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The 1990s saw the end of the cold war, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the rise of C hina,
the dot.com boom and the expansion of neoliberalism, globalization, the Internet and the
A rt Director/Copywriter Team
Solom on Page Group C re ative & Mark e ting - NY
POST A JOB
"New Economy. C apitalism had won, and growing enthusiasm for its ability to raise living
standards, promote democracy and advance technology increasingly squelched what little
remained of mid-20th-century critiques of its crueler consequences. Instead, corporate
ideologies co-opted countercultural revolutionary songs and slogans from the '60s to cheer
on '90s-style reengineering for the information age, marketing individualism and
commodifying dissent. [1] Did architectural discourse similarly morph 1960s radicalism into
1990s icon-making during this period of rising faith in free markets and digital technology?
What happened to architectural criticism in an era that saw the end of welfare as we knew
it in the U.S. and acceptance of the widening gap between rich and poor as an unfortunate
but necessary by-product of modernization and a healthy economy? Was it only in the '90s
that Rem Koolhaas could ride this global socio-economic restructuring and emerge as one
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R e giste r today >>
Equating capitalism with modernization and change, Koolhaas identified early on how global
capitalism created dynamic, highly speculative urban conditions that were transforming the
contemporary city. As he pointed out in his acerbic writings of the time, these same forces
were destabilizing and liberating architectural thinking from staid preconceptions, providing
an audience and a market for the kind of radical, iconic buildings being designed by
his Rotterdam-based practice OMA. This powerful combination of '60s irreverence and '90s
relevance catapulted Koolhaas to star status; it also revealed the inevitable contradictions
in trying to marry art and capitalism, radicalism and pragmatism, icon-making and citymaking. Nonetheless, over the decade, his writings and designs contributed significantly to
shifting design discourse away from critical theory toward post-critical, non-judgmental
research, and from autonomy toward engagement albeit engagement largely with the
elite beneficiaries of the New Economy, now often described as the 1%. From our
contemporary perspective, it is thus worth asking: What is Koolhaass legacy vis--vis
progressive practice?
Let's begin with one of the durable descriptors of the era. "Irrational exuberance," as
Robert J. Shiller notes, has come to epitomize a heightened state of speculative fervor. [2]
Shiller, a professor of economics at Yale University, explains that the phrase famously
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L eft: D ec ember 1 9 7 0 is s ue of Tel Quel, featuring G eorges Batailles 's L e berc eau de l'humanit. Right:
Spring 2 0 0 9 is s ue of Prada: A n exploration of the c ollec tion's domain of ins piration by A M O : divinity,
tribalis m and primitive s ymbolis m, graphic ally repres ented through the dialogue of referenc es between
fas hion and imagery.
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E xamples from Delirious New York: D owntown A thletic C lub, s ec tion (1 9 3 0 ); and Radio C ity M us ic H alls
Roc kettes . [P hotos by T homas H awk, top, and A ndrew D allos , bottom]
Through detailed histories and speculative psycho-histories of period architects and building
projects, of the grid, the skyscraper, C oney Island, Rockefeller C enter and the United
Nations, Koolhaas lovingly portrays a non-reductivist architecture and urbanism at once
modern and romantic. He argues that both the buildings and the city are the results not of
top-down artistic or political dicta but rather of the markets ability to elicit and respond to
desire. Thus Manhattan has produced an architecture that is at once ambitious and popular
... a shameless architecture that has been loved in direct proportion to its defiant lack of
self-hatred, has been respected exactly to the degree that it went too far. Manhattan has
consistently inspired in its beholders ecstasy about architecture. [18] Tellingly, the threat
to this ecstatic culture of congestion is embodied by the villain in the story: Le C orbusier
and his rationalist towers in the park proposals. In a nod to his contemporaries, Koolhaas
asserts that Le C orbusier was thwarted by over-reliance on theory and inadequate
attention to the importance of metaphor and the unconscious in the developent of
Manhattan.
Indeed, Koolhaas argues that the more artificial and surreal the city has become, the
greater the role of the unconscious in making sense of it. Here he offers Salvador Dalis
Paranoid-C ritical Method as a tool that can enable a delirium of interpretation" and counter
the unprovable certainties of C artesian rationality. For Koolhaas, the PC M serves both as a
method for resolving market dynamics with the fabrications, grafts and urban ambitions
that characterize his own design work, and as an indirect parody of the critical theory of
the era.
