the case in
Oyo and Iseyin in Oyo State of Nigeria. The ceremonies usually revolve
around a session of Sango invocatory chants, accompanied by batd
drums, and presided over by Sango's ranked surrogates, the Mgngba, the
Ad6siu, and the 1llguin. The Ad6siu are male devotees distinguished by
their peculiar hair weave; the l1lguin are carriers of Sango's fire and are
named after the ecstasy into which they fall in the course of worship.
Accounts of various performances of QbaKbsopoint clearly to the flexibility of the text and the great deal of improvisation involved. Indeed, it
could be asserted that, like any oral performance, every performance of
Qba Kbso had a different text. For example, the length of the scenes of
incantations rendered by Gbonka were shorter or longer, depending on
the time at Ladipo's disposal or the kind of audience. The flexibility of the
text of Qba Kbso is also probably connected to the fluidity of the sources
manipulated by Ladipo.
It is only because of the poetic license allowed the artist that Ladipo
cannot be accused of anachronism, for the incident involving Gbonka
and Timi postdates the reign of Sango. But the dramatist was apparently
not interested in the boomerang effect of the charm that befell Sango, thus
his blending of the traditional account of Sango's fall with the
Gbonka-Timi story to "get rid" of Sango in his own way.
The title of the opera itself points to the innovative prowess of Ladipo.
If considered literally, it would seem that the title, "The King Did Not
Hang," contradicts the plot because Sango does hang on the ayaintree. But
the title is only contradictory to the literal minded, because no sooner has
he hanged than he disappears and manifests himself in thunder and
lightning.
113
The Plot of Qba Kbso

At this point, a critical analysis of the plot is in order. The opening
scene is ushered in by dancing and the briskly fitful drumming on the
batd (a double-headed tension drum). As the drumming approaches a
crescendo, Iwarqfa, Sango's eunuch courier, shouts Sango's common
appellation in a shrill voice, "Death, father, mother, second in command
to the gods!" Meanwhile, the royal wives sing in chorus, "His majesty!"
The drumming and dancing continue, accompanied by songs informing
the audience of the triumph of the Oyo kingdom over others during the
reign of Alaafin Sango. In an apostrophic rendition, Iwarqfa chants in
high pitch the Alaafin's physical and psychic attributes, preparing the
audience for the entrance of the fierce, daring figure of Sango (see Fig. 3).
The ensuing praise of Sango is rendered in alternating tempos. Iwar4fa's
presto lead voice is chorused by the allegro of the townspeople, who
repeat the stanza after him:
Only the one K9gila strikes
Only the one Eiu, tricks
Figure 3. Iwar4fa,Sango'spraise-singer,holding the ose, one of Sango'ssymbols

of power
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114
Could attacktui
Could attackSango
Whom Sango will kill
The masqueradethat emits fire fromthe mouth
Possessorof eyes white as bitterkola nuts.
This piece only adds to the impression of Sango's forbidding nature,

which is expressed metaphorically as
The monstroussacrificethat frightensthe vulture
The first morselthat goes forcefullydown
The leopardin relaxationthat frightensthe hunter.
Batddrumming and dancing continue with songs in praise of Sango, and
in due course Sango thunders in, shrieking and puffing out flames (see
Fig. 4). He then calms down and responds gratefully to his praise-singers.
He adds that he has no regrets about descending from the hill of Igeti like
his fellow divinities (a reference to his primordial origin). Drumming
resumes, rising to an astronomical tempo and inciting Sango's spirit to
near ecstasy. The scene then terminates abruptly.
Figure 4. Sango, in one of his fits of anger
115
Figure 5. Gbonka
The second scene is an exposition of the character of Gbonka, the first

