UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

Santa Barbara

The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism in the Heartland:

An Analysis of Prehistoric Burials from the Cuzco Region of Peru

A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the

requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy
in Anthropology

by

Valerie Anne Andrushko

Committee in Charge:
Professor Phillip L. Walker, Chair
Professor Katharina Schreiber
Professor Michael Jochim

June 2007

The dissertation of Valerie Anne Andrushko is approved.

_____________________________________________
Katharina Schreiber

_____________________________________________
Michael Jochim

_____________________________________________
Phillip L. Walker, Committee Chair

June 2007

The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism in the Heartland:

An Analysis of Prehistoric Burials from the Cuzco Region of Peru

Copyright 2007
by
Valerie A. Andrushko

iii

Dedication
This dissertation is dedicated to:
My mother, Joann Andrushko
and
the memory of my father, Donald Andrushko,
with love and admiration

iv

Acknowledgments
This thesis represents the culmination of a journey I began many years ago as
a UC Berkeley undergraduate, under the tutelage of Tim D. White. Tim White
introduced me to the subjects that would become my future careerosteology,
bioarchaeology, and paleopathology; yet more than anything, he instructed me
through his dedication, commitment to scientific integrity, and demands for
excellence. For his guidance and support, I am forever grateful. Yohannes HaileSelassie also deserves accolades for his unending patience in the Human Osteology
classa class notorious for driving students to unexplored heights of stress, but one
well worth the sleepless nights.
Several other individuals at Berkeley guided me in important ways. Christine
Hastorf played a crucial role in launching my career in Andean archaeology and was
always available for advice and encouragement. Kent Lightfoot, my professor for
Introduction to Archaeology, regaled us with hilarious tales of fieldwork yet also
studiously provided a foundation in archaeological method and theory. Barb Voss and
Laura Scheiber have remained friends long after leaving Berkeley, as has Walter
Hartwig, a great person to have in your corner. In a fortunate coincidence, Clark
Larsen spent a semester at Berkeley as a visiting professor during my time as an
undergraduate, and I heartily thank him for his wisdom and generosity. At UC
Berkeleys Hearst Museum, Leslie Freund, Ann Olney, and Joan Knudson have my
sincerest gratitude for all their help. I am also indebted to Robert Jurmain for

adopting me as a student and selflessly assisting me throughout the job search

process.
No acknowledgments section of mine would be complete without highlighting
the contributions of Steve Silliman and his crew: Julie Bernard, Jon Goodrich, and
Linda Ziegenbein, among many others. Working on Steves dissertation project at the
Petaluma Adobe, I gained archaeological and managerial skills, took part in an
impressive bucket brigade, heard far too many bad puns, and made life-long friends.
To my dear friends at Archeo-Tec, I am grateful for the personal and professional
support: Viviana Bellifemine, Anna Engberg, Cara Stimpson, Kate Latham, and Julie
Kirkenslager, and a special thank you to Allen Pastron for offering me a life-changing
opportunity. I would also like to recognize Randy Wiberg, Alisa Reynolds, and Eric
Bartelink for their keen interest in advancing the field of California bioarchaeology
and generous data sharing.
In shifting from California to Andean archaeology, I was welcomed by a host
of people during my first field season in 1998, including Brian Billman, Carol
Mackey, Alana Cordy-Collins, John Verano, Kathy Forgey, Lisa Trever, Kit Nelson,
Carie Moreno, Tiffiny Tung, Bonnie Yoshida, and Jason Toohey. Since that time,
Ive made a number of great friends in Andean archaeology, and to my colleagues far
and wide, I thank you for the stimulating conversations and always enjoyable
conference meetings: Deborah Blom, Kenneth Nystrom, Tiffiny Tung, Bethany
Turner, Nicole Slovak, Melissa Murphy, Kelly Knudson, Carrie Anne Berryman,

vi

Maria Bruno, Alexei Vranich, John Janusek, Larry Coben, Brian Bauer, Alan Covey,
and Steve Kosiba.
This thesis would not be possible without the support of Gordon McEwan,
director of the Chokepukio project. I am grateful to Gordon for recognizing my
commitment and entrusting me with the osteological research project at Chokepukio.
Hearty thanks also go to the many individuals I have worked with at Chokepukio over
the years: Melissa Chatfield, Kenny Maes, Sheldon Baker, Liliana Zarabia, Froilan
Iturriaga, Paul Steele, Sara Block, Beth Turner, and the people of Huacarpay. At the
Cotocotuyoc project, Ive been warmly welcomed by Mary Glowacki, Nicolasa
Arredondo, Louis Tesar, Silvana Rosenfeld, and Julie-Anne White, and I have greatly
enjoyed their fascinating project. Thanks to the Velasco family for their hospitality
over several years in Cuzco and for our stays at Rumichaca, a small piece of heaven
on earth in Urubamba.
This project was made possible through funds from the National Science
Foundation (Dissertation Improvement Grant #0424213), Wenner-Gren Foundation
(Individual Research Grant #7283), and the Graduate Division at UC Santa Barbara. I
would like to recognize Mark Weiss at NSF and Mary Beth Moss at Wenner-Gren for
their time and patience. Jenny Sheffield and the incredible people at ISBER provided
crucial assistance in administering these grants at UC Santa Barbara.
In pursuing my dissertation fieldwork, no person could ask for a better
collaborator than Elva Torres at the INC-Cuzco. Elva selflessly worked to assist me
in my dissertation data collection and quickly became a friend, mentor, and family

vii

member. I cannot express in words my gratitude to her and my happiness that she and
her family are a part of my life. Pat Lyon also deserves special recognition for
embracing my work in Cuzco and encouraging me through all the steps of my
research. Along with my committee members Phillip Walker, Katharina Schreiber,
and Mike Jochim, I would also like to acknowledge those who selflessly gave their
time in reading chapters of this dissertation: Gordon McEwan, John Verano, Christina
Torres-Rouff, Deb Blom, Larry Coben, Brian Bauer, Alan Covey, Michele Buzon,
Mark Schuller, Hillary Haldane, Jacqueline Eng, and Joann Andrushko.
My UC Santa Barbara experience has been shaped by a number of brilliant
and hilarious graduate peers, faculty members, and department staff. On my
committee, Katharina Schreiber provided unending support and sage advice on a wide
range of issues, while Mike Jochim contributed valuable insight on archaeological
theory and grant writing. Brian Fagan served as unofficial mentor during many
courtyard coffees, and Barbara Voorhies graciously offered guidance during the job
search process. To my graduate student friends, I raise my glass to you in heartfelt
thanks: Sarah Abraham, Christina Conlee, Dave Crawford, Hillary Haldane, Rebecca
Hartman, Nicole Hess, Justin Jennings, Elizabeth Klarich, Karin Klemic, Scott Lacy,
Ian Lindsay, Susan McArver, Dustin McKenzie, Mark Schuller, Elizabeth Sutton,
James Tate, Jason Toohey, David Torres-Rouff, Nicholas Tripcevich, and Hendrik
Van Gijseghem. UC Santa Barbara staff members who have been essential in helping
me through the university bureaucracy include Larisa Traga, Susan Cochran, Louisa
Dennis, and Winnie Leung.

viii

At UC Santa Barbara, Phillip Walker has created a comprehensive and

dynamic bioarchaeology program with enormous peer support. I offer my sincerest
thanks to Phil for his tireless support as my committee chair and to Christina TorresRouff and Michele Buzon, who have served as editors, sounding boards, and great
friends. To Jacqueline Eng, I am so glad to have gone through this program together.
And a hearty thank you to Walkerlab members past and present, Im proud to be a
part of this group: Pat Lambert, Susan Kerr, Ed Hagen, Corina Kellner, Bonnie
Yoshida, Christina Torres-Rouff, Michele Buzon, Jacqueline Eng, Kaethin Prizer,
Rhonda Bathurst, Rebecca Richman, Susan Kuzminsky, and Sabrina Sholts.
Finally, my family and friends have been an invaluable source of support
through good times and bad, and I thank them from the bottom of my heart: Andrea
Rane, Hillary Haldane, Sarah Abraham, Nicole Hess, Julie Afflerbaugh, Barbara
Richmond, Jillian Wehner, Andrew Mikail, the Gabus family, Francine Mendlin,
Joyce Mendlin, Marc and Robin Errichetti, Deborah Andrushko, and my mother,
Joann Andrushko. And lastly, Id like to acknowledge my father, Donald Andrushko,
who taught his daughters independence and a deep commitment to both work and
family. I hope this dissertation serves as a testament to his legacy.

ix

Vita
Valerie Anne Andrushko
June 2007
EDUCATION
Ph.D. 2007 (expected)
CCUT 2007
M.A. 2003
B.A. 1998

Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara

Certificate in College and University Teaching, UCSB
Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara
Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley

AREAS OF SPECIALIZATION
Osteology, paleopathology, prehistoric trauma and trophy taking, the
bioarchaeology of imperialism, Central California, Peru
PUBLICATIONS
2006
Andrushko, Valerie A., Elva C. Torres Pino, and Viviana Bellifemine.
The Burials at Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio: A Bioarchaeological
Case Study of Imperialism from the Capital of the Inca Empire. awpa
Pacha 28:63-92.
2005

Andrushko, Valerie A., Kate A. Latham, Diane L. Grady, Allen G.

Pastron, and Phillip L. Walker. Bioarchaeological Evidence for
Trophy Taking in Prehistoric Central California. American Journal of
Physical Anthropology 127:375-84.

2001

Grady, Diane L., Kate A. Latham, and Valerie A. Andrushko. Human

Skeletal Biology of CA-SCL-674. Archives of California Prehistory,
Vol. 50. Coyote Press: Salinas, CA.

FELLOWSHIPS, GRANTS, AND PRIZES

2007
Ale Hrdlika Student Prize, 76th Annual Meeting of the AAPA
2006-07
University of California Presidents Dissertation Fellowship
2005-06
Wenner-Gren Individual Research Grant #7283
2004-05
National Science Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Improvement
#0424213
2004-05
UCSB Graduate Division Fellowship
2001-04
National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship

CONFERENCE PRESENTATIONS
2007
Andrushko, Valerie A., and Viviana Bellifemine
Osteological Analysis at Cotocotuyoc, Peru: A Study of Health and
Trauma from the Middle Horizon Late Intermediate Period
Transition in the Cuzco Region. Invited symposium participant at
the 72st Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology,
Austin, Texas.
2007

Andrushko, Valerie A., Michele R. Buzon, Antonio Simonetti, and

Robert A. Creaser
Strontium Isotope Evidence for Prehistoric Migration in the Valley
of Cuzco, Peru: A Diachronic Study of Pre-Inca and Inca
Populations. Paper presented at the 76st Annual Meeting of the
American Association of Physical Anthropologists, Philadelphia.
Abstracted in American Journal of Physical Anthropology,
Supplement 44:64.

2007

Viviana Bellifemine, Valerie A. Andrushko, Anna Engberg, and

Allen Pastron
Demographic Analysis of Burials from CA-CCo-235: Possible
Causes for an Overrepresentation of Infants. Invited symposium
participant at the 41st Annual Meeting of the Society for California
Archaeology, San Jose.

2006

Andrushko, Valerie A., Elva C. Torres Pino, and Viviana

Bellifemine
The Tombs of Sacsahuaman: A Bioarchaeological Analysis of Elite
Burials from the Capital of the Inca Empire. Paper presented at the
71st Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, San
Juan, Puerto Rico.

2005

Gibaja, Arminda, Gordon F. McEwan, and Valerie A. Andrushko

Excavating a Capacoccha Sacrifice in Cuzco. Paper presented at
the 45th Annual Meeting of the Institute of Andean Studies,
Berkeley.

2003

Gjerdrum, Thor, Phillip L. Walker, and Valerie A. Andrushko

Humeral Retroversion: An Activity Pattern Index in Prehistoric
Southern California. Poster presented at the 72th Annual Meeting of
the American Association of Physical Anthropologists, Tempe,
Arizona. Abstracted in American Journal of Physical Anthropology,
Supplement 36:100.

xi

2002

Bellifemine, Viviana, Valerie A. Andrushko, and Allen G. Pastron

Inter-Disciplinary Analysis of Differential Funerary Treatment at a
Bay Miwok Burial Site, CA-CCO-235. Paper presented at the 32nd
Annual Meeting of the Society for California Archaeology, San
Diego.

2000

Andrushko, Valerie A., Alana Cordy-Collins, and Gordon F.

McEwan
Early Intermediate Period Burials at Chokepukio, Peru: Preliminary
Results from the 1999 Osteological Research Project. Paper
presented at the 40th Annual Meeting of the Institute of Andean
Studies, Berkeley.

2000

Andrushko, Valerie A., Diane L. Grady, Kate A. Latham, and Allen

G. Pastron
Trophy-Taking of Postcranial Skeletal Elements from the Rubino
Site in Central California. Poster presented at the 69th Annual
Meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists,
San Antonio, Texas. Abstracted in American Journal of Physical
Anthropology, Supplement 30:97.

TEACHING
UCSB Instructor of Record
Summer 2006
Teaching Associate, Introduction to Physical Anthropology
Lead Teaching Assistant
2006-07
UCSB Anthropology Department
Teaching Assistant
Spring 2006
Introduction to Physical Anthropology, UCSB
Winter 2006
Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, UCSB
Fall 2005
Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, UCSB
ARCHAEOLOGICAL FIELDWORK
1999-2006
Chokepukio Burial Excavations, Cuzco, Peru
1998
CA-SCl-674 Rubino Site Burial Excavations, San Jose
1998
CISA Advanced Field School, Moche Valley, Peru
1997-98
Petaluma Adobe Archaeological Project, Petaluma, CA
1997
UC Berkeley Tel Dor Archaeological Expedition, Israel
1996
Belize Valley Archaeological Reconnaissance Field School
PROFESSIONAL MEMBERSHIPS
American Association of Physical Anthropologists
Society for American Archaeology
Society for California Archaeology
xii

Abstract
The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism in the Heartland:
An Analysis of Prehistoric Burials from the Cuzco Region of Peru
by Valerie Anne Andrushko
Though much is known about the Inca Empire from Spanish colonial
documents, few studies have used skeletal data to examine the biological effects of
the empire in its capital region. This dissertation addresses the impact of Inca
imperialism on local Cuzco populations through the analysis of 855 skeletons from 11
sites. These sites span a temporal range from the Early Intermediate Period (200 BCAD 700) through the Late Horizon (AD 1476-1532), allowing an investigation into
biological changes related to the rise of the Inca Empire.
The results reveal significant differences between pre-Inca and Inca
populations in four categorieshealth and disease, trauma, cranial vault
modification, and strontium isotope values. Regarding health, both joint disease and
osteoperiostitis increased from pre-Inca to Inca times. Moreover, these pathological
conditions differed by location: while joint disease was more common in innerperiphery populations, osteoperiostitis was more widespread in core populations,
highlighting the influence of dissimilar living environments. Overall, the combined
data from non-specific stress markers indicate that both core and inner-peripheral
populations were relatively unstressed; these results also reveal that core
populations displayed no substantial health benefits from residence in the capital.

xiii

Trauma patterns suggest that violent conflict rose during the period of Inca
state development; subsequently, in the Late Horizon violent conflict apparently
predominated in the inner-peripheral regions outside the capital city. Cranial trauma
also appears to have prompted the use of trepanation as a medical treatment, a finding
that corroborates other studies pointing to cranial trauma as a primary cause for the
surgical procedure.
Following the rise of the Inca Empire, cranial vault modificationindicative
of group affiliationis seen more frequently in the inner periphery than in the core,
suggesting the migration of different ethnic groups into the areas around the capital
city. Strontium isotope analysis confirms the presence of migrants in the Cuzco
Valley during the time of Inca imperialism, based on the identification of a number of
non-local individuals at the site of Chokepukio. These studies accord with evidence
from colonial documents, demonstrating that migrationpossibly state-coerced
played a key role in influencing the composition of Cuzco populations.

xiv

Table of Contents
Acknowledgments ___________________________________________________ v
Abstract __________________________________________________________ xiii
Table of Contents __________________________________________________ xv
List of Tables ______________________________________________________ xxi
List of Figures ____________________________________________________ xxiii
Chapter 1. Introduction ______________________________________________ 1
The Bioarchaeological Approach ____________________________________ 2
The Present Study _________________________________________________ 3
Structure of the Dissertation ________________________________________ 4
Chapter 2. Ecological and Archaeological Background of the Cuzco Region __ 6
Environment and Ecology of the Cuzco Region_________________________ 6
Andean Chronology _______________________________________________ 7
The Inca Empire __________________________________________________ 9
Archaeology of the Cuzco Region ___________________________________ 13
Pre-Ceramic Period (9000 to 1800 BC) ______________________________ 14
Initial Period/Early Horizon/Early Intermediate Period (1800 BC to AD 700) 14
Middle Horizon (AD 700-1000) ____________________________________ 15
Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400) ____________________________ 15
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Inca Imperial Period/Late Horizon (AD 1400-1532) ____________________ 18

Osteological Studies in the Cuzco Region_____________________________ 24
Chapter 3. The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism: Theoretical Considerations
and Hypotheses ____________________________________________________ 27
Empires - Theoretical Considerations _______________________________ 27
Biological Consequences of Empires_________________________________ 32
Skeletal Indications of Imperial Consequences ________________________ 36
Health and Disease ______________________________________________ 36
Trauma _______________________________________________________ 38
Ethnic Identity and Migration______________________________________ 40
Cranial Vault Modification ________________________________________ 43
Bone Chemistry ________________________________________________ 44
Research Questions and Hypotheses_________________________________ 46
Chapter 4. Materials and Methods ____________________________________ 50
The Sample _____________________________________________________ 50
Accumulation of Study Sample- Research Design______________________ 50
Sampling Strategy_______________________________________________ 51
Sampling Challenges ____________________________________________ 56
Site Description- Core Sites _______________________________________ 59
Site Description- Peripheral Sites ___________________________________ 67

xvi

Methods of Data Collection ________________________________________ 76

Age Assessment ________________________________________________ 76
Sex Determination ______________________________________________ 78
Analysis of Health Indicators ______________________________________ 79
Trauma _______________________________________________________ 86
Analysis of Commingled Remains __________________________________ 87
Cultural Modification ____________________________________________ 90
Strontium Isotope Analysis________________________________________ 92
Chapter 5. Demography _____________________________________________ 94
Paleodemographic Analysis ________________________________________ 94
Limits to Demographic Interpretation _______________________________ 95
Results of Demographic Analysis ___________________________________ 96
Sex Distribution ________________________________________________ 96
Age Distribution ________________________________________________ 97
Discussion_______________________________________________________ 99
Implications of Differential Age Distributions _________________________ 99
Implications of Differential Sex Distributions ________________________ 101
Case Study: Sacsahuaman________________________________________ 103
Conclusions___________________________________________________ 105

xvii

Chapter 6. Health, Occupational Stress, and Trauma ___________________ 107

Non-Specific Stress Indicators _____________________________________ 107
Linear Enamel Hypoplasias ______________________________________ 108
Cranial Porosities ______________________________________________ 110
Osteoperiostitis ________________________________________________ 114
Stunted Femoral Growth_________________________________________ 116
Discussion of Non-Specific Stress Indicators_________________________ 119
Joint Disease ___________________________________________________ 123
Appendicular Joint Disease_______________________________________ 123
Spinal Joint Disease ____________________________________________ 127
Discussion of Joint Disease ______________________________________ 130
Trauma__________________________________________________________ 131
Cranial Trauma ________________________________________________ 133
Postcranial Trauma _____________________________________________ 139
Discussion of Trauma ___________________________________________ 143
Conclusion _____________________________________________________ 150
Chapter 7. Trepanation in the Cuzco Region___________________________ 153
Introduction____________________________________________________ 153
Previous Trepanation Analyses in the Cuzco Region __________________ 154

xviii

Results ________________________________________________________ 156

Shape, Size, and Location________________________________________ 157
Trepanation Methods ___________________________________________ 159
Healing, Infection, and Trauma ___________________________________ 161
Demography __________________________________________________ 163
Geographic and Temporal Distributions_____________________________ 165
Discussion______________________________________________________ 167
Trepanation and Medical Treatment in Prehistoric Cuzco _______________ 167
Motivations for Trepanation ______________________________________ 169
Conclusion _____________________________________________________ 173
Chapter 8. Chokepukio Strontium Isotope Analysis _____________________ 175
Strontium Isotope Analysis in the Andes ____________________________ 176
Results ________________________________________________________ 178
Possible Influence of Food Importation and Preparation ________________ 183
Discussion______________________________________________________ 184
Implications of Pre-Late Horizon Results____________________________ 184
State-Directed Migration in the Late Horizon ________________________ 185
Sex Differences among Chokepukio Migrants ________________________ 188
Conclusions ____________________________________________________ 190

xix

Chapter 9. Cranial Vault Modification________________________________ 192

Cranial Vault Modification in the Andes ____________________________ 193
Results ________________________________________________________ 197
Discussion______________________________________________________ 203
Conclusion _____________________________________________________ 210
Chapter 10. Summary and Conclusion________________________________ 212
Summary of Results _____________________________________________ 212
Demography __________________________________________________ 212
Health, Trauma, and Occupational Stress____________________________ 213
Trepanation ___________________________________________________ 216
Strontium Isotope Analysis_______________________________________ 216
Cranial Modification____________________________________________ 217
Research Hypotheses and Results __________________________________ 218
Hypothesis #1 _________________________________________________ 218
Hypothesis #2 _________________________________________________ 218
Hypothesis #3 _________________________________________________ 219
Hypothesis #4 _________________________________________________ 220
Future Research ________________________________________________ 220
Appendix: Data Tables and Figures __________________________________ 223
References Cited __________________________________________________ 238

xx

List of Tables

Table 2.1. Andean chronology.......................................................................................8

Table 2.2. Inca dynastic succession ............................................................................19
Table 3.1. Hypotheses regarding health impacts of Inca consolidation ......................47
Table 3.2. Hypotheses regarding evidence for violent injury......................................47
Table 3.3. Hypotheses regarding evidence for cranial modification ...........................48
Table 3.4. Hypotheses regarding strontium (87Sr/86Sr) isotopic analysis ....................49
Table 4.1. Sites included in the sample........................................................................51
Table 4.2. Skeletal material by time period and sample size.......................................55
Table 5.1. Sex distribution of the Cuzco sites .............................................................97
Table 5.2. Age distribution of the Cuzco sites.............................................................98
Table 6.1. Hypoplastic lesions by tooth type.............................................................110
Table 6.2. Femur length descriptive statistics- entire sample (in mm)......................117
Table 6.3. Late Horizon femur length by location (in mm).......................................119
Table 6.4. Percentage of elements showing slight or pronounced SJD .....................129
Table 6.5. Juvenile rib fractures.................................................................................142
Table 7.1. Trepanned individuals in the Cuzco sample .............................................156
Table 7.2. Number of trepanations per cranium ........................................................157
Table 7.3. Area of trepanned perforations by time period (in cm2)...........................158
Table 7.4. Age distribution of trepanned individuals ................................................164

xxi

Table 7.5. Survival rates of trepanation over time.....................................................167

Table 8.1. Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr values by temporal phase.......................................181
Table 9.1. Age distribution of juveniles with cranial modification ...........................199
Table 9.2. Distribution of CVM types by time period...............................................200
Table 9.3. Distribution of Late Horizon CVM types by location ..............................202
Table 9.4. Strontium (87Sr/86Sr) values by cranial vault modification type...............203
Table A.1. Linear enamel hypoplasias by site ...........................................................223
Table A.2. Cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis cases by site............................224
Table A.3. Frequency of osteoperiostitis by bone with healing data.........................225
Table A.4. Joint disease by element with information on severity............................226
Table A.5. Cranial trauma cases by site.....................................................................227
Table A.6. Distribution of long bone trauma by element ..........................................228
Table A.7. Trepanation by site...................................................................................229
Table A.8. Individuals analyzed for strontium study with samples in ascending order
of 87Sr/86Sr value ............................................................................................230
Table A.9. Chokepukio dental enamel strontium samples by time period ................232
Table A.10. Summary statistics of Chokepukio strontium datasets ..........................233
Table A.11. Cranial vault modification by site..........................................................234

xxii

List of Figures
Figure 4.1. Map of Cuzco sites ....................................................................................53
Figure 5.1. Age distribution of the combined sample..................................................99
Figure 5.2. Sex distribution by site ............................................................................102
Figure 6.1. Degenerative joint disease by age category.............................................125
Figure 6.2. Spinal joint disease by age ......................................................................130
Figure 6.3. Histogram of fracture size by area (cm2).................................................136
Figure 6.4. Cranial trauma by time period and location ............................................139
Figure 6.5. Long bone fractures by age .....................................................................141
Figure 6.6. Juvenile rib fractures in Kanamarca infant.............................................143
Figure 7.1. Individual with seven trepanations..........................................................157
Figure 7.2. Rectangular incised trepanation- unhealed..............................................160
Figure 7.3. Excised bone from trepanation with cutmarks ........................................161
Figure 7.4. Circular trepanation- unhealed ................................................................162
Figure 7.5. Perimortem trepanation with fractured inferior border ...........................163
Figure 7.6. Age distribution of the trepanned individuals .........................................165
Figure 8.1. Regional distribution of biologically available 87Sr/86Sr values
from sites in the Andes ..................................................................................178
Figure 8.2. Scatterplot of Chokepukio human enamel 87Sr/86Sr values
showing the presence of several possible migrant individuals ......................179

xxiii

Figure 8.3. Distribution of Chokepukio Late Horizon human enamel

87

Sr/86Sr values by sex ...................................................................................182

Figure 9.1. Superior view of the tabular and annular forms ......................................194
Figure 9.2. Tabular erect modification ......................................................................198
Figure 9.3. Annular oblique modification..................................................................198
Figure 9.4. Change in cranial vault modification types over time.............................201
Figure 9.5. Cranial vault modification by location- Late Horizon ............................202
Figure A.1. Histogram of male femur lengths ...........................................................235
Figure A.2. Histogram of female femur lengths ........................................................236
Figure A.3. Distribution of Chokepukio strontium concentration (ppm)
and 87Sr/86Sr values ................................................................................237

xxiv

Chapter 1. Introduction

In this dissertation, skeletal data are used to investigate the biological impacts
of the Inca Empire in the capital region of Cuzco, Peru. The Inca Empire rose to
unparalleled heights in the New World during the 15th century: in less than 100 years,
the Inca conquered a wide territory of Andean South America, instituting a system of
governing policies to control populations under their realm. This study reveals the
biological effects of these policies on local populations living in and around the
imperial capital.
To investigate these effects, human skeletal remains have been analyzed for
patterns pertaining to health, trauma, group affiliation through cranial modification,
and indications of migration from biogeochemical analyses. Health, as impacted by
malnutrition, disease, and physical labor, is assessed through paleopathological
analyses of skeletal and dental conditions. The frequency of these pathological
conditions is used to measure the influence of imperial consolidation and expansion
on health. In addition, analysis of traumatic injuries provides a basis for assessing the
role of warfare in the rise of the Inca Empire. Cranial vault modificationan
indication of affiliation among ancient Andean groupsis examined for spatial and
temporal patterns, while strontium isotope results are presented to document statedirected migration in the Cuzco region.

A unique aspect of this research, which distinguishes it from other Andean

bioarchaeological studies, is the focus on health in the Inca heartland of Cuzco.
Recent studies have explored imperial influence in provincial regions (e.g., Murphy
2004; Nystrom 2005; Torres-Rouff 2003), yet until now the Cuzco area has not been
the subject of a regional bioarchaeological analysis. The current project addresses this
void with a study of skeletal collections from 11 sites distributed throughout the
Cuzco region.
The Bioarchaeological Approach
Bioarchaeology, the study of human remains and associated archaeological
materials, is the ideal approach for the present research. In this type of study, relevant
data are derived directly from skeletal remains of the people themselves, and
contextualized using information from archaeological studies of artifacts and
mortuary treatment. Human remains provide a wealth of evidence to better
understand diet, health and disease, warfare, social status, and population movements
(Buzon et al. 2005; Larsen 1997). Additionally, the interaction of culture and biology
can be investigated through analyses of body modification practices, such as
intentional head shaping (Torres-Rouff 2003:6).
Multidisciplinary in nature, bioarchaeology incorporates methods from
medicine, forensic science, archaeology, cultural anthropology, geochemistry, and
biological anthropology. In using a demographic approach with large sample sizes,
bioarchaeologists can reconstruct disease frequencies on a populationalrather than

individuallevel; this approach is appropriate for understanding large-scale, regional

phenomena in past cultures (Armelagos and Van Gerven 2003).
The independence of bioarchaeological data from written accounts is one of
its greatest strengths; much of our current information on Inca Cuzco comes from
Spanish chronicles, yet many of these accounts are suspected of inaccuracy and
cultural biases (Covey 2003:334; Urton 1990). Skeletal studies can be used to identify
and correct some of these inconsistencies in the ethnohistoric record. For example,
while many accounts highlight Inca warfare as a main component of imperial control,
some researchers question whether Spanish chroniclers exaggerated these claims.
Perhaps, as suggested by Morris (1998:304), the chroniclers interpreted Inca
expansion based on their own ethnocentric notions of conquest and thus overstated
the importance of Inca warfare. Skeletal analysis provides the means to address this
question, by documenting the frequency of interpersonal violence and how it changed
with the advent of Inca imperialism.
The Present Study
To address questions of the Inca Empires influence on health and warfare, I
analyzed burials from 11 sites in the Cuzco region of Peru. These sites are distributed
throughout the department of Cuzco at a distance of 0.2 km to 147.5 km from the
Plaza de Armas in the city of Cuzco (Figure 4.1). For analysis, the sites were divided
into two groups: a core group, consisting of four sites in and immediately around
the city of Cuzco, and a periphery group, consisting of seven sites greater than 30
km from Cuzco. This core/ periphery distinction loosely follows the inner Inca

heartland/outer Inca heartland division illustrated by Farrington (1992), though the

sites of Aqnapampa in the Quiquijana Valley and Kanamarca in Espinar province lie
outside of the defined Inca heartland (within c. 70 km of the city of Cuzco [Farrington
1992:368]). The sites are only separated into two groupsrather than further dividing
the periphery groupto allow robust sample sizes yielding statistically significant
results. This bipartite division facilitates comparisons based on distance from the
imperial capital, and reduces the likelihood of overlooking nuances that could occur
by combining all the sites into a single group.
From these 11 sites, 855 burials were examined for data on age, sex, dental
and skeletal pathological conditions, trauma, trepanation, and cranial vault
modification. In addition, 59 human teeth from the site of Chokepukio were analyzed
for strontium isotopic ratios at the University of Alberta, the results of which are
presented in Chapter 8. When considered together, the conclusions from this research
broaden our knowledge of the impact of governing strategies, warfare, and migration
on local Cuzco populations under Inca rule.
Structure of the Dissertation
In Chapter 2, I describe the environment of the Cuzco region, along with a
review of previous archaeological investigations that have been conducted there.
Chapter 3 presents theoretical considerations of empires and their subsequent impact
on health and cultural identity, followed by an explanation of the research hypotheses
and data expectations of the present study. In Chapter 4, the study sample is described
with archaeological information on the 11 sites in the sample, along with the methods

of data collection used in analysis. The demographic data and interpretations for Inca
imperial effects on population structure are presented in Chapter 5. Chapter 6
explores the relationship between increasing sociopolitical complexity and health and
disease, analyzing the impact that the Inca Empire had on health in local populations.
Trauma is also included as a research focus to study evidence of warfare in the Inca
Empire. A detailed investigation into the surgical practice of trepanation, a medical
treatment that reached a high degree of success among Cuzco populations, is
presented in Chapter 7. In Chapter 8, results of the strontium isotope analysis are
documented, along with ensuing interpretations on state-directed migration in the
Cuzco region. Finally, in Chapter 9, the subject of migration is again addressed
through an assessment of cranial modification, with a discussion of imperiallywrought changes in head-shaping patterns. I summarize the results of the entire study
in Chapter 10 and suggest future research to refine our understanding of the
biological effects of ancient Andean empires.

Chapter 2. Ecological and Archaeological Background of the Cuzco

Region

This chapter presents ecological and archaeological information on the Inca

Empire as a foundation for the present study. First, the Cuzco highland environment
is described with data on important resources for the Inca. Second, archaeological and
ethnohistoric evidence are examined for information on Inca imperial strategies.
Finally, previous osteological studies in the Cuzco region are detailed to provide a
comparative basis for the present study.
Environment and Ecology of the Cuzco Region
Located in the south-central Andes at a latitude of 13 degrees south, the Cuzco
region is situated in a highland ecozone well-suited for plant cultivation. The Cuzco
Valley stretches 40 km in length and is divided into three basins: Cuzco, Oropesa, and
Lucre, from northwest to southeast, respectively. The city of Cuzco sits in the
northwest corner of the Cuzco Basin at an elevation of 3,360 meters, flanked by the
Huatanay River and separated from the Yucay Valley by a series of hills to the east.
Modern precipitation patterns in Cuzco follow a six-month rainy period from
October through March (86% of the annual precipitation), and a drier period from
April to September (Wright et al. 2001). Inca agricultural schedules paralleled this
precipitation pattern, with planting in August and September and harvesting during
the months of April, May, and June (Rowe 1944:3). This climatic pattern has varied

somewhat since the earliest human occupation of the Cuzco region, with climatic
perturbations evident in the Quelccaya and Marcacocha ice cores and sediment cores
from Lake Titicaca (Abbott et al. 1997; Bauer 2004; Chepstow-Lusty et al. 2003;
Kolata 1993:285; Thompson et al. 1985, 1988).
For the Inca, lands at lower elevations within the Cuzco and Urubamba
valleys proved ideal for maize agriculture, whereas the higher grasslands provided
space for potato cultivation and grazing areas for camelids. Besides land for
agriculture and grazing, the Cuzco area provided a number of important natural
resources for the Inca. High quality andesite, quarried from Rumicolca 35 km east of
Cuzco, was used to build the most important buildings in Cuzco (Ogburn 2004:104).
Salt came primarily from the nearby springs of Cachimayu outside of the village of
San Sebastin (Bauer 2004:7), but gold and silver had to be imported from areas to
the north and west (Vilcabamba and Chumbivilcas) (Rowe 1944).Resources from
other regions were brought into Cuzco through a well-defined network of roads
(Hyslop 1984).
Andean Chronology
The chronology of cultural developments in the Andean region is based on
large-scale changes in ceramic styles, with horizons defined as eras of stylistic
unity throughout a wide geographical area, and intermediate periods indicating
times of regional variation (Rowe 1960). The Early, Middle, and Late Horizons
correspond to the broad stylistic influences of the Chavin, Wari and Tiwanaku, and
Inca cultures, respectively, implying long-distance interactions that created

similarities in material culture. For the intervening periods, cultural diversification

reflected a shift away from long-distance connections and supra-regional
organization. Decline of the Chavin influence was followed by regionalization in the
Early Intermediate Period, while the collapse of the Wari and Tiwanaku polities was
succeeded by Late Intermediate Period regionalization. The Late Horizon began in
AD 1476 with the appearance of imperial Inca ceramics in the Ica region of southern
coastal Peru (Rowe 1962; Rowe and Menzel 1967) (Table 2.1).
Table 2.1. Andean chronology
Period
Late Horizon
Late Intermediate Period
Middle Horizon
Early Intermediate Period
Early Horizon
Initial Period
Pre-Ceramic Period

Dates
AD 1476-1532
AD 1000-1476
AD 700-1000
200 BC-AD 700
900-200 BC
1800-900 BC
To 1800 BC

This chronological scheme proves useful as a broad organization of Andean

prehistory, yet there are recognized challenges in its application (Conlee and Ogburn
2004:5; DAltroy 2002:45-47; Rice 1993; Silverman 2004:11). While the reign of the
Inca Empire is generally considered synonymous with the Late Horizon, in Cuzco the
Inca imperial period actually began in the late stages of the Late Intermediate Period.
Accruing archaeological and radiocarbon data suggest an early 15th century date for
the beginning of Inca expansion in Cuzco (Adamska and Michczynski 1996; Bauer
2004:12; Covey 2006a, 2006b:234; Gyarmati and Varga 1999:3), and so an initial
date of AD 1400 is used here to denote the Inca imperial period.

The Inca Empire

At its height, the Inca Empire (AD 1400-1532) covered an area from Ecuador
through Peru and into Chile, northwest Argentina, and Bolivia. This region was
known as Tawantinsuyu, the four parts together, referring to the regional divisions
of Chinchaysuyu (northwest), Antisuyu (northeast), Collasuyu (southeast), and
Cuntisuyu (southwest).
Following initial solidification in the core of Cuzco, the Inca moved to
incorporate nearby Cuzco Valley groups but encountered resistance to their overt
occupation efforts (Bauer and Covey 2002; Covey 2003:346; Covey 2006b). Their
attempts to conquer neighboring groups eventually proved successful, and the Inca
subsequently expanded their strategies of conquest to include alliances and indirect
rule.
Each successive Inca ruler sought to further the reaches of the empire during
his reign: Viracocha (deposed in 1438), Pachacuti (1438-1471), Topa Inca (14711493), Huayna Capac (1493-1527), Huascar (1527-1532), and Atahuallpa (15321533) (Rowe 1946:203). Viracocha first attempted to organize the areas around
Cuzco and led campaigns into the Lake Titicaca region (Rowe 1946:203-4). His son,
Pachacuti, is largely credited with constructing the capital city and consolidating
nearby regions, while his heir Topa Inca led conquests to the east of Cuzco, south into
Titicaca, and beyond to Bolivia, Chile, and northwest Argentina. Huayna Capac
furthered the Inca domain by integrating the southern region of Cochabamba and the

northern areas of Chachapoya and Ecuador, eventually ruling from Tomebamba in

southern Ecuador. However, Inca expansion efforts were later hampered by
misfortune: Huayna Capac died suddenly from disease in his royal estate in Quito,
Ecuador, and his son succumbed as well (Cook 1998:76; Rowe 1946:208). The
subsequent period, marred by civil war between brothers Huascar and Atahuallpa,
ended with conquest by the Spanish and disease beginning in AD 1532 (Cook 1998;
Hemming 1970; Rowe 1946:209, 2006).
Politically, the Inca Empire functioned as a divine monarchy with regional
administrators and a military force focused on continual expansion. Cuzco served as
the locus of political power, from which the Inca wielded their authority through a
variety of imperial administrative policies (Rowe 1982; Stanish 2001:233). In an
analogy to Pax Romana, the Inca established a period of Pax Incaica, a time of
unification and security with concomitant regional exploitation of labor and resources
(Kuznar 1996:7; Morris 1998:307).
Though the comparison to Pax Romana aptly illustrates the extent of Inca
power, it overlooks the nuances in their governing tactics. In actuality, the Inca
Empire employed a range of strategies incorporating militaristic, economic, political,
and ideological means (DAltroy 1992). These flexible tactics cover a continuum
from military force with large-scale investment to subtler methods of control using
alliances and ideological persuasion. This approach, a mosaic of control (Schreiber
1992:62), depended on the location and level of complexity of the conquered
territory, resource exploitation potential, and possibility of revolt. Regional variation,

10

power dynamics, and ideological interplay all contributed to how the policies of
control played out on the ground. Because of these variations, expansion
differentially affected the political structure and domestic economy of conquered
groups (Hastorf and DAltroy 2001:22).
As a means of control through ideology, the Inca built upon the pan-Andean
principle of ancestor worship (Cieza de Len 1985 [1553]; Cobo 1990 [1653];
Betanzos 1996 [1557]; Urton 1999:9). Ancestor worship was practiced in the Andes
for centuries before Inca expansion (Conrad and Demarest 1984:90; Cook 1992),
such as in the Preceramic Chinchorro culture of northern Chile, which created
elaborate mummies of children and adults (Arriaza 1995; Rivera 1995:63). In the
Nasca culture, tombs were reopened to collect bones for ancestor worship ceremonies
(Carmichael 1995:177), while evidence for ancestor worship in the Wari Empire
includes turquoise stone figurines (Cook 1992) and secondary burials in niched halls
(McEwan 1987:40; Topic and Topic 1992).
The Inca co-opted many of these religious tenets and rituals in their state
religion, which included an elite ancestor cult, temples for worship of the Sun, and
creation of a spatially distributed ceque system of shrines (Bauer 1998; Cobo 1990
[1653]; Conrad 1992; Conrad and Demarest 1984; Zuidema 1964). These shrines
included natural features such as caves, rocks, springs, and mountains, along with
places associated with deities and ancestors. To perpetuate the ancestor cult, Inca
rulers were embalmed, cared for as living entities, and displayed during ceremonial
events (Cobo 1990:40 [1653]; Betanzos 1996 [1557]:131; Niles 1999:47). Ancestors

11

were imbued with significant power; to appease these ancestors, each ayllu (kin-based
corporate group) attended to their own mortuary shrines, providing offerings of coca,
chicha (maize beer), and llama fat (Salomon 1995:324). Inca ideology was thus
successful in part because it incorporated an enduring principlethe pan-Andean
custom of ancestor worshipthat emerged thousands of years before Inca expansion.
To establish the infrastructure necessary for imperial operations, the Inca
constructed an intricate road system, facilitating the movement of exotic goods such
as precious metals, birds from the Amazon region, coca, and Spondylus shell from
Ecuador. The roads featured a complex interconnection of administrative sites,
storage facilities, and tambos (Inca state lodging) for transport of soldiers, colonists,
state administrators, and agricultural products, using llamas as pack animals (Hyslop
1984). Chasqui runners served at posts located at one quarter to one-half league
intervals along the Inca roads, carrying and relaying verbal messages between Cuzco
and the provincial capitals (Kendall 1985:97, 162).
The Inca tribute system provided human labor for construction of the royal
estates, many located in the Urubamba River region near Cuzco (Gasparini and
Margolies 1980; Kendall 1985:56; Niles 1987, 1999; Protzen 1993; Rostworowski
1999). Typical Inca architecture featured planned enclosures with rectangular
structures (canchas), trapezoidal door openings, and trapezoidal wall niches (Niles
1987; Rowe 1944). The early Inca royal architectural style of Pachacuti, represented
by the sites of Pisac, Machu Picchu, and Ollantaytambo, was later revised by Huayna

12

Capac, who emphasized great halls, oversized doorways, and doubled-jammed niches
(Niles 1999).
Much of the imperial Inca architecture was reportedly modeled after
Tiwanaku, seen as an exemplar of artistic and technical quality. As legend has it, the
emperor Pachacuti sent engineers to the Lake Titicaca region to study and emulate
Tiwanaku design (Gasparini and Margolies 1980:7). Many aspects of Inca urban
planning were thought to come from other cultures contacted during expansion: The
monumentality of Wari, the grid plan of neighboring Pikillaqta, the compounds of
Chanchan, and the fine stonework of Tiwanaku probably contributed to the formation
of Inca expression (Gasparini and Margolies 1980:44). However, a comprehensive
comparison of Tiwanaku and Inca architecture concluded that Inca stonemasonry did
not derive from Tiwanaku, but rather was an autochthonous creation (Protzen and
Nair 1997).
Archaeology of the Cuzco Region
The following section outlines the culture history of the Cuzco region, the
focus of study for the present analysis. Here, research from archaeological
investigations is presented to chart human occupation in the region from its earliest
inhabitants to the florescence of the Inca Empire. Settlement patterns, ceramic
typologies, and architectural trends are detailed to explore the corpus of knowledge
compiled through survey and excavation. Ethnohistorical evidence is also introduced
and evaluated as a major source of information on the development and expansion of
the Inca Empire.