With Delirious New Yorks not-so-subtle critiques of the increasingly insular and unpopular
realm of avant-garde architecture for architects, Koolhaas differentiated himself from
both the high-modern minimalism of '70s corporate design firms and the theoretical
gymnastics of the Oppositions crowd. And his ongoing countercultural strategy has evolved
to critique what he calls the exhausted purist doctrines of architecture culture. By the
1995 publication of his massive monograph S,M,L,XL, rather than presenting his work as an
autonomous art, he instead foregrounds the competing realities of client-based practice in
a capitalist economy. [19] His point is not simply to shock; although he does, and does so
again in 2003 with the follow-up catalog-as-tabloid Content. Rather his point is to recognize
architecture as the contradictory confluence of art and commerce, fantasy and
pragmatism, the pretensions of creative omnipotence and the realities of clients and
constraints. And while such a position was radically out-of-step with the structuralist and
post-structuralist discourse of his peers in the '70s, it set him up beautifully to work with
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T op: Rem Koolhaas at the U nivers ity of Southern C alifornia, 2 0 0 7 , dis c us s ing A M O s EU Barcode. [P hoto
by Sam Felder] Bottom: C ollec tion of Wired magazines and Koolhaas s S,M,L,XL. [P hoto by mis kan]
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Was this Koolhaas at his most contrarian? Or pre-emptive justification for his next phase?
For anyone who had become concerned, in the '90s, by the increasingly inflated scale and
predominance of big-box stores, mega-malls and edge cities, Koolhaas's topic was right on
target. But his claims for the benefits of Bigness were surprising, if not downright
unconvincing. Accepting the inevitability of large-scale development, Koolhaas extols
optimistically how Bigness instigates a regime of complexity, a promiscuous
proliferation of events that generates programmatic alchemy between diverse elements
and inspires the creation of new possibilities. [24] Recognizing another Bataille-soaked
opportunity to undercut the authority of architecture-as-exclusion, he further claims that
the art of architecture is useless in the context of Bigness, and that Bigness competes
with and preempts the city itself, ultimately surrendering the field to a scraped, tabula rasa
after-architecture.
Koolhaas likes the tabula rasa, the identity-less vacant lot, those nothingnesses of infinite
potential. [25] They are emblematic of the bulldozing that is inherent to modernizing the
metropolis; they also evoke the neo-liberal celebration of capitalist creative destruction.
[26] Dont stand in the way of progress! Koolhaas continues to defend Bigness even when
the after-architecture it produces is the Generic C ity. As he writes in his second essay
from 1994, "The Generic C ity is all that remains of what used to be the city. [27]
Emphasizing its unhealthy qualities, he says: C ompared to the classical city the Generic
C ity is sedated, usually perceived from a sedentary position ... The serenity of the Generic
C ity is achieved by the evacuation of the public realm ... Its main attraction is its anomie.
[28]
He likens the anonymous interchangeability of buildings in the Generic C ity to mass global
migration, and speculates that they are more welcoming to new immigrants than dignified
medieval city centers with their strict behavioral codes and air of exclusion. [29] Sprawling
Atlanta, Disneyfied European historic centers, the instant cities of Asia: all are examples of
the Generic C ity. And despite his low opinion of these examples, he argues that
modernization, like Bigness, demands and perpetually reproduces the Generic C ity. In the
globalized world, everything is accessible, everything is information, everything is generic.
[30] The ever-expanding metropolis has outgrown the capacity of the urban center to
remain central. But instead of lamenting the loss of identity, Koolhaas provocatively
suggests that this expansion liberates the periphery from second-class status: What if we
are witnessing a global liberation movement: down with character! [31]
Having thus underscored the uselessness of the art of architecture in the market-driven
Generic C ity of Bigness, Koolhaas next targets the planning profession. In What Ever
Happened to Urbanism?, he criticizes the sterile efforts and lost battle of urbanists to
either plan or control the unfolding metropolis. He is especially dismissive of the
postmodernists and New Urbanists.