of Sango's two warriors (see Fig. 5). He saunters into the scene and in free
rhythm sings, in modest self-praise, of his might and magic. He prostrates himself before Sango, who acknowledges his qualities and achievements. This exchange is intermittently punctuated by drumming and
dancing. Gbonka almost immediately recites an incantation, in a manner
that is to recur in the drama, invoking divine support in his ventures.
Timi, the second warrior, appears. He and Gbonka sing to Sango, again
in free rhythm, of their military expeditions, in which fifty-two towns and
villages have been captured, and acknowledge Sango's support. This is
interrupted by the sound of the duindun(talking drum), complemented by
the batd, after which the O)yOMesi (council of chiefs) walk in singing a
complaint about the discomfort, deprivation, and death the incessant
wars have brought upon the Oyo people. Timi and Gbonka look on disapprovingly and walk out on them. Rashly and with hesitation, Sango
dismisses the complaint. In prompt counterblast, the O)yOMesi leave the
palace, giving the impression of imminent mutiny against Sango.
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BMR Joural
The (yO Mesi are chiefs whose advice the Alaafin seeks on knotty
issues. The Alaafin is said to be infallible as long as his decisions are guided by the council. But if the Alaafin continually disregards his advisors,
he is deposed. This is handled by the Ogb6ni cult, a caucus of more powerful chiefs within the Qy( Mesi who enthrone and dethrone. In the latter event, the Alaafin is presented with a covered calabash containing the
head of a parrot, which signifies that he should commit suicide.
From the moment he first snubs the council in Qba Kbso,Sango rarely
consults with them-a clear indication of his complacent and opinionated nature. This attitude prepares a fertile ground for his political
Waterloo. Qya, who has read the writing on the wall, pleads immediately with him to hearken to the voice of the people. As she tries to evoke
pathos in Alaafin Sango, Qya's voice trills naturally and she sings slowly.
The two warriors are invited to Sango's palace, one after the other; each
is heralded by the fitful drumming that symbolizes their trade and in
response they boast of their might and warlike mien. Hardly has Sango
spoken of the purpose for which they were summoned than the two, in
an unrhythmic polyphonic singsong, shock Sango by announcing that
they are prepared for another campaign. Sango does not consent, and
although his harsh voice still predominates, his words are those of a plea.
The warriors will not be dissuaded; they warn Sango that he is risking a
mutiny. Abruptly, they walk out on him.
As the soldiers depart, the townspeople make a second appearance;
pressing further, through the council of chiefs, they present their initial
demand that Sango put an end to the incessant warfare. The homage paid
to Alaafin Sango this time carries a high degree of irony. Non-Yoruba
audiences must have marveled over this salute by citizens who are no
longer on good terms with their ruler. However, this song, rendered in
the same manner as the first, is only a matter of protocol, rooted in the
Yoruba pragmatics of politeness. Even sworn enemies swallow their bad
blood and force out white spit when greetings are formally exchanged. In
other words, the rebellion is still being nurtured. The proof of this comes
in a matter of minutes, when Sango requests advice on how to get rid of
his two erring, wrongheaded warriors. In an about-face, both kingmakers and citizens spitefully hurry out, charging him with the care and
peace of ()y and reminding him of the significance of posterity. Here the
moderately slow tempo of Sango's singing and the pathetic quality of his
voice is submerged by the rapid and reproachful voice of the citizens.
This tense situation is relieved by Iwarqfa, who chants Sango's praises.
Suddenly, it dawns on Sango that his indulgence of the two warriors is
the sole cause of this embarrassment: unwarranted familiarity, they say,
breeds contempt. As a last resort, Sango turns to Qya, his favorite wife
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Figure 6. Qya, Sango'sfavoritewife and confidante
and confidante, for advice (see Fig. 6). Her approach is mainly candid and
pragmatic. In her usually piercing voice, she suggests that Alaafin Sango
send Timi to the frontier of the ()y kingdom as gatekeeper of the border
post at Ede, as there is a high probability that he will be killed by marauding bands of Ijesa people.
A loud heralding of Timi ushers him in. In another example of ironic
civility, Sango sings his praise ("possessor of the arrow that triggers fire")
and expresses gratitude for Timi's long devotion to duty. In compensation for this steadfastness, Sango says, he is sending Timi to Ede as gatekeeper. Every toll, in cash or kind, will be his; Sango's gesture is meant to
make him a wealthy man. Passively, like Shakespeare's Hamlet, Timi
accepts his new title and seemingly without apprehension moves to his
supposed death trap. His song of acquiescence is echoed by the chorus of
citizens.
Timi's promise to Sango of great news to come from Ede adds another
BMR Journal
118
element of irony, as Timi's next song and the subsequent action show. The
song alludes to Ifa (the Yoruba divination corpus), in which it was predicted that Timi would be given a title. The tune he uses here fits the subject matter; it is a tune associated with Ifa divination chants (iy-r Ifa). It
is moderately slow and the intonation highly melodious. This song is performed in a call-and-response between Timi and his followers; the moderate tempo in the call alternates with the fast tempo of the response. As
if sensing the speed at which news spreads, which could make his real
intention known to Sango, Timi cautions his followers:
Don't say where I went.
The little bat never says where the big bat went.
Timi leaves for Ede and reaches the border in the third scene. There he
renders an incantation, invoking the love of the Ede people. The rhythm
is strict, as in any incantatory performance. Each utterance is echoed by
the talking drum.
I have arrivedin the town of Ede today!
It is the free-flowingwind that forcesyou (the Ede people) to
flow to me.
It is the Afondiyayathat forcesyou to trail me.