13

Pre-Ceramic Period (9000 to 1800 BC)

Recent survey and excavations have greatly increased the available
information on the Pre-ceramic Period in the Cuzco Valley, beginning around 9000
BC. Systematic surveys have revealed several sites that supported hunter-gatherer
habitation for thousands of years prior to permanent settlement in the Cuzco region
(Bauer 2004, 2007). Excavations at the site of Kasapata produced artifacts in the form
of obsidian and other lithics, faunal remains, and human burials of the earliest
occupants in the Cuzco region (Bauer 2007).
Initial Period/Early Horizon/Early Intermediate Period (1800 BC to AD 700)
During this time, the first large permanent villages were established (c. 1500
BC [Bauer 2004:39]). One well-known early settlement is the Marcavalle site, located
4 km southeast of the city of Cuzco (Chavez 1980). The site, though now nearly
destroyed (Bauer 2004:40), contained the remains of adobe structures along with
evidence of subsistence practices focused on herding, bean and corn cultivation, and
camelid and guinea pig domestication. Cuzcos early settlements, such as Marcavalle,
were relatively self-sufficient, though networks of exchange did emerge as villages
developed local specialties (Chavez 1980:206, 259). These exchange networks,
involving trade in camelid meat, salt, ceramics, and obsidian, appear to have
functioned without a centralized administration.
Following Marcavalle in the ceramic sequence, Rowe (1944) identified the
succeeding Chanapata ceramic style from the type site of the same name, a style also
found at Minaspata, Chokepukio, and Mama Qolla (Dwyer 1971; McEwan 1989).
This style is associated with the earliest known architecture in the area, with low
14

platforms, retaining walls, and straight-walled structures (as contrasted with the later
inclined-wall buildings) (Kendall 1985:352; Rowe 1944). The Derived Chanapata
style follows in the ceramic seriation around AD 100 (Bauer and Jones 2003:14;
Rowe 1944), during the time that a distinct settlement hierarchy emerged suggestive
of a small chiefdom society (Bauer 2004:45).
Middle Horizon (AD 700-1000)
In the Middle Horizon, the Wari Empire expanded from the central highlands
into the Cuzco region and established large settlements in the Lucre and Huaro
valleys (Glowacki 1996; McEwan 1987, 2005). Pikillacta, an enormous site laid out
in a rigid grid pattern, served as the Wari provincial capital in the empires
southeastern periphery (McEwan 1987, 1996:172), while at Huaro, evidence of a high
status cemetery along with several habitation sites provides an indication of the
intensive Wari occupation in the Huaro Basin (Glowacki 2002:269; Rowe 1956). The
Wari occupied the southeastern Cuzco area until approximately AD 1000, when
Pikillacta was abandoned before construction was completed (McEwan 1996:181;
McEwan et al. 2002:292). Wari influence is also evident in the large number of sites
found west of the Lucre Basin with Wari-affiliated ceramics (Bauer 2004:64),
indicating a shift in time from the earlier local Qotakalli ceramics to the later Wariinfluenced styles, such as Arahuay (Bauer 2004:68, see also Barreda 1973, 1995;
Bauer 1999; Bauer and Jones 2003:14; Lyon 1978; McEwan 1989:55).
Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400)
During the Late Intermediate Period, factionalized polities engaged in regional
competition (Bauer and Covey 2002). Rowe (1944) determined that Killke, a ceramic
15

style derived from the earlier Qotakalli, was the prevailing LIP pottery type (Bauer
and Stanish 1990; Lyon 1978). Dwyer (1971) further asserted that Killke style
represented the proto-Inca material culture, with survey data indicating that Killke
sites were generally situated on slopes along the Cuzco Valley rather than on higher,
defensible ridges (Bauer 2004:78).
Bauer (1999, 2004) follows Rowe (1944) and Dwyers (1971) seriation of
Killke pottery as the antecedent to Inca pottery. Killke pottery is found throughout the
Cuzco Valley and is present in a clinal distribution, with the city of Cuzco as the
approximate epicenter (Bauer 1992:75, 2004:78). From these ceramic data, Bauer
extrapolates that the Killke material culture can be tied to the ancestors of the original
Inca ethnic group, a connection supported by other archaeological investigations
(Bauer 2004:89). Kendalls excavations at Cusichaca, 88 km northwest of Cuzco,
uncovered Killke and Killke-related ceramic wares along with LIP architecture in the
form of circular-elliptical buildings dated to AD 1030-1270, followed by later Inca
architecture forms (Kendall 1996:124, 131, 133). Killke ceramics have also been
found beneath the Coricancha and Sacsahuaman, two of the most important sites for
the Inca (Bauer 1999:13-14; Rowe 1944).
In contrast to this view, McEwan and co-workers (2002) refute Bauers notion
of Killke as the sole antecedent of the Inca. Ceramic evidence from the site of
Chokepukio points to two precursors for the Inca style: Killke and Lucre, a ceramic
style first identified by Chvez Balln at Batan Urco. Analysis of Cuzco ceramic
types shows continuity between Qotakalli and Killke ceramics, and between Wari and

16

Lucre ceramics, most notably in the presence of face-neck vessels (Chatfield 1999).
Chatfield (1999) suggests that Inca ceramics reflect a combination of Killke styles
and Lucre technology, possibly indicating a merger of these two ethnic groups into
one Inca polity.
Architectural and artifactual data from Chokepukio complement the ceramic
analysis. The Late Intermediate Period structures at Chokepukio resemble Wari
buildings, with features such as niches, wall tombs, monumental walls, and similar
construction techniques (McEwan et al. 1995). McEwan follows Topic (1986) in
proposing a material continuum in building types, beginning with Early Intermediate
Period Huamachuco structures, through Wari niched hall buildings, to the niched
halls of Lucre edifices, and finally resulting in the Inca kallanka. Though similar to
the Wari niched hall buildings of Pikillacta, the architectural layout of Chokepukio is
less rigid than the regular grid pattern typical of Wari sites (Kendall 1985:282). This
difference allows for a chronological typology based on architectural types:
It is reasonable, in view of the architectural data and by comparison with
Piquillacta, to place the rectangular compounds of Choquepuquio in the
early-mid Late Intermediate period, before the influence of Huari has been
totally obscured, but after the administration had dispersed. (Kendall
1985:337)

McEwan and colleagues (2002) suggest this architectural continuity indicates

that LIP polities retained some knowledge of state infrastructure from the Wari.
Rather than devolving in the midst of Wari collapse, the LIP polities in the Lucre
Basin appeared to maintain sociopolitical complexity and continued with many Wariinspired traditions. Ceremonial activities such as feasting and ancestor veneration

17

functioned in consolidating and maintaining hierarchy through the Andean notions of

reciprocity and communal obligations (McEwan 1997). The Lucre-based polity used
the ability to requisition huge amounts of labor to construct monumental buildings at
Chokepukio, where evidence for ritual feasting includes artifacts such as luxury items
of metal, precious stones, and bone, along with polychrome vessels (McEwan et al.
1995).
Incorporating the archaeological data into a theoretical model of Inca origins,
McEwan and co-workers (2002) suggest that the consolidation of the Killke and
Lucre resulted in the genesis of the Inca polity. In contrast, Bauer and Covey (Bauer
1992, 2004; Bauer and Covey 2002; Covey 2003, 2006a,b) believe that the Lucre
polity was an important rival to the proto-Inca Killke polity, but eventually fell under
Inca domination. Despite the differences in these two interpretations, both emphasize
dynamic processes that led to the emergence of the Inca Empire. Far from being seen
as a dark age, the Late Intermediate Period was a time of creative innovation, from
which emerged the largest empire of the pre-Hispanic New World.
Inca Imperial Period/Late Horizon (AD 1400-1532)
The period of Inca imperialism in Cuzco is known primarily through
ethnohistoric documents, rather than archaeological data, for three main reasons.
First, modern urban construction has expanded to cover much of Cuzco city proper.
Second, the city suffered waves of destruction during Spanish conquest: the Spanish
dismantled sectors of Sacsahuaman and built a church over the Temple of the Sun
after stripping its walls of gold (MacCormack 2001a:342), while the Inca themselves

18

burned the city when it was under Spanish siege in 1535 (Rowe 1967:59). Third, the
written records left by several chroniclers provide a detailed history of the daily life,
administrative workings, and imperial conquests of the Inca. They also detail the
dynastic succession of Inca kings, compiled by Rowe (1946) in Inca Culture at the
Time of the Spanish Conquest (Table 2.2). 1
Table 2.2. Inca dynastic succession (Rowe 1945, 1946:202-203)
Inca Ruler
Manco Capac
Sinchi Rocha
Lloque Yupanqui
Mayta Capac
Capa Yupanqui
Inca Roca
Yahuar Huacac
Viracocha
Pachacuti Inca
Topa Inca Yupanqui
Huayna Capac
Huascar
Atahuallpa

Possible Dates of Reign

May be historical or
mythical figures

Deposed AD 1438
AD 1438-1471
AD 1471-1493
AD 1493-1527
AD 1527-1532
AD 1532-1533

Six Spanish chroniclers penned the most widely-read documents on the Inca
Empire. One of the earliest, a Spanish soldier named Cieza de Len, traveled
throughout the region and recorded his observations in travel journals that became the
Crnica del Peru (1985 [1553]). Beginning explorations in 1547, Ciezas work stands
as one of the most valuable sources on the Inca Empire. Though his devotion to
Catholicism may have biased his accounts of Inca religion, he praised the government
and administrative system. Ciezas work is not chronologically oriented but rather
1

Accruing data suggest the twelve-ruler king list is an incomplete record of Inca sovereignty, based on
archaeological research and studies of Inca succession (Covey 2006a).

19

organized as a detailed travelogue, describing each region and the pre-Inca

characteristics that endured into the Late Horizon. His informants were often older
men who created songs to record Inca history and important eventsfrom these
accounts Cieza wrote three volumes focusing on the land and its people, Inca
civilization, and Spanish discovery and conquest.
Juan de Betanzos Suma y narracion de los Inca (1996 [1557]), commissioned
by the Viceroy of Peru, benefits from an intimate knowledge of Inca life due to his
marriage into the family of Atahuallpa in 1541. Betanzos had the unique distinction
of marrying an eyewitness to the Spanish conquest at Cajamarca, and drew on
testimony of Inca nobles for oral history and traditions. He became fluent in Quechua
and established personal relationships with many descendents of Inca nobility; as a
result, his account contains detailed knowledge of the Inca from the nobilitys
perspective. However, because of his marital affiliation to Pachacutis panaca,
Betanzos narrative is suspected of bias in skewing accounts of Atahuallpas actions.
He insisted that the first eight Inca rulers achieved little, while Pachacuti acted as the
catalyst for Inca success, a line of reasoning that legitimized Atahuallpas reign.
Born in 1539 to a Spanish conquistador and an Inca princess, Garcilaso de la
Vega spent the first 21 years of his life in Cuzco. His life in the capital city provided
material for Comentarios Reales de los Incas (1986 [1609]), a history of the Inca
Empire which he composed after traveling to Spain, his fathers homeland. Garcilaso
described two types of keepers of oral tradition, the amautas who transformed
historical events into short stories, and the harauicus who recorded these events in

20

poems and songs (Niles 1999:7). With the use of these informants, Garcilaso
composed a thorough account of Inca history, with translations of songs and poems,
meditations on medicines, foods, and plants, and room-to-room descriptions of the
Temple of the Sun (Rowe 1944:34). Despite its value as a detailed reference,
Garcilasos account is considered Cuzco-centric and sympathetic to Huascar in the
Inca civil war, stating that his brother Atahuallpa was a blood-thirsty aggressor.
Notably, more than forty years passed between the time he left Peru and the
publication of his work (Rowe 1944:7).
Guaman Poma de Ayalas main contribution is the roughly 400 drawings from
the Nueva Cornica y Buen Gobierno (1936 [1615]), along with descriptions of daily
Inca customs including norms of apparel, festivals, and administrative practices.
Guaman Poma was born in the province of Huamanga, Peru and trained by
ecclesiastical priests, which led him to join the extirpation (literally, to pull up by
its roots) of indigenous idolatry. His chronicle includes a history of the dynastic
reign of Inca kings and queens, and their captains and noble ladies. Guaman Pomas
account, addressed as a letter to the king of Spain, intended to show that the Inca had
a sophisticated system of government before the arrival of the Spanish, and illustrated
the extent of mistreatment the Inca suffered at the hands of the Spanish.
Sarmiento de Gamboas Historia de los Incas (2007 [1572]) contains an
account of Inca historyfrom origin myth to Spanish conquestbased on interviews
with 37 members of the 12 royal clans (panacas). Following individual interviews,
Sarmiento called together all members to authenticate his text (Julien 2000:57).

21

Sarmiento noted that, in lieu of writing, historical events were recorded on quipus
(knotted cords) and passed down from father to son (Niles 1999:14). In contrast to
Betanzos text supporting Pachacuti as the legitimate ruler, Sarmiento asserts that
Pachacuti took the fringe (Inca crown) without consent from his father Viracocha.
As mentioned earlier with Betanzos, Sarmientos account may be equally biased,
reflecting the Spanish agenda to invalidate Inca dynastic ruleViceroy Toledo
commissioned Sarmientos text to justify Spanish conquest by portraying the Incas as
usurping tyrants (MacCormack 2001a:348; Niles 1999:16).
Jesuit priest Bernabe Cobo compiled information from previous chronicles,
supplemented with information from travels throughout Peru during twenty years of
missionary work, to create Historia del Nuevo Mundo (Cobo 1979 [1653], 1990
[1653]). The account synthesizes earlier chronicles including those from Garcilaso de
la Vega, Jos de Acosta, Cristobal de Molina, Pedro Pizarro, and Juan Polo de
Ondegardo, a colonial administrator of Cuzco intent on destroying royal Inca
mummies. Cobos work is considered one of the most reliable of the Spanish
chronicles, and presents a comprehensive description of Inca myths, religious beliefs,
and ceremonies (Urton 1999:31). Though admittedly impressed with Inca architecture
and craftsmanship, he also viewed Inca nobles as cruel and tyrannical, their subjects
victimized by an oppressive regime. Along with the six main chroniclers mentioned
here, other important Spanish chroniclers include Bartolome de las Casas, Miguel
Cabello de Balboa, Juan de Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, and Martn de
Mura.

22

Though historic accounts provide a wealth of information, they must be read

in consideration of the intentions of their writers and commissioners (MacCormack
2001a:331). Varying agendas likely contributed to conflicting information, for
example, with regard to the role of warfare in the rise of the Inca Empire. Betanzos
and Sarmiento assert that Pachacuti led the Incas to victory over the Chanca (Julien
2000:222), a triumph that catapulted the Inca to the status of the most powerful
people in the Andes (Rowe 1946:204). In contrast, Cobo and Garcilaso place the
Chanca war one generation before at the end of Yahuar Huacacs reign, a shift that
Rowe (1946:194) believed distorted the central history of the Incas. Julien
(2000:230) claims this discrepancy originates from different historical narratives,
with Cobo drawing from the genealogical genre and Betanzos relying on the life
history genre.
Given these contradictions, which chroniclersif anyshould be literally
interpreted with regard to warfare and Pachacutis role in Inca emergence? Scholars
have noted that Spanish narratives often closely parallel European historical accounts,
and may have been inaccurately biased by Spanish historical tropes and a linear
chronological perspective that conflicts with the Inca worldview of cyclical time
(MacCormack 2001a). As a means to test assertions made in the chronicles,
osteological data provide an important line of evidence. Information from burials can
be used as a source independent of written accounts that complements archaeological
information derived from excavations.

23

Osteological Studies in the Cuzco Region

Although archaeologists have worked in Cuzco since the early 1900s,
bioarchaeological analyses have not figured prominently in these investigations. A
review of the few available studies from the Cuzco/Urubamba region sets the stage
for the present bioarchaeological analysis. One of the earliest reports is Rowes
excavation at Chanapata, describing four Early Intermediate Period burials found
seated and flexed without grave goods. There is only a brief mention of skeletal
anomalies: There were two bone lesions on the head, and the teeth are both badly
decayed (caries) and excessively worn, as is common in ancient skulls from the
Cuzco region (Rowe 1944:14).
Eaton conducted a study of human skeletal remains from Machu Picchu,
published in 1916. The human remains were collected from cave deposits around the
mountain slope above which Machu Picchu sits, with a few remains recovered from
within the site near the Sacred Plaza (Eaton 1916:84). Eaton believed the skeletal
collection exhibited a skewed sex ratio, with nearly 4 females to every male, and
concluded that the site housed Virgins of the Sun and priestesses serving the temple.
In analyzing head shaping practices, Eaton documented both occipital flattening and
the Aymara annular (circumferential binding) deformation, suggesting a mixed
ethnic composition (Eaton 1916:94).
Veranos (2003a) re-analysis of Eatons materials corrected many of his
original assertions. Restudy of sex ratios showed a more normal distribution of sexes,
contradicting the early interpretation of Machu Picchu as a community of Chosen

24

Women. Age determinations were similarly reconfigured using new methods based
on pelvic changes, techniques unknown in Eatons time. However, some conclusions
of Eatons were substantiated by Verano, such as the ethnically diverse nature of the
Machu Picchu sample, which apparently included migrants from the Peruvian coast
and highlands (Verano 2003a:66). Other contributions of Veranos restudy included
identification of anemia-related conditions, documentation of dental disease, and an
overall rarity of joint disease indicators. In addition, the diagnosis of two cases of
prehispanic tuberculosis, aided by radiographs, provided proof of this disease in the
Cuzco region (Verano 2003a:109).
MacCurdy (1923) analyzed 341 skeletons in the Urubamba river drainage area
southeast of Machu Picchu, excavated during Hiram Binghams 1914-15 Yale
University/National Geographic expeditions. The majority of individuals were
mummies recovered in a tightly flexed position, wrapped in cloth and secured with
coarse grass rope. Like Eatons (1916) cave burials from Machu Picchu, individuals
were commonly interred together in rock shelters. MacCurdy found various
pathological conditions, including fused vertebrae, long bone fractures (some healed
with non-union), osteomyelitis, osteosarcoma, spinal joint disease, and dental disease.
Nine percent of the adult skulls retained the metopic suture of the frontal bone,
normally fused by one to two years of age, and several crania exhibited the Inca bone
in their posterior surfaces (MacCurdy 1923:270). MacCurdy also documented
instances of cranial trauma associated with trepanation, and concluded that

25

trepanation served to treat cases of cranial injury in the Late Horizon (MacCurdy
1923:259).
In Los antiguos pobladores del Cuzco, Quevedo (1942) studied 55 crania
from the site of Kinsarumiyoc in the Calca region, 20 miles north of Cuzco, and
presented data on craniometrics, cranial vault modification, and trepanation. He found
no evidence of cranial vault modification and asserted that, contrary to prior
assumption, modification was not customary in all regions of pre-Columbian Peru.
Eleven skulls showed evidence of trepanation, and 83% of the trepanned individuals
survived the surgery, with little evidence of infection (Quevedo 1942:55). Quevedo
concluded that trepanation was mainly performed in response to cranial trauma, and
was carried out by trained practitioners with skill and knowledge of cerebral anatomy.
While these studies provide a background on prehistoric skeletal conditions in
the Cuzco region, such studies have yet to be synthesized into a regional perspective.
The present study addresses this void by drawing together data from 11 sites
throughout the Cuzco region. This regional study provides the means to identify
geographical and temporal patterns in relation to Inca expansion. In this chapter, the
review of pre-Inca and Inca civilizations, along with Cuzco archaeological and
osteological investigations, has set the foundation for the study of Inca imperial
impacts from a biocultural perspective. The following chapter merges this
information with theoretical considerations to produce hypotheses regarding the
biological impacts of Inca expansion on local populations.

26

Chapter 3. The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism: Theoretical

Considerations and Hypotheses
This chapter addresses theoretical considerations regarding the biological
impacts of imperial consolidation and expansion on Cuzco populations. First, an
exploration of empires is presented, focusing on core/periphery models related to
imperial effects on local populations. Second, the four main datasets used to measure
these effectsskeletal markers of health, trauma, cranial modification, and isotopic
evidence for migrationare detailed through an examination of the relevant body of
literature for each dataset. Finally, hypotheses are formulated that serve as the
framework for ensuing analyses.
Empires - Theoretical Considerations
[An empire] is a system of interaction between two political entities, one of
which, the dominant metropole, exerts political control over the internal and
external policythe effective sovereigntyof the other, the subordinate
periphery. (Doyle 1986:12)

Empires belong in the anthropological category of the state, defined by Wright

and Johnson (1975:267) as having a hierarchy of control and specialized activities for
information processing. State-created institutions entrust individuals with decisionmaking for lower levels of the hierarchy, which enable the centralized polity to
control a large populace. Marcus and Feinman (1998:5) augment this definition by
emphasizing the states power in areas of warfare, labor requisition, and state
religion, underscoring both corporeal and ideological control of subject populations.
27

Empires possess the same characteristics as states, but differ in terms of scale
and manner of expansion (Morrison 2001a). In general, empires grow larger than
states, incorporate regions occupied by different ethnic groups, encompass
ecologically diverse areas, and use a variety of political strategies for expansion
(Barfield 2001; DAltroy 1992; Schreiber 1992; Smith and Schreiber 2006:3;
Sinopoli 1994). Smith and Montiel (2001) use these characteristics to delineate three
main features of empires: (1) an imperial capital, (2) domination of a territory, and (3)
projection of domination in a larger international context. Archaeological correlates
of these features include imperial infrastructure, settlement pattern reorganization,
and emulation of imperial styles (Smith and Montiel 2001:247).
With diverse examples such as the Roman, Chinese, Egyptian, Inca, and Wari
Empires, researchers have long sought methods for cross-cultural comparison
(Alcock et al. 2001). In this endeavor, the world systems model has emerged as a
central framework (Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991; Hall and Chase-Dunn 1993;
Kardulias 1999; Peregrine 1996; Shannon 1989; Sinopoli 1994). Immanuel
Wallerstein (1974) originally developed this model to describe the rise of the modern
European economyit was subsequently applied to prehistoric interregional
interactions (e.g., Algaze 1989; Blanton and Feinman 1984; Frank 1993; Kohl 1987;
Santley and Alexander 1992; see Hall and Chase-Dunn 1993 for overview).
Wallersteins model depicts a core polity controlling peripheral regions in an
asymmetrical relationship, extracting resources and labor that further enhances the
cores power and wealth (Wallerstein 1974, 1980, 1989). Between the core and

28

periphery lies the semi-periphery, composed of core regions in decline, peripheries on

the rise, and buffer regions that are simultaneously exploiting others while being
exploited. By modeling relationships among these three regions, the world systems
theory places economic exchanges within a system of interregional interactions
(Smith 2001:132).
Under the conditions described by the world systems theory, disparity
develops among populations depending on their position within the system
(Wallerstein 1974; Schneider 1977; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991). Members of core
populations are expected to benefit the most, controlling trade networks and
extracting surplus from the periphery. In contrast, the peripheral populations find
themselves ensnared in unequal trade relations involving coercive labor practices and
exploitation of local resources (Champion 1989). The semi-periphery holds an
intermediate position and often functions to stabilize and perpetuate the system (Stein
1998:224). These regions may also play an important role in sociopolitical change:
with the inevitable fall of an empire, the semi-periphery may fill the resulting power
void and emerge as the subsequent core (La Lone 2000).
The world systems perspective aptly describes the Inca Empire, which
sustained a consolidated capital in Cuzco and a tributary-based economy that
funneled resources from periphery to core (Kuznar 1996; La Lone 1994). With
peripherally-derived surpluses, the Inca mobilized people and amassed resources to
conquer new territories with substantial military power (Earle 1997; Schreiber
1992:6).

29

Though the world systems model provides an important framework for

studying empires, it has been criticized for its top-down, reductionist
characterization of core-periphery relations (Dietler 1998:297, 2005:58; Lightfoot and
Martinez 1995:476; Schreiber 2005; Stein 1998:226, 1999:16). While the core
represents the nexus of innovation, the periphery is depicted as passive and
homogenous (Schortman and Urban 1994:402). Class struggles within each region
are downplayed in Wallersteins framework, a critical oversight from the view of
Marxist scholars (Bergesen 1984:365; Patterson 1990). The separation of core,
periphery, and semi-periphery has been further critiqued as an artificial separation
more appropriately conceptualized as a continuum (Straussfogel 1997). Moreover,
boundaries are treated as unchanging over time, ignoring historical evidence of
empires as dynamic polities that fluctuate temporally (Stanish 1997:196).
Recent research has therefore expanded core/periphery studies to include
social dynamics, agency, and resistance (Carroll 1999; Deagan 2001; Elson and
Covey 2006; Goldstein 2000:337; Stein 2005). Within this broader perspective,
ideology is recognized as an important tool for both imperial hegemony and local
negotiation (Brumfiel 1996; Demarrais et al. 1996). This nuanced understanding also
emphasizes the primal importance of specific histories in shaping power dynamics
and processes of resistance (Hall 1996; Morrison 2001b; Patterson 1990; Stein
1999:9). In addition, frontiers along imperial borders are seen as loci of dynamic
interactions and ethnogenesis, rather than as irrelevant marginal zones (Alconini
2004; Hall 1986; Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Sherratt 1993).

30

This core/periphery perspective thus eschews simplistic depictions of

monolithic core versus passive periphery, and instead highlights regional differences
that appear within each empire. Several variables contribute to these regional
variations, such as proximity to the core, level of prior political complexity,
population size, complexity of technology and military organization, and amount of
resistance or allegiance (DAltroy 1992; Kuznar 1996; Schreiber 1992; Stein 2005:89). Another important variable is time: populations incorporated during the rise of an
empire may experience different conditions than those consolidated near the end of an
empires reign (Dietler 1998:298; Stanish 1997). Based on these different variables,
the political structure and domestic economy of a local people may be radically
altered, or relatively unaffected, by imperial conquest (Hastorf and DAltroy 2001).
In summary, based on a world systems perspective, populations in the core of
an empire are expected to experience different circumstances from those in the
periphery. However, conditions in each region will not be uniform or static, but rather
will vary depending on several variables. This is particularly true in the Andes, where
each region responded differently to Inca conquest and consolidation (DAltroy 1994;
Kuznar 1996; La Lone 1994; Morris 1998:295). While some areas were completely
transformed, with existing groups moved off their lands for purposes of imperial
restructuring, in other regions the Inca forged alliances and allowed local elites to rule
(Schreiber 1992:53-62).

31

Biological Consequences of Empires

Given the vast regional differences apparent within the Inca Empire, it is
important to explore how these varied experiences might have affected local
populations biologically. In examining the biological effects of Inca expansion, the
present study belongs to a growing literature on the bioarchaeology of imperialism
(Tung 2003). This burgeoning sub-field uses skeletal data to investigate aspects of
conquest and consolidation that complement archaeological and ethnographic data.
Particularly in the Andean region, where superior preservation conditions have aided
in the accumulation of human remains for such studies, skeletal analyses have the
potential to significantly contribute to research on empires.
As might be expected given the diverse core/periphery interactions examined
above, no predictable pattern exists for the biological consequences of imperialism.
Rather, numerous factors may cause beneficial or detrimental health changes to
groups subsumed under an empires control (e.g., Andrushko et al. 2006; Buzon
2004, 2006; Tung 2003). These factors include a reduction in dietary diversity and
restricted access to resources, tribute demands, population aggregation, increased
violent conflict, altered ritual practices, and enforced relocation (Tung 2003:60-61).
In addition, empires may control and alter ethnic identity, evident through analyses of
mortuary practices and cranial vault modification (Torres-Rouff 2003; Blom 2005a).
Among these variables of imperial control, a decrease in dietary diversity
carries significant health consequences. In the Andes, this took the form of increased
dependence on maize agriculture, which produced a major food staple throughout the

32

lower elevations of the highlands (Burger et al. 2003:135; Finucane et al. 2006;
Hastorf and Johannessen 1993). The Inca deified maize as part of the state worship of
the Sun and used it extensively in their rituals, primarily in the form of chicha (maize
beer) (Niles 1993). Chicha, more than any other foodstuff, symbolized the connection
of the Inca to the Sun deity and was used to mediate all social, ideological, and
political interactions (Hastorf and Johannessen 1994:437). This dietary
homogenization, coupled with sedentism, resulted in detrimental health effects in
some Andean populations (Allison 1984; Armelagos 1990; Ubelaker 1992; Verano
1992). Health deterioration from a restricted maize diet may ensue from dietary
insufficiency of essential vitamins and nutrients such as Vitamin B12, folate, and iron,
leading to anemia and other conditions (Wapler et al. 2004; Ortner et al. 1999).
Furthermore, certain classes of individuals may suffer due to restricted
resource access. In stratified societies, access to resources often depends on economic
status, social rank, and group affiliation. In these cases, lower status individuals
commonly suffer from malnutrition, while the few elites indulge in over-consumption
(Powell 1988; Storey 1992; Verano 1992). Malnourished individuals are more
susceptible to disease, causing disadvantaged socioeconomic groups to experience a
biologically lower quality of life (Wright and Yoder 2003:57).
Compromised health may also result from infection due to settlement
aggregation (Verano 1997b:258), particularly in urban environments where bacterial
transmission increases due to crowding, water contamination, and/or poor sanitation
(Storey 1985:532). Population aggregation promotes infectious transmission

33

especially if human waste disposal spaces abut habitation areas. Relevant to this
study, human feces were used as manure to fertilize crops during Inca times (Kendall
1985:152); use of human waste could have promoted bacterial infections and
parasites in Cuzco-based populations.
Furthermore, bacterial exposure can ensue from increased contact with outside
groups (Larsen 1997:86). This exposure is more likely to occur in capitals, which
often welcome a range of immigrants from widespread regions (Blom 2005a).
Immigrants may carry diseases endemic to their homeland, thereby increasing the
likelihood of infectious disease exposure to residents in the capital.
Along with dietary deficiencies and bacterial infection, enforced labor can
detrimentally affect health. The Inca Empire imposed tribute obligations through
several labor programs such as mita (rotational) labor, examples of which include
public work construction, army service, and agricultural work in state fields (Murra
1982). These labor obligations increased demands on subject populations and
impacted their domestic economy (Hastorf and DAltroy 2001:22), and from a
biological perspective, this type of arduous physical activity can result in
degenerative joint disease (osteoarthritis). By demanding constant labor tribute, Inca
imperial policies may have led to increased osteoarthritis in local populations
(Andrushko et al. 2006).
As evident from the above sections, imperial endeavors may detrimentally
affect health. However, imperial expansion may, in some instances, result in
improved health. Some state formation modelsthose emphasizing integrating

34

mechanismsfocus on resources and infrastructure provided through the states

organizational capabilities (Service 1975). The benefits of centralization, such as
stable food sources, translate into better health for all citizens. For instance, during
disasters or poor harvests, the state may offer subsidies through stored surpluses,
while disabled individuals or others in need receive welfare provisions from the state
(Kendall 1985:142).
Could such a characterization apply to the Inca Empire? Some researchers
have described the Inca Empire as a beneficent socialist empire:
[L]and was communally held and redistributed according to need, taxes and
labor were reallocated for the common good, and the state through its
beneficent aristocracy and clergy was the ultimate creator and purveyor of
peace, prosperity, and happiness. (van den Berghe and Flores Ochoa
2000:11)

Though this view seems simplistic, other researchers confirm the redistributive efforts
of the Inca Empire (Kuznar 1996:13; MacCormack 2001b:421; Murra (1980 [1955]),
maintaining that government storehouses held food supplies for state laborers
(Kendall 1985:142). In his classic text of Inca society, Rowe (1946:273) described
several socialistic aspects of Inca governance, asserting that the empire insured the
individual against every sort of want.
As a redistributive organization, the Inca Empire would have significantly
influenced health by provisioning a stable diet (DAltroy 2001:46). In this scenario,
expansion benefits individuals in both the core and periphery: lower status
individuals in the capital profit from increased resources extracted from conquered
regions, while redistributed goods from the core provide additional resources to

35

newly conquered populations (Costin and Earle 1989). The increased flow of goods
in both directions can supplement traditional diets and provide sustenance at a
previously unattainable level, with individuals at all status levels showing improved
health (Earle et al. 1987). Elites may prosper to an even greater degree, through
access to sumptuous goods, low levels of repetitive physical stress, and fewer
accident-related injuries, based on their exemption from arduous subsistence practices
like agriculture and pastoralism.
Skeletal Indications of Imperial Consequences
The previous sections outlined both positive and negative health consequences
of empires. As demonstrated, these consequences vary by region based on numerous
factors, yet how can these variations be measured? Here, human skeletal analyses
provide the means to assess health, warfare, group affiliation, and migration in
imperial contexts (Larsen 1997; Tung 2003). The following sections describe skeletal
conditions related to these four topics, and their implications for the present study.
Health and Disease
Several skeletal conditions can be used to assess group health within empires,
based on their link to disease, poor nutrition, and unsanitary living conditions 2
(Larsen 1997; Storey 1985, 1992; Tung 2003; Verano and Ubelaker 1992; Walker
1986). Two of the most commonly-cited stress indicators are cribra orbitalia and
porotic hyperostosis, expansion of the orbital roofs and parietal and occipital diplo,
respectively (Angel 1966; Stuart-Macadam 1985; Stuart-Macadam and Kent 1992).

Each condition is detailed, with information on etiology and related factors, in Chapter 6.

36

These conditionsvisible as small circular lesions in the upper orbits and posterior
cranial surfaceshave been attributed to a number of causes, including nutritional
deficiencies, parasitic infection, and bacterial infection (El-Najjar et al. 1976; Lallo et
al. 1977; Reinhard 1992; Stuart-Macadam and Kent 1992; Walker 1985, 1986). Since
these conditions ensue from malnutrition and disease, their prevalence can reveal
evidence of stress in past populations (Blom et al. 2005; Cohen and Armelagos 1984;
Hill and Armelagos 1990; Kent 1986; Larsen 1997:30; Mensforth et al. 1978; StuartMacadam 1985, 1992a,b; Ubelaker 1992; Walker 1986).
Two additional stress indicators, stunted growth and dental enamel
hypoplasias, reflect growth disruptions suffered during childhood development
(Larsen 1997:44; Rose et al. 1985). Inadequate nutrition will restrict growth, since the
individual receives too few nutritional resources to fuel normal development.
Furthermore, growth is restricted in diseased individuals because the body must divert
resources to the costly demands of fighting disease. The resultant stunted growth,
with long bones that are significantly shorter than those of healthy individuals,
indicates compromised health (Lambert 1993).
Dental enamel hypoplasias result from disruption of tooth enamel formation
and are visible as grooves in the labial dental surface. Cessations in growth leading to
hypoplasias may be caused by nutritional deficiencies or diseases that strain an
individuals metabolism. As an indication of stress, the condition provides evidence
of compromised health in populations (Goodman and Rose 1991; Hillson 2000).
Documentation of this condition complements other indications of non-specific

37

stress: while femur length usually reflects chronic stress incurred during an
individuals entire development, hypoplasias more often indicate specific episodes of
stress that affected an individual during a short period of time (Goodman and Martin
2002:27).
One final stress indicator, osteoperiostitis (inflammation of the subperiosteal
cortical bone), ensues from bacterial infection and is easily visible in skeletal
collections. Osteoperiostitis often increases with dense population aggregation and
unsanitary hygienic conditions (Steckel et al. 2002). As such, osteoperiostitis can be
used to assess the influence of imperially-driven settlement changes involving
urbanism and aggregated living conditions.
These conditionsporotic hyperostosis, stunted growth, enamel hypoplasias,
and osteoperiostitiscomprise the overall health index of an individual (Steckel et
al. 2002). By combining health indices of all individuals within a group,
bioarchaeologists can measure the relative health of a population, and compare it to
other groups from different regions or temporal periods (Steckel and Rose 2002b).
The present study compares pathological conditions before and after the rise of the
Inca Empire to measure the health impacts of imperial expansion.
Trauma
Bioarchaeologists record traumatic injuries as a means to understand patterns
of violence throughout human history (Walker 1989, 2001). Specific skeletal
indicators of violence include depressed cranial fractures, embedded projectile points,
and cutmarks reflecting scalping or dismemberment (Andrushko et al. 2005; Jurmain

38

1991a, 2001; Lambert 1994, 2002; Walker 1989; Walker and Lambert 1989). Warrelated conflict may result in injuries such as blunt force trauma from clubs and
stones, cutting wounds from metal weapons (Novak 2000; Walker and Steckel 2002),
and parry fractures of the midshaft forearm bones, often attributed to self-defense
stances in which an individual raises their arm to ward off a blow and receives blunt
force trauma to the ulna (Judd 2002, 2004). To distinguish accidental injuries from
those related to violent conflict, location of injury, pattern of targeted body regions,
and sex of afflicted individuals are used to discern the social context of observed
trauma (Walker 1997; Lambert 1994; Larsen 1997:110).
Evidence of violent trauma can be used to investigate warfare in the Inca
Empire. Though the Spanish documents extensively describe Inca warfare (Arkush
and Stanish 2005; Niles 1999:61-62; Rowe 1946:274), some researchers believe the
chroniclers exaggerated these accounts, interpreting Inca expansion based on their
ethnocentric notions of conquest (Morris 1998:304). To assess the validity of these
historical accounts, skeletal evidence of perimortem trauma can be distinguished from
healed, nonlethal injuries, providing a means to assess the prevalence of pervasive,
lethal conflict.
Trepanation, the removal of a section of the cranial vault, provides
complementary (though indirect) evidence of violence, due to its association with
cranial trauma. This type of surgical intervention, a common practice in the
prehistoric Andean region, was performed largely to relieve intracranial pressure
from cranial trauma (Verano 1997a, 2003b). The analysis of trauma and associated

39

trepanations can therefore test hypotheses of the role of warfare in Inca imperial
development and expansion.
Ethnic Identity and Migration
Two datasets in this study, cranial modification and strontium isotope
analysis, are used to identify Inca imperial influence on ethnic identity and migration.
In the Andes, migration played a key role in shaping the pre-Columbian social
landscape. At times, highland Andean groups exploited ecological niches at different
altitudes, maintaining a base population in one location and sending off smaller
groups to exploit other vertical islands (Masuda et al. 1985; Murra 1968, 1972,
1985). One well-documented example of resource-based migration is found in the
Middle Horizon state of Tiwanaku (AD 500-1000), where colonists migrated to the
Moquegua Valley, Peru from the capital near the Bolivian shore of Lake Titicaca
(Blom et al. 1998; Goldstein 1993, 2000; Knudson et al. 2004; Kolata 1993; Owen
2005). Described as diaspora communities (Goldstein 2000), the colonists remained
both biologically and culturally affiliated with the Tiwanaku core (Blom 1999; Blom
et al. 1998; Goldstein 1989a, b, 2005:266; Owen 2005:64; Stanish 2003:291). In
Moquegua they cultivated and exported resourcessuch as maize, cotton, peppers,
and cocathat were either unavailable or limited in the capital region (Goldstein
2005:237).
In the Late Horizon, the Inca adopted this pattern of ecological migration as a
tool of state control (Goldstein 2005:48; Wachtel 1982:200). This tactic proved
invaluable for imperial success: as Stanish (2001:224) notes, Forcible movement of

40

populations for strategic and economic purposes is perhaps the most intrusive,
nonlethal means of control for a premodern empire. In one example of coerced
migration detailed in colonial documents, the Inca established mitima colonies in the
fertile valleys of Cochabamba, Bolivia (Wachtel 1982). To exploit this agricultural
opportunity, the Inca removed local ethnic groups and shifted all arable land to the
state, while foreign groups were resettled to work the fields and build administrative
centers, roads, and storehouses to support production (Gyarmati and Varga 1999). An
estimated 14,000 individualsoriginating as far away as Chileworked the state
fields in Cochabamba (Wachtel 1982:214).
Despite the recognized importance of migration, its identification has
historically presented challenges (Burmeister 2000:540; Snow 1995:72). In the
absence of written records, archaeologists often rely on stylistic differences in
material culture to distinguish groups, based on the premise that groups retain unique
symbols of their ethnic unity (Blom 2005a:2). However, many variables complicate
the differentiation of ethnic groups based on material culture (Jones 1997; Smith and
Schreiber 2005:208). While ceramic style has been used to distinguish Andean ethnic
groups, differences in style may relate to region, time period, or status (Conkey and
Hastorf 1990; Odess 1998; Plog 1983; Shennan 1994:13). In addition, symbols of
ethnic identity such as apparel may not preserve in the archaeological record
(Brothwell and Pollard 2001; Cronyn 1990; Good 2001:217)for example, only in
rare circumstances do archaeologists recover the distinctive hats worn by various
ethnic groups in prehistoric Andean times (Cock 2002).