Pervasive urbanization has modified the urban condition itself beyond
recognition. "The" city no longer exists. As the concept of the city is distorted
and stretched beyond precedent, each insistence on its primordial condition
in terms of images, rules, fabrication irrevocably leads via nostalgia to
irrelevance. [32]
For Koolhaas the key issue is not whether the development patterns of the historic center
or the periphery are good or bad. [33] Similarly, he never really questions the costs or
benefits, the winners or losers, of the forces of modernization and global capitalism. He
accepts these as given; and in the process he discredits all prior architectural and
urbanistic thinking. Mainly he is interested in establishing the relevance of modernization
and its perpetual instability and dynamism; and he proposes that instead of trying to shape
the wave of modernization, the best that architects can do is ride the wave. Instead of
trying to fix the damage left in the wake, he scans the horizon for the next wave. Instead
of empowering communities to envision and administer their future, he calls for a Lite
Urbanism," the design equivalent of deregulation. [34] And much like the Wall Street
campaign for banking deregulation, Koolhaas bathes Lite Urbanism in liberatory and
progressive rhetoric, while ignoring the risks of abuse inherent in restless mobile capital
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Big Books
In 1996, Koolhaas accepted a tenured position at Harvard University; there he set up a
research project focused on the mutations of the contemporary city. The '90s work of the
Harvard Project on the C ity was eventually published in three big books from 2001 and
2002: Great Leap Forward, The Harvard Guide to Shopping, and Mutations. More recent
studies have concentrated on Lagos, Moscow and Beijing. C ollectively, the publications aim
to address the theoretical, critical, and operational impasse in urbanism by introducing a
number of copyrighted terms, which represent the beginning of a conceptual framework to
describe and interpret the contemporary urban condition. [36] More spectacle than
substance like some of their subjects the big books are jam-packed with photographs
from the fieldwork of Koolhaas's thesis students as well as graphic displays of data,
statistics, timelines, and maps; they also include short historical and analytical essays.
C riticism is largely absent. Less polemical than his earlier publications and much more
reliant on graphic evidence, the books corroborate his observations on Bigness, the
Generic C ity, and the seeming invulnerability of global capital to architectural intentions or
critique. One big difference is that Koolhaas is starting to shift focus from the New Europe
to the emerging global markets.
C hinas Pearl River Delta was his inaugural subject: The Great Leap Forward might have
been titled Delirious Shenzhen. Documenting the phenomenal pace of modernization
resulting from C hinas experiments with special economic zones along the Pearl River
Delta, the 800-page book chronicles the surreal delights produced by the new market
economy. The format is immersive but hardly comprehensive. Readers are treated to
descriptions of the 500 twenty-four-hour golf courses, the worlds longest waterfront
promenade, the theme park at the center of the city, and the parking garage that after six
months became inhabited by many different programs. C ontradictions are the sine qua non
of urbanism for Koolhaas, and so Great Leap Forward documents the city of exacerbated
differences, focusing more on money and program than on the sprawling physical pattern.
In his lectures on this work, Koolhaas seems less able to maintain the book's tone of
journalistic neutrality. He clearly relishes the seemingly absurd juxtapositions of activities
and the dizzying kaleidoscope of the C hinese city as unauthorized event. Although critical
of the repetitive and shoddily constructed housing complexes, he finds the dynamism and
unpredictability of real estate development in the socialist market economy a source of
freedom. [37] This is modernization at an unprecedented speed and scale, and Koolhaas
is thrilled by the chaotic ferment created by the sudden infusion of state and foreign
capital. Yet Great Leap Forward is remarkably silent on the conditions of the factory
workers upon which the amazing new market depends.
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This omission is telling, for the economy of contemporary Shenzhen the first Special
Economic Zone, or SEZ, in the People's Republic has been based upon export-oriented
production similar to the maquiladoras of Mexico or the Export Production Zones of
Indonesia, and thus reliant upon a vast supply of cheap and non-unionized labor to produce
everything from bootleg compact disks to electronic components for multinational
corporations. And although workers in Shenzhen have gained more rights in recent years,
and many have improved their living standards, the system remains strict: local laws are
suspended in the SEZ, and governance and justice are administered by the corporations.
Thus it would be a mistake to equate the new participation in free trade with the spread of
personal freedom. Yet while Great Leap Forward celebrates the freedom of developers,
planners and architects, working at a feverish pace to create the new cities, it remains
apparently blind to those who labor in the Asian sweatshops.