Erijeis the fatherof Erije.7
Erijeis the fatherof Erijeje.
It was divined that when the Ogburopigeon parches,
All otherbirds must hearken.
Needles in multiples of two hundred,
The forked pole in multiples of two hundredprop up the
house.
The lizard in multiples of two hundredprop up the wall.
Let everyone prop me up.
The incantation is based on the logic that like begets like; the various allusions point to the support he seeks from the citizens of Ede. As if assured
by the divine, Timi leads a call-and-response rendition of a folk song
warning against contempt:
Any bird that fails to cultivatethe friendshipof the vulture
Let the net net them, draggingthem to me.
Timi has no sooner arrived than he accepts the kingship of Ede, thus
making a mile of the yard that Sango has afforded him. The open arms
with which the Ede people receive him proves the efficacy of his incanta7. The word "Erije,"varied in tone and syllable length, is a play on words through tonal
contrast and tonal counterpoint for sound effect.
119
tion. The people assure him that all subsequent rulers of Ede will answer
to the title of Timi Agbale (Agbale being a new lexical adoption indicating that Ede would henceforth be called Agbale). Jubilation and merriment follow, sustained by the interchange of restless batd beats and the
stately rhythm of dundutndrums and ~k'r (gourd rattles).
The scene shifts to Sango's palace, where the seemingly devoted citizens are found singing Sango's praises. The song is in measured tempo,
each line governed by the strict time of the bata. The gathering is soon
informed by a native gossip and alarmist of the enthronement of Timi in
the vassal town of Ede. The implication is that Ede is now independent
of the Oyo kingdom and that Timi now has the same status as the Alaafin.
Sango seeks the counsel of the citizenry and they readily give it, in a tuneful chorus: that Gbonka be ordered to take up arms against Timi, as the
death of one of the warriors is certain and the threat to Sango will thus be
reduced. Gbonka is summoned and directed to bring Timi to Oyo dead
or alive. To provoke his wrath against Timi, Sango flatters Gbonka, saying he should have been the rightful occupant of the post that Timi has
usurped. As Gbonka dashes off, the beat changes from a slow rhythm to
a fast, warlike tempo.
Gbonka's arrival at Ede through the thick forest brings us to the fifth of
the opera's eight scenes. It is introduced by the piercing but sweet-sounding tune of the bgb (hunter's flute). As a strong believer in the efficacy of
charms, Gbonka chooses to make his assault on Ede a war of nerves
rather than one of might. He alerts the witches to his presence through an
incantatory performance, seeking to subdue the spirit of Timi. The flute,
which intones each line of the chant, plays the dual role of amplifying
Gbonka's voice and evoking the pathos of the witches. In a shrill call of
"Timi O!" repeated three times, the voice of the intended victim is heard
to answer submissively. This portends an effortless victory for Gbonka.
The prediction is fulfilled when Gbonka appears physically at Ede and
lures Timi to sleep amid the festivities in which he and his subjects are
engaged:
The grass that we place on the right palm remainsever there.
The one that we place on the left palm remainsever there.
The ifonsleeps endlessly ever.
The rafterremainsin unbrokenslumberever.
Timi,sleeeep!
Without any physical contact between the opponents, Timi lies motionless on the bare ground.
The scene swiftly changes to Sango's palace, and Gbonka appears bearing the body of the slumbering Timi before the Alaafin, who is as dumbfounded as his baffled subjects. Without expressing any felicitations
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BMR Journal
before Gbonka leaves, the nervous Sango inquires of his citizens what
other strategy he might devise to get rid of the duo. They advise him to
order that the fight be repeated in the market square to confirm Gbonka's
supremacy. Gbonka is called in and informed accordingly. Even though
Sango's reason for a rematch makes him suspicious, he readily acquiesces. The town crier goes to work, beating his gong to win attention and
informing the townspeople of the impending fight.
In the sixth scene, Gbonka resorts to the forest of the witches to seek
divine intervention. The trip to the witches' enclave has been strenuous,
but Gbonka's invocation is just as taxing, for the witches do not respond
until he has called seven times:
Youwho eat meat from the inside
Youwho eat the heartfrom the liver,
This is my case, O O 0, this is my case you elders.
This is the seventh time.
I say you should respond.8
The response to Gbonka's invocation is positive. The witches direct him
to rapidly gather two kola nuts, the head of a dog, and the legs of a snake,
then to pulverize them and apply the mixture to "appease" his head and
his nose. The implication is that the potion gives protection against all
machinations and that his orn(which literally means "head" but connotes
the guardian angel or spiritual self) will restrain him from taking a dangerous path.
Gbonka returns to the market square and readies himself for the
encounter. In the fight, Gbonka not only fells Timi effortlessly but butchers him in order to vanquish any controversy or doubt. The townspeople
watch in total disbelief. Suddenly, Gbonka turns to confront Sango,
accusing the Alaafin of plotting to silence him. As if to put to the test the
efficacy of his charms, or perhaps his own invulnerability, Gbonka challenges Sango to prepare a bonfire and throw him into it. Fearing Gbonka
has committed a suicidal blunder, the townspeople sing of his downfall,
emphasizing that the price of contempt for or defiance of Sango's
supremacy is humiliation:
He will be disgraced,he will be disgraced.
Whoevershows contemptfor Sango,
He will be disgraced.
Gbonka is bundled up and thrown onto the bonfire. The result is astonishing: Gbonka is incombustible, like the biblical Shadrach and Abed8. Seven is a potent number in Yoruba magic and medicine. The other powerful numbers
are three, nine, and twenty-one. The more deadly the charm, the higher the number.
121
Figure 7. The duel betweenGbonkaand Timi
nego; he saunters out, unhurt. Then, pressing his advantage, Gbonka