41

Further complicating the matter, ethnic identity is not static, but rather fluid
and varied, such that material assemblages may not properly reflect its multidimensional nature (Bernardini 2005:32; Eriksen 1992; Jones and Graves-Brown
1996). Ethnic identity incorporates both self-ascription and ascription by others,
influenced by external circumstances and internal agency (Barth 1998; Nagel 1994).
Rapid shifts in ethnic identity can result from changes in the physical or social
environment (Reycraft 2005:5); in Late Intermediate Period Chile, Atacameos
created a unified identity in response to social encroachment following Tiwanaku
collapse (Torres-Rouff 2003:142). Ethnic identity may also be manipulated for
personal gain, such as Nubian individuals co-opting foreign Egyptian styles for status
elevation (Buzon 2006:692; Smith 2003). Due to the active, responsive nature of
ethnic identity, the use of bounded cultural assemblages to identify past groups and
their movements can be problematic (Chapman and Dolukhanov 1993; Emberling
1997; Singleton 1998:174).
Bioarchaeological methods offer promising approaches to some of these
problems. By focusing on skeletal remains and their associated artifacts, these studies
can reveal group affiliations through cultural practices and mortuary treatment
(Andresen 2000:554). Recent efforts towards the recognition of group identity
include analyses of ethnically distinctive ceramic grave goods (Cornejo 2000), ethnic
headgear in burials (Cock 2002), cranial vault modification (Blom 2005a,b;
Hoshower et al. 1995; Torres-Rouff 2002), dental and skeletal morphology (Sutter
2000; Verano 2003a), and ancient DNA (Forgey 2006; Williams 2005).

42

One particularly promising approach, strontium isotope analysis, has been

successful in separating groups within a population (Ambrose and Krigbaum 2003;
Katzenberg 2000). Although these studies do not examine ethnic affiliations,
strontium isotope analysis can document geographic origins and migration by
establishing a local signature and identifying deviations representative of migrants
(Burton et al. 2003). Combining more than one of these lines of evidence provides a
powerful means to recognize past migration events in a regionin the present study,
cranial vault modification and bone chemistry are analyzed to understand migration
within the Inca Empire.
Cranial Vault Modification
Cranial vault modification, the intentional reshaping of the head, provides
evidence of geographic origins and population movements in the Andes (Gerszten
1993; Gerszten and Gerszten 1995; Torres-Rouff 2003). According to Spanish
chronicles, cranial vault modification served as an indicator of group identity, a
practice begun before the Inca rose to power (Cobo 1990 [1653]; de las Casas 1892
[1561]:174-75; Kellner 2002:95; Marroquin 1944). Following expansion, the Inca
used differences in head shape to classify different groups within the empire, and
intentionally homogenized head shapes within groups for easier identification
(Torres-Rouff 2003:29; Cieza de Len 1984 [1553]:173). In the current study,
temporal variations in cranial vault modification are first used to construct a regional
typology, followed by an assessment of geographical distributions as a means to
identify migrations into the Cuzco region.

43

Bone Chemistry
Migration studies based on strontium isotopes rely on the principle that
87

Sr/86Sr values in dental enamel reflect the local geological composition (Price et al.

1994). Geological 87Sr/86Sr values are a function of varying strontium (Sr) and
rubidium (Rb) concentrations (i.e., Rb/Sr values) and age of the bedrock within a
given region. The only radiogenic isotope of Sr, 87Sr, is produced by the slow
radioactive decay of the rubidium isotope 87Rb (Faure 1986). Because the 87Rb decay
rate remains constant, the relative amount of 87Sr to 86Sr will reflect the composition
of subsurface bedrock (i.e., its Rb/Sr value) and the time elapsed since formation or
deposition. Thus, regions containing older rocks with very high 87Rb/87Sr values (e.g.,
granite) are characterized by higher 87Sr/86Sr values than areas containing younger
basaltic rocks (Faure 1986). Consequently, the geological composition influences the
ratios of strontium isotopes in groundwater and soil, which are taken up by local
plants and animals.
Strontium is incorporated into the bodys hard tissues through consumption of
plant and animal products and water; following consumption, strontium substitutes
for calcium in the hydroxyapatite of teeth and bone (Bentley 2006; Ericson 1985;
Nelson et al. 1986; Schroeder et al. 1972:496; Sealy et al. 1991). During the processes
of consumption and substitution, the ratio of strontium isotopes remains constanta
prerequisite for migration studies. In some elements this is not the case: isotope
amounts may change when moving from plants to animals to humans. Changes in
isotope abundance result from their differences in mass, a process known as isotopic

44

fractionation. While this process can affect isotopic analyses, it does not apply to
strontium: with regard to the four strontium isotopes (84Sr, 86Sr, 87Sr, 88Sr), the
relative mass difference is small, so isotopic fractionation does not occur through the
food chain (Faure and Powell 1972). Because strontium isotope ratios are not altered
by isotopic fractionation, an individuals 87Sr/86Sr values will mirror the original
ratios present in the soil and groundwater of his or her local area, assuming local food
was eaten.
Strontium isotopes become integrated in teeth during development in the first
12 years of life. After this phase of dental enamel formation, strontium isotope ratios
do not change with additional intake; minerals may be taken up by the surface of the
tooth during life or after burial, yet these materials seldom penetrate deep into the
enamel (Budd et al. 2000; Price et al. 2002; Wright 2005). As such, an individuals
dental strontium isotope ratio reflects their childhood environment, given that they
consumed local foods (Burton et al. 2003:91). Strontium isotope analysis can
therefore be used to detect migration, as a migrants strontium value may differ from
that of the local populace (if he or she lived in a geologically different region) (Price
et al. 1994:327; Price et al. 2004). By comparing individual values to the local isotope
signature, deviations may signify the presence of migrants.
For the present study, 59 dental enamel samples from individuals buried at the
Cuzco Valley site of Chokepukio were analyzed (at the University of Albertas
Radiogenic Isotope Facility) to determine if the population was composed of local
people, immigrants, or a combination of both.

45

Research Questions and Hypotheses

This chapter focuses on the biological impacts of empires and the skeletal
indicators used to identify these effects. In this section, the theoretical considerations
and research questions are formulated into specific hypotheses, which will be tested
using data from Cuzco region skeletal collections. The hypotheses derive from one
main research question: How did the rise of the Inca Empire impact populations in the
Cuzco region? This influence is explored through the avenues of health, trauma, and
migration.
Regarding the first dataset, the Inca Empire radically altered living conditions
through centralization and stratification. If these alterations detrimentally affected
health in local inhabitants, evidence of stress (i.e., stunted growth, osteoperiostitis,
porotic hyperostosis) should increase in the Late Horizon compared to earlier
populations. Furthermore, individuals in urban environments should show higher
frequencies of bacterial infection. On the other hand, if government policies improved
resource access for all individuals, evidence of malnutrition should decrease in the
Late Horizon (Table 3.1).

46

Table 3.1. Hypotheses regarding health impacts of Inca consolidation

Hypothesis #1
Detrimental health
impacts following
Inca state formation
Alternate Hypothesis
Inca consolidation
benefited health of
local people

Expectations for Frequency of Stress-Related Conditions

Relationship between
Comparison of pre-Inca and
core/periphery
Inca collections
populations
Higher frequency of stress Significant increase in stress
indicators in periphery
indicators over time
Similar frequencies in all
populations

No change, or decrease, in
stress indicators over time

This study also investigates the role of warfare in Inca state formation and
function. If warfare played a significant role in the rise of the Inca Empire, evidence
of violent trauma should increase in the Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon.
Victims of interpersonal violence would be primarily young males indicative of a
draft-age cohort, and evidence of trepanation resulting from cranial trauma should
concomitantly increase (Table 3.2).
Table 3.2. Hypotheses regarding evidence for violent injury

Hypothesis #2
Warfare had little to
no influence in Inca
state formation
Alternate Hypothesis
Warfare important
in state formation
and function

Expectations for Frequency of Traumatic Injury

Relationship between
Comparison of pre-Inca and
core/periphery
Inca collections
populations
Low overall frequency of Little to no diachronic change in
violent injury with no
frequency of violent trauma
patterning in cranial
injuries
Higher frequency of
Significant increase in violent
violent trauma with
trauma and associated
distinct demographic and trepanation over time
injury characteristic
patterns

47

The influence of the Inca Empire on population movements can be assessed

through contrasting hypotheses of cranial vault modification. If the Cuzco samples
follow a pattern similar to the state capital at Tiwanaku (Blom 1999), we would
expect homogeneity in head shapes at provincial sites, while core populations would
exhibit a heterogeneous mixture of head shapes, indicating migration into the Inca
capital city. In contrast, if imperial control in the Inca capital led to standardization in
head shape, we would expect to see the greatest homogeneity in head shape in Cuzco
core sites during the Late Horizon (Table 3.3).
Table 3.3. Hypotheses regarding evidence for cranial modification

Hypothesis #3
Cuzco as multiethnic cosmopolitan
capital
Alternate Hypothesis
Standardization in
head shape from
increasing
complexity

Expectations for Cranial Modification Patterns

Relationship between
Comparison of pre-Inca and
core/periphery
Inca collections
populations
Heterogeneous mix of
Increased heterogeneity in Late
modification types in core Horizon due to migration
region
Homogenization in core
Increased homogenization in
populations, heterogeneity Late Horizon due to imperial
in periphery
standardization

Along with cranial modification, strontium isotopic analysis provides

information on migration into the Cuzco region. Several samples from the site of
Chokepukio were analyzed for their strontium (87Sr/86Sr) ratios to reveal the
possibility of migration into the site (Table 3.4). If migrations did occur, some
isotopic values would vary significantly from the local value. Furthermore, if the
Chokepukio migrants came from the Tiwanaku region, some Chokepukio samples
48

should resemble Tiwanaku strontium values (Knudson et al. 2004). In contrast, if no

migrations occurred, the Chokepukio samples should be homogenous and show no
similarities with the Tiwanaku samples.
Table 3.4. Hypotheses regarding strontium (87Sr/86Sr) isotopic analysis

Hypothesis #4
All local
individuals in
Chokepukio
sample
Alternate
Hypothesis
Migrants present
in Chokepukio
sample

Expectations for Strontium Isotopic Ratios

Ratios within the Comparison of Comparison of Cuzco
site of
pre-Inca and
samples to Tiwanaku
Chokepukio
Inca individuals samples (Knudson 2004)
at Chokepukio
No deviation
Continuity in
Dissimilar to Tiwanaku
from the local
strontium
samples
ratio
values over
time
Significant
deviation of
some individuals
from the local
signature

Change in
strontium
values over
time due to
migration

Similarities between
some Cuzco values and
Tiwanaku local
signature

Through the present study, the Cuzco region becomes a testing ground for
recognizing the impact of increasing complexity and centralization on local
inhabitants. Unlike traditional archaeological studies, this study incorporates a new
line of evidence from skeletal analyses to address Inca imperialism and assess the
accuracy of historical events described in Spanish chronicles. To address these
questions, a large sample size was accumulated from 11 sites throughout the Cuzco
region; this sample is described in the next chapter, along with methods of analysis.

49

Chapter 4. Materials and Methods

The Sample
Accumulation of Study Sample- Research Design
To test hypotheses of Inca imperial impacts on local populations, a four-phase
investigation of Cuzco-area burials was implemented. The first phase featured
excavations of burials at Chokepukio, a stratified site near Cuzco that bridges the Late
Intermediate Period (LIP) during which time the Inca Empire arose. Though the site
lacks a distinct cemetery section, certain spaces within the site revealed a higher
concentration of interments. In total, 176 individuals were recovered during field
seasons from 1994 to 2005; beginning in 1999, I supervised burial excavations as the
Director of Osteological Research at Chokepukio.
The second phase involved laboratory analysis of the Chokepukio burials,
with comprehensive data collection on age, sex, skeletal pathological conditions,
trauma, trepanation, and cranial vault modification. This phase built upon predissertation analysis of the Chokepukio skeletons during the 1999-2002 field seasons,
which revealed well-preserved skeletons with various pathological conditions,
trepanations, and at least two types of cranial vault modification. The second phase of
the dissertation project was completed during the summers of 2003, 2004, and 2005
in Cuzco.
The third phase consisted of analysis of previously-excavated skeletal
collections housed at the Cuzco National Institute of Culture (INC). This data

50

collection occurred from August to December, 2004, August to September 2005, and
August 2006, and provided a sample of 618 burials. The final phase of the research
project took place at the Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology at the University of
California, Berkeley in March 2005, with the analysis of 61 skulls from the Cuzcoregion site of Colmay. The third and fourth phases brought the sample size to 855
individuals from 11 sites throughout the Cuzco department: Qotakalli, Sacsahuaman,
Kusicancha, Wata, Kanamarca, Chokepukio, Aqnapampa, Qhataqasapatallacta,
Cotocotuyoc, Machu Picchu, and Colmay (Table 4.1).
Table 4.1. Sites included in the sample
Site

Location

Kusicancha
Sacsahuaman
Qotakalli
Qhataqasapatallacta
Chokepukio

Core
Core
Core
Core
Periphery

Wata
Colmay
Cotocotuyoc
Aqnapampa

Periphery
Periphery
Periphery
Periphery

Temporal
Category
Inca
Inca
Early Inca
Inca
Pre-Inca and
Inca
Pre-Inca
Inca
Pre-Inca
Pre-Inca, Inca,
and Colonial
Inca
Inca

Machu Picchu
Periphery
Kanamarca
Periphery
Total number of individuals studied:

Number of
Individuals Studied
21
43
360
28
176
12
61
73
36
7
38
855

Sampling Strategy
The sites were chosen to encompass a broad geographic span that included
core and periphery populations. The core sites were those located within and
adjacent to the city of Cuzco, whereas the peripheral sites were those beyond Cuzco

51

citys outer edges. This classification diverges from other studies in which the entire
Cuzco region is seen as the core, while provincial sites throughout the empire are
regarded as the periphery. In contrast, this study looks at microvariation between the
immediate core of the Inca capital and the sites surrounding the capital, what might
be considered semi-periphery in a world systems perspective (Kuznar 1996:7). The
four sites in and immediately adjacent to Cuzco city that comprise the Inca core
part of the sample are Sacsahuaman, Kusicancha, Qhataqasapatallacta, and Qotakalli.
The remaining seven sites make up the inner-periphery part of the sample, derived
from locations throughout the department of Cuzco at a distance of 30 to 150 km
from Cuzco city (Figure 4.1).

52

Figure 4.1. Map of Cuzco sites

53

The inclusion of core and periphery sites was necessary to compare urban and
provincial populations. Based on the hypotheses presented in Chapter 3, populations
are expected to experience different circumstances depending on their location within
an imperial system. These conditions, which vary based on numerous factors, can
have a profound impact on health. For the core populations, such variables include
the effects of aggregated living, increased infection in highly-trafficked areas, and an
influx in resources from periphery exploitation. For the peripheral populations,
important factors under consideration include possible health detriments due to
enforced labor, demographic changes from state-directed migration, and the influence
of food subsidies on nutrition levels.
Sites were also chosen to include several different time periods, so that
comparisons could be drawn between pre-Inca and Inca populations (Table 4.2).
Samples from the Early Intermediate Period (200 BC-AD 700) and Middle Horizon
(AD 700-1000) provide a baseline for health profiles in the Cuzco region prior to the
rise of the Inca Empire. The sites from the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400)
and the Inca Imperial Period/Late Horizon (1400-1532) present the means to
investigate biological impacts of the rise of the Inca Empire. Several of the sites
analyzed were occupied during more than one period; these stratified sites prove
useful in viewing changes in frequency of pathological conditions.

54

Table 4.2. Skeletal material by time period and sample size

Time Period (following
Rowe and Menzel 1967)
Early Intermediate Period
(200 BC-AD 700)
Middle Horizon (AD 7001000)

Late Intermediate Period

(AD 1000-1400)

Late LIP/Early Inca (AD

1290-1420)
Inca- Late Horizon (AD
1400-1532)

Indeterminate Temporal
Affiliation
Total Individuals

Site

Region

Chokepukio
Wata
Sub-Total
Chokepukio
Cotocotuyoc
Qotakalli
Sub-Total
Chokepukio
Aqnapampa
Kusicancha
Cotocotuyoc
Sub-Total
Qotakalli

Cuzco Valley
Anta

Chokepukio
Aqnapampa
Kusicancha
Sacsahuaman
Colmay
Kanamarca
Machu Picchu
Qhataqasapatallacta
Qotakalli
Sub-Total
Chokepukio and
Aqnapampa

Cuzco Valley
Quiquijana Valley
Cuzco Valley
Cuzco Valley
Anta
Espinar
Urubamba
Cuzco Valley
Cuzco Valley

Cuzco Valley
Huaro Valley
Cuzco Valley
Cuzco Valley
Quiquijana Valley
Cuzco Valley
Huaro Valley
Cuzco Valley

Cuzco and
Quiquijana Valleys

Sample
Size
24
12
36
10
45
3
58
17
7
1
28
53
344
89
7
20
43
61
38
7
28
13
306
58
855

To identify temporal changes in the frequency of pathological conditions, the

burials were divided into three groups: pre-Inca, early Inca, and Inca. The pre-Inca
group was composed of burials from six sites that spanned the Early Intermediate
Period, Middle Horizon, and Late Intermediate Periodthis pre-Inca group totaled
147 burials. The Late LIP/Early Inca group consisted of 344 burials from one site,

55

Qotakalli, radiocarbon-dated to AD 1290-1420. Finally, the Inca group comprised

nine sites with 306 burials from the Late Horizon.
Collapsing sites into a pre-Inca group was necessary to achieve large
sample sizes for statistically sound interpretations. Regrettably, combining pre-Inca
groups obscures differences among these populations; however, each pre-Inca group
could not be analyzed separately because of the small sample sizes. Therefore, the
pre-Inca groups were analyzed together as a baseline for comparison to the later Inca
group. In the future, continued excavations will increase the sample size of pre-Inca
Cuzco burials, allowing for an examination of differences among pre-Inca
populations.
Sampling Challenges
Several issues emerged in analyzing the large skeletal sample, including
biased recovery, differential preservation, and commingled remains. In terms of
biased recovery from incomplete retrieval of skeletons, excavation of human remains
at archaeological sites has changed throughout the 20th century: in many early
excavations, skeletal elements were either ignored entirely or only partially collected,
with archaeologists saving the skull and disregarding postcranial elements (Heizer
1974; Mensforth 1990:91; Ubelaker 1999; Verano 2003a:66). As a result, those
samples excavated from the first half of the 20th century may often be lacking in
postcranial material.
Only one site in the present sample, Colmay, was excavated during this
nascent period of archaeology and thus subjected to biased collection procedures. In

56

1901, Max Uhle collected 61 skulls from the site of Colmay for curation in UC
Berkeleys Hearst Museum, yet he did not save the associated post-cranial material or
mandibles (Uhle 1909, vol. 9:20-23). Despite the lack of postcranial material, the
sample is excellently preserved and offers a wealth of information on cranial vault
modification, trepanation, and pathological conditions. The other ten sites in the
sample were excavated from 1994 to 2006 with an emphasis on complete collection
and conservation of skeletal remains.
Differential preservation hampered analysis for a few sites in the sample.
Burials listed as poor condition were soft, friable, and likely to disintegrate upon
touch. In contrast, elements considered in excellent condition were sturdy and
withstood removal and transportation. While the majority of burials exhibited
excellent preservation, the Aqnapampa and Machu Picchu skeletal remains were
poorly preserved from exposure and weathering. At Aqnapampa, the poor
preservation resulted from looting that led to exposure on the ground surface. Though
these bones were situated inside chullpas (burial structures) and thus spared from
modern-day agricultural and animal-grazing damage, their exposure to climatic
elements affected overall condition. The poor preservation can also be attributed to
the location of the site on an alluvial fan with overall humid conditions (Melissa
Chatfield, personal communication, 2006). Due to these conditions, many bones
showed cracking and exfoliation of the periosteal layer of bone. At Machu Picchu, the
human bones from caves were damaged by carnivore disturbance, root action, acidic
soil, and humidity (Miller 2003:9; Verano 2003a:72). When recovered, the long

57

bones were missing epiphyses with extensive damage, and the cranial fragments
showed flaking and pitting. Though taphonomic processes hampered data collection
of a small number of burials from Aqnapampa and Machu Picchu, certain conditions
such as dental stress markers and cranial modification could be observed at these
sites.
A third sampling challenge was the commingling of remains at one site,
Qotakalli, which necessitated a separate methodology to determine minimum number
of individuals (MNI) and pathological frequencies (see Methods of Data Collection
below). It was particularly important to establish a working methodology for
Qotakalli, because the site produced the single largest number of burials (360) within
the sample. As a core site dated to the Early Inca period, the Qotakalli burials are
central for understanding changes in health during the rise of the Inca Empire. While
the commingled remains presented a challenge in sorting individuals, the chosen
methodology (described below) facilitated comparison among the commingled and
non-commingled sites.
A discussion of the site with commingled remains, Qotakalli, and the ten other
sites follows in the section on site description. For each site, presented in order of
distance from the core, the location, excavation details, and contextual information
are presented. The information for each site varies based on availability and
completeness of published reports; for some sites, archaeologists produced extensive
accounts with details and interpretations from excavations, while in other cases scant
information was available.

58

Site Description- Core Sites

Kusicancha
Kusicancha is a sacred site located adjacent to the Temple of the Sun
(Coricancha), 200 meters from Cuzcos Plaza de Armas. Covering an area of 6,048
square meters, the site was designed using the Inca architectural plan of the cancha, a
rectangular compound of buildings around an open courtyard (Hyslop 1990:16-18).
Underlying the Inca buildings, a Late Intermediate Period Killke occupation level
contains remnants of walls, canals, and burials with associated cultural material.
Excavations at Kusicancha in 2002 revealed 17 burials found in two sectors
(Tomayconsa 2002). Two burials from Kusicancha dated to the Late Intermediate
Period with Killke artifacts, while the rest were Late Horizon. Both stratigraphic and
contextual criteria assisted in separating the two interment periods: Killke burials
remained beneath the Inca contexts associated with Killke structures and ceramics,
while the Inca burials were found in the interior of rectangular buildings and in open
areas near the Inca canchas. Inca burial pits consisted of oval-shaped shallow
depressions of prepared earth, and all included grave goods. The shallow nature of the
interments suggests that the bodies received post-mortem attention involving
ceremonial offerings, a religious practice also reported at the nearby site of
Sacsahuaman (Solis 1999). Burial artifacts included ceremonial ceramic vessels,
personal ornaments such as metal tupu pins, tweezers, small metal plates, necklace
beads, spherical metal mirrors, and textile instruments of worked bone.
The sites significance lies in its location in the heart of Cuzco, next to the
main Temple of the Sun (Coricancha). In the ceque system, an arrangement of shrines
59

symbolically located on a grid radiating from the epicenter of Cuzco, the site
represents the first shrine (huaca) on the fifth ceque of Chinchaysuyu. Adjacent to
Coricancha, the site housed priests and others serving the Temple of the Sun, and also
functioned as a storage space for offerings and idols brought from all parts of the Inca
Empire for annual festivals. Further underscoring the importance of the Kusicancha,
the site served as the birthplace of the Inca ruler Topa Inca Yupanqui (Bauer
2004:135).
Sacsahuaman
The site of Sacsahuaman is located in Cuzco province at an altitude of 3,569
meters above sea level. Positioned on an open hillside immediately above the city of
Cuzco, Sacsahuaman contains plazas, dwellings, worship sites, storehouses, roads,
bastions, watchtowers, aqueducts, and cemeteries. In some accounts of Inca history,
the emperor Pachacuti constructed the city of Cuzco in the shape of a puma, with
Sacsahuaman at the head and the Coricancha as part of the body (Rowe 1967).
Other chronicles assert that Pachacutis son Topa Inca built the fortress of
Sacsahuaman in six years, beginning construction four years after his return to the
city of Cuzco following an uprising in Collasuyo province (Betanzos 1996:155
[1577]). Archaeological evidence appears to support Pachacutis involvement in the
sites inception, with construction continuing under Topa Inca (Julien 2004:34; Niles
1999:260).
INC-led archaeological excavations in 1999 uncovered 43 individuals in
elaborately prepared tombs from the Suchuna sector in the northwest corner of

60

Sacsahuaman (Solis 1999). The Suchuna cemetery sector contained a well-finished

artificial platform constructed to support the burials and surrounding funerary
structures. The forty tombs appeared as ovoid-shaped clay structures with dimensions
of approximately 60 cm wide by 80 cm high, within which most individuals were in
situ primary inhumations, positioned in a sitting posture and tightly flexed (Solis
1999). The majority were single interments, while three tombs contained two burials
each. The tombs had been sealed following interment, and most contained burned
organic material, consisting of vegetable matter, carbonized maize kernels, and
chunks of carbon; in some instances similar burned material was collected from
outside the structures.
An assemblage of 201 burial artifacts was recovered during the 1999
excavations, of metal (127), ceramic (49), shell (15), bone (6), stone (3), and wood
(1). In analyzing the distribution of "classic" tupu pins among the burials, no
correlation with size or number of tupus was found, and tupu pins were included with
both sexes in this burial sample (Andrushko et al. 2006). The presence of tupu pins in
the majority of cases together with some textile remains indicates that the bodies were
wrapped in garments prior to interment. Although gold was not recovered, the
miniature pottery vessels, presence of silver and spondylus shells, and structured
tombs indicate a cemetery of a highly regarded sector of society. The burned deposits
around the tombs appear to represent offerings made after the tombs were sealed,
during ceremonies conducted when revisiting the grave. Site archaeologists surmise

61

that these burned offerings included aromatic plants and coca that served to sustain
the dead in their other-worldly journeys (Solis 1999).
Interpretations of Sacsahuaman's function have varied widely. Originally, the
Spanish viewed it as a fortress, based on their preconceptions of military construction
and on the presumed defensive function of the the vast polygonal ramparts that
compose the most visible Inca structures (Betanzos 1996:155-158 [1577]). However,
more recent site interpretations point to additional functions as a Temple of the Sun
and public arena for state rituals (Espinoza 1987). Guaman Poma de Ayala refers to
the religious significance of the site in three sections of his El Primer Nueva
Cornica y Buen Gobierno (1936:337 [339], 405[407], 641[655]), and other
chroniclers such as Cieza de Len (1985 [1533]) and Garcilaso de la Vega (1986
[1609]:bk.7, ch. XI) describe Sacsahuaman as a Royal House of the Sun with a vital
role in the central workings of the Inca Empire.
The Suchuna sector of Sacsahuaman is associated with the eighth huaca
(shrine) of Calispuquio (Solis 1999), a huaca that belonged to the royal clan (panaca)
of Topa Inca. In Rowes (1946:203) chronology, Topa Inca was the tenth king and
reigned from AD 1470 to 1490, during which the Calispuqio huaca was likely
constructed. The proximity of the burials to this huaca indicates that this was an area
of great ceremonial significance, within a site of primary importance to the Inca
Empire.

62

Qotakalli
The site of Qotakalli is located 4.5 km southeast Cuzcos Plaza de Armas
(district San Sebastin), along the banks of the Huatanay River at an altitude of 3,344
meters above sea level. The site covers an area of 1,380 meters and contains the
remains of 78 rectangular buildings along with ceramic scatters of Inca and Qotakalli
(local Middle Horizon style) pottery. Luis Barrera Murillo conducted surface survey
and artifact collection from the site in the 1970s, where he identified Qotakalli as the
type site for the local Middle Horizon pottery, chronologically following Chanapata
in the ceramic typology of the region (Barreda 1995:41). Analyses by Lyon (1978)
and Dwyer (1971:136) place Qotakalli ceramics as the antecedent of the Killke type,
the Late Intermediate Period style found throughout Cuzco.
In 2002, the INC excavated five rectangular buildings with an average
dimension of 5 x 11 meters, constructed from a base of square stones (Benavides
2003). The INC continued their excavations in 2003 and 2004 and found a domestic
Inca occupation along with storage facilities and funerary contexts (Bustinza 2004).
These excavated areas revealed a well-planned urban infrastructure in a grid pattern
of houses, streets, passageways, and plazas.
A total of 360 individuals were recovered from Qotakalli in two separate
contexts. Sixteen burials were found as primary interments outside of the Inca
buildings, interred as single, flexed and articulated burials. In contrast, 344 secondary
burials, disarticulated and commingled, were uncovered within one Inca building
(Recinto #75). Radiocarbon dates from the primary and secondary burials reveal a

63

temporal difference: three of the primary single burials date to the Middle Horizon
(AD 690-960, 2 Sigma calibrated date), while the secondary burials from Building 75
date to the late LIP/Early Inca period (AD 1290-1420, 2 Sigma calibrated date). The
earlier dates substantiate Barredas (1973) assertion that the site was occupied in the
Middle Horizon and later resettled by the Inca.
The burials of Recinto 75 represent a unique reburial event during which
hundreds of individuals were removed from their original interment place and
relocated into one structure (Benavides 2003). The skeletal remains were hastily
reburied as evidenced by the disarticulated position, multiple individuals in one
grave, the general lack of artifacts, and the loss of many small bones. The skeletons
were not buried at a great depth, but rather were placed on the floor and covered with
approximately 20 cm of sediment. Grave goods were mainly small personal items
such as tupu pins, needles, and spindle whorls.
Those people reburied in Recinto 75 died long before the reburial event,
which occurred during the latest occupation of Qotakalli. Radiocarbon dates from two
burials within Building 75 indicate that the individuals died as long as a century or
two before the reburial event occurred. While the main site occupation is placed from
AD 1400-1450, the secondary burials were likely transported and reinterred during
Late Inca times, possibly during abandonment of the site (Benavides 2003). Once the
burials had been placed inside and covered with sediment, the door was sealed to
prevent further disturbance. The intentional sealing of the building led to excellent
preservation of the skeletal remains.

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The sites significance is clearQotakalli was a sacred site located on the

Collasuyo line of the ceque system. This shrine was positioned as the second huaca
of the seventh ceque that follows a linear direction from Qotakalli towards
Huanacauri. Archaeologists concluded the buildings were largely constructed for
domestic use, based on the remains of Inca ceramics, stone tools, instruments for
weaving and food production, faunal remains including camelids, guinea pigs, and
birds, and hearth contexts of carbon and ash (Bustinza 2004). Along with residences,
the site also contained workshops and storage areas, and internal sub-divisions within
several buildings indicated spatial partitions for cooking, storage, and other activities.
The archaeological evidence reveals a diverse diet of meat from camelids, birds, and
guinea pigs (cuy), supplemented by potatoes, maize, and other cereal grains.
Qhataqasapatallacta
The site of Qhataqasapatallacta is located 15 km southwest of Cuzco city in
the district of Santiago, adjacent to the hillside of Qompo Wanakauri. At 3,500 meters
above sea level, the site covers 29.82 hectares within an urban environment, where
modern construction and agriculture pose a constant threat to the sites preservation.
The site was initially surveyed by Barreda (1973), who described the Inca buildings
of worked stone, alleyways, and plazas, along with surface ceramic fragments of
Killke, Lucre (LIP), and Inca types.
The INC excavated four rectangular buildings with an area of 9 x 6 meters
each in 2002. The recovered artifacts, along with architecture and type of
construction, indicated an Inca occupation (Pilares 2002). The ceramic assemblage

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consisted mostly of large vessels (80-90 centimeters in height) used to store grain and
chicha, while the small rectangular buildings functioned as storage units and living
spaces. Excavations in 2003 revealed additional rectangular buildings of worked
stone and vestiges of adobe buildings, arranged in a typical architectural pattern with
artificial platforms, alleys, patios and supporting walls.
Twenty-eight burials were recovered at Qhataqasapatallacta in a sacred ritual
area with a stone ushnu (elevated ceremonial platform) where ritual and funerary rites
were performed. Most burials were found within the perimeter of several Inca
buildings, often in the corners, and the Inca practice of burying individuals in large
ceramic vessels was documented at this site.
Qhataqasapatallacta generally functioned as a residence and storage area for
grains and other tribute materials coming into Cuzco from peripheral regions.
Evidence of domestic activities included textile tools, discarded faunal bones, hearths,
wide-mouth ceramic vessels for chicha preparation, and fragments of daily-use
ceramic plates and bowls. Specifically prepared structures with ventilation shafts
served as warehouses for storage of maize, potatoes, and other harvested foods. The
site also had a religious purpose based on evidence of ceremonial ceramic fragments
and ushnu constructions, where ceremonies focused on ancestor veneration and the
sacred aspects of maize (Pilares 2002). Significant discoveries at the site included the
presence of peanuts indicating trade from the eastern Amazonian regions, and
camelid and dog burial offerings that point to a ritual purpose for certain animals
(Bustinza 2003).

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Site Description- Peripheral Sites

Chokepukio
The site of Chokepukio, covering approximately one square kilometer, is
located 30 km southeast of Cuzco in the Lucre Basin, at an average altitude of 3,142
meters above sea level. First occupied around 400 BC, Chokepukio was continuously
inhabited over two millennia. Data from excavations suggest that a small farming
community occupied the site from at least 400 BC until the intrusion of the Wari
Empire (McEwan et al. 1995). The Middle Horizon featured a local Qotakalli
occupation with simultaneous use by the Wari indicated by ceramics and shrines.
During the Late Intermediate Period at Chokepukio, large-scale monumental
architecture was constructed in the form of niched hall buildings, whereas in the
subsequent Inca occupation, a series of small houses formed a small village around
the abandoned LIP buildings (McEwan et al. 1995). The domestic architecture
followed the typical Inca cancha pattern, with rectangular buildings composed around
a common courtyard (Niles 1999:273).
A total of 176 burials were recovered from Chokepukio during field seasons
from 1994 to 2005. Burials were most frequently found in tightly-flexed and flexed
positions, and were rarely interred in prepared tombs, but rather tucked into corners
of older buildings, placed into small rooms, and positioned in superficial graves.
Grave associations were generally uncommon, and when present, usually consisted of
small personal items like tupu pins or refuse items such as small ceramic sherds and
obsidian flakes (Andrushko et al. 2006).

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The Inca practice of interring individuals in ceramic vessels was encountered

in a few instances. Two large vessels containing four individuals (three adults and one
juvenile) and two adults, respectively, were buried side by side; the bones were found
mixed and disarticulated, indicative of secondary burials. In two other cases, very
young children were found buried in ceramic vessels. In contrast to the secondary
burials in the large vessels, these juvenile interments represented primary burials with
articulated skeletal elements.
One distinctive group of burials from the 2004 field season is an assemblage
of seven individuals between the ages of 3 to 11 years, mostly centered in the 5 to 6
year range. These children were buried together, tightly wrapped with textiles and
rope and interred with a large number of artifacts. These burials may represent an
event of ritual child sacrifice, and are currently undergoing further study, including
isotopic analysis (Gibaja et al. 2005).
This multi-component site was used in various times for domestic, political,
and ceremonial purposes (McEwan et al. 2002). During the LIP, the large niched
temples hosted groups for feasting and political alliance formation. Later on, though
the site retained religious significance in the Late Horizon, an examination of
mortuary practices shows that individuals were not given high status burial
(Andrushko et al. 2006). Most of the Late Horizon activities centered on agricultural
production for subsistence and labor tribute, and craft manufacture with a ceramic
production area (Chatfield 1999).