If Great Leap Forward focused on globalizing real estate, the second tome in the series, the
Harvard Design School Guide to Shopping, gets down to the nitty-gritty; with evident
enjoyment it takes seriously a subject that the architecture elite has snobbishly dismissed
and in the process disqualif(ied) designers from participating in the twentieth centurys
biggest contribution to urbanism. [38] As the frontispiece announces: shopping is
arguably the last remaining form of public activity and one of the principal if only
modes by which we experience the city. The Guide then documents in exhaustive detail
the ways in which retail has penetrated our lives and places (including airports, museums
and churches); it also documents the explosion of data on consumer transactions, the rise
of branding, the logistics of store expansion, comparative building types, and so on. By and
large, the information is presented factually, with little probing or analysis. The proliferation
of vacant space, for instance, is presented as a crisis for the industry, but there is no
related critique of the phenomena of over-retailing and the impact of dead malls on
communities; nor do the authors explore how the design of these buildings might either
hasten their obsolescence or encourage their reuse. Nor is there any real analysis of the
increasing consumerism of diverse societies, or of the implications the books provocative
thesis: that shopping is our last public space. The Harvard Design School Guide to Shopping
seems to accept the status quo as inevitable, a fait accompli beyond challenge.
So given all the research documented in the big books, we might well ask: Is Koolhaas
interested in transgressing the logics he exposes? On the one hand, he more or less singlehandedly brought to the disciplines attention the burgeoning urban landscapes produced by
the evolving global economy of the late 20th and early 21st century: Atlantas consumerist
sprawlscape, the rapidly urbanizing Pearl River Delta, the informal economies of Lagos, the
invasive nature of shopping space. While most architecture publications, university lecture
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T op: Content exhibition c atalog, by O M A /Koolhaas , des igned by &&& (T as c hen, 2 0 0 4 ). Bottom: Content
exhibited at Kuns thal, Rotterdam. [P hoto by Roel M eurders ]
Koolhaas has also gone much further than most architects in framing his work in terms of a
global, social, political and economic contexts. Content, the catalog to a 2003 exhibition,
parodies his celebrity status by imitating the format of a tabloid magazine filled with
sensational articles. The cover depicts President George W. Bush (wearing a hat made
from McDonalds Freedom Fries), Supreme Leader Kim Jong Il (as part cyborg), and
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O M A /Koolhaas , C C T V H eadquarters (2 0 1 2 ), from a dis tanc e, from the s treet, and in a Simps ons
epis ode. [P hotos by J im G ourley, top, and T homas Stellmac h, middle]
OMAs design for C C TVs 10,000 employees and thousands of daily visitors exemplifies the
complexities and contradictions of the avant-gardist embrace of Bigness and spectacle. In
a district of skyscrapers, C C TV draws attention by rejecting both the tower and the
corporate campus typologies. The main headquarters is twisted into an asymmetrical
upside-down U-shape; the Television C ultural C enter is L-shaped. Both occupy a 20hectare, four-block site in Beijings expanding C entral Business District, which is not-socentrally located on the Third Ring Road. Remnants of the residential hutongs that once
filled the site remain visible, but will soon be replaced by an award-winning, SOM-designed
network of walkable green boulevards, expanded transit ways, and numerous new sites for
commercial high-rises. Plans call for the plinth of the C C TV to connect to the C BDs
forthcoming boulevards, to a route for public tours, and, via escalator, to the subway
station. But as the headquarters and production facilities for C hinas state-run television
(with capacity to broadcast 250 channels), the buildings are also heavily secured. The main
building sits behind guard booths and security fences along the two primary streets.
Bermed gardens for employees designed to resemble Piranesis C ampo Marzio
dellAntica Roma from the public observation deck above further distance the building
from the streets and local environst. Partly a witty allusion to the imperial tendency to
collect foreign architectures, the gardens also read as the sort of landscape buffer typical
of fenced-off suburban office parks. As such they manage to make a walk around the
building feel not only unwelcoming, but surprisingly boring. C C TV's shape-shifting forms
and daunting seventy-five-meter, thirteen-story cantilever make for stunning views from
within and from a distance; they are least engaging from the sidewalk.
This is a surprise, coming from the author of Delirious New York and a scholar of cities.
Years ago Rem Koolhaas taught us to appreciate the richness of the culture of congestion,
the tight interlocking of the public life in the street with the private lives of the skyscraper
interiors. But at C C TV he trades Manhattanism for the internalized programmatic
promiscuity of Bigness and the old city-killing model of the C orbusian towers in the park.
[49] In a self-fulfilling prophecy, he argues against addressing the street because the
political life that it once supported no longer exists. [50] He treats the existing street as
residue and conceives of C C TV not as in the city, but as a city perhaps the greatest
flaw of Bigness. Bigness not only re-establishes architecture as an agent of exclusion, it
negates any possibility of fostering inclusive congruency.