casts a contemptuous look on Sango and orders him to abdicate:
Sango,I wonder where you could find an escape.
Beforefive days, rise and move out
To the land of Tapa,the abode of your mother,
Whereyou were born.
This gives rise to a shocking development. The citizens, who should have
resisted Gbonka's move, since it was they who advised Sango on this line
of action, now turn against Sango, applauding Gbonka's order and insisting that the Alaafin must comply. In no time, the palace is deserted.
Sango's abdication is inevitable-surely a good riddance to tyranny.
The seventh scene is Sango's scene of remorse. It dawns on him that he
is-a tragic hero, better dead than living. He is only a shadow of himself.
The subjects he has repeatedly dehumanized have now left him. Even the
drums have deserted him. Sango's tragic flaw is hubris-unwarranted
pride and wrongheadedness. He has relegated his council of chiefs, carelessly flouting the dictates of tradition. Sango confesses that a good number of his chiefs have been killed on his orders. Ironically, it was his failure to carry his chiefs along with him that enabled Gbonka to topple him
with ease. With the support of his council, no citizen would be uncontrollable and Gbonka would never in his right mind have dared to risk
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BMR Journal
Figure 8. Primary cast, Qba Koso, 1975 performances:(from left) Gbonka

(AdebisiFasanu), Timi (Laisi Gbebaolaja),Sango (Duro Ladipo),Qya (Abiodun
Ladipo),Iwar fa
offending the menacing power of the )yO Mesi and especially the
(gb6ni cult, when it was the same council that initially had protested the
activities of Timi and Gbonka. Gbonka's contempt for and humiliation of
Sango was prompted by the latter's inability to maintain a sense of neutrality at the scene of the duel; Sango's opening remark was that Gbonka
deserved a defeat. This implies complicity with or favoritism toward
Timi and goes against the grain of royalty. The boomerang effect of
Sango's action is often expressed in the traditional wisdom as a situation
in which the red-flanked duiker (esuro) being hunted by the dog (aja)
swiftly turns to prey upon the dog.
Sango and Qya vacate the palace as if setting out on an endless journey,
Sango's consolation being Qya's moral support in this trying period. But
Sango is mistaken and gets a rude awakening: Qya defects, opting to
return to her original home, Ira. The situation is unbearable. Sango cannot summon Job's patience and informs Qya that his only option is suicide. A duet follows, Sango singing of suicide and Qya dissuading, at the
end of which Sango fulfills his intention and hangs himself on the ayain
tree. Sango's means of dying is considered the most ridiculous among the
123
Yoruba. People who die by suicide are not accorded conventional burial
rites, nor are they buried among those who die conventional deaths. They
are left to be feasted on by birds of prey. But it would have been more
humiliating for Sango to have been directed to open the calabash by the
Ogb6ni cult.
The last scene opens with a funeral dirge and an invocation of Sango.
The ceremony is presided over by Sango's friend and head of the Sango
devotees, the M9ngba. The people express growing skepticism about
Sango's second coming. The Mgngba assures everyone that Sango will
keep his word, for "Sango is the banana [tree] on the bank of the river,
which, when cut down, springs up again!" Suddenly, thunder strikes,
bringing everything to a standstill, and Sango's voice is heard echoing
from above:
As I did for the king of Ara that made him to prosper
As I did for the king of Ajerothat made him comfortable
As I did for the king of Ila Orangunthat made his arena
peaceful,
It is Sango speaking.
Another thunderclap punctuates his speech, and the voice reechoes,
revealing his deification and promising divine protection:
People of Oyo and Yorubaland,
Worshipme from today on
And I shall support you.
The changeable nature of the citizenry is revealed once more, as they
reverse the message of their initial song, that Sango did hang, and sing,
"The king did not hang!" On this note, all exit and the opera concludes.
Beyond the surface level of the plot, some ideas and customs are at
work that serve to illuminate peculiarities of some of the major characters' actions. An example is the place of praise-name poetry (oriki).
Etymologically, oriki means "the hailing of the ori [head]." Ori here connotes the addressee's figure and his spiritual self, and the chanting of his
oriki is intended to give him spiritual uplift, spurring him to act and perform feats of which he would normally not be capable. Sango's fitful
movements, which at times culminate in near ecstasy, and his spewing
fire are usually preceded by the rendition of his oriki.
The behavior of Gbonka and Timi indicates that they must be descended from the lineage of the Olukoyi, who are professional warriors. They
cannot survive either economically or psychologically without going to
war because the booty of war gives them economic sustenance while vic-
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BMR Journal
tory in war gives them professional satisfaction. This is why they cannot
be dissuaded, even by Sango, from going to war in spite of the hue and
cry of the people, who have suffered so much deprivation and death.
The case of Gbonka as a performer of magic or maker of charms shows
an interpolation of two lineages, the Olukbyiand the Adgberi,who are professional medicine men. It thus does not surprise us that each of
Gbonka's appearances in the opera is marked by the performance of
some magical feat. Most of the time, he uses the spell called gbetugbetu,
the potency of which is seen in the trance it induces in the victim, such as
the sleep that overcomes Timi. Jeyifo's investigation (1984, 98-99)
showed convincingly that Ladipo gave the role of Gbonka to Lamidi,
whose father was an expert in charms. The incantation Timi recites before
stepping onto the soil of Ede is called by the Yoruba afps? ("let my command [or wish] be so"), and the reception accorded him on his arrival and
his subsequent enthronement point to the power of ofO (incantation).
When Gbonka cuts Timi down on the Oyo market square, it is an act of
faithfulness; to do otherwise would have gone against the grain of his lineage of innate vengeance seekers.
Music in Qba K6so
The nature of Qba Kbsois melogenic, that is, the melody and words are
of equal importance. The operatic mode dictates this because the dramatic plot is sung to accompaniment throughout the opera. The variations in a given melody, appealing as they are in themselves, are worthy
of comment because they illustrate the fact that in the African tradition
there is absolute dependence on improvisation and residual knowledge
of previously learned songs. This confirms Akin Euba's observation that
"African traditional music is performed without notation" (1982, 232).
If the melogenic quality is characteristic of opera in general, the performance practices in this opera may be seen as peculiar to Qba Kbso.The
songs can be divided into the following categories: solo, duet, trio, chorus, and solo and chorus (responsorial). A ritualized variant of the
responsorial performance is also employed. While the performance of a
good number of the songs is chosen by the dramatist, in quite a few of
them the purpose of the singer(s), the dictates of the culture, or the
Yoruba tradition rules. Some illustration is necessary.
The instances of solo performance in Qba Kbsoare both direct address
to another character, physically or spiritually, and self-address. In general these songs are slow or moderately slow because they are laden with
emotion. In scene 1, Qya, shocked by the showdown between the warravished Oyo people and the nonchalant Alaafin Sango, sings to evoke
125
Sango's sense of compassion, reiterating the people's complaint against