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Wata
Wata is located in the district of Warocondo, Anta Province, 45 km northwest
of the city of Cuzco at an altitude of 3900-4040 meters above sea level. Bordered by
the Warocondo River and the Pomatales Valley, the site is positioned high upon a hill
and surrounded by three concentric walls of fortification (Kendall 1985:321; Rowe
1944:53).
During the Yale University/National Geographic expeditions in 1914-15,
George MacCurdy and Hiram Bingham visited Wata and described several skeletal
remains visible on the ground surface: on top of the point 200 yards west of the
saddle, lay a lot of bones including the broken skull of a youth with Aymara
deformation [we] discovered an open cave in which were two skulls; one of these
had three artificial apertures and one deep indentation (MacCurdy 1923:225). The
investigators also report finding two trepanned skulls and a cranium with Aymara
deformation in a separate cave from Wata (ibid: 227).
INC archaeological excavations from 2002-2004 uncovered occupation
spanning the Early Intermediate Period, Late Intermediate Period, and Late Horizon,
based on the presence of Chanapata, Lucre and Killke, and Inca ceramics,
respectively (Pea 2004). Architectural remains include residential areas, storage
buildings, terraces, and funerary contexts, with 12 burials recovered from Early
Intermediate Period contexts.
Through multiple occupations, the site function changed over time as a
reflection of increasing sociopolitical complexity. The Early Intermediate Period
group engaged primarily in agricultural and pastoral activities, leaving the remains of
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rustic residential adobe buildings, hearth features, and fragments of domestic pottery.
During this time the adjacent hill of Willkapata was used as a sacred space for
ceremonial rites. Following a hiatus in the Middle Horizon, Wata was reoccupied in
the LIP as an administrative center with political and religious functions, with
Willkapata again serving as a shrine for the site (Pea 2004). The Inca subsequently
co-opted this space and continued to use Willkapata in a religious capacity to
maintain control over the local populace (ibid). Watas strategic location
equidistance from the Cuzco Valley, the salt mines of Maras, and the more temperate
fields of the lower elevation Urubamba Valleyfavorably positioned the site in
respect to essential resources including coca, maize, and salt. Wata thus functioned
within a vast trade network of valuable natural resources for the Inca.
Cotocotuyoc
The site of Cotocotuyoc is located 46 km southeast of Cuzco at an elevation of
3,200 meters. Established south of the mountain Viracochan in the eastern part of the
Huaro Valley, the site covers an area of 45 hectares and is surrounding by a large
fortification wall, within which lies groups of buildings with small rooms and long
parallel corridors. Surface survey conducted in 2000 (Glowacki and Roman 2000)
documented substantial evidence of Wari ceramic vessel fragments as well as stone
tools such as axes and bolas.
Seventy-three burials were encountered within the Middle Horizon and Late
Intermediate Period components at Cotocotuyoc during the 2005 and 2006 field
seasons. This burial assemblage consists of 45 Wari burials along with 28 burials

70

associated with Lucre material culture. One Wari structure revealed evidence of floor
tombs covered by stone lids, though the contexts had been looted (Glowacki
2002:271).
Founded during the early part of the Wari occupation of Cuzco, the site
occupation continued through the last phase of the Middle Horizon (circa 1000 AD),
during a time of supposed violent conflict that required active defense of the Wari
communities (Glowacki and McEwan 2001:42). Several site characteristics indicate a
settlement braced for intergroup conflict: a fortification wall, recovery of weaponry
artifacts, and the site location above the valley floor, situated with strategic views of
the valley. The stone tools recovered may have served as defensive weapons, or
alternatively could have been used in activities such as hunting (Glowacki 2002:272).
These archaeological data provide evidence for precipitating factors of Wari
collapse in the Cuzco region. Investigations into the terminal phase of Wari
occupation at Cotocotuyoc indicate a population under duress, where political
instability from environmental disruptions translated into substandard architecture
and artifacts due to limited material resources (Glowacki 2005). Material evidence of
violent conflict supports the notion that warfare and political instability contributed to
the collapse of the Wari Empire in Cuzco (Glowacki 2002, 2005).
Colmay
The site of Colmay is located 35 kilometers west of Cuzco (four kilometers
northeast of Chinchaypuquio in the Anta Province) at an elevation of 3,485 meters.
Several large Inca rectangular buildings and surrounding platforms at the site exhibit

71

the imperial Inca architectural style of Pachacuti, with interiorly-inclining walls, a

trapezoidal door, and high-quality worked stone. The sites main building displays an
angular rock that resembles the well-known 12-sided rock in the city of Cuzco.
During initial site survey, Uhle described the edifices as one-roomed Incaic
buildings of huge blocks, and at the side of them, 20 meters away, a cave tomb
opened about 70 years ago with all the bones mixed (Uhle 1909 [vol. 9]:20-23).
Uhle collected 61 skulls from the site in 1909, mostly from the cave tombs
mentioned in his field notes, though no postcranial elements were collected and no
sub-surface excavations were carried out. Surface artifacts recovered from the site
included two wooden llama vessels, fragments of basketry, a comb, a wooden textile
needle, and some selected fragments of Incaic pottery (Uhle 1909 [vol. 8]:69-73).
More recent reconnaissance of the site in August 2006 revealed well-preserved
architecture obscured by vegetative overgrowth, caves with stone architecture built
into the natural walls, and surface ceramic sherds. The 2006 site survey found no
visible human remains in any of the cave contexts.
As Uhle did not complete any actual excavations, very little is known about
site chronology or function. Colmay may have served as an Inca tambo, a resting
station along the Inca transportation system, based on its proximity to an Inca road
and architectural design (Arguedas 1992). Conversely, the sites finely-worked
architecture, impressive views high above the Anta Valley, and presence of modified
caves for funerary use suggest that the site may have functioned as an imperial estate
and mortuary complex.

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Aqnapampa
The site of Aqnapampa is located southeast of the Cuzco and Huaro valleys in
the Quiquijana Valley, approximately 80 kilometers from Pikillacta. Aqnapampa is
found adjacent to the town of Moqoraise and 5 km from the town of Quiquijana, in
the district of Cusipata (Quispicanchis province, department of Cuzco).
Surface survey and excavations in July 1999 documented 44 structures
including rectangular buildings, along with patio spaces and associated terraces and
cultivated fields. Architecture at the site includes large 5 x 5 meter structures, local
chullpas from the LIP measuring 1.5 x 2.2 meters, and undisturbed colonial chullpas
containing burials and fragmented ceramic vessels (Chatfield 2007).
These chullpas contained the skeletal remains of 36 individuals, many of
which were found in disturbed and commingled contexts with overall poor
preservation of the bones. Melissa Chatfield (personal communication, 2006)
attributes the poor preservation to the sites location on an alluvial fan amidst humid
conditions, with exposure on the ground surface adding to the weathering and poor
preservation.
Machu Picchu
The site of Machu Picchu is located 80 km northwest of Cuzco in the district
of Machupicchu, Urubamba province, at an altitude of 2,450 meters above sea level.
The site covers an area of 32,592 hectares and is surrounded by the hills of Huayna
Picchu, Machu Picchu, and Putucusi, and the valley of Collpani. Hiram Bingham
discovered the site in 1911 and referred to it as the Lost City of the Incas. In
1912, George Eaton conducted an analysis of 164 burials from an area near the
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Sacred Plaza and from cave deposits around Machu Picchu peak (Eaton 1916). In the
succeeding decades, the INC carried out several studies with the support of
UNESCO, which recognized Machu Picchu as a World Heritage site in 1983.
The INCs Cultural Patrimony Project (1994 to 1998) uncovered an
assemblage of 15 individuals from Caves 1-9 (unavailable for study due to reburial)
and seven individuals from Cave 10 (included in this study). Cave 10, located
southwest of the trail to the Inca Bridge, contained skeletal material and associated
artifacts of ceramic vessels, copper tupu pins and needles, and one turquoise bead.
Recent interpretations of the site highlight its function as a royal seasonal
estate for the emperor Pachacuti and as a locus of religious activity (Burger and
Salazar-Burger 1993, Hyslop 1990). These data, along with architectural evidence of
shrines, ritual caves, temples and ceremonial fountains, position Machu Picchu as a
residential and ceremonial estate rather than a military settlement (Miller 2003:45).
Specific structures at Machu Picchu also served as observatories for solar alignment
and other phenomena (Dearborn and Schreiber 1986; Dearborn et al. 1987; Reinhard
2002).
Kanamarca
Kanamarca is located 147.5 km southeast of the city of Cuzco in the district of
Alto Pichigua, Espinar Province, at an elevation of 3900 meters. The site was
mentioned in ethnohistoric documents by Cieza de Len (1985 [1533]), who noted
that the Inca peacefully incorporated the Kanamarca region through strategic alliance,

74

in contrast to the militaristic force necessary to suppress strong resistance by the

Collas and Lupacas of Lake Titicaca.
INC investigations of ten rectangular buildings in 2004 revealed an extensive
Inca occupation with residential and storage buildings and a variety of domestic and
ceremonial artifacts. Cultural material included agricultural and textile production
instruments and stone-working tools, along with mixed ceramic assemblages of both
the local Late Horizon and imperial Inca styles.
A total of 38 burials were found at Kanamarca, all dated to the Inca
occupation of the site. Elaborate stone tombs were recovered, one of which contained
a single mummy bundle with associated spondylus necklace and polychrome Inca
vessels. This older adult female exhibited a perimortem trepanation, with the excised
section of bone reinserted into the surgically-created cavity and an organic poultice
placed over the wound site, indicating medical treatment at the time of death (see
Chapter 7).
Based on the architectural and archaeological evidence, Kanamarca
functioned for both residential and ceremonial purposes. Mixture of the local and
imperial Inca ceramics in the same contexts indicates that the local style persisted
even as imperially-produced pottery diffused into daily use. Foods cultivated in
adjacent fields included quinoa and potatoes, supplementing a diet of cuy and camelid
meat and bone marrow (Benavides 2004:143). The spondylus shell grave goods
associated with several burials provides evidence of an active trade route from the
coast into the highlands.

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Methods of Data Collection

To document the biological impacts of the Inca Empire, specific skeletal
conditions that reflect environmental stress and disease were chosen for analysis.
Evidence for traumatic injury and trepanation was documented to reveal the role of
warfare in the emergence of the Inca Empire. In addition, cranial modification and
strontium isotope analyses were undertaken to identify migrations in the Cuzco
region.
Data collection on skeletal remains followed standards outlined in Buikstra
and Ubelaker (1994) and the Global History of Health Project Codebook
(http://global.sbs.ohio-state.edu/global.php). A new method was used for assessing
the minimum number of individuals (MNI) and frequencies of skeletal conditions in
collections of commingled remains, described below. Recording methods for the
cultural practices of cranial vault modification and trepanation are also detailed.
Finally, the methods of strontium analysis, completed by colleagues at the University
of Alberta, are presented for the study of migration in the Cuzco region.
Age Assessment
In this study, subadult age determination followed Moorrees and colleagues
(1963) for dental crown and root development and Ubelaker (1999) for dental
eruption. Metopic suture and mandibular suture fusion helped to differentiate
newborns from infants of later post-partum developmental phases (> 1 year). Long
bones provided age estimates based on epiphyseal fusion rates to the metaphyseal
portions of the shafts, while measurements of long bones with unfused epiphyses

76

were also used to determine age based on standardized rates of growth (Ubelaker
1999).
These combined criteria produced age designations within a one-year range.
All subadults in this study were thus classified in one-year increments, from 0-1 year
old infants to 17-18 year old adolescents. When only a few elements of a subadult
individual were available, the category of Subadult Other was used based on
overall size of elements or width of the cranial vault (e.g., Subadult Other [2-4
years]).
Adult aging methods followed Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994), with some
criteria weighted more heavily than others. The aging technique deemed most
accurate, and therefore preferred when the pubic bones were preserved, was the
Suchey-Brooks method (Brooks and Suchey 1990; Pasquier et al. 1999; Telmon et al.
2005; Tocheri et al. 2002:4). In the absence of the pubic symphyses, the pelvic
auricular surface was used (Lovejoy et al. 1985). These two pelvic aging techniques
produced mean ages that were grouped into four categories: young adult (18-25
years), young middle adult (26-35 years), old middle adult (36-45 years), and old
adult (46+ years).
When only the cranium was available for study, cranial vault sutures provided
a general age determination. The lambdoidal, sagittal, coronal, and spheno-temporal
sutures were used to assess suture closure (from zero closure to complete
obliteration). The cumulative scores for each cranium was given a S-value from the
Standards tables corresponding to a mean age (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994:38), and

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classified into three broad age categories: young adult (S0-S1, 18-25 years), middle
adult (S2-S4, 26-45 years), and old adult (S5-6, 46+ years). Though these categories
are broader than the age categories from pelvic techniques, they are somewhat
commensurate: the young and old adult categories are similar for both aging systems,
while the Middle Adult category (from suture closure) subsumes the Young Middle
and Old Middle Adult categories (from pelvic changes).
An age category of Adult-Other was necessary when the cranium and pelvis
were missing from a burial. When present, vertebral and clavicular rates of fusion
provided lower age limits, such as the fusion of the vertebral epiphyseal rings to the
centra (> 26 years) and the fusion of the sternal end of the clavicle (> 26-30 years).
Dental wear proved unreliable as an age criterion, as attrition rates were inconsistent
within and among populations.
Sex Determination
Sex determination incorporated multiple criteria from the pelvis, cranium, and
mandible (outlined in Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994). The most heavily weighted
characteristics were those comprising the Phenice Method of the pubic bone: ventral
arc, subpubic concavity, and ischiopubic ramus ridge (Phenice 1969). Other sexually
dimorphic characteristics of the pelvis examined included the greater sciatic notch,
preauricular sulcus, and auricular surface elevation. For the skull, the areas of the
nuchal crest, mastoid process, supra-orbital ridge, mental eminence, and mental shape
at gonial angle were examined for sexual dimorphism. Overall body size and
robusticity aided in confirmation of sex determination.

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All adults and subadults of post-pubescent age were designated as male,

female, or indeterminate due to lack of elements. Individuals younger than 16 years
of age were not assessed for sex, as sexually dimorphic characteristics are not
manifest in skeletal elements of pre-pubescent juveniles.
Analysis of Health Indicators
The conditions of dental enamel hypoplasias, cranial porosities,
osteoperisostitis, and stunted growth (from femur length) were documented as part of
the overall health index of an individual (Steckel et al. 2002). This comprehensive
evaluation of health, when analyzed for the aggregated sample, provides a broad
understanding of health, stress, and disease processes for prehistoric Cuzco
populations. However, before describing the types of stress markers examined, an
exploration of the methodological challenge of the Osteological Paradox is
presented regarding the utility of stress markers as indicators of compromised health.
Osteological Paradox
The use of skeletal lesions to assess health is complicated by the Osteological
Paradox (Wood et al. 1992). Wood and colleagues (1992) seminal work confronts a
basic assumption of osteological analysis, that an individual exhibiting more skeletal
lesions reflects poorer health than one without lesions. The inherent contradiction is
that an individual with more lesions may actually have been healthier than an
individual without lesions. While the individual with lesions survived the stress
events that resulted in pathological markers, the individual with no lesions possibly
died quickly, before stress markers could develop. However, it is equally possible that

79

an individual with no lesions simply never experienced the stress event. As the
paradox illustrates, two vastly different scenariosone involving rapid death from a
stress event, the other reflecting complete absence of a stress eventresult in a single
outcome: no observed lesions. Consequently, the paradox complicates interpretations
of past stress events, disease prevalence, and population mortality.
The Osteological Paradox is created by three underlying factors:
demographic nonstationarity, selective mortality, and hidden heterogeneity in risks
(Wood et al. 1992:344). First, demographic nonstationarity refers to changes in
population growth due to immigration or fertility and mortality rates. As a result of
these population influxes, an increase in the number of juveniles in a skeletal sample
may reflect increased fertility rates, rather than increased mortality due to elevated
stress and disease. Though seemingly counter-intuitive, age distributions more often
reflect fertility patterns than mortality levels. A second factor, selective mortality,
addresses the issue that skeletal collections, by their very structure, contain only those
individuals who died at a specific age. As such, skeletal samples are innately
unrepresentative of the living population from which they are derived. This biased
representation results in a skewed understanding of pathological frequencies, often
overestimating the prevalence of the skeletal conditions. Third, hidden heterogeneity
in risks indicates that skeletal samples contain individuals with dissimilarities in
frailty and susceptibility to disease (Wood et al. 1992:345). Uncertainty introduced by
idiosyncratic frailty levels, differences in individual immunity, and overall survival

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rates from varying types of stress events all combine to complicate the direct link
between skeletal lesions and health.
One example of the Osteological Paradox is the Rochester, New York
poorhouse population of 1826-1863 (Higgins et al. 2002). The study, which combined
osteological analysis with historical records and census data, found that newly
admitted individuals to the Monroe County Almshouse died so quickly that their
skeletons often did not develop observable lesions. Though the Rochester skeletal
collection overall did not exhibit many skeletal pathological indicators, the longevity
and death rates from historical records show a population ravaged by disease amid
poor, crowded conditions (Steckel et al. 2002:74). Without the presence of
documentary evidence indicating rampant infectious disease among poorhouse
residents, an osteological assessment might presume a relatively healthy
population, based on the absence of skeletal lesions.
Despite this example of the Osteological Paradox, researchers have shown
that the paradox is not a general phenomenon, but rather reflects events of large and
sudden environmental upheavals (Steckel and Rose 2002b). These exceptional events
can be identified by combining paleopathological data with paleodemography and
contextual information (Steckel and Rose 2002b:586). Furthermore, to address issues
raised by the Osteological Paradox, researchers have increasingly turned to a
comprehensive evaluation of health, creating indices of health based on several
skeletal markers (Steckel et al. 2002). By combining multiple indications of health

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such as stunted growth, dental disruptions, infections, and anemia-related skeletal

lesions, a composite measure of health is created for accurate health reconstructions.
Research on the Western Hemisphere Project has resolved many of the
problems of the Osteological Paradox through examination of over 12,500
individuals from 65 sites (Steckel and Rose 2002a). In most cases analyzed by the
Western Hemisphere Project, comparison of the health index with life expectancy
showed an overall link between skeletal lesions, low health indices, and short life
expectancies (Steckel and Rose 2002b:586). This correlation provides evidence
against the Osteological Paradox. Use of the health index can also help to account
for diseases that are not recognizable from osteological analysis alone. For example,
although several acute conditions such as smallpox, measles, or yellow fever will not
leave their mark on skeletal elements, these diseases can contribute to stunted growth
or other measurable skeletal conditions included in the health index (Steckel et al.
2002:65).
Dental and Skeletal Markers of Stress
Having assessed the utility of stress markers as health indicators, we now
consider the specific conditions and data collection methods. The conditions studied
here are dental enamel hypoplasias, cranial porosities, osteoperiostitis, and stunted
growth. Enamel hypoplasias, growth disturbances in childhood enamel production,
may result from nutritional deficiencies or diseases that strain an individuals
metabolism. Their presence thus provides evidence of non-specific stress in
populations (Goodman and Rose 1991; Hillson 2000). In this study, linear enamel

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hypoplasias were examined visually and recorded by presence and quantity per tooth
crown. The standard for documenting hypoplasias followed the Walker method
described in the Global History of Health Project Codebook (2006:15): a hypoplasia
is present only if the indentation can be felt with your fingernail. Only defects
observed on the incisors and canines were scored, as these are the teeth most often
affected by hypoplasias (ibid). Following the Global History of Health Project
Codebook, only linear defects were documented, excluding pit type lesions.
Cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis can be viewed macroscopically as
enlarged diplo and thinned cortical bone with small scattered foramina. Cribra
orbitalia presents in the orbital area, while porotic hyperostosis is found on the
posterior parietals and occipital. Data collection standards for cribra orbitalia and
porotic hyperostosis follow Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) in documenting the
location, degree, and amount of healing. Degree scores range from 1 (indistinct
porosity) to 3 (coalescing lesions with vault expansion) (Buikstra and Ubelaker
1994:121). The lesion margins are used to evaluate healing: sharp edges with woven
bone indicate an active condition, while rounded, sclerotic edges indicate significant
healing.
Osteoperiostitis is the inflammation of the periosteal layer of a bone, often due
to Staphylococcus and/or Streptococcus bacteria (Larsen 1997:83). Identification of
osteoperiostitis in this study was based on appearance and degree of new bone
deposition, location and pattern of affected elements, and amount of healing. Healing
rates were classified in a tripartite scheme: 1 denoted active infection with a woven

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bone appearance, 2 reflected a healed condition with sclerotic bone deposition, and 3
encompassed both active and healed states of osteoperiostitis. The differing patterns
of element involvement and lesion distribution were used to distinguish traumatic vs.
hematogenous (blood-borne) etiology. Associated expansion of the cortical bone
indicated osteitis, while presence of a cloaca reflected osteomyelitis, the severest
form of bone infection. In this study, these conditions facilitated the investigation into
how urbanism and increased aggregated living conditions prompted transmission of
bacterial infections.
Femur length assessment provides a measure of stress, since disruptions
during development will prevent an individual from achieving maximum potential
height (Lambert 1993). The femur was chosen as a means to assess stunted growth in
this study, as it represents the most reliable bone for estimates of stature (Krogman
and Iscan 1986). Femur length was assessed through use of an osteometric board, and
the maximum length of the femur was recorded for all adult individuals exhibiting
fused epiphyses.
There are varying standards for identifying stunted growth using femur
lengths. Some researchers designate stunting for any individual whose maximum
femur length is greater than one standard deviation below the mean (Hinkes 1983). A
more conservative estimate, which better accords with evidence from clinical data
(Khan et al. 1996), assesses stunted growth using a maximum length two standard
deviations or more below the mean (Bradley 1998). The latter formula is used in the
present study to identify stunted individuals.

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Joint Disease
Joint disease is one of the most frequently encountered skeletal pathological
conditions, reflecting repetitive physical activities and age-related degeneration of
soft tissues (Jurmain 1977; Larsen 1997:162). In bioarchaeological studies,
degenerative joint disease is indicated by osteophyte growth, macroporosity, and
eburnation from bone-on-bone contact following hyaline cartilage deterioration in
synovial joints (Bridges 1992:68). In this study, six appendicular joint locations were
recorded for presence of joint disease: shoulder, elbow, wrist/hand, hip, knee, and
ankle/foot. Since degenerative changes rarely occur before the epiphyseal plates have
fused (Jurmain 1990:84), only adult individuals aged greater than 18 years were
assessed for joint disease. Because degenerative joint disease generally increases with
age, joint disease frequencies were compared to average age-at-death of subpopulations to isolate age influences from environmental factors. Joint disease
severity was categorized as slight or pronounced, guided by skeletal illustrations
from Brothwell (1981).
The vertebral column also exhibits degeneration over time, leading to the
skeletal manifestations of vertebral osteophytosis and osteoarthritis. For this study, all
vertebral elementscervical, thoracic, and lumbar, along with the superior sacrum
were observed for evidence of spinal joint disease. Documentation of spinal
osteoarthritis followed the same criteria of appendicular degenerative joint disease:
osteophyte growth, macroporosity, and eburnation (Brothwell 1981; Rogers et al.
1987).

85

A two-tiered designation was created to describe vertebral joint degeneration.

If degenerative changes involved only osteophyte formation, the condition was
termed slight. The second stage of the process, termed pronounced, incorporated
osteophyte formation, macroporosity, and eburnation.
Trauma
In this study, traumatic injuries were recorded by location, size and shape,
evidence of healing and infection, and patterning of trauma in the skeleton. Long
bone fractures were assessed for location (proximal, middle, or distal joint), severity
(complete vs. partial), presence of pseudoarthroses (malunion or false joint),
alignment of the bone, and type of fracture.
The identification of healing featured prominently in the data collection on
trauma. Fractures were documented in one of three stages of healing: none, partial
(on-going at the time of death), and complete (scored in the database as 2, 3, and 1,
respectively). An injury with no signs of healing will exhibit sharp margins without
bone deposition, often accompanied by radiating fracture lines, crushed bone
surfaces, and an absence of flaking (White 1992); these characteristics indicate that
trauma occurred around the time of death. Partial healing is demonstrated by the
presence of woven bone in a callus formation (Roberts and Manchester 1995). During
this process, bone is continually laid down to repair the fracture site, and the
orientation of the new bone fibers is more haphazard than that of remodeled bone
(Ortner and Putschar 1985:62). With complete healing, the injured area may exhibit

86

an altered morphology, yet the bone surface will be smooth, indicating that the injury
site has been fully remodeled.
Frequency of each type of traumatic injury was tabulated, analyzed for
patterns based on age and sex, and compared among sites using the chi-square and
Fishers exact statistics; comparisons made between earlier and later burial
populations were assessed to identify significant diachronic changes.
Analysis of Commingled Remains
One site in the study, Qotakalli, featured several secondary burials with the
commingled remains of multiple individuals. At Qotakalli, distinct clusters of
commingled individuals, possibly representing family groupings, were identified
within one Inca building. Each grouping, denoted as a funerary context (CF,
contexto funerario), was catalogued and collected separately for transport to the
laboratory. Laboratory analysis continued using the CF designation, with MNI
established for each CF based on minimum number of skeletal elements and
assessment of age categories. The MNI for each CF was then summed to produce a
total MNI for the site.
An example from Qotakalli clarifies the methods used to establish MNI. In CF
22, a total of 12 individuals were represented in the commingled remains excavated
from one discrete area within the Inca building. The skeletal elements were first
separated into adult and subadult categories. Within the subadult elements, it was
determined that three individuals were present: one infant (0-1 year), one subadult (24 years), and one adolescent (16-17 years) with unfused epiphyses at the long bones.

87

Turning to the adult commingled assemblage in CF 22, the bones were sorted by
element and side, with the greatest number being nine adult right humeri. The right
humeri thus became the basis for establishing the adult MNI at nine individuals.
Adding this number to the three subadults, we arrived at a total of 12 individuals for
the assemblage from CF 22. This practice was repeated for all CFs, numbered 1
through 58, to achieve a total MNI for the site of 344 individuals. An additional 16
single primary burials excavated the following year in 2004 increased the site MNI at
Qotakalli to 360 individuals.
To calculate pathology frequencies for commingled individuals, two
quantifications had to be made. First, the quantity of each bone was tabulated and
grouped by age. For certain regions of the body, this calculation is a straightforward
undertaking: for example, each individual has one right and one left femur. This
becomes more difficult in those areas of the body where multiple bones make up a
skeletal region, such as the ribs, hands and feet, and vertebrae. To calculate a rib
MNI, the total number of ribs per side of the body was summed and divided by 12,
thus producing the minimum number of individuals possibly represented by the rib
assemblage. The small bones of the hand and foot were similarly added up
collectively, rather than counting each element, which would prove useless in
factoring frequencies (Hutchinson 2002:206). Each vertebral typecervical, thoracic,
and lumbarwas summed and divided by the normal number of elements per person
(seven, twelve, and five, respectively) for the vertebral MNI, which served as a

88

baseline to deduce frequencies of vertebral elements affected by spinal joint disease

(Tung 2003:223-225).
The second quantification involved adding up the number of pathologicallyaffected elements for each condition and dividing by the total number of observable
elements (Waldron 1994:55). For example, to calculate the frequency of Colles
fractures of the distal radius, the number of left radii exhibiting the fracture was
summed and divided by the total number of left radii in the sample. The process was
repeated with all elements, both sides, for indications of trauma and osteoperiostitis.
Data analysis of appendicular joint disease followed a similar protocol, with
slight modification. Joint disease analysis, by its very nature, focuses on the
interaction between two or more skeletal elements. However, in commingled
assemblages, it can be nearly impossible to ascertain which bones belong to a specific
individual. In some instances it may be feasible to recognize corresponding elements
by matching pathological conditions that mirror one another. Yet this endeavor can be
hindered by many factors, including damage to the elements and degenerative
changes that affect only one element of the joint, in which case no mirroring would
be present on the corresponding element. Subsequently, attempting to identify a
single joint in commingled assemblages can be a futile enterprise.
To circumvent these problems in the present study, only one bone was chosen
to represent each joint. The proximal and distal surfaces of the humerus were selected
to represent the shoulder and elbow, respectively. For the wrist region, the distal
radius was chosen. For the hip and knee, the proximal and distal femoral articular

89

regions were used, respectively, and the distal tibia served to represent the ankle
region. These elements were chosen as they were most likely to resist postdepositional damage. It is believed that this method preserves the maximum amount
of data available for joint disease, and allows for comparison to other populations,
whether commingled or composed of single-individual burials.
Cultural Modification
Cultural modification practices in this sample included trepanation, the
surgical removal of part of the skull, and cranial vault modification. Data collection
on trepanation conformed to the recommendations of John Verano (personal
communication, 2002). Complete documentation of the trepanations incorporated the
following variables: location, perforation shape, perforation dimensions (endocranial
vs. ectocranial), associated trauma and infection, impact to sutures, inferred impact to
musculature, amount of healing (none, short-term, or long-term), and method of
modification (drilling, scraping, grooving, sawing). These variables were tabulated
and compared with other studies to recognize patterns involving location of
trepanation, associated trauma, and sex affiliation.
Standards for cranial vault modification followed Torres-Rouff (2003), with
the two main forms of Andean modification identified as annular and tabular,
differentiated by the amount of parietal expansion. In tabular modification, opposing
pressure on the frontal and occipital bones, through the use of boards and pads, leads
to lateral expansion of the parietal bones and a bulbous appearance. In contrast,
annular modification usually involves circumferential binding that restricts parietal

90

expansion and results in an elongated, conical morphology. These two forms are
further distinguished by slope of the occipital bone as determined by angle of applied
pressure. When pressure is applied to the superior lambda region, the posterior part of
the cranium has an erect vertical slant; pressure applied inferiorly to the occipital
lends a sloping, oblique angle to the occipital. Thus, four types of cranial vault
modification are possible: tabular erect, tabular oblique, annular erect, and annular
oblique.
Each cranium was assessed for anterior modification and posterior
modification on a scale of 1-4 (with 4 denoting the most extreme expression).
Anterior modification focused on the slope of the frontal bone, which ranged from the
unmodified rounded appearance, to intentionally flattened, to a frontal concavity in
the most extreme expression. Posterior modification was similarly assessed for degree
of divergence from the normal, rounded morphology of the occipital. These scores
were then collapsed into two categories, slight and pronounced, in order to quantify
the severity of modification: the slight category encompassed scores of 1-2, while
pronounced modification included scores of 3 and 4. If one area was deemed
pronounced while the other was slight (i.e., a score of 2 for the anterior portion and 3
for the posterior portion, or vice versa), the cranium was considered pronounced in
severity. Following Torres-Rouff (2002), any slight modification that would be
obscured by soft tissue and hair (i.e., virtually invisible in a living person) was not
documented.

91

Strontium Isotope Analysis

Strontium isotope analyses of dental and skeletal tissues have emerged as an
important tool in addressing issues of migration (Katzenberg and Harrison 1997).
Strontium isotope ratios in soils vary markedly, and these values are reflected in the
plants of each region and in the animals consuming those plants. At the end of the
food chain, humans will carry the signature isotopic ratios of their local region. As
such, strontium is particularly useful in residence studies because the 87Sr/86Sr isotope
ratio is directly related to the local geology, depending on the age and composition of
the subsurface bedrock that produces soil (Katzenberg 2000:320).
For the strontium analysis, 59 human tooth samples and 10 cuy tooth samples
were analyzed at the Radiogenic Isotope Facility at the University of Alberta,
Edmonton from September 2005 to September 2006 (Appendix Table A.9). The
majority of the human tooth samples were premolars, which contain enamel that
forms between 2 and 6 years of age. If the premolars were missing, another tooth type
was substituted. Laboratory methods for the strontium isotope analysis followed
standardized protocol, with steps taken to ensure that contamination did not affect the
results. These methods are detailed by Buzon and colleagues (in press). Accuracy and
reproducibility of the analytical protocol were verified by the repeated analysis of a
100 ppb solution of the NIST SRM 987 Sr isotope standard during the course of this
study; this yielded an average value of .710242 .000041 (2s standard deviation; n =
13 analyses) and is indistinguishable compared to the accepted standard value of
.710245 (Faure and Mensing 2005:78). To verify that contamination had not occurred

92

from post-depositional strontium sources, we examined the correlation between

87

Sr/86Sr values and strontium concentration (Figure A.3; Budd et al. 2000; Horn and

Mller-Sohnius 1999).

93

Chapter 5. Demography
Paleodemographic Analysis
Paleodemography, the study of past populations vital characteristics, is an
important aspect of osteological research (Acsdi and Nemeskri 1970; Angel 1969;
Moore et al. 1975). Using the basic variables of age and sex, demographic studies
produce essential data on age-specific mortality, life expectancy, and age-specific
probability of death, among other statistics; these statistics can help distinguish a
relatively healthy population from one undergoing stress and premature death (Alesan
et al. 1999; Buikstra and Mielke 1985; Drusini et al. 2001). Furthermore, skewed sex
ratios may reveal cultural patterns such as exogamy, warfare-related deaths, and
political interventions into domestic life. Despite its recognized value,
paleodemographic analysis has numerous limitations, and its accuracy relies upon
assumptions that are often problematic (Bocquet-Appel and Masset 1982; Corruccini
et al. 1989; Jackes 1992; Lampl and Johnston 1996; Wood et al. 1992).
In this chapter, the limitations of demographic analyses are explored in their
relevance to the present study. It is concluded that a full-scale demographic analysis
cannot be completed, due to issues of sample size and population stability.
Nevertheless, the sex and age-at-death data are useful for viewing differences among
the Cuzco sites. Consequently, demographic patterns are documented here for the
aggregated sample and for individual sites. The Late Horizon sites are specifically
examined for demographic anomalies that may reveal imperial Inca influence. To
94

further view how imperial influence may have altered demography, the site of
Sacsahuaman is examined as a case study.
Limits to Demographic Interpretation
Several conditions are necessary to ensure a valid demographic analysis
(Acsdi and Nemeskri 1970; Owsley and Bass 1979; Ubelaker 1999; Vallois 1960).
Age and sex determinations must be accurate for correct demographic assessments
(Buikstra and Konigsberg 1985; Meindl et al. 1983; Walker et al. 1988). In addition, a
large, representative sample is required to counteract the effect of sampling
anomalies. Moreover, sample biases, in the form of cultural or taphonomic processes,
must be identified and accounted for (Paine and Harpending 1998). As a final
requirement, researchers must confirm that the population was either stationary or
stable, without major influxes or departures (Acsdi and Nemeskri 1970; Weiss
1973; Wood 2003). 3 This assumption is often problematic, as it can be invalidated by
growth rate changes or migration (Johansson and Horowitz 1986; Sattenspiel and
Harpending 1983:489; Wood et al. 1992:344). Migration creates a non-stationary
population, resulting in a cemetery that does not represent the original living group. If
any of these conditions are not met, a demographic analysis cannot be conducted.
In the present study, the sample size condition could not be met, negating the
possibility of a full-scale demographic analysis. While this study features a large
aggregated sample of 855 individuals, the sample comprises 11 sub-populations that
do not represent a single population, varying in space and time. Sample sizes from

Though see Paine (2000) and Bonneuil (2005) for alternative approaches without an assumption of
stability.

95

each site are too small to avoid biases of sampling and recovery (Ubelaker 1999). In
addition, two samples are known to be non-representative, due to partial recovery by
archaeologists and environmental degradation (Colmay and Machu Picchu,
respectively). As a result, the sites cannot support statistical demographic analysis.
An additional requirement, the assumption of stationarity/stability, could also
not be confirmed. At least one population in the sample was non-stationary: isotope
analysis proves that migration occurred at the site of Chokepukio during the Late
Horizon (Chapter 8). Due to migration, compounded by small sample sizes, a
complete assessment of vital characteristics cannot be carried out using the current
samples.
Though a formal statistical analysis is not appropriate here, some general
demographic trends warrant consideration. These trends offer some indication of Inca
imperial influence on demography, which may be examined in future studies.
Results of Demographic Analysis
Sex Distribution
All 855 individuals were analyzed for demographic data. In the aggregated
sample, the sex distribution corresponds to the expected 1:1 ratio, with a male to
female ratio of 1:1.03 (Table 5.1). However, some sites feature a skewed sex ratio.
Five sites have a sex ratio greater than 1:1.3: Kusicancha, Sacsahuaman, Kanamarca,
Chokepukio and Wata. While the first three sites show an overrepresentation of
females, the latter feature a greater number of males than females.

96

Table 5.1. Sex distribution of the Cuzco sites

Site
Wata
Chokepukio
Cotocotuyoc
Qotakalli
Machu Picchu
Colmay
Qhataqasapatallacta
Aqnapampa
Sacsahuaman
Kanamarca
Kusicancha
Total:

Males
6
48
23
81
0
23
10
8
12
2
2
215

Females
3
32
18
69
1
23
10
10
29
13
14
222

Indet.
3
96
32
210
6
15
8
18
2
23
5
418

Male/Female Sex Ratio

2:1
1.5:1
1.28:1
1.17:1
-1:1
1:1
1:1.25
1:2.42
1:6.5
1:7

Age Distribution
Aggregated Sample
The age distribution of the entire sample displays three salient characteristics
(Table 5.2). First, juveniles make up 29% of the entire sample. Second, over onequarter (27%) of juveniles fall into the infant category (0-1 year), while the other 73%
are between the ages of one and 18 years. Essentially, infants comprise the largest
portion of the juvenile sample. Third, middle adults make up the majority of the adult
population, with young adults and old adult appearing in approximately equal
frequencies.

97

Table 5.2. Age distribution of the Cuzco sites

Infant
(0-1
year)

Site
Qotakalli
Kusicancha
Sacsahuaman
Chokepukio
Kanamarca
Wata
Colmay
Aqnapampa
Qhataqasapatallacta
Cotocotuyoc
Machu Picchu
Total:

Young
Adults
(1825)
17
2
4
13
2
4
13
1
1

Middle Old
Adults Adults
(26-45) (46+)

Adult
Other
(Indet.)

34
1
0
17
8
0
0
1
1

SubAdults
(1-18
years)
57
2
1
67
16
3
9
4
2

98
10
30
39
9
5
26
8
13

25
3
1
12
2
0
10
2
5

129
3
7
28
1
0
3
20
6

5
0
67

20
0
181

9
0
66

22
0
260

4
0
64

13
7
217

Late Horizon
Among the Late Horizon burials, a contrasting pattern emerges with respect to
juveniles: some sites have an overrepresentation of juveniles, while others show a
dearth of children. At the site of Kanamarca, juveniles make up the majority of the
sample (63%); only slightly less skewed, 40% of the Chokepukio Late Horizon
burials were juveniles (36/89). On the opposite side of the spectrum, the percent of
juveniles at Sacsahuaman is 2%, with only one 4-5 year old among 42 adults.
Likewise, the Kusicancha sample includes only three subadults: a 0-1 year old, a 6-7
year old, and a 15-16 year oldthe other 18 burials from Kusicancha are adults.
A similar pattern is evident when infants are considered alone. While the
Kanamarca sample includes eight individuals aged 0-1 year, the Sacsahuaman

98

collection features no infant burials. Infants are also absent from the Late Horizon
Colmay and Machu Picchu sites.
Discussion
Implications of Differential Age Distributions
In the aggregated sample, the age distribution appears consistent with data
from other pre-modern populations (Guy et al. 1997:222): almost one-third (29%) of
the combined sample is juveniles, with 25% of these juveniles aged 0-1 year (Figure
5.1). This type of distribution is known as a J-shape pattern, with a high infant
mortality, a decrease in mortality during later childhood, and a subsequent rise
throughout adulthood (Weiss 1973). The J-shape pattern predicts that mortality rates
will drop after the first year of life, and is typical for pre-Columbian New World
populations (Drusini et al. 2001:166; Storey 1985:526).
30

% of Individuals per Age Category

25

20

15

10

0
Subadults

Young Adult

Young Middle
Adult

Old Middle Adult

Old Adult

Figure 5.1. Age distribution of the combined sample

99

Some of the Cuzco sites deviate from the J-shaped pattern. At Kanamarca,
infants represent one-third of all juveniles, and juveniles outnumber adults 24 to 14
(63%). This excess of juveniles, particularly infants, could represent an increased
infant mortality rate due to poor health. However, an overrepresentation of juveniles
does not necessarily correlate with higher infant mortalityan increase in infants
may actually reflect a higher fertility rate (Wood et al. 1992:344). With more infants
born, a greater number will die in their first year, though the rate of infant mortality
remains constant.
In the opposite pattern, three Late Horizon sites feature no infants. With the
first two sites, Colmay and Machu Picchu, the samples cannot be considered
representative due to sampling biases. At Colmay, Max Uhle collected adult skulls
along with a small number of juveniles. As a result, the dearth of infants reflects
Uhles biased recovery methods, rather than a demographic deviation. At Machu
Picchu, the lack of infants relates to environmental conditions: the burials from
Machu Picchu caves suffered from exposure, root action, acidic soil, and other factors
that degraded the bones. Infant bones, if any were present, were likely destroyed by
taphonomic forces (Guy et al. 1997). Because of these human and environmental
processes, the dearth of infants in the skeletal samples cannot be assumed to reflect a
characteristic of the actual populations.
Conversely, the scarcity of infant burials at Sacsahuaman appears cultural. Of
the 43 burials from Sacsahuaman, only one is a juvenile aged 4-5 years. This age
distribution was not influenced by biased recovery or taphomony, as archaeologists

100

systematically excavated a random sample established through a grid system and all
burials exhibited excellent preservation (Solis 1999:13). Based on the random
sampling methods and good condition of the bones, the burials may be considered
representative of the cemetery population. Therefore, the observed skewed age
distribution suggests that Sacsahuaman contained an artificial burial population. This
case study will be examined at the end of this chapter regarding the influence of the
Inca Empire on population demography.
Implications of Differential Sex Distributions
Five sites show a skewed sex ratio: three with excess females (Kusicancha,
Kanamarca, and Sacsahuaman), and two with an overabundance of males
(Chokepukio and Wata) (Figure 5.2). Unfortunately, no conclusions can be drawn
about Wata, given the small size (12) and unrepresentative nature of the sample.
Archaeologists have excavated many burials at Wata over the years, with only a
fraction available for analysis (MacCurdy 1923:225; Elva Torres Pino, personal
communication, 2004). Due to partial recovery, the skewed sex ratios may not be
culturally significant.
The cultural implications for the sex ratios at Chokepukio and Kanamarca are
similarly unclear. Chokepukio hosted a number of migrants during the Late Horizon
(see Chapter 8), which may have played a role in the overrepresentation of males,
possibly through emigration of women. At Kanamarca, the excess of females may be
a sampling error or a true demographic characteristic. The current sample of 38
individuals is incomplete, as archaeologists have just begun a multi-year project at the

101

site. With continued archaeological investigation, additional data will help resolve the
issue of skewed sex ratios.