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Editors' Note
"T he I rrational E xuberanc e of Rem Koolhaas " is adapted from a c hapter in A rc hitec ture and C apitalis m:
1 8 4 5 to the P res ent, edited by P eggy D eamer and forthc oming this s ummer from Routledge. I t appears
here with the permis s ion of the author, editor and publis her.
For related c ontent on P lac es , s ee als o Steve J obs : A rc hitec t, by Simon Sadler; Zone: T he Spatial
Softwares of E xtras tatec raft, by Keller E as terling; Sc arc ity c ontra A us terity, by J eremy T ill; and Seattle
C entral L ibrary: C ivic A rc hitec ture in the A ge of M edia, by A my M urphy.
Notes
1 . See T homas Frank and M att Weiland editors , Commodify Your Dis s ent: Salvos from The Baffler (N ew
Y ork: W.W. N orton & C o., 1 9 9 7 ).
2 . Robert Sc hiller, O rigin of the T erm, D efinition of I rrational E xuberanc e, ac c es s ed A ugus t 2 8 , 2 0 1 2 .
3 . A lan G reens pan, T he C hallenge of C entral Banking in a D emoc ratic Soc iety, T he Federal Res erve
Board, ac c es s ed A ugus t 2 8 , 2 0 1 2 .
4 . I bid.
5 . Rem Koolhaas , Bignes s or the problem of L arge, in S,M,L,XL: Office of Metropolitan Architecture, editor
J ennifer Sigler (N ew Y ork: M onac elli P res s , 1 9 9 5 ), 5 1 4 .
6 . For more detail, s ee H enry Franc is M allgrave and D avid G oodman, C hapter 1 0 : P ragmatis m and
P os t- C ritic ality, in An I ntroduction to Architectural Theory: 1968 to the Pres ent (Wes t Sus s ex: WileyBlac kwell, 2 0 1 1 ), 1 7 7 1 9 3 .
7 . I n 1 9 8 5 , s ummarizing his findings on M anhattan in the c ontext of O M A s ambitions , Koolhaas wrote,
T his arc hitec ture relates to the forc es of the G ros zs tadt like a s urfer to the waves , and c ontras ted it to
the fantas ies of c ontrol that arc hitec ts wallowed in during the 1 9 7 0 s . E legy for the V ac ant L ot,
S,M,L,XL, 9 3 7 .
8 . See M artin P awley and Bernard T s c humi, T he Beaux A rts Sinc e 6 8 , Architectural Des ign 4 1
(September, 1 9 7 1 ): 5 3 3 5 6 6 . See als o L ouis M artin, T rans pos itions : on the I ntellec tual O rigins of
T s c humis A rc hitec tural T heory, As s emblage 1 1 (A pril 1 9 9 0 ), 2 3 3 5 .
9 . G eorge Bataille, A rc hitec ture, Documents 2 (M ay, 1 9 2 9 ) trans . Bets y Wing in D enis H ollier,
editor, Agains t Architecture, The Writings of George Bataille (C ambridge: M I T P res s , 1 9 8 9 ), 4 7 .
1 0 . Koolhaas , Field T rip, A (A ) M E M O I R (Firs t and L as t . . . ), in S,M,L,XL, 2 2 6 .
1 1 . I have argued this in more detail in E llen D unham- J ones , T he G eneration of 6 8 T oday: Bernard
T s c humi, Rem Koolhaas and the I ns titutionalization of C ritique, Proceedings of the 86th ACSA Annual
Meeting and Technology Conference: Cons tructing I dentity Souped-up and Unplugged, (Was hington:
A s s oc iation of C ollegiate Sc hools of A rc hitec ture, 1 9 9 8 ), 5 2 7 5 3 3 .
1 2 . See Bernard T s c humi, A bs trac t M ediation and Strategy, Architecture and Dis j unction (C ambridge:
M I T P res s , 1 9 9 4 ), 2 0 5 .
1 3 . Bernard T s c humi, Cinegramme Folie (N ew Y ork: P rinc eton A rc hitec tural P res s , 1 9 8 7 ), vii.
1 4 . Rem Koolhaas , Sixteen Y ears of O M A , in OMA Rem Koolhaas Architecture 19701990, editor
J ac ques L uc an (N ew Y ork: P rinc eton A rc hitec tural P res s , 1 9 9 1 ), 1 6 3 .