Timi and Gbonka. The effect of the slow tempo is felt in Sango's immediate summoning of the warriors and his dissuasion of them. This solo is
reprised later in a related but contrasting scene between the couple. It is
scene 7, the occasion of Qya's desertion of Sango after Gbonka has forced
him to abdicate. Sango, who has sought refuge in Qya's company, is baffled when she refuses to go further on the journey into exile. In her solo,
Qya justifies her action by referring to her initial warning to Sango of the
consequences of his high-handed treatment of his subjects. The first solo
performance is an appeal, the second is a reproach and dismissal.
Two other examples of solo performance are found in the first scene.
One is Timi's boastful exposition of his own character. He appears in
response to Sango's loud call, but before he presents himself to Sango he
indulges in self-revelation before the audience. The rendition, with no
identifiable melody, can only be described as a declamation. Gbonka's
own introductory solo follows Timi's, informing the audience of his
invulnerability against any might, physical or supernatural.
Choral performance predominates in this opera. This is not surprising,
since the theme of Qba Kbsois the ousting of the tyrant, which is a community affair. The townspeople must speak in one voice, and they frequently come together as a group to express their opinion. The opera
opens with the citizens coming on stage to salute Alaafin Sango and to
inform him of their plight. This is the exposition. They also appear on
other occasions to assess the situation, like the Greek chorus.
The responsorial performance is closely related to the choral in that
both involve predominantly group renditions. The difference is that the
responsorial involves an interchange between a soloist and the group in
which the former's voice is punctuated by the interjections of the group
or by a choral refrain. In scene 1, there is the chanting of the praise-names
of Sango by the palace eunuch, iwarefa, who pauses regularly to enable
the chorus of townspeople to corroborate his claims. The chorus does this
by declaring Sango's near-omnipotence through the use of epithets such
as "Your majesty," "Lord of life and being," and "Commander, second to
the gods!"
Other responsorial performances take the form of verbatim repetition
of the lead singer's stanza by the chorus in refrain. In Timi's song after
Sango grants him the power to collect tolls at the Ede border, the stanzas,
which are partly in praise of Sango and partly words of acceptance, are
repeated by Sango's wives in refrain. The same applies to the scene of
dramatic resolution in scene 7. Sango's requiem, a single long stanza
sung by Qya, is repeated by the wives and townspeople. Sango's deification ceremony, presided over by the Sango surrogate, the M9ngba, is in
BMR Journal
126
the form of a call-and-response, although the response here is a simple