Ratio of Males to Females

Males

Females

an

ch

ca
ar

sic

m
na
Ka

Ku

Sa

cs
a

hu

pa

am

an

pa

a.
as
na

ta
q

Aq

lm
ay

ha
Q

ch
u

hu
M

ac

Co

li

Pi
c

ak
ot
Q

ot

oc

al

c.

io
uk
Cc

ok
ep
Ch

at
a

Figure 5.2. Sex distribution by site

On the other hand, the differential sex distribution at Kusicancha and
Sacsahuaman may be culturally significant. The sites share a number of
characteristics, including an excess of females, a dearth of juveniles, and great
significance within the Inca realm. Both of these sites served as sacred spaces for
religious ceremonies within the Inca capital of Cuzco: Kusicancha housed attendants
and priestesses working at the Temple of the Sun, the most important temple of the
Inca (Tomayconsa 2002), while Sacsahuaman also functioned as a Temple of the Sun
and public arena for state rituals (Espinoza 1987).
The similarities between Sacsahuaman and Kusicancha suggest a cultural
implication for the skewed demographics. The excess of females may have resulted
from artificially created populations of women serving the state. Imperial

102

prescriptions, detailing an individuals living space and obligations, may explain the
observed sex distributions. To further explore the extent of Inca influence on
population structure, the case study of Sacsahuaman is presented here. (A full
discussion of this site is presented in Andrushko et al. [2006]: The Burials at
Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio: A Bioarchaeological Case Study of Imperialism from
the Capital of the Inca Empire.)
Case Study: Sacsahuaman
As described in Chapter 2, Inca policies served to uproot individuals and
groups through labor rotations and resettlement. This movement of people throughout
the empire resulted in a restructuring of traditional populations; in essence, Inca
policies artificially created communities whose demographic profiles deviated from
the normal distribution. The site of Sacsahuaman may reflect the demographic
influence of Inca imperial policies, with a skewed sex distribution of 70% females. In
addition, there is only one juvenile represented among 43 individuals in the sample.
The demographic profile appears related to cultural factors: rather than reflecting a
large community of all ages and both sexes, the Sacsahuaman cemetery is comprised
almost exclusively of adult individuals with an excess of females.
Burial attributes were analyzed for the 43 individuals in this sample, which
revealed an elite cemetery with high status individuals interred in prepared tombs.
The burials displayed a diversity of grave goods, including miniature painted ceramic
vessels, silver and copper tupu pins, and metal beads. Given their elaborate mortuary
treatment, the female burials likely represent elite females.

103

Multiple interpretations for the identity of these females are possible. The
surplus of females may indicate a burial place for the many wives and sisters of the
Inca. The Inca emperor had a principal wife, known as the Qoya (often his full sister),
along with a harem of secondary wives (Rowe 1946:257). While the Inca emperors
and principal wifes mummies were venerated after death and publicly paraded
around during festivals (DAltroy 2002:97), much less is known about the burial
treatment and location of the emperors secondary wives. Each emperor may have
had a place where his other wives were buried, with the Suchuna sector of
Sacsahuaman serving as either the burial place of Topa Incas wives or those of a
subsequent ruler. As Cieza de Len noted in his chronicle regarding elite burials
(1984:196 [1533]), in the vicinity of Cuzco they bury their dead seateddressed and
adorned with much finery. This description closely matches the burial position and
associated artifacts of the Sacsahuaman burials.
However, none of the burials had artifacts of gold, a material that Julien
argues would be ubiquitous in the graves of the empires highest status individuals
(2004:33, 44). The mummies of the Inca rulers and primary wives were adorned with
gold and silver upon burial, but were stripped of their luxury items when Cuzco was
conquered by the Spanish (MacCormack 2001a:342). As the Sacsahuaman tombs
showed no evidence of looting, the absence of gold would suggest that these females
were not wives of an emperor. Instead, these burials could be the wives of other Inca
elites: polygyny among the Inca nobility was common, and a surplus of wives
reflected a mans wealth and prestige (Rowe 1946:252). These wives would be

104

expected to have elaborate burials, but possibly without the greatest of luxury items
such as gold adornments.
Alternatively, the overwhelming number of females in the Sacsahuaman
cemetery may represent a group of mamacona, women employed at the royal estates
of the Inca to assist in training the aclla (Chosen Women) (Rowe 1982:107;
Guaman Poma 1936:298 [300] [1615]). Mamacona (esteemed mothers) served as
priestesses in the state cult of the Sun (Cobo 1990:172 [1653]) and instructed young
girls in religious and occupational duties (Silverblatt 1987:83). In some instances
these priestesses were allowed to participate in or conduct religious services, but
usually were kept cloistered to serve the Inca ruler and queen (Betanzos 1996:74
[1577]); Cobo 1990:174 [1653]).
Though the presence of men in the Sacsahuaman cemetery shows that this
area was not exclusively used for female members, it was designated more often for
females at the elite levels of the state than for males. The demographic distribution of
the cemetery deviates from the normal distribution expected of a community burial
ground, which may reflect the segregated arrangement of the mamacona living
without children or marriage partners.
Conclusions
Demographic information can be used to assess life expectancies and
deviations due to imperial intervention, social upheaval, or disease. However, before
vital statistics can be assessed a number of assumptions must be met. These
assumptions include accurate age and sex determinations, large sample sizes,

105

demographic stationarity/stability, and identification of sample biases. The

requirements of large sample sizes and demographic stationarity could not be met in
the current study, and so demographic analyses of vital statistics were not applied.
In the absence of these analyses, it is possible to identify some demographic
patterns that are of biocultural significance. Certain sites revealed a skewed sex
distribution, and at least two exhibited a dearth of subadults. At some sites, these
deviations were attributed to taphonomic forces, including partial recovery and
destructive environmental influences. One the other hand, in at least one site, the
demographic deviation appears related to cultural influences. At the site of
Sacsahuaman, deviations from the norm may reflect, in part, Inca imperial influence
on the population. This influence appears to have resulted in an altered demographic
profile, as seen in the predominately adult female burial population at Sacsahuaman.

106

Chapter 6. Health, Occupational Stress, and Trauma

In this chapter, dental and skeletal conditions are examined for information on
disease and malnutrition, occupational stress, and warfare in prehistoric Cuzco
populations. The chapter explores the causes and consequences of three broad disease
categories: non-specific stress indicators, joint disease, and trauma. Within each of
the three categories, several pathological conditions are available for study. For each
pathological condition, a description and etiology are presented, followed by results
with correlations by sex, age, location, and temporal period. 4 In the discussion
section, the results are contextualized to illuminate biological changes occurring with
the rise of the Inca Empire.
Non-Specific Stress Indicators
Four conditionsdental enamel hypoplasias, cranial porosities (cribra
orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis), osteoperisostitis, and stunted growth (from femur
length)were documented to measure health status (Steckel et al. 2002). These four
conditions are often referred to as non-specific stress indicators, since they usually
result from some unknown combination of malnutrition and disease (Roberts and
Manchester 1995). Despite the unspecified nature of their underlying causes, these

As noted in the Materials and Methods chapter, the frequency for each pathological condition is
determined by the number of affected individuals divided by the number of observable individuals.
Some burials were incomplete and could not be observed for all conditions; therefore, the number of
observable cases varies with each condition.

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stress indicators provide important information on health, nutritional deficiencies, and

disease in prehistoric populations (Lewis and Roberts 1997).
Linear Enamel Hypoplasias
Description and Etiology
Enamel hypoplasias result from growth disturbances that disrupt enamel
formation, leading to the deposition of a thinner-than-normal band of enamel (Jenkins
1978). These thinner bands, interspersed with thicker regions of enamel deposited
during normal periods of development, are visible as grooves in the labial dental
surface. The linear grooves indicate childhood growth disruptions, since tooth crown
development occurs between infancy and 7 years of age for permanent incisors,
canines and first molars (Goodman and Martin 2002:22). Growth disruptions may
result from malnutrition or from diseases that deplete the body of resources necessary
for normal development (Goodman and Rose 1991; Hillson 2000).
Results
Among the Cuzco burials, there are 16 cases of linear enamel hypoplasias out
of 349 individuals (4.6%). Hypoplasias do not correlate with age: subadults and
adults have similarly low frequencies (5.7% and 4.4%, respectively). In the
aggregated sample, males show a higher frequency than females, 7.5% vs. 2.9%, but
this difference is not statistically significant (Fishers exact, p=0.106).
No significant temporal or geographic differences exist in hypoplasia
frequencies. The frequency is 50%-50% between core and periphery sites, and cases
are evenly distributed throughout the time periods. The earliest time period shows a

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5.3% prevalence that decreases slightly to 3.0% in the Late Horizon, though this
change is not statistically significant (2=2.59; df=2; p=0.274).
Hypoplasias do not correlate with other pathological conditions. The stress
indicators of osteoperiostitis and cranial porosities do not show any significant
relationship with hypoplasias, and stunted growtha stress indicator measured
through the mean values of femur lengthis not overrepresented among individuals
with hypoplasias. Regarding other pathological conditions, there is no significant
correlation between hypoplasias and cranial trauma, long bone trauma, postcranial
joint disease, and trepanation. Moreover, hypoplasias exhibit no evident patterns with
presence or type of cranial modification.
Along with hypoplasia frequencies by individual, frequencies were also
tabulated by tooth. Following the Global History of Health codebook, only incisors
and canines were examined, as these are the teeth most likely to be affected (Steckel
et al. 2006:16). Of these teeth, the upper and lower canines show the highest
frequency of hypoplasias in the Cuzco sample (Table 6.1). For most cases (13/16,
81%), the teeth exhibited only one linear defect, while three individuals had two
hypoplastic lines per tooth, indicating multiple stress episodes.

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Table 6.1. Hypoplastic lesions by tooth type

Tooth
Upper Central Incisor
Upper Lateral Incisor
Upper Canine
Lower Central
Incisor
Lower Lateral Incisor
Lower Canine

Number of
Hypoplastic Teeth
2
3
8
1

Total Number
of Teeth
131
168
235
163

Percent Affected
1.5
1.8
3.4
0.6

0
8

208
254

-3.1

Cranial Porosities
Description and Etiology
Cranial porosities comprise two conditions: cribra orbitalia and porotic
hyperostosis. Cribra orbitalia manifests as small circular lesions on the orbital roofs,
while porotic hyperostosis causes similar lesions on the posterior parietals and
occipital (Angel 1966; Larsen 1997:30; Ortner and Putschar 1985; Palkovich 1987;
Stuart-Macadam 1985; Stuart-Macadam and Kent 1992).
Porotic hyperostosis has been linked to anemia, a deficiency in red blood cells
(RBC), hemoglobin, or total blood volume (Stuart-Macadam 1987, 1992a). In
response to chronic or severe anemia, the body shifts RBC production to
extramedullary sites outside the bone marrow. One of these extramedullary sites is
the posterior parietal/occipital area of the cranium. When RBC production occurs in
the parietals/occipital, it causes expansion of the cranial marrow, visible as enlarged
diplo and thinned cortical bone with small lesions. These small lesions are referred
to as porotic hyperostosis and are used by bioarchaeologists as an indication of stress

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(Blom et al. 2005; Cohen and Armelagos 1984; Hill and Armelagos 1990; Mensforth
et al. 1978; Ubelaker 1992; Walker 1986).
One commonly-cited cause for porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia is iron
deficiency anemia, often attributed to a dietary intensification of maize (El-Najjar et
al. 1976; Holland and OBrien 1997:184; Larsen 1997:35). Maize intensification has
been linked to iron deficiency because it contains phytates that block iron absorption
(Hurrell 2002; Klepinger 1992; Sandford 1992:85). In addition, the food resource
itself contains little iron, in contrast to iron-rich foods such as animal protein,
legumes, and spinach. As a result, maize-intensive diets with low iron intake have
been linked to iron-deficiency anemia resulting in cranial porosities.
Though iron deficiency has often been cited as a cause for porotic
hyperostosis (El-Najjar et al. 1975, 1976; Grauer 1993:204; Lallo et al. 1977;
Moseley 1961; Salvadei et al. 2001; Von Endt and Ortner 1982), molecular research
indicates that iron deficiency does not lead to increased red blood cell production and
subsequent marrow expansion (Brugnara 2003; Han et al. 2001). Rather than
resulting from iron deficiency, porotic hyperostosis may be caused, in some cases, by
hemolytic anemias. With hemolytic anemia, red blood cells are destroyed faster than
the bone marrow can produce (Rosenthal 1995:2162); in chronic hemolytic
conditions, the body reverts to RBC production in the posterior cranial regions,
causing marrow expansion (Ross and Logan 1969) that is visually apparent as porotic
hyperostosis. Hemolytic anemias may result from insufficient intake of nutrients
(such as Vitamin B12 and folate) (Antony 1995; Martini and Ober 2001:633), from

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chronic diarrhea due to bacterial infection that leads to insufficient absorption of

required nutrients in the intestines (Walker 1986), and from infestation of the fish
tapeworm Diphyllobothrium latum (Bathurst 2005).
Cribra orbitalia, on the other hand, may have different underlying causes than
porotic hyperostosis. The condition is known to result from inflammation and
osteoporosis (Wapler et al. 2004), and may also reflect Vitamin C deficiency: along
with bleeding gums and fatigue, a main sign of scurvy is bleeding behind the eyeballs
(retrobulbar hemorrhage) that can cause orbital porosity (Ortner et al. 1999). Vitamin
C deficiency provides a fitting explanation for those cribra orbitalia cases that lack
cranial marrow expansion (Ortner et al. 1999). Altogether, cribra orbitalia and porotic
hyperostosis, though likely separate in terms of etiology, nevertheless are linked as
non-specific indicators of malnutrition and disease.
Results
Cribra orbitalia was seen in 18 of 495 individuals (3.6%), expressed in both
the slight and pronounced forms. Porotic hyperostosis in the posterior cranial region
was documented in 14 of 529 observable cases (2.6%). Both conditions were found in
two individuals, CH 90 and QT 36-3. Combining the two conditions, 5.2% of
individuals in the sample were afflicted by cranial porosities. Regarding severity, in
the cribra orbitalia cases six were slight and 12 were pronounced, while the porotic
hyperostosis cases were evenly split with seven slight and seven pronounced
instances.

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In comparing cribra orbitalia with age and sex, there is a slight

overrepresentation of juveniles and young adults with the condition, compared with
fewer than expected cases in the middle adult categoryyet this correlation is not
statistically significant. Similarly, there is no significant age correlation with porotic
hyperostosis, though the opposite trend is observed: juveniles exhibit porotic
hyperostosis less frequently than adults. There is no correlation with sex for either
condition.
The two conditions were collapsed into one variable for statistical comparison
by time period and location. By time period, the frequency is highest in the pre-Inca
groups at 7.1%, drops to 4.9% in the Early Inca group, and increases slightly to 5.8%
in the Late Horizon. Statistically speaking these frequency shifts are not significant,
as there is almost no difference in the expected and observed counts by temporal
period. When separated by location, the combined sample reveals a higher frequency
in the periphery than in the core (6.9% vs. 4.1%). The contrast in location becomes
more apparent when the Late Horizon cases are isolated, with 2.4% frequency in the
core and 7.7% in the periphery (though not statistically significant: Fishers exact,
p=0.139).
When compared to other pathological conditions, the presence of cranial
porosities does not correlate with osteoperiostitis, long bone fractures, postcranial
degenerative joint disease, spinal joint disease, or differences in femur length. As
mentioned above, enamel hypoplasias show no significant relationship with cranial
porosities.

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In comparing the stage of healing within cases of cranial porosities, 43.3% of

the combined cases were unhealed and 56.7% were healed. There is a statistically
significant correlation (Fishers exact, p= 0.009) between healing and age, with more
unhealed cases in juveniles and more healed cases in adults. There is no difference in
healing when compared to sex, temporal period, or location for the entire sample.
Among Late Horizon cases only, there are more unhealed cases in the core and more
healed cases in the periphery, yet the samples sizes are small, and the difference is not
statistically significant (Fishers exact, p=0.128).
Osteoperiostitis
Description and Etiology
Osteoperiostitis is the inflammation of the periosteal layer of a bone, often due
to Staphylococcus and/or Streptococcus bacteria (Larsen 1997:83). The condition
may ensue from systemic, blood-borne (hematogenous) bacterial infection or from
trauma such as soft tissue wounds and compound fractures, in which the bone breaks
through the skin and exposes the injured area to infection (Lewis and Roberts 1997).
Systemic infection is usually expressed on several long bone shafts simultaneously,
while osteoperiostitis localized on one element usually signifies a traumatic etiology
(Martin et al. 1991:128; Robb et al. 2001:219). In extreme cases, infection can
progress to pus production, expansion of cortical bone, and cloaca formation for pus
drainage, a condition known as osteomyelitis.
Osteoperiostitis often increases in situations of unsanitary hygienic conditions
and dense population aggregation (Steckel et al. 2002). As such, the condition is

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analyzed here to assess the influence of aggregated living conditions, urbanism, and
imperially-driven settlement changes.
Results
Osteoperiostitis was observed in 50 of 449 individuals (11.1%). It correlates
significantly with age and sex: it is more likely to occur in adults than juveniles
(10.0% vs. 1.1%, 2=18.57; df=1; p0.0001) and in females than males (13% vs.
4.3%, 2=9.16; df=1; p=0.002).
While most other variables show no relationship to osteoperiostitis, there is a
significant exception with location. Core groups are far more likely to exhibit
osteoperiostitis than those in the periphery during the Late Horizon (19.8% vs. 6.1%,
2=9.25; df=1; p=0.002). Apart from location, no significant patterns were detected
with temporal period or with the pathological conditions of cranial porosities and
stunted growth.
Because osteoperiostitis may result from an infected injury, evidence of
trauma was examined for each individual affected by osteoperiostitis. Indeed, in ten
of the 50 cases of osteoperiostitis, the individual also presented evidence of long bone
fracture. However, in the other 40 cases there was no evidence of trauma, indicating
an infectious etiology for the majority of the cases.
Along with osteoperiostitis frequency by individual, the condition was also
quantified per bone. When viewed by bone, the samples from the commingled site of
Qotakalli could be included; these data had to be excluded in the by individual
analysis, since commingled remains cannot be attributed to a single individual. By

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considering each element separately, the Qotakalli data could be used, which enlarges
the sample size and allows for a greater understanding of osteoperiostitis patterning
throughout the body (Appendix Table A.3).
Osteoperiostitis is most common on the tibia, followed by the lower limb
bones of the fibula and femur. Of the upper limb bones, the ulna is the mostly likely
affected. On all of these bones, stage of healing was documented as active, healed, or
mixed; the mixed designation refers to active periostitis along with some areas of
healing, indicating a chronic, on-going infection at the time of death. Active or mixed
periostitis was most commonly seen on the tibia, while all the other elements showed
fewer than 2% active/mixed. The majority of osteoperiostitis cases were healed.
Stunted Femoral Growth
Description and Etiology
Stunted long bone growth is evidence of stressful living conditions that
prevented a person from achieving their maximum height (Lambert 1993). Though
height is influenced by genetic variation, environmental factors play a more
significant role (Malcolm 1974). Environmental factors include inadequate nutrition
and disease with malnutrition, the individual receives too few nutritional resources
to fuel growth processes, whereas with disease, the body must divert those resources
to the costly demands of fighting the illness. Malnutrition and disease may act in
synergy; for example, infections that limit the bodys ability to process nutrients will
lead to malnutrition that further inhibits growth (Steckel et al. 2002:144). Demands
placed on the body through physical work may also draw nutritional resources away
from normal growth processes.
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Growth disturbances are particularly damaging during two main periods

infancy and adolescencein which the majority of long bone development occurs
(Eveleth and Tanner 1990). The resultant stunted growth, with long bones that are
significantly shorter than those of healthy individuals, indicates compromised health.
For this study, the femur was chosen to assess stunted growth, as it represents the
most reliable bone for estimates of stature (Krogman and Iscan 1986).
Results
Femur length was analyzed to identify individuals with stunted growth. Femur
samples were first separated by sex, revealing expectedly different means between
males and females, 414.6 mm vs. 396.7 mm, respectively (Table 6.2; Appendix
Figure A.1 and A.2).
Table 6.2. Femur length descriptive statistics- entire sample (in mm)
Male Femur Length
Female Femur Length

N
51
57

Min.
365.00
360.00

Max.
460.00
445.00

Mean
414.6176
396.6579

Std. Dev.
23.71447
19.52177

As described in the methods section, a stunted person is one whose maximum

femur length falls two or more standard deviations below the mean (Bradley 1998).
Applying this standard to the means and standard deviations from Table 6.2, any male
with a femur length 47.4 mm below the meantranslating to a femur length of 367.2
mmis considered stunted. For females, two standard deviations is 39.0 mm, so
any value below 357.6 mm constitutes a stunted individual.

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In the entire sample, only one male was identified as stunted using this
formula: a 26-35 year-old from the Late Horizon core site of Qhataqasapatallacta (QH
812). This individual exhibited dental caries, large abscesses, and antemortem tooth
loss, but no skeletal stress indicators. The only skeletal condition was one button
osteoma, a usually benign neoplastic growth of bone, located on the occipital.
Along with this one stunted individual, there were three other individuals
within five millimeters of the stunted cutoff. Burial QH 764, a 26-35 year-old
female from the same site as QH 812, exhibited caries, abscesses, and antemortem
tooth loss, along with evidence of incipient joint disease on the left knee. AQN 23 is a
male with one carious lesion and one possible Schmorl's node (spinal joint disease)
from the Late Intermediate Period occupation of Aqnapampa, a periphery site.
Finally, from the Late Horizon core site of Sacsahuaman, the female SS 31 was found
with dental caries, antemortem tooth loss, and active osteoperiostitis on the mandible
related to the dental conditions. None of these cases displayed other conditions that
might indicate compromised health, such as cranial porosities, osteoperiostitis, or
dental enamel hypoplasias.
As an additional measure, femur length distributions were tabulated by
temporal period and location, employing a two-sample Kolmogorov-Smirnov Test.
The Kolmogorov-Smirnov tests revealed no differences when comparing all time
periods. However, in the Late Horizon group there were slight differences by
location: the core groups exhibited a lower mean femur length than the periphery

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groups, for both sexes (t=-1.995; df=41; p= 0.053 for females, t=-1.786; df=22;
p=0.088 for males) (Table 6.3).
Table 6.3. Late Horizon femur length by location (in mm)
Core Females
Periphery Females
Core Males
Periphery Males

N
27
16
11
13

Min.
360.00
369.00
365.00
382.00

Max.
441.00
445.00
427.50
458.00

Mean
393.8333
406.3125
401.2273
419.6154

Std. Dev.
18.89851
21.32751
20.62930
28.34472

To summarize, in analyzing femur length as a proxy for stunted growth, two

males and two females were identified as stunted, one from an LIP site and three
from Late Horizon core sites. Femur length does not correlate with temporal period,
indicating the distribution of femur lengths did not change substantially over time. In
the Late Horizon, there is a tendency for females to have greater femur lengths in the
periphery relative to the core. The same is true for males, but to a lesser degree of
confidence.
Discussion of Non-Specific Stress Indicators
Non-specific stress indicators include linear enamel hypoplasias, cranial
porosities, osteoperiostitis, and stunted growth. These conditions have been the focus
of myriad archaeological studies, many of which document an increase in stress
indicators coinciding with subsistence shifts toward agricultural intensification
(Cohen and Armelagos 1984; Larsen 1997:51). With agricultural intensification, diets
often became more restrictive and less nutritional, with a reliance on cereal grains that
contributed to ill health. Compromised health may have also resulted from sedentism,

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as populations were brought into closer contact with viral, bacterial, and parasitic
infections from accumulated waste and water contamination (Armelagos 1990).
Even if a child survives a stress event, damaging repercussions continue into
adulthood. Childhood stresses will result in a smaller body build because the body
does not receive adequate nutrition to support normal growth. Though a smaller build
may not appear detrimental, substantially smaller individuals are more likely to suffer
from both infectious and chronic diseases later on in life (Fogel and Costa 1997).
Fogel and Costa (1997:60) illustrate how stunted adultseven those who are
healthywill wear out more quickly and have a greater chance of dying prematurely,
drawing an analogy to the breakdown of mechanical engines.
Fogel and Costas findings are supported by the work of Barker (1992, 1998),
who has demonstrated that many adult conditionsincluding heart disease and
strokehave a foundation in developmental problems experienced during infancy
and childhood. Childhood malnutrition involving protein-calorie deficiency can cause
lasting central nervous system damage, as do iodine and iron deficiencies during fetal
and infant development (Chvez et al. 1995; Lozoff et al. 1991; Martorell et al. 1990).
These deficiencies have a prolonged effect, many years after the individual recovers.
These findings have a significant implication for bioarchaeological studies:
stress events must be recognized not for only their role in childhood mortality, but
also as a lasting influence on adult morbidity and mortality. Stress markers are
therefore important factors in understanding health, both in terms of the

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environmental factors causing childhood death and the permanent, detrimental impact
to adult life quality and expectancy.
A number of conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of stress indicators
in the Cuzco samples. First, the combined data suggest a relatively unstressed
population. The frequencies of three stress indicators are in the low single digits:
4.6% for linear enamel hypoplasias, 5.2% for cranial porosities, and 3.7% for stunted
growth. Since stress indicators generally result from a combination of nutritional
deficiency and disease, their relatively low frequencies suggest that these conditions
did not widely affect the Cuzco populations.
Conversely, osteoperiostitis was a more prevalent affliction among Cuzco
groups, observed in 11.1% of the population. Notably, core populations in the Late
Horizon exhibit significantly higher frequencies than in the periphery. The Cuzco
evidence suggests that habitation in the populous urban capital had some negative
health consequences, a finding that supports other bioarchaeological studies revealing
the detriments of population aggregation (Armelagos 1990; Storey 1985). Aggregated
living environments, contaminated water, and insufficient waste management
promote increased bacterial transmission, resulting in a greater prevalence of
superficial bone infections. While individuals living in the Inca core might be
expected to have better health than those in the periphery, in at least one aspect, it
appears that health in the Cuzco capital region was compromised.
Along with an overall higher prevalence, osteoperiostitis shows a sex bias in
this study with females exhibiting significantly higher frequencies. This pattern was

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identified earlier at the site of Sacsahuaman (Andrushko et al. 2006) and persists
throughout the entire Cuzco sample. In the Sacsahuaman study, it was hypothesized
that the enclosed living conditions of females working for the state contributed to the
high frequency of osteoperiostitis. Other activities such as specific types of craftwork,
greater exposure to unsanitized kitchen and bathroom areas, and child care could have
increased infection of common Staphylococcus and/or Streptococcus bacteria in
females.
Finally, while osteoperiostitis is more prevalent in the core, the opposite is
true for cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis. The higher frequency in the
periphery might suggest nutritional deficiencies with reduced access to resources at
provincial sites. However, the results do not support a conclusion of widespread
deficiencies, as only a small number of individuals exhibited cranial porosities.
Furthermore, the demographic data indicate that individuals with cranial porosities
often survived the stressful childhood events that led to these conditions. If only
juveniles were observed with cranial porosities, one might conclude that children
were summarily dying from the stressful events. Yet in this sample both juveniles and
adults are affected with cranial porosities, and the healed cases in adults indicate that
individuals often survived stressful childhood events. The small percentage of
peripheral populations with cranial porosities, along with the healed cases exhibited
by adults, suggest that nutritional deficiencies did not substantially affect these
groups.

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Joint Disease
Appendicular Joint Disease
Description and Etiology
Joint disease reflects repetitive physical activities and age-related
degeneration of soft tissues (Jurmain 1977; Larsen 1997:162). The condition
commonly results from the wear and tear of aging, exacerbated by physical
activities, although rheumatoid arthritis and metabolic disturbances can accelerate
degeneration (Jurmain 1977). In addition, joint disease may ensue following bone
fractures that disturb joint congruency, leading to osteoarthritis that persists long after
the fracture has healed.
Because joint disease has many underlying causes, drawing behavioral
interpretations can be problematic (Weiss and Jurmain 2007). Researchers may
routinely attribute joint disease to activity, yet these interpretations often fail to
account for other causes, including age, heredity, body weight, autoimmune disease,
and trauma (Jurmain 1991b, 1999; Weiss and Jurmain 2007; Steckel et al. 2002,
Weiss 2005). Of these causes, age is a primary influencing factor: an older population
will usually exhibit a higher frequency of joint disease, which may be incorrectly
attributed to increased physical activity. As such, the age factor must be controlled
when comparing joint disease frequencies between populations.
When these factors are carefully considered and controlled for, joint disease
can reveal activity patterns in prehistoric groups (Jurmain 1991b:249; Walker and
Hollimon 1989). Within these groups, males and females may differ in joint disease

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frequencies when the two sexes engage in dissimilar activities (Hollimon 1992).
Activity patterns will also vary by subsistence practice, yet no consensus exists on the
relationship between joint disease and foraging vs. farming strategies. In some
studies, hunter-gatherers exhibit higher joint disease frequencies, while others report
higher frequencies in agriculturalists (Larsen 1995:200). Since subsistence strategy
does not predictably influence joint disease, each region must be studied separately to
document local environmental influences on degenerative conditions. Through a
synthesis of these regional studies, patterns may be discerned regarding subsistence
patterns, physical activities, and joint disease.
Results
In this study, joint disease was documented in six joint regionsshoulder,
elbow, wrist/hand, hip, knee, and ankle/foot. The condition was identified using three
physical characteristics: osteophyte growth (bony spurs), macroporosity (porous areas
from the destruction of the joint surface), and eburnation, polish on the joint surface
from bone-on-bone contact following hyaline cartilage deterioration (Bridges
1992:68).
Of 263 individuals analyzed (juveniles and commingled remains excluded),
60 individuals (22.8%) were documented with joint disease. The affected individuals
show significant differences from unaffected individuals by age: old adults
predominate in the joint disease group, while young and middle adults are
underrepresented (2=22.69; df=2; p0.0001) (Figure 6.1). In looking at sex
differences, though males and females are similar in joint disease frequency (24.8%

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and 21.3%, respectively), males are more than twice as likely to exhibit pronounced
joint disease; in contrast, females are more likely to have a slight version of the
condition (2=6.23; df=1; p=0.013).
100
90

% in Age Category with DJD

80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Y oung A dult

Middle A dult

Old Adult

Figure 6.1. Degenerative joint disease by age category

Joint disease increases over time, from 18.2% in the pre-Inca populations to
24.4% in the Late Horizon. Along with an increased frequency, significant location
differences are evident: periphery groups exhibit a higher frequency (33.3%) than
those in the core (17.6%) during the Late Horizon (2=5.29; df=1; p=0.022). This
location difference is a not apparent in the pre-Inca populations, where no statistical
difference exists between the core and the periphery.
Despite these significant temporal and geographical patterns, no interpretation
can be made until the influence of age is controlled for. Therefore, the average age-atdeath of the two Late Horizon populations was calculated: 36.21 years for the core
and 36.31 years for the periphery. These calculations show that the core and
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periphery average age-at-death is almost identical. A similar match is also apparent

when viewing arthritic individuals only. The average age-of-death for the arthritic
individuals shows no difference: 39.39 years in the core, 39.35 years in the periphery.
These data indicate that the periphery populations do not exhibit a higher frequency
of joint disease merely due to an overall older population.
In comparison to other skeletal conditions, joint disease is highly correlated
with spinal joint disease (2=20.95; df=1; p0.0001) and with long bone traumatic
fractures (2=13.30; df=1; p0.0001), indicating traumas influence on the noncongruency of joints resulting in arthritis. To measure the effect of trauma on severity
of joint disease, a chi-square calculation was made: though there are more cases of
severe joint disease in individuals with long bone fractures, the correlation is not
significant (2=1.13; df=1; p=0.287).
Joint disease does not correlate with cranial trauma, osteoperiostitis, or
temporomandibular joint syndrome. While it may seem surprising that joint disease
does not co-occur with temporomandibular joint syndrome, given that they are both
in the joint disease category, the non-correlation suggests there are different causes
for each condition. Of the many causes of appendicular joint disease, occupational
activity can have a large influence, while for joint disease of the mandible,
masticatory activities or extramasticatory activities such as the use of teeth as tools
contribute to the condition (Hodges 1991).
Along with an analysis of joint disease by individual, the condition was also
quantified by element (Appendix Table A.4). Quantification by element provides

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important data because physical activities have a differential effect on various joints.
Based on information from a number of studies, the elbow joint most frequently
exhibits degenerative changes due to activity, followed by the knee, while the hip and
shoulder rarely display functional/occupational effects (Jurmain 1991b:249). For the
Cuzco study, when joint disease is viewed by element the individuals from Qotakalli
could be included, which enlarges the sample size. The Qotakalli site was excluded
from the by individual analysis since the commingled remains could not be
attributed to a single individual.
The most common anatomical sites for postcranial degenerative joint disease
are the knee, followed by the ankle/foot and wrist/hand, and the elbow. In terms of
severity, the sites most likely to have pronounced joint disease are the knee, the
wrist/hand, and the elbow. The only difference between presence/absence and
severity is that, despite a slightly greater frequency overall of ankle/foot joint disease,
these cases are more likely to be slight, whereas the elbow cases are more likely to be
pronounced.
Asymmetry is an important factor in isolating activity influences from other
causes of joint disease (Jurmain 1991b:249). Asymmetry manifests in differences
between the right and left side, and in this study, side differences are most apparent
for the elbow and wrist/hand, and least apparent in the hip and ankle/foot.
Spinal Joint Disease
Description and Etiology
The vertebral column, composed of interlocking elements separated by
intervertebral discs, provides support and structure to the skeleton. Within the
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vertebral column, primary articulations occur between the vertebral bodies and at the
superior and inferior articular joints. Joint degeneration due to mechanical stress
narrows the joint space and weakens muscle attachments, leading to the skeletal
conditions of osteophytosis and osteoarthritis. Osteophytosis results from strain on
the anterior longitudinal ligament caused by disc herniation (Resnick and Niwayama
1983); consequently, osteophytosis develops at the ligament attachment sites on the
anterolateral margins of the centrum. Osteophytosis is distinct from spinal
osteoarthritis, which refers to cartilage degeneration at the articular facets, though
they may occur in tandem. Osteoarthritis involves the breakdown of cartilage that
manifests as macroporosity and eburnation, conditions also evident in appendicular
joint disease.
Similar to appendicular joint disease, spinal joint disease has multiple causes,
including activity, age, and heredity. As a degenerative condition, spinal joint disease
increases in older adults, though trauma or disease may accelerate joint deterioration.
Spinal joint disease has been associated with physical stress from carrying and
strenuous locomotor activities in archaeological populations (Bridges 1994;
Rodriguez-Martin 1995). However, some argue that spinal conditions reflect
biological factors more than activity patterns (Knuesel et al. 1997). For this study,
spinal joint disease is analyzed in conjunction with appendicular joint disease, using
the same morphological criteria of osteophyte growth, macroporosity, and eburnation
(Brothwell 1981; Rogers et al. 1987).

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Results
Of 235 individuals (juveniles excluded) observed for spinal joint disease
(SJD), 100 (42.6%) displayed some form of the condition on either the vertebral
centra or articular facets. Spinal joint disease increased in frequency and severity
from the cervical to lumbar vertebrae (Table 6.4). The cervical spine shows fewer
cases, while the lumbar spine exhibits a higher frequency with more severe cases.
Table 6.4. Percentage of elements showing slight or pronounced SJD
Element
Cervical
Thoracic
Lumbar

Absent
#
%
177 78
176 69.3
133 52.6

#
11
31
33

Slight
%
4.8
12.2
13.1

Pronounced
#
%
39
17.2
47
18.5
87
34.3

Total Affected
#
%
50/227
22
78/254
30.7
120/253 47.4

Several trends noted for appendicular joint disease are also apparent for spinal
joint disease. Spinal joint disease correlates with age, with many more old adults
exhibiting the condition (Figure 6.2). The condition varies by sex48.5% of males
vs. 41.4% of femalesbut this is not statistically significant (2=1.09; df=1;
p=0.296). When the Late Horizon cases are isolated, the same trend for appendicular
joint disease becomes apparent: the periphery groups display a higher frequency than
in the core (60.3% vs. 39.2%, 2=5.97; df=1; p=0.015). This increased periphery
frequency is not related to age; in fact, the average age-at-death for periphery
individuals is less than in the core, 35.86 years vs. 36.90 years. Similarly, when only
individuals with spinal joint disease are considered, the mean age-at-death is less in
the periphery than in the core, 37.57 years compared to 40.16 years.