1 5 . Koolhaas , Bignes s or the problem of L arge, in S,M,L,XL, 5 1 6 .
1 6 . Koolhaas , I ntroduc tion, in S,M,L,XL, xix.
1 7 . P erhaps the mos t c onc is e definition of this term is : M anhattan repres ents the apotheos is of the
ideal of dens ity per s e, both of population and of infras truc ture; its arc hitec ture promis es a s tate of
c onges tion on all pos s ible levels , and exploits this c onges tion to ins pire and s upport partic ular forms of
s oc ial interc ours e that together form a unique c ulture of c onges tion. Rem Koolhaas , L ife in the
M etropolis or T he C ulture of C onges tion Architectural Des ign 4 7 , 5 (A ugus t 1 9 7 7 ), 3 1 9 3 2 5 .
1 8 . Rem Koolhaas , Delirious New York (N ew Y ork: O xford U nivers ity P res s , 1 9 7 8 ), 7 .
1 9 . See I ntroduc tion, and the opening endpapers doc umenting the firms inc ome and expenditures ,
employee turnover, and travel, S,M,L,XL, i xiii, xix.
2 0 . T homas Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree (N ew Y ork: A nc hor Books , 2 0 0 0 ), 2 3 9 2 6 4 .
2 1 . A rc hitec tural dis c ours e at the time tended to foc us ed on either dis mantlement or dis appearanc e,
terms Koolhaas us ed to des c ribe the dec ons truc tivis t attac k on "the whole," or on the digital/virtual
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COMMENTS (13)
Paju Bookcity:
The Next
C hapter
R. John A nderson
0 4 .0 2 .1 3 at
0 4 :5 4
Danny B.
Saurabh Tewari
OMA buildings are made for magazines and blogs. I feel sorry for
the poor saps who have to use them.
R. Mackintosh
0 4 .0 2 .1 3 at
0 5 :0 3
0 4 .0 2 .1 3 at
0 5 :2 0
0 4 .0 2 .1 3 at
0 5 :3 9
"And much like the Wall Street campaign for banking deregulation,
Koolhaas bathes Lite Urbanism in liberatory and progressive
rhetoric, while ignoring the risks of abuse inherent in restless mobile
capital and short-term interests."
Probably the truest thing I've read about Koolhaas.
It's easy to 'ride the wave' of capitalism, or uncritically accept
consumerism and modernization as inevitable. But like everything
the party will come to an end when we run out of energy, raw
materials, debt, and culture. Then we will just be left with these
dumb looking buildings.
Brian J. McKnight
Mike Lowe
Also interesting is how the concept of "selling out" has changed over
the years from punk rock to today. Led by figures like Koolhaas and
countless other design firms, we have changed to believe that the
design is somehow separated from the content. But young koolhaas
would never have bought the "f--k content/context' premise, or
would he?
Brian J. McKnight
http://places.designobserver.com/feature/rem-koolhaas-irrational-exuberance/37767/
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WideBoy
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What most cities end up getting has been called the "Libeskind
Effect", a condition where a vastly over-budget piece of ugliness and
uselessness fails to attract visitors and diminishes the place's
reputation. 'Libeskindian' disasters occurred in Denver, Toronto and
more recently in Dresden. And while Libeskind's name is now
synonymous with bad design, Koolhaas has somehow escaped that
labeling even though a lot of his work is almost as bad as
Libeskind's. If municipalities talked to each other a bit more they
would not make the mistake of hiring a Koolhaas or a Libesknd for
any major civic projects.
OMA's early work was a timely attempt to absorb all of the issues of
modernity and led to interesting results--the Maison a Bordeaux,
Prada, IIT, and Seattle Library are intellectually rigorous, fun,
inviting and fun. They incorporated imagery and graphic design, but
it seems like the big shift (as noted in the essay) is that at some
point the buildings became graphics themselves as they got bigger
(though the Seattle Library avoided this trap).
The publishing content has done a good job of buffering against any
alternate opinions of OMA's work. Bjarke Ingels has learned the
lesson well.
Ed Nai
George Thrush
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The piece does really make clear why Koolhaas has resonated so
intensely with people of seemingly opposing points of view. Prada
AND social engagement no need to choose!
In short - this all comes down to architecture by MR. BIG for MR.
BIG. You can translate 'f##k context' as 'f##k' democracy.
Mark Simon
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Frank de Souza
Excellent essay.
john massengale
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