expression of awe over Sango's transmutation, which is the M9ngba's
subject matter. This is achieved through vowel lengthening in the monosyllable Huuuun! and consonant lengthening in the sound Hmmmmmm!
Set performance style is also found in this opera. As its name suggests,
this kind of performance is a formulaic rendition that allows hardly any
deviation from its historical structure. Three occurrences in Qba Kbso are
ritualistic in function, thus their rigidity. Gbonka is associated with two
of them, and both of these are on the occasion of his communion with the
witches in scene 5. The first is his invocation of the witches for the purpose of seeking assistance against the forces of Sango. The address is
strictly incantatory; chants in this category are frozen in structure and in
performance, lest they lose their potency. The second is the exchange
between the senior witches and the lesser witches following Gbonka's
request. Although its responsorial nature makes it also a group performance, it is set because of its resemblance to the Ifa incantatory chants
(iy r' Ifd).
Timi is the other character who uses the traditional form. In another ritualistic performance, he recites an incantation evoking the spirits of the
Ede people to support him. Deviation is forbidden in the interest of the
efficacy of the ritual. The achievement of Gbonka's purpose in his victories over Timi and even Alaafin Sango lends credence to the assertion of
ritual infusion.
Musical Instruments
In view of the peculiarities of the musical instruments employed in this
opera, either to the Yoruba culture or to the context of performance, it is
imperative to highlight their forms and functions. Although instruments
are often surrogates for human speech-an assertion that is corroborated
by the profuse use of the African talking drum in this play-Qba Kbsois
at the same time a clear example of the integration of voice and instrument.
The instruments featured in Qba Kbsocan be classified into three categories: membranophones, idiophones, and aerophones. Membranophones are the most frequently used, appearing in virtually every scene.
The Yoruba have three context-free sets of membraphones, namely, the
dundun (talking drum) set, the batd (stammerer drum) set, and the qkqrq
(gourd rattle) set. Three other sets, the igbin, the ipese, and the aggrq,are
context bound to the rituals of Obatala (the Yoruba moulder god), Ifa (the
god of divination), and Oguin (the god of iron and of war), respectively.
The dundun set comprises five double-headed drums-iya ilu (the lead
127
drum), gdngan, knaingo, isajuf,and k4rikcri-and one single-headed drum,