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100
90
% of Age Category with SJD

80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Y oung Adult

Middle A dult

Old A dult

Figure 6.2. Spinal joint disease by age

Discussion of Joint Disease
Clearly, age has a major influence on the expression of both appendicular and
spinal joint disease in the Cuzco sample. However, a number of factors suggest that
an activity-based interpretation is appropriate to explain increased joint disease
frequencies in the Late Horizon. First, the age factor has been identified and
controlled for in Late Horizon core and periphery populations. Individuals residing at
peripheral sites show higher spinal joint disease frequencies with a younger age-atdeath than those living in the core. Similarly, the periphery populations are more
likely to have appendicular joint disease, though the average age-at-death is not
greater than in core populations. Second, sex differences are apparent in both
datasets: for appendicular joint disease, males are more likely to display a severe form
of the condition, while for spinal joint disease, males have a higher overall frequency.
Third, specific joints, including the elbow and knee, show a higher frequency of

130

degenerative changes; these joints are most likely to reflect activity patterns, as
opposed to the hip and shoulder (Jurmain 1991b:249). Finally, asymmetry is also
apparent among the right and left sides of each element, primarily in the elbow,
another indication of activity-related joint disease.
Based on these factors, behavioral interpretations may be considered. The
possibility arises that Late Horizon core populations were involved in less physical
activities, serving the state in administrative or ceremonial occupations. In contrast,
joint disease in the periphery may relate to more rigorous physical labor and
occupations imposed by the state. The sex differences possibly reflect a division in
the types of labor being accomplished, with males involved in construction or
agricultural work that translated to greater severity in joint disease.
Trauma
Trauma, defined as any bodily wound or injury (Roberts and Manchester
1995:65), includes fractures, joint dislocation, perimortem cranial injuries, and
cutmarks indicative of scalping (Merbs 1989; Ortner and Putschar 1985). These
conditions are used to identify cultural patterns ranging from activity-related fractures
to warfare and ritual sacrifice. Recognizing these patterns requires an
interdisciplinary approach, combining osteological evidence with medical and
forensic data. For example, medical information provides knowledge on healing rates
for fractures, while forensic data offers the means to differentiate types of cranial
wounds (Berryman and Haun 1996; Kaufman et al. 1997). By adopting an

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interdisciplinary approach, osteologists can undercover information crucial for

interpreting trauma patterns in past populations.
To recognize trauma patterns, osteologists identify and document specific
injury characteristics. These characteristics, such as location of injury and amount of
healing, are used to differentiate accident-related injuries from those resulting from
violence (Walker 1997, 2001b). For example, violence in the form of battered-child
syndrome is indicated by child injuries to the cranium, forearms, and legs in varying
stages of healing (Walker 2001b). Interpersonal violence can be observed in facial
injuries (e.g., broken nasal bones) and healed depressed cranial fractures (Walker
1989, 1997), which have been observed throughout the course of human evolution
(Merbs 1989:166; Walker 1989). In contrast, intergroup violence is more commonly
recognized by lethal injuries such as massive cranial fractures, projectile point
injuries, blunt force trauma from clubs and stones, and cutting wounds from metal
weapons (Novak 2000; Walker and Steckel 2002). Further evidence of violence may
be found in parry fractures of the ulna, which result from an individual raising their
arm to ward off a blow and receiving blunt force trauma to the ulna; however this
determination must be made critically, as many ulna fractures may not be parry
fractures (Judd 2004).
Additional information on cultural patterns of violence can be gained from
data on sex and age, which provide a social context for observed patterns. For
instance, a child with multiple healed and unhealed injuries may be the victim of
child abuse, though in archaeological contexts these cases rarely occur (Walker

132

2001b:591). The overrepresentation of adolescent or young-adult males with violent

injuries may indicate a draft-age group involved in warfare. In further examining
sex differences, a higher frequency of males with violent injuries points to chronic
intergroup conflict, while the presence of females among the injured may indicate a
situation of surprise raids or group massacres (Bovee and Owsley 1994; Boylston et
al. 2000; Hollimon and Owsley 1994; Willey 1990).
Trauma patterns in this study were assessed by separating injuries into cranial
and postcranial categories, the latter of which includes long bone fractures and rib
fractures. The following sections present a description of each category with results,
followed by a discussion of observed patterns.
Cranial Trauma
Description and Etiology
Cranial fractures feature a break in the skeletal tissue of the cranial vault or
face, commonly accompanied by trauma to the adjacent soft tissues (Aufderheide and
Rodriguez-Martin 1998:20). Important features of cranial trauma include shape,
severity, size, and presence of radiating fracture lines (Gurdjian et al. 1950). The
shape of cranial fractures varies from blunt round and blunt ovoid to edged and
crushed. Severity refers to the impact to the diplo, ectocranial, and/or endocranial
surfaces, while size encompasses the total surface area of the trauma. Presence of
radiating fractures, and their location in relation to suture lines, helps to determine the
type of force and possibly the category of weapon used (Crist et al. 1997). Additional
attributes, including crushing and peeling, cutmarks, and embedded projectile objects,
provide important information for understanding the context of injuries.
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Results
Ninety-six individuals were observed with cranial injuries, out of 627
individuals examined (15.3%). Among these 96 individuals, several had more than
one injury; for a total of 135 injuries. These injuries were examined for specific
characteristics including type, healing, location, shape, size, and other attributes.
Injuries were separated into two main types, cranial vault and facial region
fractures, and subsequently differentiated within each category. The cranial vault
injuries can be divided into three types: depressed cranial fractures, complete cranial
fractures, and cutmarks. The first type is characterized by a depression on the
ectocranial vault, often due to blunt force trauma. Frequently, these wounds are
shallow and do not involve the endocranial surface. They are rarely lethal, and may
appear in multiple instances per individual. In the present study, there were 93
depressed cranial fractures. Four individuals had four depressed fractures each, the
greatest number per individual recorded.
The second type, complete cranial fractures, is differentiated from depressed
cranial fractures by severity. These injuries are more severe than depressed cranial
fractures and involve the endocranial surface. They are more frequently accompanied
by radiating fracture lines, which result from excessive force applied to the cranial
vaultbecause of this excessive force, complete cranial fractures may be fatal. These
wounds can have a circular, linear, or irregular morphology, depending on the
weapon used. Further characteristics include bone fragments adhering to the fracture
site and an altered morphology to the cranial region. Complete cranial fractures were
seen in 15 instances in the Cuzco samples.
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The third type of vault injury, cutmarks, was found in five individuals. In all
cases, the cutmarks occurred at or around the time of death (perimortem) and show no
indication of healing. Two individuals had additional perimortem cranial fractures,
while another exhibited a healed depressed cranial fracture. The final two individuals
did not show any associated injuries.
In addition to the vault fractures, facial injuries were also documented: 13
cases of nasal fractures and nine instances of non-nasal facial fractures. Five
individuals with nasal fractures also exhibited non-nasal fractures to the face.
When all fracture types are combined, the injuries cluster on the anterior
region, with a tendency toward the left side. The anterior sectionencompassing the
frontal bone, anterior parietals, and facial regionwas targeted in 70.1% of the cases,
compared to 29.9% on the posterior cranium (posterior parietals and occipital). The
left side of the cranium was most often affected (48.5%), followed by the right side
(38.1%). Only a small portion of the injuries were recorded on the middle third of the
cranium (13.4%).
Fracture shape varies among four main types (of those injuries whose shape
could be discerned): the majority were circular (63), followed by oval (33), irregular
(9), and linear (8). When depressed cranial fractures are considered alone, the circular
shape occurs almost twice as frequently as the oval shape, 60 circular vs. 32 oval,
with one irregular-shaped fracture.
Fracture size (in area) also displays variation, evident in the descriptive
statistics of range, kurtosis, and skew. The range is 16.41 cm2 based on a minimum

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area of .05 cm2 and maximum of 16.46 cm2. Kurtosisthe measure of a peaks
height and the weight of its tails (Ruppert 1987)is 6.924, a high value indicating a
sharper peak (keptokursis). The skewness is also positive, which reflects
asymmetry from the mean. In this case, the asymmetry refers to a longer than normal
tail extending to the right (Figure 6.3).

40

Number of Cases

30

20

10

0
0

10

12

15

Area in sq. cm

Figure 6.3. Histogram of fracture size by area (cm2)

As depicted in the histogram above, most cranial fractures concentrate on the
smaller side of the distribution. This concentration yields an average area of 2.3572
cm2, with a standard deviation of 2.82806. The 5% trimmed mean is 1.9789 cm2,
while the median is 1.3200 cm2. When grouped into small (0-5 cm2), medium (5-10

136

cm2), and large (10+ cm2) categories, 85% of the fractures fall into the small
category, while 12% are medium-sized, and only 3% are large.
The final injury attribute under examination is amount of healing. As
mentioned above, the five cutmark cases were all perimortem, with no healingthese
injuries occurred at or around the time of death. In addition to the cutmarks, nine
other cranial injuries were perimortem fractures, differentiated by a homogenous
color, crushing, radiating fracture lines, and lack of flaking or other signs of recent
damage. Apart from these 14 cases, all other cranial injuries showed significant
healing, indicating that trauma was not lethal for the majority of cases (89.6%,
121/135).
Next, the patterns of age, sex, and geographic/temporal data are examined.
Cranial trauma is highly correlated with sex, seen in 29.1% of males but only 16.8%
of females (2=8.14; df=1; p=0.004). The male/female ratio for cranial trauma is
1.55:1, a significant deviation from the 1:1.03 male/female ratio in the entire sample.
The sex bias is also apparent when facial fractures are considered alone. The male
frequency of non-nasal facial fractures (2.5%) is significantly greater than the female
frequency (0.3%) (Fishers exact, p=0. 014); males also exhibit nasal fractures at a
greater than expected frequency (6.6% vs. 3.2% for females), though the correlation
is not statistically significant (Fishers exact, p=0.250).
Age is another influencing factor in cranial trauma. Juveniles make up only
4.1% of the cranial trauma group, a highly significant difference compared to adults
(Fishers exact, p0.0001). In separating the adult categories, cranial trauma is

137

overrepresented in the young adult and old adult categories, and underrepresented in
the middle adult categories (2=9.95; df=2; p=0.007).
Regarding other pathological conditions, cranial trauma is highly correlated
with trepanation, the surgical removal of part of the cranium (2=29.13; df=1;
p0.0001, see Chapter 7). Individuals with cranial trauma are also more likely to have
postcranial trauma (2=7.36; df=1; p=0.007). Conversely, cranial trauma does not
correlate with cranial porosities, temporomandibular joint syndrome, rib fractures,
osteoperiostitis, or joint disease.
When comparing trauma by time period and location, significant patterns
emerge. Cranial trauma increases from 8.3% in pre-Inca times to 18.0% in Early Inca
times (2=5.58; df=1; p=0.018). This frequency drops slightly to 17.2% in the Late
Horizon, but remains elevated compared to pre-Inca populations. Among the Late
Horizon cases, there is a significant difference in location, with more cranial trauma
occurring in the periphery than in the core (22.8% vs. 6.8%; 2=10.28; df=1;
p=0.001) (Figure 6.4).

138

% of Individuals with Cranial Trauma

25

20

15

10

0
Pre-Inca

Early Inca

Late Horizon

LH Core

LH Periphery

Figure 6.4. Cranial trauma by time period and location

Postcranial Trauma
Description and Etiology
Postcranial fractures vary widely based on the type of forcecompressive,
bending, or shearingplaced on the bone. Long bone fractures can be categorized as
complete or incomplete, simple, communited, or compound, and spiral, greenstick,
compression, avulsion, impacted, oblique, or transverse (Merbs 1989:162). Fractures
resulting from other bone-weakening conditions are termed pathologic (Buikstra and
Ubelaker 1994:120), with underlying causes including osteoporosis, rickets, Pagets
disease, and neoplasms.
Long bone fractures may be conflict-related (as described above with the
ulnar parry fracture) or accident-related, such as the Colles fracture of the distal
radius, which occurs when an individual attempts to break a fall by extending their
arm. Accident-related fractures increase in conditions of rugged terrain and strenuous

139

physical labor, and may result in permanently restricted mobility and dexterity
(Larsen 1997:110). Further problems can result if the injury becomes infected or if
the fracture disturbs skeletal congruency, as osteoarthritis may ensue.
Long Bone Fracture Results
Long bone fracturesdocumented for the clavicle, humerus, radius, ulna,
femur, tibia, and fibulawere seen in 30 of 440 individuals (6.8%). No perimortem
fractures were documented, and only three fracture cases showed on-going healing at
the time of death. The rest of the cases showed long-term healing with callus
formation and remodeling.
No juveniles displayed evidence of long bone fractures. Within the adult
categories, young and middle adults have fewer than expected number of fractures,
while old adults have a higher frequency, possibly from an accumulation of fractures
over a lifetime (Figure 6.5). While males were slightly more likely to have long bone
fractures (13.6% vs. 9.4%), this difference is not statistically significant (2=1.09;
df=1; p=0.298).

140

20

% of Age Category with Long Bone Fractures

18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
Young Adult

Middle Adult

Old Adult

Figure 6.5. Long bone fractures by age

Evidence for violent injury in the long bones was low, with ulna fractures
between 1% and 2.1%, and few of these could qualify as parry fractures. Rather,
the ulna fractures were located distally, and associated with Colles fractures of the
radius. Colles fractures were the most commonly observed, with a radius fracture
frequency of approximately 4%, followed by the fibula and clavicle (Appendix Table
A.6).
No significant patterns are evident over time or by location when considering
long bone fractures in the entire sample, and no significant difference exists between
the core and periphery when the Late Horizon cases are isolated. This lack of
correlation differs from the cranial trauma results, which show an increase in cranial
trauma over time and a greater number of cases in the periphery than in the core.

141

Rib Fracture Results

Rib fractures were seen in 31 of 354 individuals (8.8%). There is no bias in
terms of side of the body, with right and left ribs equally affected. Most of the rib
fractures are well-healed, with less than 2% in a state of on-going healing. There is a
statistically significant difference in rib fractures vs. sex, with males more likely to
have rib fractures than females (17.7% vs. 6.7%, 2=6.24; df=1; p=0.012). Adults are
overwhelmingly more likely to exhibit rib fractures (Fishers exact, p=0.001), yet
there are three sub-adult instances of rib fracture (Table 6.5, Figure 6.6). While no
significant correlation exists with temporal period or location, during the Late
Horizon there is a higher frequency of rib fractures in the periphery compared to the
core (11.3% vs. 5.9%, 2=1.68; df=1; p=0.195).
Table 6.5. Juvenile rib fractures
Burial Number
KN 25
CH 93
QT 33-2

Age
0-1 year
0-1 year
5-6 years

Time Period
Inca
Inca
Early Inca

142

# of elements and side

Five (minimum), both
One, left side
One, unsided fragment

Healing
Short-term
Short-term
Long-term

Figure 6.6. Juvenile rib fractures in Kanamarca infant

Discussion of Trauma
In bioarchaeological analysis, trauma data yield valuable information on
cultural behavioreconomic strategies and settlement patterns may influence the
prevalence of trauma, while gender differences provide clues regarding interpersonal
violence. Trauma frequencies that shift over time may reveal changes in physical
activities or intergroup conflict. These studies must rely on meticulous description
and documentation, allowing for the accumulation of a large database through which
statistical relationships can be assessed.
In this study, three conclusions can be drawn based on the cranial trauma data.
First, adult males were most frequently affected. Based on archaeological studies
linking cranial trauma to interpersonal aggression (Merbs 1989:166; Walker 1989),
the sex-bias suggests a violent etiology (as opposed to an accidental cause). Second,
the significant increase in cranial trauma from the pre-Inca to Early Inca periods may
143

indicate that violence rose during the time of Inca state development. The
implications of this increase are explored below. Third, cranial trauma occurred in the
periphery more often than in the core, suggesting heightened violence outside of the
urban center during the Late Horizon. Possibly, violent conflict predominated away
from the capital in peripheral regions during imperial attempts to subjugate and/or
quell rebellion. 5
The second conclusion, that cranial trauma increased during the Early Inca
period, addresses the role of warfare in the Empires development and expansion.
Scholarly interest in Inca warfare stems primarily from readings of Spanish colonial
documents, which describe constant conflict among Cuzco groups that empowered
the Inca through success on the battlefield (Rowe 1946:274). This accumulation of
power, highlighted by Inca victory over their Chanca enemies, transformed the Inca
polity into a state (Rowe 1946:204). Once established as a state, the Inca used their
military might to conquer and expand their domain; these conquests are recorded in
colonial documents, which contain descriptions of battlefields, trophy parts, weapons,
war shrines, and insignia (Arkush and Stanish 2005; Cieza de Len 1985 [1533];
Cobo 1990 [1653]; Guaman Poma 1936[1615:153,194]; Niles 1999:61-62; Rowe
1946:279; Verano 1997b:246; Verano et al. 1999:66). Biological evidence of Inca
warfarein the form of lethal skeletal injurieshas been observed in some sites

A similar pattern was hypothesized for the Wari Empire, however, the results did not bear out: Wari
heartland and hinterland populations exhibited approximately equal levels of trauma, indicating core
and periphery inhabitants faced similarly violent circumstances (Tung 2003).

144

(e.g., Altamirano et al. 2006), revealing the consequences of violent Inca conquest in
provincial regions.
Does the Cuzco evidence support these claims of intense, sustained warfare in
the core region? Cranial trauma frequencies do increase over time, peaking in the
Early Inca period. In addition, injuries were most often recorded on the anterior, left
side of the craniuma pattern attributed to face-to-face violent conflict (MacCurdy
1923:258; Standen and Arriaza 2000:246; Torres-Rouff and Costa 2006:64; Tung
2003:216). The majority of injured individuals were adult males, a demographic
group most often associated with warfare (Seeman 1988). Finally, several injuries
within the cranial trauma sample appear weapon-related, distinguished by their larger
size, endocranial involvement, presence of radiating fracture lines, linear or irregular
morphology, cutmarks and/or disfigurement to the surrounding area. Of the 23
individuals observed with possible weapon-related injuries, 22 were found in either
Early Inca or Inca contexts. Altogether, the data conclusively link these cranial
fractures to violence. Given that the injuries cluster in the Early Inca period, there is a
likelihood that warfare intensified during the time of Inca state development.
On the other hand, cranial injuries affected only a portion of the population,
and those with possible weapon-related injuries constitute an even smaller sub-set.
Cranial trauma was documented in 15.3% of the entire group, with possible weaponrelated or cutmark injuries seen in 24.0% of those with cranial trauma. Subsequently,
only 3.7% of the entire Cuzco sample exhibits possible weapon-related injuries. The
other injuriesconstituting the majority of those observedwere nonlethal and

145

relatively small, more characteristic of interpersonal or ritual violence than actual

warfare. In summary, the physical evidence confirms the occurrence of violence
resulting in significant and/or lethal injuries, but suggests that it was not widespread.
That the physical evidence does not indicate widespread warfare is a striking
contrast to the extensive depictions in Spanish colonial documents. The paucity of
physical evidence suggests exaggeration of Inca warfare in Spanish accounts, an
opinion expressed by Morris (1998:304), who proposed that chroniclers interpreted
Inca expansion through a lens of Western ethnocentricity. Applying a belief system
that equated conquest with violent subjugation, Spanish chroniclers may have
overstated the prevalence of Inca warfare. Contrary to these accounts, Morris believes
the Inca avoided costly, protracted warfare during most of their reign, citing a dearth
of weapons from sites such as Huanuco Pampa. He concludes that intensified military
coercion may have emerged in the last phase of Inca domination, as evidenced by
fortresses along the empires frontiers (Morris 1998:306). In reevaluating the
ethnohistoric and archaeological evidence, Morris suggests that archaeological
inquiry shift from a focus on widespread warfare toward the Andean custom of
ritualized battles.
Ritualized conflict is well-known among modern Andean groups, often
referred to as tinku. This custom involves a planned encounter of two adjacent
communities, usually at a symbolic confluencethe convergence of two rivers, or
junction of territorial boundaries (Parsons et al. 1997:7; San Martin 2002). Upon
meeting, adult males engage in physical fighting, exchanging blows while onlookers

146

cheer, sing, and enjoy the general festivities (Orlove 1994). Though occasionally
lethal, in most cases the participants injuries do not result in death (Bandelier 1910;
Bolin 1998).
Tinkus may be held for a number of reasons, including to ensure prosperity,
exact revenge, gain prestige, entertain, defend territory, or exert indigenous identity
(Arkush and Stanish 2005:13). This social negotiation may also serve as catharsis,
where the ritual release of aggression prevents an escalation to serious conflict and
loss of life.
Modern observations of tinku have been used to interpret conflict in preColumbian times. Ritual violence is often cited to explain ambiguous signs of
aggression, in cases where archaeological evidence of warfare is inconclusive
(Arkush and Stanish 2005:7). Yet the division of ritual vs. real violence creates a
false dichotomy that underestimates the complexity of ancient Andean conflict. In
actuality, ritual permeated many aspects of violent interactions, from the small-scale
to the largest battles. Rather than categorize violence as ritual vs. real (i.e.,
organized warfare), Arkush and Stanish (2005:11) suggest that evidence of violence
should be examined based on degree of intensity (i.e., propensity for destruction).
Following Arkush and Stanishs suggestions, the Cuzco cranial injuries are
not categorized as ritual or real. Rather, a distinction is drawn between small,
nonlethal injuries and severe or lethal wounds typical of large-scale warfare: massive
cranial fractures with radiating fracture lines, blunt force trauma from clubs and
stones, and cutmarks from metal weapons (Novak 2000; Walker and Steckel 2002).

147

The Cuzco sample shows a small number of possible weapon-related injuries, along
with a majority of small, nonlethal injuries. These injuries could have resulted from
interpersonal aggression, planned tinku events, low-intensity intergroup conflict,
organized warfare, or some combination thereof. The variation witnessed in Cuzco
injuries suggests more than one type of violent encounter, rather than solely tinkutype events or organized warfare. While the type of violence responsible for the
Cuzco injuries remains ambiguous, one fact is clear: dispute resolution was often
mediated not through peaceful exchanges, but rather through violent encounters.
Similar patterns of violent interaction have been documented in other Andean
bioarchaeological studies. Among Late Intermediate Period Chilean groups, cranial
trauma frequencies increased amidst conditions of social change and resource stress
(Torres-Rouff and Costa 2006). An analogous situation is seen with late Nasca period
(pre-Middle Horizon) populations, where elevated trauma rates and trophy taking
correlated with resource stress and population aggregation (Kellner 2002:131).
Among Wari burials, Tung (2003) identified two types of violence: evidence for
structured combat emerged from cranial trauma patterns at the ceremonial site of La
Real, in contrast to evidence for violent raids at the provincial site of Beringa. In an
additional study, Standen and Arriaza (2000) similarly attributed Chinchorro trauma
patterns to low intensity, violent confrontations between males, possibly as a result of
resource disputes or funerary-related mock fights.
When assessed collectively, these studies suggest that nonlethal cranial trauma
was the standard result, rather than the exception, of violent encounters in the ancient

148

Andes, a pattern similar to that noted in prehistoric California groups (Lambert 1994;
Walker 1989). These nonlethal, violent encounters often increased with changes in
political complexity or during periods of stress, reflecting their importance as a means
of social mediation among pre-Columbian Andean societies.
Though these cranial injuries were rarely fatal, they were by no means
insignificant, in many cases requiring medical intervention. Cranial trauma can cause
brain swelling that leads to headache, vomiting, seizure, and possible death. To
alleviate these symptoms, intra-cranial pressure must be relieved surgically by
removing a portion of the skull. The Inca practiced this type of surgeryknown as
trepanationwith great success; an in-depth analysis of trepanation is presented in
the next chapter.
In contrast to the cranial trauma results, which highlight the prevalence of
violence among Andean groups, the long bone fractures appear to be accidental.
These fractures show no significant patterning with sex, age, temporal period, or
location. Furthermore, the majority of fractures occurred at the distal radius, a
common accident-related fracture location (Colles fracture).
The third trauma category, rib fractures, yields no definitive insights on
cultural behavior, as they may have been accident-related or conflict-related. Rib
fractures do display two trends that accord with the cranial trauma data: males were
more likely to exhibit rib fractures, and there is a greater prevalence in the periphery
compared to the core. Despite these similarities, any conclusions remain tentative.
The increase in rib fractures in the periphery may relate to harder physical labor, or to

149

the violence documented with cranial trauma. Neither of these scenarios can be
confirmed: rib fractures do not show statistically significant correlations with either
joint disease or cranial trauma. As such, connections between rib fractures and
patterns of activity or violence remain tenuous.
One pattern within rib fractures does merit additional considerationthe
presence of rib fractures in three children, one 5-6 year-old and two infants. The two
infants displayed only short-term healing, suggesting they died of their wounds. With
the older child, the rib fracture had healed, revealing the injury occurred at an earlier
age. In modern times, juvenile rib fractures often indicate intentional abuse, as these
fractures are unlikely to occur from accidental falls (Walker 2001b). While no
cultural interpretation can be drawn here, it is apparent from at least one case that the
infant sustained massive wounds before dying (Figure 6.6).
Conclusion
In summarizing the three disease categories studied here, non-specific stress,
joint disease, and trauma, the following trends are apparent. The population overall
appears relatively unstressed, with low frequencies of cranial porosities, linear
enamel hypoplasias, and stunted growth; the low frequency of these conditions
indicates that nutritional deficiency was rare. Negative health impacts from
agricultural intensification, which may lead to restrictive diets and malnutrition
(Cohen and Armelagos 1984; Larsen 1997:51), are not apparent here. Nor is there
much evidence to suggest that periphery populations suffered disproportionately from
malnutrition compared to those in the core.

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On the other hand, individuals were afflicted by bacterial infection in the form
of osteoperiostitis. This condition was particularly apparent in the Late Horizon core
region, likely reflecting changes brought about by urbanization and aggregated living.
Females suffered disproportionately from osteoperiostitis, which may be related to
sex-specific occupations or childcare duties that increased exposure to bacteria.
With joint disease, the Late Horizon periphery populations displayed more
appendicular and spinal joint disease, at a younger age than the core populations.
These conditions were also seen more frequentlyand with greater severityin
males. The increase in joint disease coincided with the development of Inca tribute
policies that demanded payment in labor. Given the timing of this increase, along
with the age and sex patterns, the prevalence may reflect arduous physical activity
resulting from imperial tribute obligations.
In the category of trauma, cranial fractures increased over time and were most
often seen in adult males. The injury attributes reveal a tendency for left side,
anteriorly positioned fractures, and these injuries were more commonly found in
periphery populations than in the core. Furthermore, 23 individuals were seen with
possible weapon-related injuries, consisting of cutmarks, complete fractures with
radiating lines, and perimortem blade wounds. Collectively, these patterns are
indicative of violent conflict.
Though these data suggest that some individuals were affected by warfarerelated trauma, the majority of cranial injuries were small and nonlethal. These
injuries possibly ensued from ritual battles like the tinkus witnessed

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ethnographically in Peru and Bolivia. Tinkus provide a frequently-applied analogy for

cranial trauma in the Andes, yet this analogy must be applied critically to avoid the
false dichotomy of ritual vs. real violence. Ritual permeated most violent
encounters in the Andes, from small, circumscribed meetings to large, organized
battles. The Cuzco trauma patterns suggest that both types of eventsand likely
otherscontributed to the variety of cranial injuries observed in this sample.
In conclusion, distinct changes occurred in Late Horizon populations through
settlement reorganization, population aggregation, and heightened conflict. Though
nutritional deficiency was low, individuals in the core region suffered from bacterial
exposure, likely as a result of aggregated living conditions. Enforced labor at
peripheral sites possibly caused an increased frequency of joint disease. Finally,
cranial trauma patterns reflect an increase in violence during Early Inca and Late
Horizon times. This violence likely spanned encounters from small-scale skirmishes
to large-scale warfare, and underscores the role of aggression as a means of social
mediation.

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Chapter 7. Trepanation in the Cuzco Region

Introduction
Prehistoric trepanation, the surgical removal of part of the cranium, was first
identified in Cuzco in 1865 by E. George Squier (Finger and Fernando 2001; Weiss
1958:559). Since its initial discovery, trepanation has been documented in prehistoric
and historic contexts across the globe, from Neolithic Europe and the Melanesian
Islands to the Near East and parts of Africa (Campillo 1984; England 1962; Lastres
and Cabieses 1960; Lisowski 1967; Tello 1913; Weber and Wahl 2006; Zias and
Pomeranz 1992). Explanations for trepanation include medical reasons, often to
alleviate trauma-induced intracranial swelling, and cultural purposes, as a cure for
mental disorders and a release of evil spirits (Ortner and Putschar 1985:95; White
2000:389).
In Peru, trepanation occurred as early as 400 BC among the Paracas culture of
the south coast and continued through the rise of the Inca Empire (AD 1400-1532)
(Verano 2003b). Though trepanation is not mentioned in colonial documents on Inca
culture, it was undoubtedly performed at the time of European conquest in AD 1532
(Rowe 1946:313). Along with its long time depth, trepanation had a broad
geographical distribution in pre-Columbian South America, concentrated in certain
regions such as Paracas on the southern Peruvian coast, Haurochiri in the central
highlands, and Cuzco in the southern highlands (Stewart 1958:475).

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The present study of trepanation returns to the location of initial discovery

with an analysis of 855 Cuzco-region burials. Through this analysis, a number of
questions may be addressed regarding preferred methods, survival rates, and possible
causes for the ancient surgical procedure in the Inca capital of Cuzco.
The study results suggest that Cuzco-region medical practitioners mastered
the technique of trepanation with a high rate of patient survival and an impressive
knowledge of cranial anatomy. These practitioners avoided certain areas of the
cranium and preferred a method, circular scraping, that reduced the likelihood of
damage to the cerebral meninges and sinuses. Survival rates show a significant
increase over time, an improvement that may reflect the formal training of trepanation
practitioners. In many instances, practitioners appear to have used trepanation as a
treatment for cranial injury, although other therapeutic and ritual motives may have
existed.
Previous Trepanation Analyses in the Cuzco Region
George MacCurdy (1923) documented several trepanned crania in his analysis
of 341 skeletons from the Urubamba Valley. The trepanned crania constituted 17% of
the total sample, with one skull exhibiting healed perforations from five separate
trepanning episodes. MacCurdy found that cranial trauma often accompanied
trepanations and linked these conditions to Inca warfare, asserting that a prevalence
of left sided injuries reflected face-to-face combat with right-handed foes (1923:259).
MacCurdy identified stellate-pointed clubs as the primary weapon responsible for
cranial fractures, and concluded that in the period of strife during the Late Horizon,

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the Inca perfected trepanation to treat individuals with severe cranial injuries
(ibid:259).
While 17% of individuals exhibited trepanations in MacCurdys sample, no
examples were found at Machu Picchu, located just 13 km from one of MacCurdys
sites (Eaton 1916). MacCurdy (1923:288) attributed this disparity to sex differences
between the sites, with more females at Machu Picchu and a greater number of males
in the Urubamba sample. However, this alleged female overrepresentation originated
from an erroneous study of the Machu Picchu burials by Eaton (1916); once
reanalyzed, the Machu Picchu sample was found to have a more normal distribution
of sexes, rather than an overabundance of females (Verano 2003a). Veranos results
also revealed little evidence of trauma and confirmed the absence of trepanation
among Machu Picchu individuals. He concluded that the lack of evidence for these
conditions suggested less exposure to violence and non-involvement in the sites
defense (Verano 2003a:99), a conclusion that highlights the connection between
trepanation and violent trauma.
Another study of trepanation was completed by Quevedo (1939, 1942), who
studied 55 crania from the site of Kinsarumiyoc in the Calca region, 20 kilometers
north of Cuzco. Quevedo found 11 skulls with trepanation, 83% of which showed
long-term healing (Quevedo 1942:55). He determined that trepanations were mainly
performed in response to cranial trauma, carried out by trained practitioners with
knowledge of cranial anatomy.

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Results
All 11 sites in the Cuzco-region study were included in the trepanation
analysis, six of which contained the remains of trepanned individuals. The six sites
yielded a combined sample of 709 individuals, yet only 411 individuals met the two
criteria of the trepanation study: sufficient cranial vault material to view any possible
trepanation (isolated temporal bones excluded), and an age-at-death greater than 5
years (infants and juveniles younger than 5 years showed no evidence for the
procedure and were not included in the tabulation of frequencies).
Of the 411 individuals that met these two criteria, 66 (16.1%) exhibited at
least one complete trepanation with perforation (Table 7.1). An additional three
crania displayed regions of scraping (healed) without perforation. The number of
perforations per cranium varied from one to seven, for a total of 109 perforations
recorded (Table 7.2, Figure 7.1).
Table 7.1. Trepanned individuals in the Cuzco sample
Site

Cranial MNI

# of Trepanned Individuals

Qotakalli
Chokepukio
Colmay
Cotocotuyoc
Aqnapampa
Kanamarca
Total

195
83
59
35
21
18
411

34
7
21
2
1
1
66

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Frequency
of Trepanations
17.4%
8.4%
35.6%
5.7%
4.8%
5.6%
16.1%

Table 7.2. Number of trepanations per cranium

Trepanation Count
per Individual
1
2
3
4
7
Total:

# of Individuals

Total # of Perforations

40
15
8
2
1
66

40
30
24
8
7
109

Figure 7.1. Individual with seven trepanations

Shape, Size, and Location
The trepanations varied in shape and size, with 67 circular, 41 oval or
irregularly circular, and one rectangular. The circular trepanation diameters ranged
from 0.203 to 6.0 cm, with an average of 2.212 cm. The oval trepanation dimensions
varied from 0.278 to 7.344 cm (anterior-posterior) and 1.68 to 5.249 cm (medial-

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lateral). The lone rectangular trepanation dimensions were 3.984 cm (anteriorposterior) by 3.901 cm (medial-lateral). Based on these dimensions, trepanation area
was calculated and plotted by time period (Table 7.3).
Table 7.3. Area of trepanned perforations by time period (in cm2)
Temporal Period
LIP
Early Inca
Late Horizon
Total

# of Trepanations
6
59
44
109

Mean
5.784
3.448
8.256
5.513

Std. Dev.
2.827
4.185
8.542
6.702

Min
Max
2.8491 8.699
0.032
21.010
0.073
28.274
0.032
28.274

Though a reduction of trepanation size over time has been documented

(Verano 2003b), the results show the largest area for Late Horizon crania, as opposed
to earlier groups (Table 7.3). In addition, the Late Horizon group exhibits the highest
standard deviation in trepanation area, revealing greater variation in perforation size
in the Late Horizon.
Certain cranial regions were preferentially chosen as surgery sites. The medial
and left sides of the cranium show the highest number of trepanations, with 67 and 30
perforations, respectively. In contrast, the right side of the cranium was chosen for
only 12 of the 109 trepanations (11%). The primary bone selected was the parietal
(79), followed by the frontal (24) and the occipital (6). No trepanations were
documented on the temporal bones.
While certain areas were selected for trepanation, other regions were avoided.
In the majority of cases (89%), the cranial musculature was circumvented, with only
12 instances (11%) of inferred impact to the muscular regions. Sixty-five trepanations

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(60%) did not impact the sutures, while 40% crossed at least one suture line. These
patterns suggest knowledge of the cranial anatomy and intentional avoidance to limit
soft tissue damage (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo 2000:943).
Trepanation Methods
Of the four types of trepanation methods identified among Andean skeletal
collections (linear cutting, scraping, circular grooving, and boring [Verano 2003b]),
circular grooving and scraping were most evident in this sample (108 of 109
perforations). With scraping, a wide section of bone is scraped away on the
ectocranial surface compared to a smaller area on the endocranial surface. In contrast,
circular grooving involves the removal of a round plug of bone through circular or
ovoid incisions. These two methods can be difficult to differentiate, particularly in
healed trepanations, as both techniques may result in external beveling to the
trepanation margin. In those cases clearly resulting from the scraping method, the
amount of scraping was not constantsome show a small area of scraping
surrounding the perforation, while in other cases a small perforation was observed
amidst a much larger area of scraped bone. This variation is seen in the wide range of
values recorded, with regions of scraping ranging up to 8.993 cm in diameter.
The only other method of trepanation observed was rectangular incised
grooving (also called crosscut sawing or linear cutting [Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994;
Verano 2003b]). This method was observed in an old adult (46+ year-old) female
from Kanamarca, discovered with a covering of organic material over the trepanned
area. When the material was removed, the trepanation could be viewed as a

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rectangular hole (Figure 7.2). Within this rectangular hole, the excised piece of bone
was reinserted and fastened to the skull with a poultice (Figure 7.3). Around the hole,
deep grooves remained as evidence of the sawing method for the incisions, which left
cutmarks along the margins of the perforation and on the excised piece of bone. The
cutmarks do not show signs of healing such as remodeling or reactive bone. Based on
the lack of evidence for reactive bone, the trepanation procedure occurred around the
time of death, and the individual did not survive the surgery.

Figure 7.2. Rectangular incised trepanation- unhealed

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Figure 7.3. Excised bone from trepanation with cutmarks

Healing, Infection, and Trauma
The rate of healing was separated into three categories: (1) no biological
response, such as the rectangular trepanation described above, (2) short-term healing
with slight remodeling and reactive bone growth, and (3) long-term healing with
extensive remodeling and rounding of margins (Verano 2003b:231). The third
category comprised the majority of cases, with long-term healing documented in 89
instances for an overall survival rate of 83%. In contrast, short-term healing was seen
in one case, with no healing in 19 cases (Figure 7.4). Aside from the 109 complete
trepanations, three additional cases were identified as attempted trepanation, with a
scraped ectocranial region but no perforation. These three cases showed significant
healing, indicating that the surgery had not been halted due to the patients death.

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Figure 7.4. Circular trepanation- unhealed

Infection immediately adjacent to the trepanned area was seen in only three
individuals (4.5%). In two cases the inflammation was only partially healed at the
time of death, while in the third case the infected region showed long-term healing.
Cranial trauma and trepanation show a highly significant statistical correlation
(2=29.13; df=1; p0.0001). Forty-four percent of the trepanned sample (29
individuals) showed evidence of cranial trauma; in five of these cases, the injury
involved perimortem fracture and/or radiating fracture lines around the trepanation
site (Figure 7.2, 7.5). Two other individuals displayed healed fractures abutting the
margin of the healed trepanation. These seven individuals provide direct evidence for
trepanation performed to treat skull fracture, while the other cases of healed cranial
injuries suggest an indirect link to trauma. Cranial trauma may have occurred at an

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even higher frequency among trepanned individuals, since the surgery can obliterate
evidence of injury by removing the area of fractured bone (Verano 2003b:233).

Figure 7.5. Perimortem trepanation with fractured inferior border

In contrast, other pathological conditions do not correlate with trepanation.
One of these conditions is mastoiditis, an infection of the mastoid bone caused by
inner ear inflammation (otitis media). Though this condition can cause earaches,
headaches, swelling and fever, these symptoms apparently did not prompt surgical
intervention. Trepanation also does not correlate with long bone fractures, rib
fractures, long bone osteoperiostitis, appendicular joint disease, spinal joint disease,
temporomandibular joint syndrome, and cribra orbitalia/porotic hyperostosis.
Demography
The age and sex of the trepanned individuals indicates which segments of
society received the surgery. The sex distribution is 35 males, 19 females, and 12 of
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indeterminate sex, an overrepresentation of males (male/female ratio of 1.84:1) that is

statistically significant (2=4.20; df=1; p=0.041). In the age distribution, only one
non-adolescent juvenile exhibited a trepanation, a 7-8 year-old from Chokepukio
(Table 7.4).
Table 7.4. Age distribution of trepanned individuals
Age
Juvenile (7-18 years)
Adolescent (16-18 years)
Young Adult (18-25 years)
Middle Adult (26-45 years)
Old Adult (46+ years)
Adult Other (age range
indeterminate)
Total:

Number of Individuals
1
3
9
33
13
7

Percent of total sample

1.5%
4.5%
13%
50%
20%
11%

66

100%

Figure 7.6 reveals two salient characteristics of the age distribution of

trepanned individuals. First, the age distribution of the entire trepanned sample forms
a bell-shaped curve displaying a skewed left tail, which reflects the statistically
significant underrepresentation of juveniles (Fishers exact, p=0.024). Second, when
viewing only individuals with perimortem trepanations, the age distribution shifts
slightly to the left side, representing a greater percentage of adolescents and young
adults. The difference between these two distributions may reflect the age at which
most individuals were trepanned: while healed trepanations could have been received
many years before an individuals death, a perimortem trepanation (by definition)
occurred around the time of death. These results suggest that trepanations were more
often performed on adolescents and young adults than old adults and were not

164

practiced on very young children, results that would be expected if trepanation were
used to treat traumatic injuries (see discussion below). The Cuzco age and sex
distributions conform to patterns noted in other Andean studies, with approximately
7% juvenile subjects and a 2:1 ratio of males to females (Finger and Fernando

70
60
50

Perimortem
Individuals
Only
All Trepanned
Individuals

40
30
20
10

O
ld

Y
ou
ng

Ad
ul
ts

du
lts

Ju
ve
ni
le
s

% of Individuals in Age Category

2001:380).

Figure 7.6. Age distribution of the trepanned individuals

Geographic and Temporal Distributions
To view the geographic distribution of trepanation, the six sites with
trepanation were compared to the other five sites in the Cuzco regional study. In the
entire Cuzco sample, there are four sites from the core region of the Inca Empire and
seven from the periphery; for the trepanation sub-set, there is one core site and four
periphery sites, a distribution that is not significantly different from the entire sample.

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However, when only the Late Horizon individuals are considered, a highly significant
distinction emerges: only one case derives from a core site, while the other 28
individuals are from the periphery (Fishers exact, p0.0001). This geographic
distribution indicates that trepanation was not restricted to the core, but rather
flourished in the inner periphery sites around the Inca capital.
The temporal distribution reveals a later time of emergence in Cuzco than in
other Andean regions. This temporal distribution revealed no trepanned individuals
from either the Early Intermediate Period or the Middle Horizon (200 BC- AD 1000).
Following the Middle Horizon, three Late Intermediate Period (LIP) burials are seen
with trepanations from Chokepukio (CH 44) and Cotocotuyoc (CC 61 and 62). Next,
the sole individual from Aqnapampa is loosely dated through associations to the
LIP/Early Inca period. Following in the temporal sequence are 33 individuals from
Qotakalli, dated through radiocarbon methods to the late LIP/Early Inca period (AD
1290 to 1420). The remaining 29 individuals date to the Inca occupation of the Cuzco
region in the Late Horizon, from the sites of Colmay, Kanamarca, Chokepukio, and
an additional burial from Qotakalli. This temporal distribution accords with other
findings from the Cuzco region, where very little evidence of trepanation has been
found prior to the Late Intermediate Period, apart from one Middle Horizon cranium
at Pikillacta (McEwan 1987:94). This relatively late development of trepanation in
the Cuzco region is striking when compared to other regions such as the south coast
of Peru, where trepanation was practiced as early as 400 BC (Verano 2003b:224).

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A second temporal pattern is apparent in the rate of survival, which appears

low in the earliest trepanation cases from Cuzco but rapidly increases through time
(Table 7.5). The survival rate for the LIP burials is 33%, with two-thirds of the
perforations showing no healing. The survival rate improves to almost 90% in the
subsequent LIP/early Inca period, followed by a slight decrease to an 80% survival
rate with long-term healing in the Late Horizon burials.
Table 7.5. Survival rates of trepanation over time
Number of
trepanned
Temporal
individuals
Period
LIP
4
Early Inca
33
Late Horizon 29

# of treps
with no
healing
4
6
9

% of treps
with no
healing
66.6%
10.2
20%

# of
healed
treps
2
53
35

% of healed
treps
33.3%
89.8%
80%

Discussion
Trepanation and Medical Treatment in Prehistoric Cuzco
The results indicate that a successful trepanation practice developed in the
Cuzco region with a high survival rate and few ensuing infections. The high survival
rate corroborates observations from Veranos study (2003b:231), which found a longterm healing percentage of 78.1% in the southern highlands, compared to 43.6% in
the central highlands and 36.2% in the south coast. The survival rate may have been
improved by limiting bacterial infection, possibly from the use of antiseptics such as
balsam, saponins, cinnamic acid, and tannin. These substances, also used for
embalming the dead, may have been applied by practitioners for their therapeutic
qualities in fighting infection following trepanation (MacCurdy 1923:246).

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Two types of medical healers practiced in the Inca Empire: the

churihampicamayuc serviced the elite classes, while the sirkak or sangrador (the
bleeder) treated the larger population of commoners (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo
2000:947). These healers likely accumulated a standardized set of successful
trepanation procedures, possibly developed in training schools in Cuzco (RifkinsonMann 1988:414; Rytel 1962:43); using this standardized knowledge, trepanations
were placed in cranial regions that avoided musculature and other vulnerable areas of
the skull, implying a familiarity with cranial anatomy (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo
2000:943). Practitioners recognized vulnerable areas covering the lateral sinuses and
temporal muscles, evident in the lack of trepanations on the temporal bones.
Moreover, surgeons avoided cutting the meningeal vessels and underlying dura,
which would have caused damage to the brain tissue and possibly fatal hemorrhaging
(Quevedo 1942:55). In the event of hemorrhage, circular tourniquets may have been
used for controlling blood loss (Oakley et al. 1959:96; Rytel 1962:44).
While the Cuzco practitioners relied on a standardized set of trepanation
practices, in other regions trepanation methods varied widely. In the Chachapoya
region of northern Peru, Nystrom (2007) documented circular grooving and boring
and cutting trepanations, suggesting that the circular grooving technique contributed
to a higher survival rate. Veranos (2003b) study found a wide range of techniques
throughout the Andes, with scraping representing the earliest adopted method, linear
cutting most common in the central highlands, and circular grooving developing in
the southern highlands during the Late Horizon. Of the four types of trepanation

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methods identified among Andean skeletal collections, all but one of the Cuzco
trepanations in this sample resulted from the circular grooving and scraping methods.
The scraping method possibly presented a slower, more subtle method that allowed
forces to dissipate over a larger area of the skull, contributing to a higher rate of
healing and survival. The tools utilized for trepanation, including obsidian knives and
metal tumi blades, provided sharp surfaces for precise grooving and scraping, likely
increasing chances for survival (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo 2000:945-6).
Motivations for Trepanation
Scholars have searched for the underlying cause of trepanation since Squiers
initial discovery in 1865. Proposed causes included cranial fracture, epilepsy, and
childhood seizure disorders, among others (Clower and Finger 2001). The cranial
trauma hypothesis was advanced by physician J.C. Nott, who believed that puncture
wounds, causing fluid build-up and inflammation, required surgical intervention. Nott
dismissed the argument that trepanned skulls often lacked accompanying injury,
noting that the surgery could remove evidence of trauma (Finger and Fernando
2001:375). Notts argument found support from anthropologist George MacCurdy,
who asserted that trepanation often obliterated indications of fracture, based on his
analysis of prehistoric Peruvian skulls (MacCurdy 1923:237).
Contrasting the trauma hypothesis, other researchers advanced seizure
disorders as an underlying cause. The seizure disorder hypothesis was championed by
Paul Broca, noted French physician, anatomist, and anthropologist. Broca believed
that childhood seizure disorders, brought on by rapid fever spikes or teething

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episodes, provided the impetus for prehistoric trepanation (Clower and Finger
2001:1422). He attributed healed trepanations in adults to surgeries performed early
in life, possibly during infancy. However, Broca failed to find evidence for infant
trepanations to support his theory, casting doubt on the seizure disorder hypothesis.
Though trepanation appeared unrelated to childhood seizures, it could be
linked to seizures of a different kind. Trepanation was found to relieve seizures of
traumatic origin through the removal of bone fragments and fluid build-up (Finger
and Clower 2001:912). Because trepanation proved efficient for treating traumarelated seizures, practitioners possibly attempted trepanation for epileptic seizures,
despite its inability to alleviate symptoms caused by genetic or disease-based
epilepsy.
Epileptic seizures were known among the Inca, who termed the condition
Sonko-Nanay (Elferink 1999). Accounts of epilepsy are found in the chronicles of
Garcilaso de la Vega and Guaman Poma, the latter of which contains a depiction of
Emperor Capac Yupanquis wife suffering from a seizure (Burneo 2003). Despite the
known presence of epilepsy among the Inca, it is unclear whether they used
trepanation to treat the condition, as no mention of trepanation was made in the
Spanish chronicles.
Though the seizure explanation remains unconfirmed, the cranial trauma
hypothesis is supported here. The Cuzco data show a strong correlation with cranial
trauma, seen in 44% of trepanned individuals. A direct association between
trepanation and skull fracture can only be drawn in seven of these cases where the

170

trepanation was placed directly adjacent to a skull fracture. However, the evidence
from the other cases of cranial injury provides an indirect link to trauma, since those
individuals with cranial fractures appear far more likely to have trepanations than
those without trauma. Altogether, the Cuzco evidence does accord with other Andean
studies attributing cranial trauma as a major cause for surgery (Chege et al. 1996;
MacCurdy 1923:257; Verano 1997a, 2003b).
These cranial injuries mostly likely resulted from violent conflict, based on
osteological, demographic, and ethnographic evidence. Osteological evidence shows
that the patterning of Cuzco trepanations, with a tendency towards left sided, anterior
perforations, mirrors the patterning of cranial trauma (see Chapter 6). The left sided,
anterior pattern appears frequently in studies of trauma and trepanation (Jrgensen
1988; Verano 2003b:233), and is often attributed to face-to-face combat with a righthanded opponent (MacCurdy 1923:259; Standen and Arriaza 2000:246; Stewart
1958; Torres-Rouff and Costa 2006:64; Tung 2003:216). The demographic data
further reveal an overrepresentation of adult males in both the Cuzco trepanation
sample and cranial trauma samplewhen the two samples are combined, adult males
constitute nearly 70% of trepanned individuals with cranial trauma. Cranial trauma in
adult males is particularly suggestive of violent conflict, since ethnographic data
show that this segment of society is most often involved in warfare and interpersonal
aggression (Walker 2001a:580). Because adult males are more likely to suffer from
cranial fractures, they are also more likely to require surgery to treat subsequent

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symptoms. Based on these combined data, cranial trauma due to violent conflict
appears to be one underlying cause of trepanations in the Cuzco sample.
Other underlying causes are possible, though less supporting evidence exists
for these conditions than for cranial trauma. One potential cause is mastoiditis,
infection of the mastoid bone due to inner ear inflammation. Mastoiditis was
suggested as a cause for trepanation by Oakley and colleagues (1959:95): [T]his
seems to be a clear case of an operation undertaken for medical rather than ritual
purposes, for there is definite evidence of mastoid inflammation, with a perforation
through to the external auditory meatus. As a chronically painful condition with no
externally visible cause, mastoiditis may have prompted surgical intervention to
alleviate patient discomfort. Though no statistical correlation could be made between
mastoiditis and trepanation in this study, there was evidence of mastoiditis in three
trepanned Cuzco individuals. Futhermore, Mann (1991) attributes one case of a
Peruvian trepanation to a chronic ear infection due to cholesteatoma. These data,
along with the anecdotal report from Oakley (1959), suggest a possible connection
between the two conditions.
Of other possible causes, cultural or magico-religious purposes have been
proposed since the earliest discovery of trepanation. These explanations were often
advanced by individuals who shunned medical justifications for trepanation. One
such individual was Sir Francis Galton, the renown 19th century eugenicist, who
believed that prehistoric civilizations could not comprehend the medical benefits of
trepanation, for it implied more intelligence than savages usually shewed [sic]

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(Finger and Clower 2001:915). However, Galtons assertion has been contradicted by
mounting evidence throughout the last century. Increasing research has shown that
trepanation thrived as a practice for treating the symptoms of cranial fracture and
related seizures, and was practiced with an understanding of cranial anatomy and
physiology.
Conclusion
The present study demonstrates that trepanation practices reached a high
degree of success during the Late Horizon in the southern highlands, evidenced by
crania with multiple, well-healed perforations. The Cuzco trepanation analysis has
produced a demonstrable pattern, with perforations predominantly located on the
medial and left sides of the skull. In addition, specific cranial regions were targeted,
with a preference for the frontal and parietals over the occipital and temporal bones.
The pattern also includes the predominate use of the circular scraping and grooving
methods, which produced perforations with an average area of 5.5 cm2 surrounded in
some cases by a larger region of scraped ectocranial surface. Furthermore, areas of
cranial musculature were avoided, likely to facilitate cerebral access and circumvent
areas with a high risk of bleeding and other complications.
Due to the development of a precise, standardized procedure, the trepanation
survival rate exceeded 80% and was accompanied by a low frequency of infection
(4.5%). The standardized patterning, along with a high survival rate, suggests skill
and mastery achieved by trepanation practitioners, who may have been trained
formally in Cuzco and passed their knowledge down through the generations.

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The correlation of cranial trauma with trepanation is supported in this study,

corroborating other Andean studies attributing violence as a primary cause for
trepanation. In addition, the demographic profile reveals an overrepresentation of
adult males and a paucity of juveniles; this demographic distribution lends further
credence to the cranial trauma hypothesis, suggesting that individuals most likely to
engage in conflict were also most likely to receive trepanation. Altogether, this
analysis demonstrates that trepanation represented an important medical treatment in
the Cuzco region, and was practiced with precision and knowledge of cranial
anatomy.

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Chapter 8. Chokepukio Strontium Isotope Analysis

Strontium isotope (87Sr/86Sr) analysis has emerged as an important advance in
identifying prehistoric migrations (e.g., Ericson 1985; Price et al. 1994, 2000, 2002,
2004, 2006; Sealy et al. 1991). Strontium studies involve the analysis of teeth and/or
bone to identify variations in 87Sr/86Sr values, which differ based on local geology
(specifically, the age and composition of local rocks). By comparing human isotope
values to a regions local biogeochemical signature, strontium analysis can be used to
indicate migrants living in a new locale. This technique has been successfully applied
in the Andes at sites in northern Chile, Bolivia, and Peru (Knudson 2004; Knudson et
al. 2004; Knudson et al. 2005; Knudson and Price 2007; Tung 2003).
Until now, the Cuzco region of Peru has not been examined for strontium
data. As the capital of the Inca Empire, Cuzco hosted a variety of migrant groups,
according to colonial documents (Betanzos 1996 [1557]; Cieza de Len 1985 [1553];
Helmer 1955-56:40). Yet no isotopic analyses have been completed to verify these
accounts, or to document how these migrations restructured the composition of Cuzco
populations. This chapter presents the results of a preliminary strontium isotope study
carried out in the Cuzco Valley. The site chosen for study, Chokepukio, was occupied
from the Early Intermediate Period through the Late Horizon (200 BC- AD 1532),
providing the opportunity to document migration before and after the rise of the Inca
Empire.

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Strontium Isotope Analysis in the Andes

The Andean region provides an ideal setting for strontium isotope analysis
due to its varied geology. The Valley of Cuzco and the adjacent Vilcanota Valley
constitute an inter-Andean basin separating the Andean hills to the south and west
and the higher-range slopes to the north and east. The valley floor, formed by the
Quaternary Pleistocene-aged San Sebastin Formation, consists of sedimentary
gravels, alluvial fan sands, mud flows, extended diatomite, loams, clays, and peats.
Within the district of Cuzco, igneous intrusive plutonic bodies of Paleocene origin
have been identified. One such complex located north of the city of Cuzco, the Stock
of Sacsayhuaman, is characterized by medium-to-coarse fractured gray-green quartz
diorite (Salvador and Davila 1994). Though no strontium isotope values have been
published on geologic material from the Cuzco region, 87Sr/86Sr values for the
Arequipa volcanics located just to the south range from .70714 to .70794 (James et al.
1976:Table 1; Lebti et al. 2006). In contrast to the Cuzco region, the southeastern
Lake Titicaca area of Tiwanaku contains bedrock of primarily andesites and igneous
basalts beneath a layer of Quaternary lacustrine and fluvial sediments (Argollo et al.
1996; Binford and Kolata 1996). A third area, the Moquegua Valley, features a late
Cenozoic volcanic composition that differs from Tiwanaku, with a geologicallydefined 87Sr/86Sr range of .7055 to .7068 (Hawkesworth et al. 1982; James 1982;
Rogers and Hawkesworth 1989).
Though geological sources may be used to determine the 87Sr/86Sr value of a
region, faunal sources are preferred (Price et al. 2002; Sillen et al. 1995). Faunal

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sources more accurately measure biologically available 87Sr/86Sr values, while water
and soil sample 87Sr/86Sr values do not always have a direct 1:1 relationship with
animal tissue. Faunal sources have been used to determine the biologically available
87

Sr/86Sr signatures of several sites in the Andes. The Tiwanaku 87Sr/86Sr signature,

based on analysis of local cuy (guinea pig), shows a mean value of .7097 (n=3, s.d. =
.0006, Knudson et al. 2004). The Moquegua Valley exhibits a faunal 87Sr/86Sr mean
value of .7063 (n=3, s.d. = .0001, Knudson et al. 2004). In the San Pedro de Atacama
region of northern Chile, faunal analysis produced a mean 87Sr/86Sr value of .7076,
which does not overlap with either the Tiwanaku or Moquegua Valley regions (n=3,
s.d = .0001, Knudson 2004:165).
Based on their unique geology, the strontium signatures of these sites can be
used to explore ancient migrations between regions. However, two factors complicate
this endeavor. First, strontium isotope ratios can differ within a region due to
geological microvariation. Because zones are rarely homogeneous, single 87Sr/86Sr
estimates cannot characterize an entire geological zone. Therefore, it is important to
sample more than one site in an area. Second, several areas in the Andes may share
the same 87Sr/86Sr signature, reflecting a similar geological composition. As a result,
determining the original residence of an immigrant is a complex undertaking.
Particular areas can be eliminated based on their 87Sr/86Sr signature, but the specific
location of an immigrants homeland may be difficult to ascertain.

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Results
Four archaeological cuy teeth from Chokepukio provide a local baseline with
an average 87Sr/86Sr value of .70795 and a standard deviation of .00013 (Figure 8.1).
Four additional modern cuy specimens from the nearby site of Tipn yielded an
average 87Sr/86Sr value of .70826 with a standard deviation of .00027, indicating
some microvariation of strontium values in this region of the Cuzco Valley. For
comparison, two cuy specimens from Kanamarca, 147 km southeast of Cuzco,
produced values lower than the Chokepukio faunal average (.70653 and .70665),
revealing a different signature for the Espinar region.

Figure 8.1. Regional distribution of biologically available 87Sr/86Sr values from

sites in the Andes

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The Chokepukio human 87Sr/86Sr values exhibit a substantial amount of

variability evident in a large standard deviation and range (Figure 8.2). These values
range from .70728 to .72136 with a mean of .71033 (Appendix Table A.8 and A.10).
Descriptive statistics of the human 87Sr/86Sr values illustrate that the skewness
(measure of asymmetry) is highly positive, as is the measure of kurtosis, the
heaviness of the tails of a distribution. These measurements indicate that the human
87

Sr/86Sr values deviate from a normal distribution, with many more values above the

mean than below. The asymmetrical distribution is not likely a result of diagenesis, as
the 87Sr/86Sr values display no covariance with the Sr concentration in each sample
(Appendix Figure A.3; Budd et al. 2000; Horn and Mller-Sohnius 1999).

Figure 8.2. Scatterplot of Chokepukio human enamel 87Sr/86Sr values showing

the presence of several possible migrant individuals. Value for Tiwanaku region
is from Knudson et al. (2004)

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The traditional method for identifying migrants may not be appropriate for the
Chokepukio sample. This method determines a local range as the faunal average
two standard deviations, with values outside of the range considered migrants (Price
et al. 1994, 2002). Given the minute standard deviation of the Chokepukio faunal
values (s.d. = .00013), the resulting local range comprises only 19% of the sampled
individuals (11/59), leaving 81% of the sample as non-local. This local range does
not accord with the faunal data from Tipnthough Tipn is located only 5 km from
Chokepukio, its 87Sr/86Sr mean value (.70826) would be considered non-local.
Because the traditional method does not account for the variation in 87Sr/86Sr values
between Chokepukio and Tipn, alternative techniques merit consideration.
Accordingly, we have taken a more conservative approach to the identification of
migrants, to account for the apparent local variability of 87Sr/86Sr values in this region
of the Cuzco Valley.
A different techniqueusing descriptive statistical analysis of the human data
(Wright 2005)appears better suited for the Chokepukio material. In this method,
the data are analyzed for outliers (migrants), which are then separated from the main
(trimmed) body of data (locals). The trimmed data, when observed spatially, should
conform to a normal distribution (Wright 2005:560). For Chokepukio, outliers are not
apparent below the faunal average, where the 87Sr/86Sr values appear consistently and
successively distributed (Fig. 8.2). The sequential distribution continues above the
faunal average up to the value of .70906, followed by a series of outliers. Since all the
outliers are above the faunal average, the lowest 87Sr/86Sr values (.70728-.70738)

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likely reflect local variation in strontium sources. When the outliers are removed, the
human mean more closely matches the faunal mean (Appendix Table A.10). In the
trimmed data set the skewness and kurtosis resemble a normal distribution.
Employing these outlier calculations, we separated the Chokepukio sample
into 37 locals and 22 non-local individuals. The 87Sr/86Sr average for locals is .70829,
with a range of .70728 to .70906, while the 87Sr/86Sr average for non-locals is .71376,
with a range of .70939 to .72136. The local group is composed of individuals from
every temporal occupation at Chokepukio: EIP, MH, LIP, and LH. In contrast, the
non-local group is composed entirely of Late Horizon individuals, with the exception
of one LIP individual. However, the LIP individual represents the lowest value for the
non-local group (87Sr/86Sr = .70938). This value falls into local range when the
standard deviation is considered, thus classifying the LIP individual as a local.
For the EIP and LIP groups, there is relatively little variation among the
87

Sr/86Sr values (Table 8.1). The EIP group 87Sr/86Sr values ranges from .70728 to

.70897, while the LIP group ranges from .70738 to .70939. The within-group
variation is minimal, with standard deviations of .00054 and .00070, respectively. The
values indicate continuity between the earlier EIP group and the later LIP group.
Table 8.1. Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr values by temporal phase
Temporal Group
EIP (n = 8)
MH (n = 1)
LIP (n = 6)
Inca (n = 37)
Males (n = 22)
Females (n = 12)

Average
.70792
.70780
.70840
.71139
.710610
.713220

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Standard Deviation
.00054
N/A
.00070
.00428
.00421
.00442

The results change markedly in the LH group, with a broad range of 87Sr/86Sr
values and several outliers (87Sr/86Sr average = .71139, range .70728 to .72136).
Eighteen individuals display local 87Sr/86Sr values similar to the EIP/LIP groups,
between .70728 and .70906. In contrast, 19 individuals exhibit higher 87Sr/86Sr values
between .70950 and .72136. The difference in 87Sr/86Sr mean between the combined
earlier groups and the LH group is statistically significant at a greater than 99%
confidence level.
Sex differences exist within the LH group, where females show more
variation in 87Sr/86Sr values than males (Figure 8.3). The males have relatively similar
87

Sr/86Sr values, except for three extreme outliers above .720. Females, on the other

hand, show a wider range of values, with a greater mean 87Sr/86Sr value and a slightly
higher standard deviation. Seventy-five percent of LH females identify as migrants,
while only 41% of males in the LH sample are classified as migrants.

Figure 8.3. Distribution of Chokepukio Late Horizon human enamel 87Sr/86Sr

values by sex

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Possible Influence of Food Importation and Preparation

While 87Sr/86Sr values can fluctuate due to food importation and processing
(Knudson 2004; Wright 2005), these influences likely did not affect the Chokepukio
strontium results. Individuals at Chokepukio may have consumed non-locally grown
imported maize, yet maize consumption does not influence human 87Sr/86Sr values, as
the crop contains little calcium and strontium (Aufderheide and Allison 1995). While
certain marine resources can affect strontium values (Burton 1996), these resources
did not constitute a substantial portion of the local Cuzco diet (Rowe 1946:220).
Additionally, Inca maize processing did not incorporate lime in the manner of the
Maya nixtamalization, a process that can influence strontium values (Davidson
1999:534; Wright 2005). Finally, though the consumption of sea salt can alter
87

Sr/86Sr values (Wright 2005:556), sea salt was not consumed by most Cuzco

populations; instead, salt came primarily from the montane salt springs of Cachimayu
outside of the village of San Sebastin (Bauer 2004:7). Because the Cuzco-region
dietary salt was derived from montane rather than marine sources, salt is not expected
to have influenced strontium values.
While the Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr values were not significantly affected by food
importation or processing, individuals did ingest some strontium through their diet.
Diets rich in plant sources such as seeds, nuts and legumesas opposed to meat or
maizecontribute to 87Sr/86Sr levels in humans (Price et al. 1994:323). The native
Andean diet included maize, potatoes and other tubers, quinoa, camelid and cuy meat,
peppers, and beans (Rowe 1946:210). Of these foods, beans constitute the most
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important source for strontium, because legumes have a high calcium and strontium
content (Burton and Wright 1995:278). These foods likely account for the 87Sr/86Sr
values seen in all sampled individuals at Chokepukio. The slight increase in 87Sr/86Sr
values between the Chokepukio EIP and LIP groups may reflect a wider range of
food procurement zones due to exchange networks established in the Late
Intermediate Period (Bauer and Covey 2002). In the Late Horizon, however, those
87

Sr/86Sr values above the local range likely indicate migration into the Cuzco Valley.
Discussion

Implications of Pre-Late Horizon Results

Though tentative due to a small sample size, the pre-Late Horizon 87Sr/86Sr
values do not reveal evidence of migrants among individuals sampled at Chokepukio.
Strontium isotope values from the EIP, MH and LIP fall into the local range (with the
exception of one LIP individual, whose value straddles the local/migrant division).
These 87Sr/86Sr values are relatively continuous and show little within-group
variation, demonstrated by small standard deviations. Outliers that unquestionably
represent migrants are not apparent in these groups.
Interpretation of these results is complicated by the slight overlap of the
Tiwanaku and Chokepukio local signatures. Knudson (2004) determined the
Tiwanaku 87Sr/86Sr range to span .7087 to .7105, while the present study places the
Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr range at .70728 to .70906. The overlap at the high end of the
Cuzco spectrum and the low end of the Tiwanaku range complicates interpretation:
do these individuals represent locals or migrants? As such, it becomes challenging to

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categorize the seven individuals within the intersecting values. Despite this overlap,
the pre-Late Horizon individuals appear local, based on the continuity of their values
and similarity to the faunal values from Chokepukio.
State-Directed Migration in the Late Horizon
At Chokepukio, migration during the Late Horizon is confirmed by several
87

Sr/86Sr values above the local range. The timing of these migrations coincides with

the development of the Inca tribute system featuring state-directed migration. The
system involved temporary and permanent relocation, and comprised several different
labor categories, including mitimas (resettled colonies), mita laborers (rotational
workers), yanaconas (hereditary servants), mamaconas (female ritual specialists), and
acllas (Chosen Women) (Rowe 1982; Wachtel 1982).
Through the mitima policy, the Inca permanently resettled groups in colonies
outside of their ethnic homelands. This policy affected a significant portion of the
population: in total, an estimated 25-30% was uprooted (DAltroy 2005:269). Mitima
status did not specify a particular type of occupation (Rowe 1982:96); while many
mitima laborers farmed state lands, others built state works, served in the military, or
produced state crafts (Espinoza 1969:140). Inca policy required mitima laborers to
maintain their traditional styles of dress and headwear, a policy that kept resettled
workers from assimilating into the local culture (Morris 1988:237; Rowe 1982:110).
According to colonial documents, mitima colonies were prevalent in the Cuzco area
(Rowe 1946:270). These colonies included the Caari and Chachapoya from the
northern region, as well as individuals from the central and southeastern regions

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(Betanzos 1996:125 [1557]; Cieza de Len 1985:67 [1553, cap.XXII]; Covey

2006:215; DAltroy 2005:281; Julien 1988; La Lone 1985; La Lone and La Lone
1987; Rowe 1982:103).
Complementing the mitima colonists were the yanaconas, camayos (craft
specialists), and mita laborers (Murra 1982; Rowe 1982). In contrast to mitima labor,
mita laborers were not permanently resettled but rather spent a portion of each year
working for the empire. Often mita laborers were called up at seasonal times such as
harvests, returning home after completing their rotations (Gyarmati and Varga
1999:35). As a group with distinct civil status, the yanaconas were typically male
servants who served as personal retainers to the Inca or other nobles (Julien
2000:265; Rowe 1982:97). The yanaconas identified with a particular ruler, often
severing ties to their original ethnic groups (Rostworowski 1999:43). Similar to
yanaconas, camayos served under a single ruler or governor. Camayos worked either
in their homelands or in areas suited to their specific craft (Rowe 1982:103).
Combined, these labor obligation programs comprised the greatest portion of the Inca
tribute system, in which tribute was exacted in labor rather than commodities (Julien
1982:120).
An additional Inca policy focused on acllas (Chosen Women), some of
whom were brought to Cuzco for schooling in state religion and craftwork (Costin
1998; Guaman Poma 1936 [1615:300]; Rowe 1982:107). The acllas brewed chicha
(maize beer), wove cumpi (fine cloth), and performed religious rituals. Residing in
segregated communities within regional capitals, their presence aided in the

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maintenance of Inca ideology in the provinces (Silverblatt 1987). After adolescence,

acllas served as mamaconas, secondary wives of the Inca ruler, or wives of royal
subjects (Cobo 1990:172 [1653]; Rowe 1946:269).
Colonial documentary evidence suggests that several of these policies may
have contributed to the presence of migrants at Chokepukio. According to accounts
from El Habitat de la Etnia Pinagua, Siglos XV y XVI (Espinoza 1974), during the
1520s the Pinagua were moved out of the area around Chokepukio and resettled in
two places, Paucartambo and Urco-Urco, while other groups were brought in to work
the vacated lands. Some workers came from Muyna, a nearby site where the Inca
ruler Huascar had established a mitima colony. A yanacona group also resided in the
area and was later relocated to the town of Lucre circa 1570 (Espinoza 1974:175176). These yanaconas, referred to as Yanamanche Guascar, may have been
associated with the Muyna mitima colony. There are also brief mentions of
mamaconas and an acllahuasi (House of the Chosen Women), though few details
are provided (Espinoza 1974:162, 169, 177, 186, 200). Three years after the Pinagua
were relocated, Atahuallpa allowed them to return from Paucartambo, yet many
refused to leave their new community (Espinoza 1974:201).
Though historical evidence must be cautiously applied to archaeological
interpretations, these testimonies do illustrate the coerced movement of people based
on a system of interconnecting labor policies. The continual reshuffling of groups
across the landscape resulted in a melting pot of groups that fluctuated in response
to imperial demands (Rowe 1946:270). This melting pot is apparent in the

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Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr values, with migrants from several geologically distinct regions
residing at the site.
Sex Differences among Chokepukio Migrants
Sex differences among the Chokepukio migrants include a higher percentage
of Late Horizon female migrants (75% of females vs. 41% of males) and more
87

Sr/86Sr variation within Late Horizon females than males. While most males appear

to originate from geologically similar areas, the females apparently emigrated from
geological regions throughout the empire. The surplus of migrant females is not due
to an overall excess of females, as males outnumber females 22 to 12 among
individuals analyzed from the Late Horizon. Explanations focusing on a dearth of
males, such as warfare-related deaths or relocation (e.g., DAltroy 2005:289), are
therefore not applicable; rather, reasons for the excess of non-local females must be
explored.
While the presence of mamaconas could explain the migrant female surplus,
the supporting evidence is ambiguous. To elucidate the status and possible
occupations of individuals at Chokepukio, analyses of mortuary practices and
demography were conducted (Andrushko et al. 2006). The mortuary analysis revealed
that Chokepukio individuals were rarely buried in tombs or recovered with grave
goods, and the demographic distribution indicated a population of both sexes and all
ages represented. In comparison, analysis at Sacsahuaman in Cuzco revealed a
cemetery of primarily females in elaborate tombs with high-status artifacts. While the
Sacsahuaman cemetery displays characteristics expected of a mamacona

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communitywomen fulfilling highly valued duties to the statethe Chokepukio

individuals resemble a domestic community engaging in subsistence activities and
craftwork (Andrushko et al. 2006:78). However, the Chosen Women that became
mamaconas were ranked hierarchically (Silverblatt 1978:48; Rowe 1946:269), so
those with lower social status may not have received elaborate mortuary treatment.
The presence of non-local females at Chokepukio may reflect migration for
the purpose of marriage. The Inca were known to use exogamous marriage practices
as a means of political control (Rowe 1982). To reward workers loyal to the empire,
the Inca gifted some of the Chosen Women to males in the army or other
administrative posts (Rowe 1946:252, 269). This gifting of wivesfemales as
commodities (Kolata 1992:234) or alienable goods (Silverblatt 1978:48)would
have resulted in greater numbers of female migrants and communities with a
particularly cosmopolitan character (Rowe 1982:108), an apt description of the
Chokepukio results.
Exogamy-dictated migration can be detected through skeletal data that
identify postmarital residence patterns (e.g., Corruccini 1972; Corruccini and
Shimada 2002; Konigsberg 1988; Lane and Sublett 1972; Schillaci and Stojanowski
2003; Spence 1974a, b; Stefan 1999; Tomczak and Powell 2003; see Stojanowski and
Schillaci 2006 for overview). In these studies, the more mobile sex (i.e., the sex
category most likely to marry into a different group) is expected to exhibit higher
within-group variation. In studies documenting more female variation, the variation is

189

usually attributed to a patrilocal residence pattern in which unrelated females are

brought into a community (Tomczak and Powell 2003:104).
Though these studies use dental and skeletal morphological data, the same
principle is relevant in stable oxygen isotope analyses (Spence 2005:189; White and
Spence 1998; White et al. 2004) and can be applied to strontium isotope analyses as
well. Strontium analysis at the Tiwanaku colony of Chen Chen found a high number
of female migrants, a pattern that suggested exogamy-dictated migration (Knudson
2004:136). At Chokepukio, the 87Sr/86Sr variation indicates that many Late Horizon
females originated from geologically different regions, and were possibly brought in
as marriage partners. These sex differences may reflect the Inca use of marriage as a
political tool, a possibility that will benefit from additional consideration in future
studies.
Conclusions
This study underscores the value of strontium isotope analysis for identifying
migrations, using a case study from the Cuzco Valley site of Chokepukio. The results
show definitive evidence for migration during the time of Inca imperialism, with
individuals emigrating from diverse locations. The Late Horizon data reveal a higher
percentage of female immigrants with greater intra-sex variation; it is suggested that
females were relocated either for marital purposes or to fulfill imperial obligations.
Colonial documentary evidence confirms the occurrence of state-directed migrations
into the Chokepukio region as a result of Inca imperial labor policies. Future analyses
will supplement the results from the present study (see Chapter 10), which highlights

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the use of strontium isotope analysis as a powerful tool for identifying ancient
Andean migrations.

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Chapter 9. Cranial Vault Modification

Cranial vault modification, the intentional reshaping of the head, was
practiced by many ancient New World populations who altered their head shape as
symbol of beauty, a sign of group affiliation, a marker of status, or a means of
socialization (Blom et al. 1998; Duncan 2005:144; Marino and Gonzales-Portillo
2000:943; Tiesler 1999; Torres-Rouff 2003). Specifically for the Andean region,
cranial modification served as a sign of affiliation for pre-Columbian groups (Cobo
1990 [1653]; Garcilaso de la Vega 1986 [1609]; de las Casas 1892 [1561]). Since
modification must occur in early childhood when the cranial bones are malleable, this
practice constituted an irreversible symbol of group membership that accompanied a
person throughout their life.
Because cranial modification symbolized group membership, it may be used
as evidence for past migrations: if an individual resettled in a new locale, their head
shape may differ from that of the local populace. Multiple modification types can
therefore indicate a mixture of ethnic groups in an area, while a single modification
type suggests ethnic unity within a region (Blom 1999). In this chapter, cranial
modification patterns are documented to identify variations among Cuzco region
sites, possibly reflecting migration into the Inca capital.
The goals of this study are four-fold: (1) construct a preliminary typology of
cranial vault modification in the Cuzco region, using pre-Inca samples to determine
the standard modification form prior to the Late Horizon, (2) document changes in

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cranial vault modification patterns that occurred with the rise of the Inca Empire, (3)
compare patterns of cranial vault modification with the Chokepukio strontium data
(Chapter 8) as complementary methods for identifying population movements, and
(4) contrast cranial vault modification in the Cuzco region to patterns documented in
other areas of Peru, Bolivia, and Chile (Blom 1999, 2005a; Torres-Rouff 2002, 2003).
These comparative data are examined to illustrate how cranial modification varied
throughout the Andean region based on social and political influences.
Cranial Vault Modification in the Andes
Cranial modification types in the Andes can be classified into two main forms:
annular and tabular (Figure 9.1; Dembo and Imbelloni 1938; Antn 1989:254).
Annular modification, achieved through circular binding, was practiced by several
groups, including the Colla people of the Lake Titicaca region (Julien 1985:219).
Cobo (1990 [1653]:200) describes the modification of the cranium by this Aymara
group:
The Collas made their heads long and pointed they bound their heads
tightly with bandages which were left in place until the children were four or
five years old. By this age, their heads were hardened and molded to the
shape of their headgear: long, tapering, and without a nape.

In contrast, Cobo notes that some nations widened their foreheads. They would
squeeze their heads by securely tying on small boards to make their foreheads wide
(ibid). This type of modification refers to the tabular form, which results in parietal
expansion from compression on the frontal and occipital bones. The tabular and
annular modification forms were achieved using boards, ropes, padded cushions, and
leather straps (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo 2000:943).
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Figure 9.1. Superior view of tabular and annular forms

(after Antn 1989, courtesy of Christina Torres-Rouff)
Early in the 20th century, anthropologists identified multiple cranial
modification types in Late Horizon samples from the Cuzco/Urubamba region (Eaton
1916; MacCurdy 1923; Quevedo 1942). Both occipital flattening (tabular) and
Aymara (annular) modification were documented at Machu Picchu, suggesting a
diverse ethnic composition (Eaton 1916:94); this hypothesis received further support
when the Machu Picchu collection was reanalyzed in 2003. In the reanalysis, Verano
(2003a:90) found a mixture of modification forms, composed of 33 (55%) crania
without modification, 13 (21.7%) with occipital flattening, and 14 (23.3%) with
annular deformation. Craniometric analysis was used to confirm the diverse
geographic origins of the Machu Picchu inhabitants, who were likely resettled

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through Inca tribute policies to work as servants and caretakers at the royal estate
(Verano 2003a:90-91).
Contrasting the diversity seen at Machu Picchu, only one modification form
was documented in MacCurdys (1923) analysis from the Urubamba river drainage
area, southeast of Machu Picchu. Of 341 skeletons, 43% showed cranial modification,
exclusively of the Aymara type. This type of modification, produced by circular
constriction and compensatory elongation (MacCurdy 1923:229), is equivalent to the
annular form found at Machu Picchu.
In yet another pattern, Quevedo (1942) found no evidence of cranial
modification among 55 crania from the Calca site of Kinsarumiyoc, 20 miles north of
Cuzco. He concluded that, contrary to prior assumption, modification was not
customary in all regions of pre-Columbian Peru. Rather, Quevedo asserted that
cranial modification was practiced commonly in some areas, and rarely in others.
Quevedos study, and those of Eaton, MacCurdy, and Verano, demonstrates the
variability in cranial modification patterns within the Cuzco region, highlighting its
complex expression in the Inca heartland.
Recently, researchers have built upon earlier studies to provide a more
nuanced understanding of Andean cranial modification (Blom 2005a,b; Hoshower et
al. 1995; Lozada 1998; Torres-Rouff 2003; Verano 2003a). These anthropologists
illustrate how patterns of cranial modificationinfluenced by changes in
sociopolitical complexityvaried by geographical region. For example, TorresRouffs (2003) study of 24 sites in Peru, Chile, and Bolivia revealed the states

195

influence on cranial modification. In the absence of a state-level hierarchy, smallscale societies showed a heterogeneous mixture of modification types; in contrast,
state-level societies maintained a standardized, homogenous cranial modification
practice. The homogeneity observed in state-level societies suggested that state
hegemony played a key role in maintaining cultural unity (Torres-Rouff 2003:109).
Capital cities represent a unique locus for studying cranial modification, based
on their central position within a complex polity. In studying the Tiwanaku states
core, Blom (1999, 2005a) found a heterogeneous pattern of cranial modification that
sheds light on the multi-ethnic composition of that states capital. Blom documented
variations in cranial modification among the capital site of Tiwanaku, sites in the
nearby Katari Valley, and Tiwanaku colonies in the Moquegua region of southern
Peru. While head shape was largely homogenous in Moquegua (tabular form) and in
the Katari Valley (annular form), both variants were present at the Tiwanaku capital
site. Blom concludes that the capital served as an interaction zone where ethnic
groups from surrounding regions intermingled. Outside of the capital, modification
types remained homogenous due to the preservation of ethnic boundaries (Blom
2005a:18):
This study demonstrates that an impression of rigidity exists outside the
center, even though patterning in cranial modification conveys the sense of
flexibility or flow in the capital The capital of Tiwanaku was a diverse
center; however, outside the capital and the fluid boundary we see a strong
sense of local identity displayed symbolically with homogeneity in
culturally-constructed head shape.

Torres-Rouffs and Bloms studies draw attention to the important

relationship between cranial vault modification and political control. Furthermore,

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Bloms study of the Tiwanaku capital provides a model with which to test hypotheses
of social boundaries and group movements in the Inca capital. If Bloms conclusions
from Tiwanaku apply to Cuzco, peripheral sites should show homogeneity in head
shapes, while Cuzco city sites would exhibit heterogeneity in head shapes, indicating
migration into the Inca capital. If the Cuzco pattern differs from that of Tiwanaku, we
would expect to see the greatest homogeneity in Cuzco core sites.
Results
The results confirm findings from previous Cuzco studies, revealing two types
of cranial vault modification in the Cuzco collections: annular (with an oblique slant)
and tabular (with an erect slope) (Figure 9.2, 9.3). Of the 400 crania analyzed, tabular
erect is seen in 9.3% of the individuals (37/400), while annular oblique is observed in
17.3% of the individuals (69/400). Along with the modified crania, 73.5% (294/400)
do not exhibit any type of intentional shaping.

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Figure 9.2. Tabular erect modification (Chokepukio Burial #106, Late Horizon)

Figure 9.3. Annular oblique modification (Chokepukio Burial #87, Late

Horizon)

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Cranial vault modification does show a significant correlation with age. In

comparing age categories, there is a highly significant overrepresentation of juveniles
with modified crania relative to adults (2=22.33; df=1; p0.0001). The age
distribution for the modified juveniles, presented in Table 9.1, shows a concentration
in the 1-10 year age categories. In contrast, the adult age categories (young adult,
middle adult, and old adult) show no significant differences in presence of cranial
modification.

Table 9.1. Age distribution of juveniles with cranial modification

Age
Category
0-1 year
1-5 years
5-10 years
10-15 years
15-18 years
Total

Number of Modified
Individuals
1 (n = 7)
15 (n = 25)
11 (n = 19)
4 (n = 14)
7 (n = 16)
38/81

Percent of Total
Individuals in Age Class
14%
60%
58%
29%
44%
47%

Regarding sex, males and females do not differ significantly in

presence/absence of cranial modification; this holds true when all time periods are
combined and when each time period (pre-Inca, Early Inca, and Late Horizon) is
considered separately, a finding consistent with other studies (Torres-Rouff 2003:38).
Among Late Horizon modified individuals, males exhibit only the annular oblique
type, while females exhibit annular oblique and tabular erect types. However, the
absence of males with tabular erect modification is not statistically significant due to
the small sample size (Fishers exact, p=0.136). Sex differences are also not

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significant for severity of modification, though females are overrepresented in the

pronounced group compared to males (58.8% vs. 45.2%). 6
Two temporal patterns are evident in the Cuzco samples. First, the frequency
of unmodified crania increased over time (Table 9.2). In the pre-Inca sample, 57.1%
of the crania are unmodified; this frequency increases to 86.2% in the Early Inca
sample and then decreases to 69.6% in the Late Horizon sample, yet remains elevated
compared to pre-Inca times.
Table 9.2. Distribution of CVM types by time period
Pre-Inca
Early Inca
Late Horizon
Total 7

Unmodified
32/56 (57.1%)
131/152 (86.2%)
128/184 (69.6%)
291/392 (74.3%)

Tabular erect
17/56 (30.4%)
6/152 (3.9)
10/184 (5.4%)
33/392 (8.4%)

Annular oblique
7/56 (12.5%)
15/152 (9.9%)
46/184 (25%)
68/392 (17.3%)

Second, the prevalence of modification types reversed. Between the three time
periodspre-Inca, Early Inca, and Late Horizonthe tabular erect type decreased in
frequency, while the annular oblique type increased (Figure 9.4). The tabular erect
type decreased from 70.8% of the modified crania in the pre-Inca period to 28.6% in
the Early Inca sample, culminating in a 17.9% frequency in the Late Horizon. In
contrast, the annular form increased from 29.2% of the modified crania in pre-Inca
times to 71.4% in the Early Inca sample. From the Early Inca period to the Late
Horizon, annular oblique frequencies increased further, to 82.1% of modified crania

Though females constitute a greater than expected number of pronounced CVM cases, this
overrepresentation is not statistically significant (2=1.213; df=1; p= 0.271).
7
These numbers vary slightly from the frequencies presented for all crania analyzed for modification,
because a small number of individuals (N=8) did not have a temporal affiliation.