the drums in this set are essentially
gtiduguzdu.Except for the gudutguzdu,
talking drums, which Walter Ong (1977, 411) described as "acoustic surrogates or sound substitutes for ordinary spoken words." This effect is
achieved by using one hand to beat with a drumstick on the membrane
and the other to apply varying amounts of pressure to the strong leather
strings bound to the drum heads.
The batdset is made up of four drums: iyd ilu (lead), emeleabo (female),
emele ako (male), and kudi. These drums are also double-membrane,
although their bottom membranes are much smaller in diameter than the
upper. These drums are also long and conical, unlike the wider cylindrical dundun sets. The batdis called "the stammerer" because it "talks" less
accurately than the dutndun.Also, the batdis the tension, or high-pitched,
drum and thus has less variety of tone than the duindun.
That these two sets, dundun and batd,feature greatly in the opera is in
consonance with the cultural setting and the thematic preoccupation of
the work. These drum sets are permanently stationed at important
Yoruba palaces, especially that of the Alaafin, and they are handled by
highly skilled drummers who also double at times as praise-singers
(asunrdraor akigbe)who drum to alert the Alaafin of the arrival of important visitors. But the dundun is not as prominent in the opera as the batd,
solely because the dundun's contrasting pitches are not as relevant to the
mood of the piece as the constant tension the batd evokes, climaxing at
Sango's abdication and subsequent death. A good example is the scene in
which Timi is sent to Ede, when each line of Timi's song in praise of Ifa is
intoned by the talking drum. In the relaxed and jubilant scene of coronaset is played in conjunction with the dumndun
lead drum.
tion, the Ok,er?
The qekfrqpercussion set, which is also common in the Oyo-Yoruba
area, is featured only once in this opera, during Timi's investiture as king
at Ede. This set is mostly used for ceremonial celebrations, which
explains its silence during the scenes at Sango's palace, where there is no
cause for merrymaking. The lead instrument of the set is the ~kUr' (the
big gourd), to the body of which are strung cowrie shells, whose contact
with the dry gourd effects the desired percussive sound. Other instruments in the set are the aro (two thick iron rings), the koso (double-membrane drum), and the bhembf
(similar to a modem bass drum). The latter is
never played during this opera.
The use of percussion idiophones is less prominent in Qba Kbsoand is
dependent on other sets. For example, the aro mentioned above is used
only with the ~k'r set. The agogo (bell percussion) is an instrument that
may be used freely with other instruments or solo. In this opera it is
played solo, on the occasion of the town crier's heralding of the royal
128
BMR Journal
order of the rematch between Timi and Gbonka in scene 7. This iron bell,
which is beaten with a stick, is used to carry sound throughout the vicinity, a traditional method of disseminating information.
There is only a single appearance in the opera of an aerophone. This is
when Gbonka plays the bgb (Yoruba hunter's flute) in the forest. It is a
context-bound instrument, used only in ijald (Ogun invocatory chants).
Gbonka's use of the bog is symbolic; he employs it only when seeking
divine intervention from the supernatural realm. Its piercing sound, wailing through the ethereal realm, captures the attention of the witches, who
understand its meaning and respond.
Accompaniment is the linchpin in Qba Kbso.The music in the piece is
its great sustaining element, without which any performance is incomplete. In many cases it functions as interlude or relief, in others it necessarily accompanies symbolic actions. For example, the rendition of
Sango's orzlki(praise-song chant) is both preceded and followed by serious batddrumming. The effect is that while the orikigives Sango a swelled
head, the fitful drumming spurs him into fretful action and the spitting
of flames. This is the effect of trance. Awe (1975) and Adelugba (1981)
have carried out studies of this process. The thunder that accompanies
Sango's divine voice in scene 8 is heralded by a stampede of batddrums
to a crescendo, followed by abrupt silence. All the songs except the
requiem for Sango are accompanied. Dirges are rarely accompanied
among the Yoruba; drumming is considered inappropriate here because
dirges are traditionally sung in a slow tempo. In addition, the dramatic
action has subsided with the death of Sango, thus rendering the batd
drumming irrelevant.
The dramatic movement enacted in the opera's eight scenes, the connections to ritual history, and the creative spaces filled by music are all
responsible for the immeasurable success Qba Kbsohas enjoyed at home
and abroad.
DISCOGRAPHY
Ladipo, Duro. Qba Kbso.Nigerian Cultural Records, 1971.

. dad.Nigerian Cultural Records, 1971.
129
INTERVIEWS
Chief Adefabi Akanbi (Sango surrogate[MQngba]),October22, 1992, Kooso, Iseyin, Oyo

State,Nigeria.
MadamSangotayo(Sangofemaledevotee [adosu]),October24, 1992,ApongbaCompound,
Igbo-Ora,Oyo State,Nigeria.
REFERENCES
Adedeji,J. A. 1970.Alarinjo:The traditionalYorubatravellingtheatre.In Theatrein Africa,