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in the Late Horizon. The change in frequency over time in modification types is
highly statistically significant (2=21.09; df=1; p0.0001).

90
80

% of Modified Individuals

70
60
50

Annular Oblique
Tabular erect

40
30
20
10
0
Pre-Inca

Early Inca

Late Horizon

Figure 9.4. Change in cranial vault modification types over time

In the Late Horizon sample, modified crania are more prevalent in the
periphery than in the core (Figure 9.5). While only 7.7% of the crania in the core are
modified, 42.9% of the crania in the periphery are modified, a highly statistically
significant difference (2=24.55; df=1; p0.0001). In addition, there is a greater
frequency of annular oblique types in the periphery, where the annular form is eight
times more likely to appear than in the core (Table 9.3).

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Table 9.3. Distribution of Late Horizon CVM types by location

Location
Core
Periphery

Unmodified
92.3% (60/65)
57.2% (68/119)

Tabular
3.1% (2/65)
6.7% (8/119)

Annular
4.6% (3/65)
36.1% (43/119)

100
90
80

% of Individuals

70
60
Unmodified
Annular Oblique

50

Tabular erect
40
30
20
10
0
Core

Periphery

Figure 9.5. Cranial vault modification by location- Late Horizon

Severity of modificationslight vs. pronouncedwas also analyzed to view
diachronic changes. An increase in pronounced cases might be expected within a
multi-ethnic empire as a means of visible differentiation, yet severity does not
increase over time. On the contrary, the opposite pattern is suggested, with
pronounced modification slightly more likely in the pre-Inca cases than in Late
Horizon cases (58.3% vs. 48.2%).
The strontium isotope results (Chapter 8) were compared to individuals with
cranial vault modification as a complementary data source on migration. Five
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individuals included in the strontium analysis display cranial modification, all from
the Late Horizon: three with annular oblique modification and two with tabular erect
modification. The tabular erect individuals have much higher 87Sr/86Sr values than
those with annular oblique modification (Table 9.4). All three of the annular oblique
individuals classify as Cuzco-region locals (although two of these overlap with the
Tiwanaku 87Sr/86Sr range), while both tabular erect individuals belong to the nonlocal group.
Table 9.4. Strontium (87Sr/86Sr) values by cranial vault modification type
Chokepukio Age
Burial #
106
Young Adult
(18-25)
18
Old Middle
Adult (36-45)
55
Old Adult
(46+)
69
Young Adult
(18-25)
87
Old Middle
Adult (36-45)

Sex

CVM type

Female

Tabular erect

Sr Value Local/
Non-local
0.71130 Non-local

Female

Tabular erect

0.71323

Non-local

Female

Annular
oblique
Annular
oblique
Annular
oblique

0.70906

Local

0.70900

Local

0.70835

Local

Male
Male

Discussion
To reiterate, the four stated goals of this study were to construct a preliminary
typology, document change over time, compare results to the strontium isotope
analysis, and test hypotheses based on previous findings. With the first goal, a
preliminary typology for the region can be constructed based on the available data. In
the pre-Inca groups, there is an inclination towards unmodified skulls with 57.1% of
the sample unmodified; among the modified crania, tabular erect modification is the
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dominant type (70.8%). Based on these data, the pre-Inca Cuzco modification pattern
entails a preference for the unmodified cranium with predominant use of the tabular
form in the modified crania. In contrast, the annular oblique type is absent in
individuals from the Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon, and only appears
in the Late Intermediate Period; therefore, it may not be considered indigenous to the
Cuzco area.
These data accord with a recent study of Archaic Cuzco-region burials
completed by Bauer and colleagues (2007), in which the tabular oblique type is seen
in individuals at the site of Kasapata, dated to approximately 4000 BC. Although a
great time depth exists between the Archaic groups and those analyzed in the present
study, the Kasapata burials provide supporting evidence that it is the tabular form,
rather than the annular, that is indigenous to the Cuzco region.
This typology contradicts the traditional geographical dichotomy that has also
been challenged by other recent studies. Customarily, researchers have associated the
annular form with the highlands and the tabular form with coastal groups (e.g., Bjork
and Bjork 1964:253; Eaton 1916; MacCurdy 1923). However, accumulating data
indicate that this dichotomy is far too simplistic (Blom 1999, 2005b; Hoshower et al.
1995:153; Torres-Rouff 2003:181). Tabular modification has been documented in
highland contexts while coastal sites contain individuals with the annular form
(Arriaza 1995:63; Blom 1999; Lozada 1998; Lozada and Buikstra 2005). Annular
modification in coastal contexts cannot be attributed to migration alone, as it appears
very early in cemetery sites and spans thousands of years (Arriaza 1995:131; Blom

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2005a:15; Gerszten 1993; Lozada 1998). Similarly, the presence of tabular

modification in the highland region of Cuzco appears unrelated to migration, since it
represented the standard modification form as early as 200 BC. These data
substantiate the need to discard the traditional dichotomy and consider each region in
its specific context.
The second objective of the study, documenting change over time, reveals a
transformation following the rise of the Inca Empire. The frequency of unmodified
skulls increases to almost 70% in the Late Horizon, a homogenization that coincided
with increased imperial control and possibly resulted from a proscription against head
shaping issued from the centralized polity (Allison et al. 1981). In areas where Inca
political hegemony exerted the greatest forceat core sites in the capitalthe
unmodified cranium became the norm. This prohibition against cranial modification
among Inca Cuzco residents had previously been observed by Marroquin (1944:32),
who asserted that the Quechua speakers in Cuzco did not practice the custom despite
their familiarity with head shaping among Aymara-speaking groups. In close
proximity to Aymara groups practicing cranial modification, the Inca of Cuzco
possibly chose to differentiate themselves by refraining from head shaping.
Along with the increase in unmodified skulls, the modification types invert in
frequency in the Late Horizon, likely as a result of migration. Tabular erect decreases
from 70.8% to 17.9% while the annular form increases from 29.2% to 82.1% among
the modified crania. Since tabular erect was the original type of modification in the
Cuzco region, the annular forms later appearance likely signifies an influx of

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migrants. This influx coincided with the development of labor tribute policies
requiring forced relocation of groups (mitima) (DAltroy 2005; Rowe 1982; Wachtel
1982). Colonial documents from Cuzco reveal how the mitima policy affected the
regions ethnic composition, creating what John Rowe described as a regular melting
pot; Rowe further explained: The Inca around Cuzco furnished an unusual number
of colonists, and were replaced by Indians from nearly every province in the Empire
(Rowe 1946:270). Notably, the increase in annular forms occurs almost exclusively at
peripheral sites, and not in the core sites of Cuzco city. Therefore, the differential
distribution of annular modification suggests that migrants were resettled in the
peripheral regions rather than in the city center, resulting in a mixture of ethnic
groups at provincial sites.
The third goal of the study involves comparison of modification patterns with
the Chokepukio strontium isotope data (Chapter 8). Based on the preliminary Cuzcoregion modification typology, it was hypothesized that the tabular formalong with
unmodified craniawould be seen in individuals with local strontium values. In
contrast, it was expected that annular modification would be observed in individuals
with non-local values, indicating migrants at Chokepukio.
However, the cranial modification evidence does not conform to the expected
pattern. The three annular oblique individuals at Chokepukio produced 87Sr/86Sr
values within the local range, although two overlap with the Tiwanaku range. In
contrast, the two tabular erect individuals represent migrants: one individual exhibited
a 87Sr/86Sr value of .71130, well above the Cuzco range and slightly higher than the

206

Tiwanaku range, while the second individual had a 87Sr/86Sr value of .71323, well
above the Tiwanaku range but within the range reported for the northeastern Lake
Titicaca Basin (.7120 to .7135) (Grove et al. 2003; Knudson et al. 2005:905). These
results are contrary to data expectations and illustrate the complexity involved in
studying skeletal markers of group affiliation and migration.
Two main problems hinder attempts to correlate strontium values with cranial
vault modification. First, the issue of equifinality affects both datasets: just as various
geographic regions can produce the same strontium value, differing ethnic groups
may exhibit the same cranial modification style. With a limited number of ways to
modify a cranium, it becomes difficult to differentiate ethnic groups based on head
shape alone (Verano 2003a:97). Second, strontium isotope analysis can only identify
first-generation migrants, individuals who moved during their lifetime (Knudson
2004:95). Given this principle, the annular oblique individuals at Chokepukio may be
Cuzco-born offspring of emigrants from the Tiwanaku region of Lake Titicaca. If the
parents raised their children at Chokepukio yet applied the cranial style of their
homeland, the result would be a strontium-identified local with annular
modification. This may be particularly true in the case of mitima laborers who were
forced to maintain their traditional ethnic markers while working abroad in imperial
colonies (DAltroy 2005:270). In mitima colonies, the migrants offspring may
affiliate culturally with their parents homeland but will identify as local in their
87

Sr/86Sr values.

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For the fourth stated goal with comparisons to other Andean studies, we return
to the model provided by Blom (1999, 2005a). Bloms (1999) analysis at Tiwanaku
revealed a mixture of modification types in the capital as a result of intermingling
groups from peripheral regions. The peripheral regions maintained homogenous
expressions of local identity, while the Tiwanaku core region showed greater
heterogeneity due to a cosmopolitan, heavily migrant population. Based on the
findings of this study, the Tiwanaku pattern is not evident in the Cuzco region.
Among Cuzco samples it is the peripheral sites that show more heterogeneityfewer
unmodified skulls, double the number of tabular erect types, and eight times as many
annular cases. In contrast, the Cuzco core shows homogeneity with the majority of
skulls unmodified (92.3%), contrary to the heterogeneous mixture seen in the
Tiwanaku core.
Colonial documents describing the make-up of the Inca capital provide some
explanation for the Cuzco pattern of core homogeneity/peripheral heterogeneity. The
capital city of Cuzco was fashioned as a microcosm of the entire empire (Rowe
1967), in which suburban areas around Cuzco were settled with migrant enclaves in a
quadripartite design, mimicking the geographical quadrants of Tawantinsuyu:
Chinchasuyu (NW), Antisuyu (NE), Contisuyu (SW), and Collasuyu (SE) (DAltroy
2005:270). Amidst these migrant colonies, the city center housed political and
religious elites and their servants (Rowe 1946:229, 1967:62). LaLone (1994:33)
further describes the capitals center: The heart of the city of Cuzco was an elite
preserve. Within it lived the people who belonged to the ten royal lineages, the

208

panacas. As a ceremonial center, Cuzco served as an important ceremonial site for

major rituals that drew in thousands of people (Bauer 2004:3). These religious
pilgrimages, however, were temporary in nature:
The cosmopolitan perspective imparted to the rural commoner on
pilgrimage to native Andean capitals was limited, controlled, and framed in a
discourse of religiosity. Almost certainly there was no intent to encourage
migration to the cities. Indeed, there were few economic incentives for rural
populations to migrate to the city except as retainers to the ruling lineage.
These positions were of limited number, of course, so most of the population
remained on the land as agricultural producers. The result was a notable
absence of social diversity in the cities. (Kolata 1997:250 [italics added])

This notable absence of social diversity is evident in the homogenization of cranial

modification in the Cuzco core. Though Cuzco welcomed the populace during public
rituals designed to promote ideological loyalty, on a daily basis the city core itself
was highly controlled (Rowe 1946:298). The core denizens apparently abstained from
cranial modification, perhaps as a way to distinguish themselves from foreigners. In
contrast, cranial modification in the peripheral sites likely indicates a mixture of
migrant groups resettled outside of Cuzco.
In choosing to refrain from cranial modification, the Inca of Cuzco may have
provided their children with an important political advantage. One advantage is that
an unmodified individual could move fluidly among groups, a benefit that would be
heightened in highly-trafficked areas such as imperial capitals. Blom (2005a:19)
makes this compelling suggestion for the absence of cranial modification: those
whose heads were not modified might have been those whose elders thought might
cross boundaries in adulthood. [Non-modification provides] the benefits of not being
identified as belonging to a particular group Adults in Cuzco possibly believed

209

that their children would benefit from the lack of an obvious, physical symbol of
group affiliation. This notion reinforces how cranial vault modification is essentially a
child-rearing practice, reflective of the parents choice made shortly after their child
is born. As such, patterns of cranial modification reveal what parents assume will be
most appropriate for their child, a choice heavily influenced by their social
environment. In the case of Inca Cuzco, parents may have intentionally refrained
from cranial modification so that their child could interact with others in the capital
region without a clear affiliation to any one ethnic group. However, this choice may
also have been restricted by imperial proscriptions on head shaping, particularly in
central areas of the empires core. Therefore, the significance of cranial vault
modification (or its intentional absence) must be interpreted through considerations of
both individual agency (by parents, not by the individual themself) and adherence to
social and political expectations.
Conclusion
This analysis was undertaken to construct a typology of Cuzco-region cranial
modification patterns and to view how these patterns changed with the rise of the Inca
Empire. Based on temporal and geographic data, a preliminary typology of cranial
vault modification was established for the Cuzco region: tabular erect served as the
original type in the Cuzco region along with a general tendency for the unmodified
cranium. Furthermore, the results suggest that the Inca of Cuzco refrained from
cranial modification, as imperial control (and possibly parental child-rearing
preferences) resulted in a largely homogenous pattern of unmodified crania in the

210

core. In the periphery, the increase in annular modification during the Late Horizon
suggests migration of various ethnic groups that were resettled around the capital.
This increase may reflect the relocation of migrant colonies based on the Inca mitima
policy, which resulted in a radical reformation of the ethnic landscape:
Shuffling populations on this gigantic scale made the Inca Empire a regular
melting pot, and there is no doubt that, even if the convolutions which the
Spanish Conquest brought had not speeded up the process, the old tribal
divisions would have entirely lost their significance in a couple of
generations, and the heterogeneous population of the Empire would have
become a single nation. (Rowe 1946:270)

This cranial modification study provides further evidence for the movement of
populations revealed through the Chokepukio strontium isotope analysis (Chapter 8).
These lines of evidence, when coupled with colonial documents describing Inca
policies of relocation, illustrate the effects of imperial control that resulted in a
spatially distributed, ethnically diverse population in the Cuzco region.

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Chapter 10. Summary and Conclusion

In this study, the biological effects of the Inca Empire were examined through
the analysis of 855 prehistoric Cuzco burials. The observed dental and skeletal
conditions yielded insight on malnutrition and disease, trauma, prehistoric medical
treatment, and population movements. By comparing frequencies of skeletal
conditions by time period (pre-Inca vs. Inca) and location (core vs. periphery), several
patterns emerged that shed light on the Empires biocultural impacts. In this chapter,
the study results are summarized and the research hypotheses are revisited in light of
these results. Finally, areas for future research are presented that build upon the
findings of this study.
Summary of Results
Demography
Several sites in the Cuzco sample deviate from a normal demographic
distribution in a number of ways. While a relatively normal sex ratio is apparent in
the aggregated sample, five sites show an overrepresentation of one sex. This pattern
is apparent in the Late Horizon core sites of Sacsahuaman and Kusicancha, which
both display an overrepresentation of females. This sex bias possibly relates to the
manipulation of population demographics by Inca administrators, who selected
individuals to fulfill specific occupations for the state. The observed surplus of
females may reflect the presence of female ritual specialists and female attendants at
sacred Cuzco sites.

212

With regard to age, the overall distribution shows an expected J-shaped curve,
reflecting a high number of infants, a decrease in mortality through childhood and
adolescence, and a subsequent increase in mortality through the adult years. However,
there are noted deviations from this patternsome sites show an excess of infants,
while others show a paucity of juveniles. An overrepresentation of infants was
documented at Kanamarca, which may reflect an increased fertility rate, an increased
infant mortality rate, and/or the specialized use of a cemetery sector for infants. In the
opposite pattern, Sacsahuaman and Kusicancha display a paucity of infants that likely
resulted from the same imperial manipulations responsible for the artificial
distribution of sexes (noted above). At Machu Picchu and Colmay, a similar pattern is
seen with a complete lack of infants, yet this demographic anomoaly can be attributed
to taphonomic forces (both environmental and cultural) at these two sites.
Altogether, the demographic analysis suggests that, in some cases, Inca
imperial policies influenced the demographic make-up of populations. By selectively
removing some individuals and placing them in desired positions in the Inca capital,
the demographic structure of populations at some sites was notably altered.
Health, Trauma, and Occupational Stress
Non-Specific Stress Indicators
Four conditionslinear enamel hypoplasias, porotic hyperostosis, cribra
orbitalia, and stunted growthwere used to measure the relative health of Cuzco
populations. These conditions were found in a low frequency overall in the samples,
suggesting that Cuzco populations were relatively unstressed. Individuals do not
appear to have suffered from nutritional deficiencies, chronic diarrheal disease, or
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rampant parasitic infestation, conditions known to lead to dental and skeletal stress
indicators. The lack of skeletal lesions does not appear to result from an osteological
paradox, as the combined analysis of four stress markers resulted in congruent
findings.
In contrast, osteoperiostitisan indicator of bacterial infectionwas found in
a higher frequency than the other conditions. Osteoperiostitis was more apparent in
females than males and more common among individuals living in the core of Cuzco.
Given that osteoperiostitis increases with population aggregation, the higher
frequency of osteoperiostitis in the Late Horizon likely resulted from urban
consolidation brought about by imperially-reconfigured settlement patterns.
Joint Disease
In the Cuzco samples, appendicular and spinal joint disease increased over
time and were more prevalent in periphery sites than in core sites. Since age strongly
influences these conditions, the average age of each population was considered in
light of the disease prevalence. The results indicate that peripheral populations were
younger on average than core populations, yet were more often afflicted by joint
disease. Because age does not appear to be the only contributing factor, other causes
may be responsible for the observed increase in joint disease. One suggestion posits
that peripheral populations engaged in heavy activityperhaps due to labor
obligations to the statewhich caused greater stress and degeneration on the bodies
of these workers.

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Trauma
An in-depth analysis of cranial trauma was completed, assessing such factors
as location, severity, and demographic groups affected. The results indicate that adult
males were mostly likely affected by cranial trauma. Furthermore, cranial trauma was
documented in a specific pattern, predominantly on the anterior, left side of the
cranium. The non-random patterning of cranial trauma, along with a prevalence of
adult males, points to violent conflict as the main underlying cause for these injuries.
Cranial trauma increased from pre-Inca to Inca times, suggesting that violent
conflict escalated during the time of Inca state development. Nearly one-quarter of
the injuries were categorized as possible weapon wounds; of these possible weapon
wounds, 96% were found in Early Inca or Late Horizon individuals. These data
suggest that warfare-related violence intensified as the Inca rose to power in the
Cuzco heartland. Nevertheless, the majority of the cranial injuries were small healed
fractures, and may have resulted from non-lethal ritual encounters such as tinkus. In
summary, the observed variation suggests that both types of violent encounters
small, circumscribed skirmishes and large-scale intergroup conflictsoccurred
immediately prior to and during the time of Inca imperialism.
In contrast to the cranial trauma results, the postcranial long bone trauma
appears primarily accident-related. The most common postcranial injury was the
Colles fracture to the distal radius, an injury that frequently results from an
accidental fall. A third trauma category, rib fractures, could not be categorized as
accident- or conflict- related; it is surmised that both etiologies were responsible for
the observed rib fractures. Notably, three juveniles exhibited rib fractures, a rare
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condition in prehistoric populations that often indicates child abuse in modern

populations.
Trepanation
Trepanation, the surgical removal of a portion of the cranium, was seen in 66
individuals with a total of 109 perforations. Several individuals exhibited more than
one trepanation per individualone cranium was documented with seven
perforations, six healed and one perimortem. The predominant methods were circular
cutting and scraping, methods that proved highly successful with a greater than 80%
healing rate and little ensuing infection.
The study of trepanation closely paralleled that of cranial trauma: similar
patterns included a tendency for anterior, left side placement and an
overrepresentation of adult males. Moreover, a highly significant correlation exists
between the presence of trepanation and cranial trauma. Other studies in the Andes
confirm this correlation, pointing to cranial trauma as a primary underlying cause of
trepanation. Trepanation was often carried out to resolve the potentially fatal
symptoms of cranial trauma: trauma can cause intra-cranial swelling and fluid buildup, whereas the removal of a portion of the cranium allows a draining of fluid and
release of possibly fatal intra-cranial pressure.
Strontium Isotope Analysis
Strontium isotope analysis was completed on 59 human teeth from
Chokepukio and ten cuy (guinea pig) teeth from Chokepukio, Tipn, and Kanamarca.
The cuy teeth, used to establish a baseline for the local signature in the southeastern
Cuzco Valley, displayed strontium values that were distinct from other analyzed sites
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in the Andes, such as Moquegua and Tiwanaku. The Chokepukio human strontium
values exhibited a wide rangesome similar to the local value, some that deviated
considerably from the local value. These deviations, signifying migrants, were found
exclusively in the Late Horizon group. Some of the migrants had values similar to
individuals from the Tiwanaku region of Lake Titicaca, while other migrants had
values that could not be matched to any locale.
The timing of the migrations documented at Chokepukio coincides with the
development of an Inca imperial policy that authorized state-directed relocation for
labor tribute. This imperial policy likely resulted in the presence of migrants observed
in the Chokepukio strontium isotope analysis. Colonial documentary evidence
confirms that Inca labor policies altered the population composition in the area
around Chokepukio, by relocating groups according to imperial demands.
Cranial Modification
Cranial modification was analyzed as a signifier of group identity and as an
indication of migration, in conjunction with the strontium isotope analysis. A
preliminary Cuzco typology was constructed, with tabular erect representing the
original type along with a preference for the unmodified cranium. With the rise of the
Inca Empire, the unmodified form increased in frequency in the core, possibly
signifying an imperial proscription against modification in the capitals center. In
contrast, peripheral populations show a heterogeneous mix of unmodified and
modified crania, in both tabular and annular forms. The annular form dominates at the
peripheral sites, which suggests an influx of migrants into the regions around the

217

capital city. The cranial modification study corroborates the finding of the strontium
isotope analysis, demonstrating that migrationpossibly state-coercedplayed a key
role in influencing the composition of Cuzco populations.
Research Hypotheses and Results
Hypothesis #1
Hypothesis #1 stated that, as a result of imperial consolidation, health among
core populations improved while health in peripheral populations was detrimentally
affected. This hypothesis cannot be supported by the current data. Neither population
shows a high frequency of non-specific stress indicators suggestive of chronic
malnutrition or disease. These data suggest that health was not negatively impacted
by the rise of the Inca Empire. However, differences between core and periphery
populations are apparent: core populations have a higher frequency of
osteoperiostitis, while peripheral populations have a higher frequency of joint disease.
Consequently, it appears that different living conditions influenced the type of
ailments experienced in the core as opposed to the periphery. While population
aggregation in the core may have led to a higher prevalence of osteoperiostitis,
arduous physical labor possibly caused an increase in the frequency of joint disease in
peripheral populations.
Hypothesis #2
Hypothesis #2 stated that warfare had no impact on Inca state formation and
function. In this case, there is some support for the alternative hypothesis. An increase
in trauma occurred prior to the time of Inca imperialism and, in most instances, these

218

traumatic injuries were caused by violent conflict, as confirmed by several factors

including severity and patterning of injuries. These data suggest that warfare
escalated in the late LIP and may have played a role in the rise of the Inca Empire.
However, the physical evidence for intergroup violence is not extensive: only 3.7% of
individuals in the Cuzco samples exhibited possible weapon-related injuries. Thus,
warfare may have affected a small portion of the population, but it does not appear as
prevalent as the Spanish chronicles would suggest. In this instance, the primacy of
warfare as a tool of Inca conquest may have been exaggerated by Spanish chroniclers
based on their European notions of conquest and expansion.
Hypothesis #3
Hypothesis #3 stated that the Inca capital residents of Cuzco would display a
mixture of cranial modification types due to an influx of migrants. Here, the
alternative hypothesis has more support. The expected heterogeneity in cranial
modification is not apparent among Cuzco core populations. In actuality,
modification patterns homogenize over time, concomitant with increased imperial
consolidation and control. The greatest amount of standardizationfeaturing a strong
emphasis on the unmodified craniumis seen in the Late Horizon core population,
the group most controlled by Inca imperial hegemony. This pattern contrasts with the
heterogeneity seen at the Tiwanaku capital (Blom 1999, 2005), which revealed the
core to be a multi-ethnic, cosmopolitan capital. In Cuzco, the capital remained a locus
of homogenization in head shape, while the peripheral regions around Cuzco housed
groups displaying a mixture of head shapes. This heterogeneity likely reflects the

219

presence of migrants brought in from the empires provinces, as suggested by

colonial documents.
Hypothesis #4
Hypothesis #4 stated that all sampled individuals at Chokepukio would
classify as locals in the strontium isotope analysis. Here, the null hypothesis is
rejected. Migration to Chokepukio is confirmed through a number of 87Sr/86Sr values
above the local signature (determined through faunal specimens). All outlier values
that unquestionably represent migrants were found in the Late Horizon group, some
with values over 50 standard deviations above the local mean. Female migrants are
more prevalent than male migrants, and the female 87Sr/86Sr values show greater
variation, suggesting that females emigrated from a wider range of geographic
locations than males. The strontium analysis supports the findings of the cranial
modification study, revealing the presence of migrants in the peripheral regions of
Cuzco as a result of state-directed relocation for labor obligations.
Future Research
This regional bioarchaeological studythe first of its kind in the Inca
heartlandhas demonstrated a number of biological effects due to imperial
consolidation and expansion. As a preliminary study, these findings set the stage for
future research that will refine our understanding of the biocultural impacts of
imperialism in the Andes. In this section, a number of ideas for future research are
explored.

220

While the strontium isotope analysis provided important preliminary data, it

has also illuminated the need for further research. In confirming one research
questionthe presence of Late Horizon migrants at Chokepukiothis initial study
introduces many new questions. Who were these migrants and where did they come
from? Are the observed sex differences also apparent at other sites? How do other
regions of the Cuzco Valley compare to the Chokepukio results? Given the
complexity of the situation revealed by this study, further research is warranted.
An additional line of evidence, biological distance analysis, has been
successfully applied toward identifying migration (Blom et al. 1998; Rothhammer
and Silva 1990; Sutter 2000; Verano 2003). Verano (2003) used craniometric data
along with cranial modification to show differing geographic origins of Machu
Picchu inhabitants, with migrants originating from the Peruvian coast and highlands.
Following Veranos standards, craniometric data have been collected for 11 Cuzco
region sites. These future analyses will help to clarify the complex relationship of
group affiliation, postmarital residence patterns, and population movement in the Inca
heartland.
At this point, it is impossible to identify the original homelands of the
Chokepukio migrants, as biologically available strontium signatures are known for
only a few sites in the Andes. Though this strontium isotope study adds Chokepukio
and Kanamarca to the list of sites with known 87Sr/86Sr values, the majority of the
Inca Empire remains undocumented. As such, further strontium isotope analyses are
needed to clarify the geographic origins of the Chokepukio migrants.

221

While the Inca Empire is the most widely known imperial polity in the Cuzco
region, it was not the first. The Middle Horizon Wari Empire expanded from its core
in Ayacucho and encompassed Cuzco in its southeastern periphery, most notably at
the state installation of Pikillacta. The study of Wari populations in the Cuzco region
provides the opportunity to view Cuzco as the periphery of an empire, compared to
Cuzco as the core of the Inca Empire. This comparison will shed light on the
differences between the two empires in terms of biological effects on local
populations, and provides a complementary perspective to Tungs (2003) study of
Wari populations in the heartland and southern coastal periphery. An on-going
research project by Mary Glowacki at Wari sites in the Huaro Valleyincorporating
both survey and excavationhas already generated important data on the Wari
occupation of Cuzco, and continues to produce skeletal remains for future study.
This dissertation project represents the culmination of the first phase of a
long-term bioarchaeological investigation in the Cuzco region. This research project
will continue for years, benefiting from an enduring relationship with the INC Cuzco
through the efforts of the head of the INCs Physical Anthropology Laboratory, Elva
C. Torres. The continued accumulation and analysis of Cuzco burials will provide
crucial information to test the trends documented in the present study regarding the
impact of the state on health, along with the role of warfare in state formation. In
addition, by adding to a growing database of analyzed skeletal collections throughout
the Andean region, bioarchaeologists may gain a wider picture of the influence of
state-level societies on the skeletal biology of local inhabitants.

222

Appendix: Data Tables and Figures

Table A.1. Linear enamel hypoplasias by site
Site
Aqnapampa
Cotocotuyoc
Chokepukio
Colmay
Kanamarca
Kusicancha
Machu Picchu
Qhataqasapatallacta
Qotakalli
Sacsahuaman
Wata
Total

# of LEH/Number of Indiv
with observable teeth

Frequency

0/6

--

3/38

7.9%

1/85

1.2%

2/22

9.1%

1/18

5.6%

0/15

--

0/3

--

0/16

--

7/104

6.7%

1/33

3.0%

1/9

11.1%

16/349

4.6%

223

Table A.2. Cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis cases by site

Site
Aqnapampa
Cotocotuyoc
Chokepukio
Colmay
Kanamarca
Kusicancha
Machu Picchu
Qhataqasapatallacta
Qotakalli
Sacsahuaman
Wata
Total

# of Affected
Indivs/Number of
observable Indivs

Frequency

0/18

--

1/42

2.4%

8/108

7.4%

6/61

9.8%

0/29

--

0/18

--

0/1

--

1/19

5.3%

11/235

4.7%

1/39

2.6%

2/11

18.2%

30/581

5.2%

224

Table A.3. Frequency of osteoperiostitis by bone with healing data

Element

Absent

Active/Mixed

Healed

Total Affected

R humerus

476

99.6

.2

.2

2/478

.4

L humerus

459

100

0/459

R ulna

391

98.2

1.3

.5

7/398

1.8

L ulna

374

99.5

.25

.25

2/376

.5

R radius

388

99.0

.8

.2

4/392

.1

L radius

376

99.7

.3

1/377

.3

R femur

476

98.2

1.4

.4

9/485

1.8

L femur

471

97.7

1.7

.6

11/482

2.3

R tibia

422

90.9

23

19

4.1

42/464

9.1

L tibia

404

89.4

26

5.7

22

4.9

48/452

10.6

R fibula

345

96.6

2.3

1.1

12/357

3.4

L fibula

361

98.6

.8

.6

5/366

1.4

225

Table A.4. Joint disease by element with information on severity

Element

Absent

Slight

Pronounced

Total Affected

R shoulder

322

98.2

1.5

.3

6/328

1.8

L shoulder

317

98.4

.9

.7

5/322

1.6

R elbow

302

95.9

1.9

2.2

13/315

4.1

L elbow

309

96.6

1.8

1.6

11/320

3.4

R wrist/hand

269

95.7

1.4

2.9

12/281

4.3

L wrist/hand

276

96.5

2.1

1.4

10/286

3.5

R hip

317

97.5

1.9

.6

8/325

2.5

L hip

333

97.4

2.3

.3

9/342

2.6

R knee

319

93.6

10

2.9

12

3.5

22/341

6.4

L knee

309

93.1

13

3.9

10

23/332

6.9

R ankle/foot

309

95.9

2.2

1.9

13/322

4.1

L ankle/foot

296

95.5

2.9

1.6

14/310

4.5

226

Table A.5. Cranial trauma cases by site

Site
Aqnapampa
Cotocotuyoc
Chokepukio
Colmay
Kanamarca
Kusicancha
Machu Picchu
Qhataqasapata
llacta
Qotakalli
Sacsahuaman
Wata
Total

# of Affected Indivs/Number of
observable Indivs

Frequency

1/20

5.0%

5/52

9.6%

14/120

11.6%

24/61

39.3%

1/30

3.3%

1/18

5.6%

0/2

--

2/23

8.7%

44/253

17.4%

2/37

5.4%

2/11

18.2%

96/627

15.3%

227

Table A.6. Distribution of long bone trauma by element

Element

Absent

Healed

Healing

Total

R clavicle

312

99.1

.6

.3

3/315

.9

L clavicle

281

97.9

1.7

.4

6/287

2.1

R humerus

477

100

0/477

L humerus

454

99.6

.4

2/456

.4

R ulna

392

99

4/396

L ulna

368

97.9

2.1

8/376

2.1

R radius

380

96.2

15

3.8

15/395

3.8

L radius

358

96

15

15/373

R femur

486

99.2

.8

4/490

.8

L femur

480

99.8

.2

1/481

.2

R tibia

463

98.9

.9

.2

5/463

1.1

L tibia

445

99.1

.9

4/449

.9

R fibula

345

98.3

1.4

.3

6/351

1.7

L fibula

357

98.1

1.9

7/364

1.9

228

Table A.7. Trepanation by site

Site
Aqnapampa
Cotocotuyoc
Chokepukio
Colmay
Kanamarca
Kusicancha
Machu Picchu
Qhataqasapata
llacta
Qotakalli
Sacsahuaman
Wata
Total

# of Treps/# of Crania (< 5 years excluded)

Frequency

1/21

4.8%

2/35

5.7%

7/83

8.4%

21/59

35.6%

1/18

5.6%

0/17

--

0/4

--

0/20

--

34/195

17.4%

0/35

--

0/10

--

66/498

13.3%

229

Table A.8. Individuals analyzed for strontium study with samples in

ascending order of 87Sr/86Sr value
Sample #
CHO-27
CHO-164
CHO-124
CHO-147
CHO-70
CHO-38
CHO-133
CHO-42
CHO-71
CHO-76
CHO-176
CHO-85
CHO-45
CHO-19
CHO-166
CHO-20
CHO-118
CHO-153
CHO-131
CHO-63
CHO-87
CHO-117
CHO-169
CHO-121
CHO-31
CHO-25
CHO-165
CHO-51
CHO-68
CHO-7
CHO-159
CHO-132
CHO-126
CHO-16
CHO-69
CHO-55

Sex
M
M
F
I
M
F
M
F
M
M
M
M
F
F
M
F
M
I
M
I
M
M
I
M
F
I
M
M
M
M
M
F
M
F
M
F

Cultural Affiliation
EIP
Inca
EIP
LIP
EIP
EIP
Unknown
Middle Horizon
EIP
LIP
Inca
Inca
EIP
EIP
Inca
Inca
Unknown
LIP
Inca
LIP
Inca
Unknown
Inca
Unknown
Inca
Inca
Inca
Inca
Inca
Inca
Inca
Unknown
LIP
EIP
Inca
Inca

87

230

Sr/86Sr
2 error Sr ppm
.70728
.00002
296
.70728
.00002
291
.70735
.00002
175
.70738
.00002
297
.70774
.00002
309
.70775
.00002
276
.70780
.00003
284
.70780
.00003
240
.70799
.00002
318
.70803
.00001
257
.70809
.00003
205
.70809
.00002
213
.70811
.00001
350
.70817
.00002
362
.70820
.00003
311
.70824
.00004
156
.70828
.00003
318
.70831
.00002
177
.70832
.00001
302
.70835
.00002
325
.70835
.00001
309
.70842
.00003
356
.70846
.00002
451
.70850
.00005
365
.70851
.00001
348
.70852
.00002
245
.70855
.00002
329
.70864
.00004
183
.70867
.00002
271
.70868
.00002
184
.70877
.00001
164
.70888
.00002
334
.70895
.00002
306
.70897
.00002
229
.70900
.00002
530
.70906
.00003
111

Sample # Sex Cultural Affiliation

CHO-136 M
Inca
CHO-148 M
LIP
CHO-32
M
Inca
CHO-171 M
Inca
CHO-35
F
Inca
CHO-8
M
Inca
CHO-158 F
Inca
CHO-145 M
Inca
CHO-84
M
Inca
CHO-90
M
Inca
CHO-106 F
Inca
CHO-119 M
Unknown
CHO-21
I
Inca
CHO-120 M
Unknown
CHO-18
F
Inca
CHO-28
F
Inca
CHO-82
F
Inca
CHO-79
F
Inca
CHO-11
M
Inca
CHO-101 F
Inca
CHO-162 F
Inca
CHO-22
M
Inca
CHO-109 M
Inca
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-1
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-2
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-3
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-4
Kanamarca archaeological Cuy-1
Kanamarca archaeological Cuy-2
Tipn modern Cuy-1
Tipn modern Cuy-2
Tipn modern Cuy-3
Tipn modern Cuy-4

87

Sr/86Sr
2 error Sr ppm
.70906
.00002
219
.70939
.00010
246
.70950
.00002
432
.70961
.00002
406
.70970
.00024
91
.71018
.00003
184
.71045
.00002
196
.71046
.00006
204
.71060
.00004
247
.71098
.00003
154
.71130
.00002
252
.71132
.00002
215
.71275
.00003
387
.71306
.00014
352
.71323
.00002
121
.71454
.00003
323
.71559
.00005
408
.71716
.00002
267
.72003
.00003
378
.72022
.00007
194
.72062
.00003
212
.72068
.00001
159
.72136
.00002
236
.70782
.00001
850
.70789
.00003
1197
.70797
.00002
869
.70812
.00002
920
.70653
.00002
571
.70665
.00002
432
.70821
.00003
447
.70824
.00002
573
.70831
.00002
530
.70840
.00002
614

M=Male, F=Female, I=Indeterminate sex; EIP=Early Intermediate Period,

MH=Middle Horizon, LIP=Late Intermediate Period, LH=Late Horizon

231

Table A.9. Chokepukio dental enamel strontium samples by time period

Number of Samples Analyzed
Time Period
Males Females Indet Sex

Total

Middle Horizon (AD 700-1000)

Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-

Late Horizon Period (AD 1400-1532)

22

12

37

Unknown Temporal Affiliation

Total Number of Individuals

36

17

59

Early Intermediate Period (200 BC-AD

700)

1400)

232

Table A.10. Summary statistics of Chokepukio strontium datasets

(complete vs. trimmed)
87

Sr/86Sr Values
Trimmed Dataset

Complete Dataset
(Outliers Removed)
Count

59

37

Mean

.71033

.70829

Std. Deviation .00374

.00050

Range

.01408

.00179

Skewness

1.936

-.409

(Std. Error)

.311

.388

Kurtosis

2.764

-.404

(Std. Error)

.613

.759

Minimum

.70728

.70728

Maximum

.72136

.70906

233

Table A.11. Cranial vault modification by site

Site
Cotocotuyoc
Count
% within Site
Chokepukio
Colmay
Kanamarca
Kusicancha
Qhataqasapatallacta

Count
% within Site
Count
% within Site
Count
% within Site
Count
% within Site
Count
% within Site

Qotakalli
Sacsahuaman
Wata
Total

Count
% within Site
Count
% within Site
Count
% within Site
Count

Unmodified
20

Tabular
erect
3

Annular
oblique
6

69.0%

10.3%

20.7%

39

14

65.0%

23.3%

11.7%

30

31

49.2%

--

50.8%

11

52.4%

14.3%

33.3%

10

90.9%

--

9.1%

14

100.0%

--

--

139

17

85.8%

3.7%

10.5%

30

93.8%

6.3%

--

10.0%

90.0%

--

294

37

69

73.5%

9.3%

17.3%

234

Total
29
60
61
21
11

14

162
32
10
400

10

Number of Cases

0
360

370

380

390

400

410

420

430

440

450

Femur Length (mm)

Figure A.1. Histogram of male femur lengths

235

460

12

Number of Cases

10

0
360

370

380

390

400

410

420

430

440

450

Femur Length (mm)

Figure A.2. Histogram of female femur lengths

236

460

Figure A.3. Distribution of Chokepukio strontium concentration (ppm) and

87
Sr/86Sr values

237

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