edited by Oyin Ogunbaand AbiolaIrele,27-49. Ibadan:UniversityPress.
Adelugba,Dapo. 1981.Tranceand theatre:The Nigerianexperience.In Dramaandtheatrein
Nigeria:A criticalsource book,edited by Yemi Ogunbiyi, 203-220. Lagos: Nigeria
Magazine.
oraltradition,editAwe, Bolanle.1975.Notes on orikiand warfarein Yorubaland.In Yoruba
ed by WandeAbimbola,267-292.Ife AfricanLanguagesand LiteraturesSeries,no. 1. IleIfe:Universityof Ife Press.
Clark,Ebun.1980.HubertOgunde:Themakingof Nigeriantheatre.Oxford:OxfordUniversity
Press.
Courlander,Harold.1973.Talesof Yoruba
godsandheroes.New York:Crown.
DuroLadipo:
Teatro
musicaldanigeria.1975.Programbooklet,QbaKbsoperformance,January
and February,Brazil.
Euba, Akin. 1982. Introductionto Africanmusic. In Africanhistoryand culture,edited by
RichardOlaniyan,224-236.Lagos:Longmans.
Jeyifo, Biodun. 1984. TheYorubapopulartravellingtheatreof Nigeria.Lagos:Departmentof
Culture,FederalMinistryof SocialDevelopment,Youth,Sportsand Culture.
Johnson,Samuel.[1920]1973.Thehistoryof theYorubas.
Lagos:CSSBookshops.
Ladipo,Duro.1964.ThreeYoruba
plays:Qbakbso,Qbamorb,Qbawaja.Translatedby Ulli Beier.
YorubaCollection of William and Berta Bascom, vol. 339. Ibadan, Nigeria: Mbari
Productions.
.1972. Qbakoso.Ibadan:Instituteof AfricanStudies,Universityof Ibadan.
Ogunbiyi,Yemi,ed. 1981.The populartheatre:A tributeto Duro Ladipo.In Dramaandtheatrein Nigeria:A criticalsourcebook,edited by YemiOgunbiyi,333-356. Lagos:Nigeria
Magazine.
Ogundeji,P. Adedotun. 1988.A semiotic study of Duro Ladipo'smythico-historicalplays.
Ph.D. diss., Universityof Ibadan.
Ong, Walter. 1977. African talking drums or oral noetics. New LiteraryHistory 8, no.
3:411-429.
Soyinka,Wole. 1988.Theatrein Africantraditionalcultures:Survivalpatterns.In Art, diaandculture,190-204.Ibadan:New Horn Press.
logueandoutrage:Essayson literature

Orgopera in Nigeria: The Case of Duro Ladipo's "O̧ba Kòso"

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Opera in Nigeria: The Case of Duro Ladipo's "Oba Kso"

Author(s): Abiodun Duro-Ladipo and Gbyga Klwol

OPERA IN NIGERIA:THE CASE OF DURO LADIPO'S

Durodola Ladipo, the Man

ABIODUNDURO-LADIPOis the widow of Durodola Ladipo. She performed in his operas,

Duro-Ladipo and Kolawole * Opera in Nigera

Duro-Ladipo and K6lawole * Opera in Nigera

Duro-Ladipo and K6lawole * Opera in Nigera

Among Africans in general, and the Yoruba in particular, the chain of

Duro-Ladipo and Kolawole * Opera in Nigera

consumed the whole potion, continuously emitted fire, which outraged

Duro-Ladipo and K6lawole * Opera in Nigera

Figure 2. Sango holding double-headedaxes, which symbolize that this power

Duro-Ladipo and K6lawole * Opera in Nigera

The Plot of Qba Kbso

Figure 3. Iwar4fa,Sango'spraise-singer,holding the ose, one of Sango'ssymbols

This piece only adds to the impression of Sango's forbidding nature,

Figure 4. Sango, in one of his fits of anger

Duro-Ladipo and Kolawole * Opera in Nigera

The second scene is an exposition of the character of Gbonka, the first

Duro-Ladipo and K6lawole * Opera in Nigera

Figure 6. Qya, Sango'sfavoritewife and confidante

Duro-Ladipo and Kolawole * Opera in Nigera

Duro-Ladipo and K6lawole * Opera in Nigera

Figure 7. The duel betweenGbonkaand Timi

nego; he saunters out, unhurt. Then, pressing his advantage, Gbonka

Figure 8. Primary cast, Qba Koso, 1975 performances:(from left) Gbonka

Duro-Ladipo and K6lawole * Opera in Nigera

Duro-Ladipo and K6lawole * Opera in Nigera

Sango's sense of compassion, reiterating the people's complaint against

the form of a call-and-response, although the response here is a simple

Duro-Ladipo and Kolawole * Opera in Nigera

drum), gdngan, knaingo, isajuf,and k4rikcri-and one single-headed drum,

Ladipo, Duro. Qba Kbso.Nigerian Cultural Records, 1971.

Duro-Ladipo and Kolawole * Opera in Nigera

Chief Adefabi Akanbi (Sango surrogate[MQngba]),October22, 1992, Kooso, Iseyin, Oyo

Adedeji,J. A. 1970.Alarinjo:The traditionalYorubatravellingtheatre.In Theatrein Africa,

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